test-economy-beplcpdffe-con03a	Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. Only regulation can mitigate harms  It is where the sites operate, not where they are set up that matters for regulation. It is in gambling sites interest to run a trustworthy, responsible business. Whatever they are looking for online, internet users choose trusted brands that have been around for a while. If a gambling site acts badly, for example by changing its odds unfairly, word will soon get around and no one will want to use it. Regulation will mean that sites will have to verify the age of their users and prevent problem gamblers from accessing their site. When there is regulation consumers will go to the sites that are verified by their government and are providing a legal, safe service [13]. regulation mitigation gambling site operation user trust brand reputation age verification problem gambling legal service consumer protection online safety unfair practices responsible business internet regulation regulation mitigate harms site operation location trustworthy responsible business internet users trusted brands gambling site unfair practices age verification problem gamblers consumer safety legal service regulation harms site operation jurisdiction trustworthy responsible business internet users trusted brands age verification problem gamblers consumer protection legal service safe gambling regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business trusted brands age verification problem gamblers legal service safe gambling consumer protection online gambling responsible gambling unfair practices industry reputation regulation mitigation harm site operation jurisdiction gambling business reputation online trust brand longevity fair practices age verification problem gambling consumer protection legal service safe gambling regulation harms mitigation site operation location business responsibility trusted brands user reputation age verification problem gamblers consumer protection legal service safe gambling online trust fair practices regulatory compliance regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business trusted brands user verification age verification problem gamblers legal service safe service consumer protection gambling industry online gambling responsible gambling regulatory framework consumer trust market integrity legislative control fair practices transparency regulation mitigate harms site operation trustworthy business user trust age verification problem gambling consumer safety legal service responsible gambling online brand reputation regulatory compliance gambling industry standards regulation harms location operation licensing trustworthy responsible brand reputation unfair practices age verification problem gambling consumer protection legal safe service regulation mitigation harms site operation jurisdiction trustworthy responsible business internet users trusted brands consumer behavior gambling site unfair practices reputation age verification problem gambling legal service consumer protection
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro01a	Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is too new and little researched to be allowed for public use.  There are two problems associated with scientifically testing the impact of genetically modifying food. The first is that 'Peer review' (the checking of scientific test results by fellow scientists) is often made impossible by the unwillingness of biotechnology companies to give up their results for review. [1]  Furthermore, government agencies are often unwilling to stop GM foodstuffs reaching the shelf because of the clout that the companies have with their government. So in regards to research, there have not yet been unbiased findings showing that GMO crops are safe.  It is true, that in the US, there have been no adverse consequences from over 500 field releases in the United States. U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) evaluated in 1993 data on genetically modified organisms regarding safety claims. The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) believes that the USDA evaluation was too small scale, to actually asses the risks. Also many reports also failed to mention or even measure any environmental risks connected with GM food commercialisation. [2]  Also, there are a number of dangers associated with the food itself, even without scientific evaluations. For example, the addition of nut proteins to soybeans caused those with nut allergies to go into shock upon eating the soybeans. Although this was detected in testing, sooner or later a transferred gene will cause risk to human health because the scientists did not conceive it could be a problem. [3] This will become a greater problem as more modifications are introduced. There are also possible dangers associated with the scientific technique itself by which the DNA is modified, an example is the spread of antibiotic resistance.  [1] Pusztai A., Genetically modified foods: Are they a risk to Human/Animal Health ?, published June 2001,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] Shah A., Is GE food safe ?, Global Issues,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] European Federation of Biotechnology, Allergies from GM food, published September 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified food GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government regulation unbiased research USDA evaluation environmental risks genetic modifications allergens antibiotic resistance scientific testing public health GM crops field releases Union of Concerned Scientists GMO risks human health animal health DNA modification ethics in science food safety biotechnology ethics regulatory science agricultural biotechnology genetic engineering GMO labeling consumer protection ecological impacts biotech industry scientific transparency risk assessment GM food impacts allergy concerns antibiotic resistance genes genetic modification techniques GM food controversies scientific community Genetically modified organisms GMO safety peer review biotechnology regulation government influence unbiased research USDA evaluation environmental risks GM food commercialization allergens antibiotic resistance human health risks scientific testing field releases Union of Concerned Scientists GM food controversy biotechnology companies public safety long-term effects genetic engineering ethics Genetically modified food GMO safety public use research peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS field releases safety claims environmental risks GM food commercialisation nut proteins soybeans allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health animal health Arpad Pusztai Global Issues European Federation of Biotechnology genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings GMO crops safety US field releases USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks nut proteins soybeans nut allergies DNA modification antibiotic resistance human health risks scientific testing GM food commercialisation genetic engineering safety global issues European Federation of Biotechnology allergens GMO safety claims regulatory oversight biotech industry influence public health concerns ecological impacts genetic modification techniques genetically modified food research limitations peer review biotechnology companies government influence unbiased findings GMO safety U.S. Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists field releases environmental risks nut proteins soybeans allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification health risks scientific evaluation commercialization risks Pusztai GE food European Federation of Biotechnology genetically modified food GM food GMO crops public use research scientific testing peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA evaluation Union of Concerned Scientists environmental risks allergens nut proteins soybeans antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health animal health genetic engineering food safety ethical concerns regulatory oversight scientific technique health risks environmental impact genetically modified food GM food GMO crops scientific testing peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings safety U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS environmental risks genetic modifications nut proteins soybeans nut allergies antibiotic resistance human health DNA modification GE food global issues European Federation of Biotechnology allergies GM food commercialisation field releases safety claims scientific evaluations clout risk assessment environmental impact modified organisms public use new technology research scale health risks scientific technique gene transfer genetically modified food GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings field releases U.S. Department of Agriculture USDA Union of Concerned Scientists UCS environmental risks GM food commercialisation nut proteins soybeans nut allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health animal health genetic engineering GE food food safety scientific testing risk assessment genetically modified food GMO safety peer review biotechnology companies government regulation unbiased research environmental risks allergens antibiotic resistance scientific evaluation risk assessment public health genetic modification DNA modification soybeans nut proteins US Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists field releases safety claims global issues European Federation of Biotechnology Genetically modified food peer review biotechnology companies government agencies unbiased findings GMO crops safety U.S. Department of Agriculture Union of Concerned Scientists field releases environmental risks nut proteins soybeans allergies antibiotic resistance DNA modification human health animal health risk assessment scientific evaluations commercialisation genetic engineering biotechnology regulatory oversight public safety health impacts ethical concerns scientific community policy makers consumer awareness environmental impact long-term effects biosafety genetic pollution biopharmaceuticals transgenic crops biodiversity ecological balance sustainable agriculture
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro02a	Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain will have greater ability to respond quickly  Whatever the EU is we can all agree it is not the fastest and most responsive of institutions. As a result of needing the input of 28 countries EU external policy is slow and faltering. Leaving will enable the UK greater freedom to create its own policies and to reframe them in response to changing circumstances and challenges. The UK will no longer need to take into consideration any other country’s views. Britain quick response EU slow institution 28 countries EU policy UK freedom policy creation changing circumstances country views Brexit sovereignty international relations decision-making speed adaptive policies Britain EU quick response institutional agility external policy Brexit policy freedom international challenges diplomatic flexibility multi-country decision-making UK independence responsive governance Britain quick response EU slow policy 28 countries external policy leaving EU UK freedom policy creation changing circumstances reframing policies country views Britain quick response EU slow institution 28 countries external policy UK freedom own policies changing circumstances challenges no consideration other countries Britain EU respond quickly slow faltering external policy 28 countries leaving greater freedom create policies reframe changing circumstances challenges UK consider country views EU policy UK independence rapid response international relations decision-making speed Brexit benefits national sovereignty external affairs policy adaptation multilateral vs unilateral governance efficiency institutional flexibility political autonomy responsive governance UK foreign policy Britain EU quick response institutional slowness policy freedom external policy 28 countries UK independence policy reframing international considerations Britain EU quick response policy flexibility independent decision-making UK sovereignty rapid adaptation external policy international relations Brexit benefits national autonomy streamlined governance Britain EU quick response policy making institutional speed decision-making process external policies sovereignty independence flexibility international relations Brexit freedom input countries views challenges circumstances reframing policies Britain EU quick response policy making sovereignty external policy international relations decision-making process Brexit UK independence diplomatic flexibility global challenges institutional efficiency multilateral agreements national interests
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro01a	Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. Cyber attacks are no different from traditional attacks  The world has developed along with the new digital medium. Lots of crucial business and government services have moved online. While the military modernised in relation to digital developments, a definition of an act of war has not caught up with it yet. It is now being suggested that the digital domain is the new realm of warfare for the 21st century. States have already been using cyber attacks in hostilities and as acts of aggression against each other. For instance, USA and Israel have released a virus Stuxnet that sabotaged parts of Iran's nuclear programme in 2010, followed by retaliatory cyber attacks by Iran on USA [7]. In the 1998 war over Kosovo the USA successfully hacked Serbia's air defence systems, which left Serbia vulnerable to air attacks [8] [9]. Cyber attacks are thus attacks that can be perpetrated by states against other states in an effort to weaken the other state, the same way armed attacks are used. Given these realities large scale cyber attacks should be considered acts of war. cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state aggression Stuxnet Iran USA Israel Kosovo war Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernization digital developments act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran USA Israel retaliatory cyber attacks Kosovo war Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber warfare digital realm 21st century conflicts state-sponsored attacks cyber aggression digital domain modern military tactics online security international conflict cyber espionage digital security cyber defense military modernization cyber terrorism information warfare cyber operations digital espionage strategic cyber attacks cyber-enabled warfare cyber warfare doctrine cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation digital developments act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state cyber attacks acts of aggression Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme retaliatory cyber attacks USA Israel 1998 Kosovo war USA hacking Serbia air defence large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital domain warfare 21st century state aggression Stuxnet Iran USA Israel Serbia Kosovo air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme retaliatory cyber attacks USA Israel Serbia air defence Kosovo war large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme retaliatory cyber attacks Kosovo war USA hacked Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation digital developments act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran nuclear programme USA Israel retaliatory cyber attacks Kosovo war USA hacking Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war cyber warfare digital domain act of war state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet military modernization digital medium online services government services business services Kosovo war Serbia air defense cyber aggression large scale cyber attacks international law cyber security digital warfare 21st century warfare cyber retaliation digital realm online hostilities cyber conflict digital security cyber threat information warfare cyber espionage cyber defense state actors cyber policy cyber norms cyber deterrence cyber strategy cyber operations cyber intelligence cyber sabotage cyber terrorism cyber diplomacy cyber governance cyber attacks traditional attacks digital medium business services government services military modernisation act of war digital domain 21st century warfare state-sponsored cyber attacks Stuxnet Iran USA Israel Kosovo Serbia air defence systems large scale cyber attacks acts of war
test-education-udfakusma-con01a	Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities deserve to profit from their work  Universities are providing a service just like almost any other business. They provide a service in terms of educating students who are enrolled with them and secondly they conduct research on a wide range of subjects. In both of these cases the university deserves to make a profit out of their work.  When acting as an educator universities are in an educational free market, this is the case even when the cost is provided by the state. All universities are aiming to attract as many students as possible and earn as much as possible from fees. If the university is successful it will be able to charge more as it will attract students from further afield.  While Universities may make a profit on research or even teaching this profit is for the benefit of society as a whole as the profits are usually simply reinvested in the University’s education and infrastructure. [1]  [1] Anon. “What does the money get spent on?” The University of Sheffield, 2013. Universities profit education service business students research educational free market state funding fees success attraction reinvestment society infrastructure universities profit education service business students research free market state funding fees reinvestment society infrastructure educational institutions higher education economic benefits academic institutions financial sustainability public benefit Universities profit education service business research subjects students enrolled free market state fees success attraction reinvestment society infrastructure spending University of Sheffield university profits educational service business model student enrollment research funding free market education state-funded costs tuition fees profit reinvestment university infrastructure societal benefit higher education economics universities profit education service business students research free market state funding fees success attraction reinvestment society infrastructure universities profit education service business research free market state funding student attraction fees reinvestment infrastructure societal benefit universities profit education service business student enrollment research educational free market state funding student attraction fees reinvestment societal benefit infrastructure The University of Sheffield university profits educational service research revenue student enrollment academic competition tuition fees educational free market profit reinvestment societal benefit university infrastructure educational research student attraction higher education finance public funding private education academic business model university economics educational value research impact educational investment universities profit education service business research free market state funding student enrollment fees success attracting students reinvestment society infrastructure university profits educational services research funding student enrollment tuition fees academic competition reinvestment societal benefit higher education economic impact public funding educational market institutional financing university infrastructure research reinvestment
test-international-appghblsba-pro04a	South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa will gain influence, stability and a better image on the international stage  Bringing South Africa and Lesotho will benefit SA on the global stage. The move would be one to provide aid to a smaller state and provide stability. The dire conditions for the Basotho people are acknowledged by the UN and the Africa Union. Firstly, SA, by the annexation of Lesotho, will prove good intentions in creating a sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa. This will ultimately create a better image and a greater influence in the region if they choose to respond positively to the People’s Charter Movement in Lesotho [1] , a social structure pleading for annexation. The movement, driven by trade unions, has collected 30,000 signatures in favor of their goal and is rising in popularity. Secondly the annexation will provide a boost for the South African Development Community and South African Customs Union by demonstrating the willingness of South Africa to integrate with poorer neighbours and take on some of the responsibility for them.  [1] Smith, 2010, South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image aid Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbors responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development People’s Charter Movement trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union regional integration poorer neighbors responsibility South Africa Lesotho international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation Sub-Saharan Africa good intentions sustainable development People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union integrate poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability better image global stage aid Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union responsibility poorer neighbours UN Africa Union Basotho people signatures popularity South Africa Lesotho international influence stability global image annexation Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement trade unions signatures South African Development Community South African Customs Union integration poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho international influence stability better image global stage aid smaller state Basotho people UN Africa Union annexation sustainable Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions signatures popularity South African Development Community South African Customs Union integrate poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international image global stage aid Sub-Saharan Africa sustainable development UN Africa Union Basotho people People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union regional integration poorer neighbours responsibility South Africa Lesotho annexation influence stability international stage Basotho people UN Africa Union Sub-Saharan Africa People’s Charter Movement social structure trade unions South African Development Community South African Customs Union poorer neighbours responsibility
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro02a	Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools are the best place to create lasting lifestyle changes.  Schools are playing an increasingly formative role, in the sense that they’re being tasked with not only knowledge transfer, but also the creation of behaviors and placing emphasis on teaching students how to apply their knowledge. [1]  Given this expanded mandate, the schools are not only obliged to therefore offer choices that would go hand in hand with healthier behavior, but also the perfect pressure point for lawmakers to go about introducing healthier lifestyles.  The simple reason is that our kids are increasingly looking not to their parents, but schools and the environments they provide, for advice on how to live their lives. They are also the traditional environments for youth to continuously invent and reinvent themselves and therefore hold immense potential for behavior modification.  [1] Fitzgerald, E., 'Some insights on new role of schools', New York Times, 21 January 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 schools lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification new role of schools educational environment student development health education policy impact school-based interventions adolescent health preventive education curriculum integration parental influence student well-being physical activity nutrition education mental health support social skills environmental influence holistic education youth empowerment community health public policy school health programs teacher training student engagement lifestyle improvement strategies health promotion life skills youth development educational psychology health literacy school health services youth schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmakers introducing healthier lifestyles kids parents environment advice living advice traditional environments youth invent reinvent behavior modification Fitzgerald New York Times 21 January 2011 accessed 9/11/2011 schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification reinvent themselves New York Times Fitzgerald schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmakers introducing healthier lifestyles kids advice school environment behavior modification youth reinvention potential for change New York Times Fitzgerald role of schools educational impact health and education schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification environment provision parental influence decline continuous reinvention schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles parents advice youth behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald role of schools schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles kids parents school environment advice living behavior modification youth reinvention schools lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation healthier behavior lawmakers healthier lifestyles youth advice behavior modification New York Times Fitzgerald schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation teaching application expanded mandate healthier behavior choices lawmaker introduction healthier lifestyles kids advice school environment youth reinvention behavior modification schools lasting lifestyle changes formative role knowledge transfer behavior creation applying knowledge healthier behavior choices lawmakers introducing healthier lifestyles kids parents advice living continuous invention reinvention behavior modification
test-education-tuhwastua-con01a	It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. It is the only single standard that everyone ends up taking  All measures applied during University admissions processes are arbitrary to one extent or another. Grades depend on the whims on individual instructors, curriculum choices, and school quality. Every single one of the flaws the proposition applies to the SATs or other standardized tests may well be true, but the fact is that they are true for everyone who takes them. The SATs are the only part of the application to a university that every single applicant will likely have been taken, and therefore the only one where all applicants can be objectively compared. university admissions standardized tests SATs grades curriculum instructor bias school quality objective comparison application process test flaws universal standard arbitrary measures university admissions standardized testing SAT grading variability instructional bias curriculum impact school quality objectivity in assessment comparative measures educational equity university admissions standardized testing SAT grade variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application measures arbitrary standards university admissions standardized testing SAT fairness educational equality grading variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality impact objective comparison application process flaws test reliability admission criteria academic assessment educational metrics student evaluation university admissions standardized tests SATs grade comparability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality variability objective comparison application fairness test standardization educational equity university admissions standardized testing SAT academic performance grading variability curriculum differences school quality objective comparison test fairness admission criteria applicant evaluation educational standards university admissions standardized testing SAT grade variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application fairness test flaws universal measure arbitrary measures university admissions standardized tests SATs objective comparison grading variability curriculum differences instructor bias school quality application fairness test reliability educational equity admissions criteria comparative analysis standardized testing benefits college application process university admissions standardized tests SATs grading variability curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process educational equity test reliability instructor bias admissions criteria college applications measurement standards academic assessment university admissions standardized testing SAT academic assessment grading variability instructor bias curriculum differences school quality objective comparison application process educational equity test fairness college entrance exams admission criteria student evaluation measurement reliability
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight forms of discrimination oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight discrimination oppression women religious symbols inequality genders Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan counter-productive democracy equality Western countries Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 dress rules men discrimination liberal societies symbols of oppression religious symbols equality divide Muslim Hijab oppression of women compulsory dress Western democracy full Muslim veil ban Belgium France 2010 severe dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies human rights women's rights cultural practices religious freedom societal norms international perspectives legal restrictions public policy gender equality social integration multiculturalism freedom of expression cultural sensitivity religious attire public spaces secularism gender discrimination policy debate women's liberation religious symbolism cultural identity international law human rights violations feminist perspectives religious beliefs symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight discrimination symbols oppression women religious equality divide genders Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy counter-productive Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight forms of discrimination oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy Belgium full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality gender divide Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium ban France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies symbol oppression women religious equality Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western democracy ban full veil Belgium France dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro01a	PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC is clearly the China that matters  The Chinese civil war is over, and it is clear that it is the People’s Republic that has won. The 1992 consensus (though the term was coined later) between Taiwan and the PRC is that there is “one China, Different Interpretations” about who controls that China. [1] If there is only one China then it is clear which of the two China’s that one is. The PRC is 266 times larger than RoC, has 58 times the population, and its economy is 13.7 times bigger (by purchasing power parity). [2] States should be recognising the PRC as the “one China”.  [1] Kan, Shirley A., ‘China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei’, Congressional Research Service, 26 August 2013,  , p.47  [2] All figures from The World Factbook, China and Taiwan pages  , PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Washington Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan Beijing Taipei Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service The World Factbook purchasing power parity international recognition Chinese territories political control economic comparison population size land area PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan Beijing Taipei purchasing power parity Congressional Research Service The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations Taiwan RoC population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Beijing Taipei Washington Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Beijing Taipei Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus Taiwan one China different interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Beijing Taipei Shirley A. Kan Congressional Research Service PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan recognition international relations economy population purchasing power parity Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Taiwanese Beijing Taipei Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan World Factbook PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China Different Interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity states recognition Beijing Taipei Washington Congressional Research Service PRC China Chinese civil war 1992 consensus one China different interpretations RoC Taiwan population economy purchasing power parity international recognition Congressional Research Service Shirley A. Kan The World Factbook
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con03a	Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. Immunity for politicians is an unjust double standard  Every victim deserves to have the perpetrator of their suffering answer for their misdeeds. It is unjust that certain offenders would avoid retribution, and certain victims would be denied their day in court, simply because of a factor external to the commission of the crime. Even if the crime is not external to the criminal’s political role, the foundation of a free and fair justice system is that all individuals are treated alike, regardless of perceived importance. Hence, a wealthy philanthropist will not be spared from prosecution simply because they are a pillar of the community. Politicians should receive no greater reprieve. immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrator suffering misdeeds retribution court crime external commission free fair justice system individuals treated alike importance wealthy philanthropist prosecution pillar community politicians reprieve immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators retribution justice system free fair prosecution political role external factors wealthy philanthropist pillar of community reprieve accountability equality before law legal privileges public office malfeasance impunity immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrator retribution justice system fair treatment prosecution political role community philanthropist reprieve immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system free fair prosecution wealth philanthropist community political role reprieve Immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution court free fair justice system individuals treated alike prosecution wealth philanthropist community reprieve accountability legal equality political role crime commission immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrator retribution crime justice system prosecution wealthy philanthropist political role reprieve accountability equality legal protection judicial fairness political immunity civic responsibility legal accountability impartial justice democratic principles immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators accountability justice system equality prosecution political role crime wealthy philanthropist community reprieve legal fairness civic responsibility democratic principles immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system free fair individuals treated alike prosecution wealthy philanthropist community reprieve accountability equal treatment legal impunity political privilege rule of law public servants democratic principles civic responsibility justice fairness equality legal accountability political immunity impunity victim rights perpetrator responsibility judicial system democratic principles prosecution community status wealth influence legal precedence moral obligation public office ethics constitutional rights citizen equality rule of law governance standards immunity politicians unjust double standard victims perpetrators misdeeds retribution justice system free fair prosecution political role wealthy philanthropist community reprieve legal equality accountability public office judicial fairness rule of law
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro04a	An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, An ICC enforcement arm would make the ICC more credible as an organization  To its critics, the ICC is an organization that can be mocked with Stalin’s dismissal of the influence of the Pope: “how many divisions does he have?”  An ICC capable of arresting its own fugitives would become a more credible organization, not only due to the show of competence through the arrests – it would lead to more trials, and more convictions, that would help contribute to the acceptance of the ICC as a serious court that is effective at bringing international criminals to justice. A legal institution needs to be effective to remain credible. [1] This would make countries much more likely to cooperate because the ICC would be doing more to help them by providing some of the necessary resources.  Henry Kissinger apparently said “Who do I call if I want to speak to Europe?” (he is not sure he said it) because there is no single European leader, and if the US wants political or military cooperation it calls the UK or France. In much the same way if countries need help apprehending and convicting someone they are much more likely to call in the ICC if it can actually help them catch the wanted person. [2]  [1] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.293  [2] Sobczyk, Marcin, ‘Kissinger Still Lacks a Number to Call Europe’, The Wall Street Journal, 27 June 2012, ICC enforcement arm credibility organization Stalin Pope arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe apprehending convicting international criminals justice political cooperation military cooperation UK France international peace security policing international police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law Wall Street Journal ICC enforcement arm credibility organization Stalin Pope divisions fugitives arrests trials convictions international criminals justice legal institution effectiveness countries cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting wanted person ICC enforcement arm credibility arrests trials convictions international criminals legal institution effectiveness cooperation resources European leader political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting wanted person ICC enforcement arm credibility Stalin Pope divisions arresting fugitives trials convictions legal institution effectiveness country cooperation necessary resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending criminals international justice ICC enforcement arm credibility arrests trials convictions legal institution effectiveness international criminals country cooperation resources apprehending conviction Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation international peace security policing international police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law Wall Street Journal ICC enforcement arm credible organization Stalin Pope divisions arresting fugitives trials convictions international criminals justice legal institution effectiveness credibility countries cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe single leader political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting international criminal court policing international peace security international police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law Wall Street Journal ICC enforcement arm credibility international court Stalin Pope arrests fugitives trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation UK France apprehending convicting international criminals helping countries policing international peace international police forces Chicago-Kent College of Law The Wall Street Journal Marcin Sobczyk ICC enforcement arm credibility organization critics Stalin Pope arrests fugitives trials convictions legal institution effectiveness cooperation countries resources Henry Kissinger Europe apprehending convicting criminals international justice ICC enforcement arm credibility Stalin Pope arrests trials convictions international criminals legal institution effectiveness cooperation countries resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting wanted person ICC enforcement arm credibility Stalin Pope arrests trials convictions international criminals legal institution effectiveness countries cooperation resources Henry Kissinger Europe political cooperation military cooperation apprehending convicting wanted person
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro01a	Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 Cluster Bombs Cause Unacceptable Harm to Civilians  In a modern warfare scenario, the vast majority of combat takes place in civilian areas, such as cities. Whilst cluster bombs are obviously not used for peacekeeping purposes they are used in initial assaults on these areas, particularly against larger formations of enemy troops. This means that due to the indiscriminate nature of cluster bombs, in the same way as with land mines, often both military and civilian targets are encompassed in the blast radius. This is what happened in Zagreb as Martic was targeting Croat forces but the attack due to the use of cluster weapons also killed civilians.  Further, cluster bombs often have a few bomblets which are duds and do not go on initial impact. The issue with bomblets is that they are often brightly coloured and when used in cities or populous areas they can often attract the attention of children who are very unlikely to know to be careful around them. This can result in significant harm to civilian populations well after the attack has been carried out.  Further, due to the sheer volume of duds that cluster bombs put out, attempts to demine cluster bomb bomblets is an incredibly dangerous process that in of itself costs lives.1,2,3 cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children post-attack harm demining dangerous process civilian areas initial assaults enemy formations peacekeeping blast radius significant harm demining efforts life costs cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds child safety post-conflict dangers demining unexploded ordnance military-civilian overlap combat zones bomb disposal war casualties humanitarian impact cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children post-attack harm demining dangerous process life cost cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly colored children post-attack danger demining life cost military ethics humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance peacekeeping operations cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children significant harm demining dangerous process post-attack casualties military formations combat scenarios peacekeeping purposes cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat peacekeeping initial assaults enemy formations indiscriminate nature land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblet duds brightly coloured children attraction post-attack harm demining process dangerous demining civilian populations cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds children post-attack harm demining dangerous process casualties combat areas initial assaults enemy formations brightly coloured attraction significant harm populace demining efforts life cost cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons land mines Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children safety post-attack harm demining dangerous process casualties military tactics humanitarian issues defense technology cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare combat in cities peacekeeping initial assaults enemy formations indiscriminate nature land mines blast radius Zagreb Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children post-attack harm demining dangerous process life costs cluster bombs civilian harm modern warfare urban combat indiscriminate weapons Zagreb attack Martic Croat forces bomblets duds brightly coloured children post-attack harm demining dangerous process life costs
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con02a	Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. Internet access is a commodity not a human right.  If a human right is inherent and inalienable then if something is to be a human right it has to be freely available for all rather than being much more available to those who are rich. The internet however is a commodity. We are charged for access to it and can be cut off for not paying our bills. We are charged more to be able to download more, in effect to have greater access to this human right. There has never been any suggestion that the equally great media advances of TV and telephones are technologies worthy of being considered a human right. As with the internet these increased the ability to express opinions to a wide audience, they helped democratise news and making it much more international. They meant that human rights violations could be much more easily told to the world in much the same way the internet does. commodity human right internet access freely available inalienable inherent charged payment download television telephone media advances democratise news international human rights violations audience opinion expression Internet access human right commodity inalienable freely available economic disparity television telephony media technologies democratize news international human rights violations digital divide communication rights technological advancements societal impact access barriers global communication information传播 internet access commodity human right inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download TV telephones media advances express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet democracy Internet access commodity human right inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download TV telephones media advances express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world Internet access commodity human right inherent inalienable freely available rich charged cut off download TV telephones media advances express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet access human right commodity inherent inalienable freely available charged payment download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world awareness commodity human right internet access inalienable freely available charged cut off download media advances TV telephones express opinions democratise news international human rights violations world internet democratization free speech technological equality internet access human right commodity inalienable freely available charged download TV telephones media advances democratise news international human rights violations express opinions digital divide access inequality economic barrier universal service technological evolution communication rights internet access human right commodity inalienable freely available charged access inequality TV telephones media technology democratise news international human rights violations digital divide affordable access public service universal access technological advancement societal impact communication rights Internet commodity human right inalienable freely available charged access download television telephone media technology expression democratize news international violations world
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro01a	All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. All countries have a right to defend themselves with nuclear weapons, even when they lack the capacity in conventional weapons  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations. States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of nuclear deterrence. Often states lack the capacity to defend themselves with conventional weapons. This is particularly true of poor and small states. Even wealthy, small states are susceptible to foreign attack, since their wealth cannot make up for their lack of manpower. With a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another. [1] If a large state attempts to intimidate, or even invade a smaller neighbour, it will be unable to effectively cow it, since the small state will have the power to grievously wound, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles. [2] For example, the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 would likely never have occurred, as Russia would have thought twice when considering the potential loss of several of its cities it would need to exchange for a small piece of Georgian territory. Clearly, nuclear weapons serve in many ways to equalize states irrespective of size, allowing them to more effectively defend themselves. Furthermore, countries will only use nuclear weapons in the vent of existential threat. This is why, for example, North Korea has not used nuclear weapons; for it, like all other states, survival is the order of the day, and using nuclear weapons aggressively would spell its certain destruction. Countries will behave rationally with regard to the use of nuclear weapons, as they have done since their invention and initial proliferation. Weapons in the hands of more people will thus not result in the greater risk of their use.  [1] Jervis, Robert. 2001. “Weapons Without Purpose? Nuclear Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era”. Foreign Affairs.  [2] Mearsheimer, John. 1993. “The Case for a Ukrainian Nuclear Deterrent”. Foreign Affairs. nuclear weapons self-defense state sovereignty international treaties nuclear deterrence conventional weapons poor states small states foreign attack manpower nuclear equality large states small states existential threat rational behavior nuclear proliferation international security Ukraine Russia Georgia nuclear weapons state defense international system conventional weapons poor states small states nuclear deterrence state equality foreign attack nuclear missiles Russian invasion Georgian territory existential threat nuclear strategy post-Cold War Ukraine nuclear deterrent rational behavior weapon proliferation international treaties state rights security studies political science military strategy defense policy international relations strategic stability nuclear security global politics arms control non-proliferation peace studies security studies deterrence theory nuclear ethics military ethics geopolitical conflicts regional security international law state sovereignty national nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security conventional weapons equalizing power small states wealthy states foreign invasion Russian invasion of Georgia nuclear proliferation rational state behavior North Korea post-Cold War nuclear strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent international treaties state defense existential threats nuclear weapons use international equality manpower constraints nuclear deterrence right to self-defense state sovereignty international system conventional weapons poor states small states nuclear equality Russian invasion of Georgia rational use of nuclear weapons post-Cold War nuclear strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security conventional weapons small states poor states nuclear equality defensive capability nuclear proliferation rational state behavior existential threats post-Cold War nuclear strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian invasion of Georgia North Korea nuclear policy nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security conventional weapons equalization of states existential threat rational use of nuclear weapons nuclear proliferation defensive capability small state defense wealth and military power international treaties rights of nation-states nuclear weapons and state equality prevent foreign aggression rational state behavior nuclear strategy post-Cold War Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian invasion of Georgia nuclear weapons self-defense international system state sovereignty nuclear deterrence conventional weapons poor states small states wealth manpower foreign attack nuclear equality large states small states Russian invasion Georgia North Korea existential threat rational behavior nuclear proliferation Jervis Mearsheimer Ukrainian nuclear deterrent nuclear deterrence state sovereignty equalization of states conventional weapons deficiency international security defensive rights nuclear weapons rationale small states defense wealth vs. manpower rational state behavior nuclear non-proliferation international treaties geopolitical stability nuclear equality existential threats strategic defense post-cold war strategy Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian invasion of Georgia North Korea nuclear policy nuclear deterrence state sovereignty equalizing power small states defense conventional weapons limitations international security rational state behavior nuclear proliferation existential threats strategic stability weapons of mass destruction international relations theory defense equality nuclear strategy post-cold war dynamics Ukrainian nuclear deterrent Russian-Georgian conflict strategic deterrence state equality international treaties defense capabilities wealth and military power foreign invasion nuclear missiles state survival rational use of nuclear weapons international system fundamental building blocks state rights self-defense international organizations recognized state rights conventional vs nuclear power projection nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international security small states defense nuclear proliferation nuclear equality conventional weapons deficiency survival strategy rational use of nuclear weapons Ukraine nuclear deterrent Russian-Georgian conflict post-Cold War nuclear strategy
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear proliferation arms control transparency strategic nuclear relationship Afghanisan terrorism Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Joe Biden NATO-Russia Council Jewish issue Republican support global security New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability rolling back nuclear programs loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements Joe Biden reset relations strong sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship Republican support Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification treaty Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia European security NATO-Russia Council non-proliferation international leadership arms control missile system sanctions Global security Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Israel Middle East Senate reservations rogue states North Korea nuclear terrorism strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability Russian cooperation international security nuclear material security loose nukes Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Joseph Biden Wall Street Journal Washington Post New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Israel Middle East Senate treaty protocol rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency strategic nuclear relationship Russian cooperation rolling back nuclear programs loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control Joe Biden reset relations Russian sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Iranian nuclear weapons US national security rogue nuclear states North Korea nuclear material terrorists arms control treaty transparency strategic nuclear relationship securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US Vice President Joe Biden reset relations with Russia sanctions against Iran anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security US global security ratifying New START Republican support Joseph Biden Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagle New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification American international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Israel Middle East Senate reservations rogue states North Korea terrorism nuclear force transparency strategic nuclear relationship rolling back nuclear programs securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control agreements US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russian sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences supporting New START New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability secure loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism national interest US Vice President Joe Biden reset relations Russia UN sanctions anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Washington Post Wall Street Journal New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League ADL Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification treaty Iranian nuclear threat national security Israel Middle East Senate arms control transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism Joe Biden reset relations Russia sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagle New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability security Afghanistan international terrorism loose nukes arms control US national interest Joe Biden reset relations NATO-Russia Council European security Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress studies social networks studying grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising avoidance Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising debate research Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades scholarship community college passing failing social networks socialising future prospects studies research Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades lower performance scholarship university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising balance impact on kids American Psychological Association social networking effects Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing future prospects socialising debate Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association social networking kids Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising avoidance Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising avoidance Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose social networking kids American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distractions news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades scholarship university community college passing failing future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distracting educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association
test-law-umtlilhotac-con01a	ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC does not have same problems as other legal systems  The ICC as a court does not have many of the things that a domestic criminal trial would have in terms of disadvantages of televising. Like all other international tribunals, there is no jury, only a panel of professional judges. Judges are going to be less intimidated by there being television broadcasts even if broadcasts of trials typically aim to obscure the identity of the jury. Similarly, there is a competent system of witness protection, and other safeguards. ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages televising trials jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges intimidated television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC international criminal court domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising no jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges intimidated television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising professional judges jury international tribunals television broadcasts witness protection safeguards trial transparency judicial integrity public scrutiny legal processes court procedures media impact on trials professional judiciary international law criminal justice system ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising jury professional judges intimidation television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages televising jury professional judges witness protection safeguards international tribunals trial broadcasts identity obscuring intimidation competent system judicial process courtroom procedures media influence public trials judicial independence legal protections trial transparency criminal justice system international law judicial practices legal comparisons trial coverage judicial security courtroom technology legal procedures judicial environment legal advantages international justice legal disparities telecast trials judicial experience legal frameworks courtroom behavior legal ethics international trials judicial fairness legal challenges ICC legal systems domestic criminal trial disadvantages televising international tribunals jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards ICC international criminal court legal systems domestic criminal trials disadvantages of televising jury professional judges television broadcasts witness protection safeguards international tribunals court procedures media influence judicial integrity public trials legal reforms transparency in justice judicial independence courtroom security legal comparisons
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con03a	Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Public Decency  Freedom of Speech is something that is highly valued, particularly in a country such as South Africa, where it was in short supply for a large part of its history, but surely for such speech to be worthwhile, it has to be able to convey a message that actually enriches the public domain. Such messages can be critical of government, but it must be best if they do not cause widespread offence in the process.  The problem with ‘The Spear’ is that is causes widespread offence with the graphic depiction of the male genitalia. As a result, the underlying message that Brett Murray is trying to convey is lost in the offence image of the exposed penis, causing needless controversy in the process. [1]  The utilisation of an exposed penis in ‘The Spear’ breaches all notions of public decency, not only causing offence in the public domain, but also personal offence, by depicting President Zuma in such a lewd manner. As such, it is right to ask for the removal of the artwork from public display to prevent further offence from being caused.  [1] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, public decency freedom of speech South Africa historical context enriching public domain criticism of government avoiding widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia underlying message controversy public display personal offence President Zuma lewd depiction removal of artwork Robins P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depictions Male Genitalia Public Domain Enrichment Controversy Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Public Display Robins P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Public Domain Enrichment Message Conveyance Artwork Controversy Public Display Personal Offence Jacob Zuma Lewd Manner Art Removal Amandla Robins. P Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Needless Controversy Public Domain Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Amandla Robins. P Spear Controversy Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Enriching Public Domain Personal Offence Jacob Zuma Lewd Depiction Artwork Removal Public Display Controversy Amandla Robins P Constitutional Rights Artistic Expression Social Commentary Censorship Public Sensibilities Ethical Art Political Art Cultural Sensitivity Offensive Imagery Legal Implications Political Figures Art Controversies Media Reaction Public Outrage Artistic Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Underlying Message Controversy Notions of Public Decency Personal Offence President Zuma Lewd Manner Artwork Removal Public Display Robins. P The Spear that Divided the Nation Amandla 2012 public decency freedom of speech South Africa government criticism widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia underlying message controversy utilisation exposed penis public domain personal offence President Zuma lewd manner artwork removal Robins P Amandla 2012 Public decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Historical context Enriching public domain Critical government messages Widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic depiction Male genitalia Underlying message Controversy Exposure of penis Breach of public decency Personal offence President Zuma Lewd depiction Removal of artwork Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public decency freedom of speech South Africa government criticism widespread offence The Spear Brett Murray graphic depiction male genitalia public domain personal offence President Zuma lewd depiction artwork removal public display Robins. P Amandla 2012 Public Decency Freedom of Speech South Africa Government Criticism Widespread Offence The Spear Brett Murray Graphic Depiction Male Genitalia Enriching Public Domain Personal Offence Jacob Zuma Artwork Removal Public Display Lewd Manner Needless Controversy Utilisation Public Decency Breach Amandla Robins P The Spear That Divided the Nation
test-international-iighbopcc-pro01a	The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, The hard part is the cutting of emissions  The problem with a non-binding agreement, even one where the targets have been submitted by the governments themselves is exactly that it is non-binding. If governments are not bound to cut emissions then there is a good chance that many of them wont. [1] The British government, which has binding targets, has been on course to miss its 2025 targets with reductions of only 23% against targets of 31% due to a decision to reduce subsidies for housing insulation. [2] If countries which have set targets for themselves in the past are missing them what hope do we have for these voluntary targets?  [1] Taylor, Lenore, ‘Paris climate talks: the real test is whether countries will keep their word’, The Guardian, 30 November 2015,   [2] Harvey, Fiona, ‘UK on track to miss carbon targets, climate change advisers warn’, The Guardian, 15 July 2014, emissions reduction non-binding agreement government targets environmental policy climate change carbon targets international agreements Paris climate talks government compliance voluntary targets climate action carbon reduction policy effectiveness environmental governance sustainability renewable energy climate targets environmental commitments climate negotiations emission control climate talks emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets carbon targets climate change policy international agreements environmental policy Paris agreement British climate targets emission reduction strategies government accountability climate action voluntary commitments climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets carbon targets climate policy international agreements Paris climate talks climate commitments environmental policy binding agreements emission reductions climate targets UK carbon targets climate change advisers carbon emissions government action climate goals voluntary targets environmental subsidies housing insulation climate accountability cutting emissions non-binding agreement government targets binding targets climate targets Paris climate talks UK carbon targets climate change advisers emissions reductions voluntary targets government commitments environmental policy international agreements climate action carbon reduction subsidy reduction housing insulation climate goals missing targets governmental responsibility emissions reduction non-binding agreement government targets climate change policies voluntary commitments binding targets carbon targets climate talks missed targets policy effectiveness environmental policy international agreements climate action government accountability Paris Agreement carbon emissions climate targets environmental subsidies housing insulation subsidies climate advisors UK climate policy carbon reduction strategies international climate policy global emissions environmental governance climate legislation climate commitments policy implementation climate goals environmental regulation international environmental agreements climate negotiations environmental accountability climate responsibility carbon footprint reduction environmental sustainability climate science climate action failure climate policy analysis cutting emissions non-binding agreement government targets emission reductions binding targets climate change Paris climate talks carbon targets UK climate policy 补贴削减 住房保温 气候顾问警告 目标差距 自愿目标实施难度 政府承诺可信度 emissions reduction non-binding agreement government targets binding targets climate change Paris climate talks carbon targets UK climate policy housing insulation subsidies climate change advisers voluntary targets environmental policy international agreements global warming mitigation emissions reduction non-binding agreement government targets climate change Paris climate talks UK carbon targets climate policy international agreements environmental policy binding targets climate targets government commitments climate action carbon emissions environmental commitments policy effectiveness climate negotiations voluntary targets emission cuts climate strategies emissions cutting non-binding agreement targets governments binding British 2025 reductions subsidies housing insulation Paris climate talks voluntary carbon climate change advisers warn miss track voluntary targets hope future environmental policy international cooperation commitments enforcement accountability global warming reduction strategies sustainability energy efficiency renewable resources pollution control environmental impact assessment mitigation measures regulatory frameworks sustainable development ecological footprint carbon neutral strategies global agreements climate change emissions reduction non-binding agreements government targets Paris climate talks carbon targets climate policy environmental commitments international agreements voluntary targets binding commitments policy enforcement climate advisory governmental responsibility environmental subsidies insulation subsidies carbon reduction climate obligations policy effectiveness environmental governance
test-science-eassgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good animal characteristics human-animal comparison moral philosophy ethics utilitarianism animal welfare human exceptionalism animal ethics human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication skills self-awareness death awareness animal characteristics human-animal comparison moral trade-offs greater good harming animals benefitting humans Animals human rights moral consideration brain size social structures communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human superiority moral philosophy ethics animal welfare rights ethics utilitarianism speciesism moral status cognitive abilities animal rights human-animal relation moral value sentience animal rights human rights moral consideration brain size social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs moral philosophy animal ethics human-animal relationship moral status ethical treatment of animals bioethics utilitarianism rights theory moral agents moral patients Animal rights human rights moral consideration brain size social behavior communication self-awareness mortality awareness ethical trade-offs greater good animal characteristics human characteristics moral philosophy ethics animal welfare human superiority cognitive abilities moral status speciesism harm principle animal ethics moral consideration human rights animal characteristics human brain size social behavior animal communication awareness of death ethical trade-offs moral philosophy speciesism rights of animals human-animal comparison moral worth greater good ethics animals human rights moral consideration self-awareness death awareness social groups communication brain size ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human superiority moral philosophy animal ethics rights ethics animal rights human morality ethical considerations cognitive abilities social structures communication skills self-awareness mortality understanding moral worth ethical trade-offs human-animal comparison moral status speciesism rights philosophy ethical justification harm-benefit analysis greater good ethics moral duty animal welfare human exceptionalism animal rights human cognitive abilities social behavior moral status self-awareness animal cognition ethical considerations utilitarianism moral trade-offs human-animal interaction legal rights ethical treatment of animals philosophical ethics moral philosophy human superiority animal welfare consciousness moral consideration speciesism ethical dilemmas animals human rights moral consideration brain size social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human benefits morality rights justification
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro02a	Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 Other religions have the right to wear prescribed clothing enshrined in British law, it is hypocritical not to offer Christianity the same protection.  Legislation should be consistent; otherwise it is, by definition, discriminatory. [i] If some faiths are allowed to show outward demonstrations of their faith in the workplace, then that should apply across the board.  Christianity is an established part of the state, as shown by the monarch being head of the Church of England. So it is perverse for two national brands to accept attire that demonstrates an employee’s profession of other faiths but to reject one that is universally recognised as a symbol of Christianity.  The very fact that both women were willing to risk, and lose, their jobs over the issue shows that they considered wearing the cross to be an important part of their faith. That should be enough to demonstrate that it is a matter of conscience. It is demonstrably true that allowing other religious symbols to be worn does not create immense difficulties, both the NHS and Heathrow airport allow sikh’s to wear a kirpan (small dagger). [ii] Their right to do so is respected because it is important to the individual concerned. The same is clearly true here.  Either legislation should respect that commitment in all faiths or it should not do so in any.  [i] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000,   [ii] The Kirpan, A submission to the Department of Communities and Local Government (UK), British Sikh Consultative Forum, April 2009, P12 religion clothing British law Christianity protection discrimination workplace faith national brands attire profession monarch Church of England conscience NHS Heathrow airport Sikh kirpan dagger commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum Department of Communities and Local Government religious freedom religious symbols workplace attire Christianity cross wearing employment discrimination British law religious rights faith expression sikh kirpan conscientious belief equality religious protection church of england monarch national brands employee rights legal consistency workplace diversity religious tolerance faith demonstration job termination personal conscience religious symbols policy legal precedent american heritage dictionary british sikh consultative forum department of communities and local government religions prescribed clothing British law Christianity protection legislation consistency discrimination faith workplace national brands attire employees profession faiths important conscience NHS Heathrow airport sikh kirpan dagger right commitment all faiths none religious freedom workplace attire equality discrimination Christian symbols cross wearing employment rights faith expression legal consistency conscientious objection kirpan sikh rights monarchy Church of England national symbols job termination personal belief religious symbols public sector workplace policy legislative fairness religious neutrality human rights cultural respect religious freedom equality workplace attire Christianity symbols of faith legal consistency discrimination state religion cross individual conscience employee rights cultural sensitivity kirpan sikh religious symbols national brands legislative protection faith expression workplace diversity religious accommodation Christianity religious freedom British law workplace attire faith symbols discrimination Church of England religious symbols cross kirpan Sikh conscience American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum legislation equality religious rights national brands NHS Heathrow airport religious commitment religious freedom equality workplace diversity faith symbols legal protection Christianity cross hypocrisy discrimination monarch Church of England conscience kirpan Sikh NHS Heathrow American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum religious freedom workplace attire prescribed clothing British law Christianity equal protection discrimination faith demonstration cross Church of England monarch national brands employment rights conscience Sikh kirpan NHS Heathrow airport religious symbols commitment faith equality religion clothing British law Christianity protection legislation discrimination faith workplace national brands attire profession symbol cross jobs conscience NHS Heathrow sikh kirpan commitment American Heritage Dictionary British Sikh Consultative Forum Department of Communities and Local Government religious freedom equal treatment workplace attire cultural rights legal consistency faith symbols cross wearing christian rights religious symbols kirpan sikh rights employment discrimination conscience protection monarch role church of england legislative fairness workplace diversity religious tolerance british law constitutional monarchy faith representation professional identity personal belief legal protection religious expression workplace policies human rights faith-based accommodations religious garments symbolic clothing workplace equality religious practices faith-based symbols religious identity employment rights legal equity national brands religious attire religious commitment outward faith demonstrations religious garments
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection child recruitment armed conflict international law humanitarian law child protection militia groups combat zones strategic objectives warfare tactics young combatants legal frameworks prosecution conflict regions militarisation of children child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection child protection militarisation of children community targeting war strategies African conflicts central Asian conflicts child soldier recruitment international law human rights violations armed conflict tactical use of children displaced children surprise attacks massacres child soldiers war crimes international criminal court ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection war strategy militarisation of children community impact African conflicts central Asian conflicts protection of minors humanitarian law armed conflict defense policies ethical warfare strategic objectives peacekeeping child recruitment child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targets militarisation of children community targeting African warfare central Asian conflicts child protection military tactics international law humanitarian concerns strategic objectives armed conflict displacement surprise attacks defence strategies conviction rates child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection militarisation of children strategic objectives war zones Africa central Asia displaced persons surprise attacks massacres protection of children armed conflict community Security legal enforcement humanitarian law child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting militarisation of children community safety strategic objectives resistance displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia protection massacres enforcement European ideals normalisation of tactics loftiness flexibility child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targets military tactics European ideals developing world war zones defense motion convictions militarisation resistance strategic objectives communities armed conflict survival strategy automatic targets massacres displacement surprise attacks Africa central Asia child soldiers ban enforcement ICC role civilian targeting war crimes conflict zones militarisation of children community targeting strategic objectives resistance perception automatic targets protection vs targeting warfare characteristics developing world conflicts child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection militarisation of children war strategy Africa central Asia displacement surprise attacks community vulnerability human rights violations armed conflict ethical warfare international law child protection strategic objectives resistance capabilities child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection militarisation of children war strategies African conflicts central Asian conflicts child protection international law strategy in warfare community targeting armed conflict legal enforcement war tactics humanitarian law child soldier ban military strategy
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con03a	It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 It hits the most vulnerable part of society hardest  The practical consequence of an additional tax on what the government considers fatty unhealthy food will disproportionately affect the poorest part of the population, who often turn to such food due to economic constraints.  These were the concerns that stopped the Romanian government from introducing a fat tax in 2010. Experts there argued, that the countries people keep turning to junk food simply because they are poor and cannot afford the more expensive fresh produce. What such a fat tax would do is eliminate a very important source of calories from the society’s economic reach and replace the current diet with an even more nutritionally unbalanced one. Even the WHO described such policies as “regressive from an equity perspective.” [1]  Clearly, the government should be focusing its efforts on making healthy fresh produce more accessible and not on making food in general, regardless if it’s considered healthy or not, less accessible for the most vulnerable in our society.  [1] Stracansky, P., 'Fat Tax' May Hurt Poor, published 8/8/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax vulnerable society economic constraints unhealthy food poverty nutritionally unbalanced diet regression equity healthy produce accessibility government policy Romania WHO social equity fiscal measures public health low-income population food affordability nutritional value economic impact health inequality fat tax economic constraints poorest population unhealthy food nutritional imbalance equity perspective WHO fresh produce dietary policies regressive taxation health accessibility Stracansky poverty and nutrition government intervention food affordability caloric intake social vulnerability public health measures fiscal policies socioeconomic impact fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poverty nutritional imbalance equity fresh produce accessibility regressive policies government intervention health disparities fat tax economic constraints poor population unhealthy food nutritional imbalance regressive policies equity perspective fresh produce accessibility vulnerable society government intervention health policy poverty and nutrition fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poverty junk food nutritionally unbalanced regressive policy equity perspective healthy produce accessibility social impact Romania government policy public health Stracansky fat tax unhealthy food poor population economic constraints junk food nutritionally unbalanced regressive policy equity perspective fresh produce accessible healthy food vulnerable society government policy fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poverty nutritional imbalance equity fresh produce health accessibility regressive policy WHO Romania 2010 social impact dietary habits affordability calorie sources public health food policy economic disparities fat tax vulnerable population economic constraints unhealthy food poor people fresh produce nutritionally unbalanced regressive policy equity perspective healthy diet accessibility government intervention Stracansky Romania 2010 WHO calories junk food dietary choices social inequality vulnerable society additional tax unhealthy food poorest population economic constraints Romanian government fat tax junk food fresh produce nutritionally unbalanced WHO regressive equity healthy produce accessible fat tax vulnerable society economic constraints junk food poverty healthy produce nutritional imbalance regressive policy equity government intervention food accessibility health policy Romania Stracansky
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro02a	Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified food is a danger to eco-systems.  GM foods also present a danger to the environment. The use of these crops is causing fewer strains to be planted. In a traditional ecosystem based on 100 varieties of rice, a disease wiping out one strain is not too much of a problem. However, if just two strains are planted (as now occurs) and one is wiped out the result is catastrophic. In addition, removing certain varieties of crops causes organisms, which feed on these crops, to be wiped out as well, such as the butterfly population decimated by a recent Monsanto field trial. [1] This supports the concerns that GM plants or transgenes can escape into the environment and that the impacts of broad-spectrum herbicides used with the herbicide tolerant GM crops on the countryside ecosystems have consequences. One of the impacts was that the Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin was produced by Bt crops (GMOs) on no-target species (butterflies), which lead to them dying. [2]  Another concern is also that pollen produced from GM crops can be blown into neighboring fields where it fertilizes unmodified crops. This process (cross-pollination) pollutes the natural gene pool. [3] This in turn makes labeling impossible which reduces consumer choice. This can be prevented with the terminator gene. However, use of this is immoral for reasons outlined below. Furthermore, not all companies have access to the terminator technology.  [1] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [2] WWF Switzerland, Genetically modified Organisms (GMOs): A danger to sustainable development of agriculture, published May 2005, www.panda.org/downloads/trash/gmosadangertosustainableagriculture.pdf , p.4 , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Whitman D., Genetically Modified Foods: Harmful or Helpful, published April 2000,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms GMOs environmental impact ecosystem disruption biodiversity loss crop varieties disease resistance butterfly population Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt toxin cross-pollination terminator gene pollen drift labeling issues consumer choice herbicide tolerant crops broad-spectrum herbicides sustainable agriculture ecological balance unmodified crops gene pollution terminator technology genetic engineering ethical concerns Monsanto WWF Switzerland genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact crop diversity reduction disease vulnerability butterfly population decline transgene escape herbicide impact Bt crops Bacillus Thuringiensis non-target species cross-pollination gene pool contamination consumer choice reduction terminator gene terminator technology ethical concerns GM pollen spread unmodified crop fertilization labeling issues sustainable agriculture GMO risks WWF Switzerland Whitman D. genetically modified organisms eco-systems environmental impact crop diversity rice varieties disease resistance butterfly population Monsanto transgenes herbicides Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops non-target species cross-pollination gene pool labeling consumer choice terminator gene technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact reduced crop diversity traditional farming disease resistance catastrophic failure crop strains rice varieties butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes herbicide tolerant crops Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops non-target species pollen drift cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene gene flow biotechnology sustainable agriculture ecological balance GMO technology ethical concerns Genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem crop strains disease resistance biodiversity rice varieties crop planting butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes herbicide tolerant crops countryside ecosystems Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops non-target species pollen drift cross-pollination gene pool labeling consumer choice terminator gene biotechnology sustainable agriculture GMO risks ethical concerns terminator technology company access Whitman WWF Switzerland genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact crop biodiversity rice variety disease resistance catastrophic loss butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes escape herbicide tolerant crops countryside ecosystem Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin non-target species pollen drift cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GMO risks Whitman D. Genetically modified food GM foods environmental danger ecosystem impact crop diversity reduction disease susceptibility traditional ecosystem rice varieties butterfly population decline Monsanto field trial transgene escape herbicide tolerant GM crops Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin non-target species cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene terminator technology sustainable agriculture GMO ethics WWF Switzerland Genetically modified food eco-systems environmental danger crop strains ecosystem variety disease resistance biodiversity butterfly population Monsanto field trial transgenes environmental escape herbicide impacts Bt crops non-target species cross-pollination gene pool pollution consumer choice labeling terminator gene technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GM foods pollen unmodified crops genetic contamination terminator technology moral concerns genetically modified food ecosystem impact environmental dangers crop diversity reduction GM crops traditional ecosystems disease resistance butterfly population decline Monsanto field trials transgene escape herbicide tolerant crops countryside ecosystems Bacillus Thuringiensis toxin Bt crops non-target species cross-pollination natural gene pool labeling issues consumer choice terminator gene genetic technology access sustainable agriculture WWF Switzerland GMOs Whitman D. Genetically modified foods GM crops ecosystem impact biodiversity reduction disease resistance traditional ecosystems crop varieties butterfly population Bacillus Thuringiensis Bt crops GMOs non-target species herbicide tolerant crops cross-pollination gene pool contamination labeling consumer choice terminator gene genetic engineering sustainable agriculture environmental consequences pollen drift moral implications technology access ecological disruption monoculture farming pesticideresistant plants transgenes broad-spectrum herbicides countryside ecosystems GMO regulation GM food safety ecological balance biodiversity loss ecosystem health agricultural diversity
test-law-ilppppghb-con02a	"The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. The rise of universal human rights makes self-determination increasingly irrelevant.  Across the developed world, modern nation states are bound into a complex network of treaties and international organisations which together go a long way to guaranteeing citizens very similar rights wherever they live. These supra-national rules make it less and less important on what side of an international boundary you happen to live. What matters is not so much self-determination as whether or not an individual citizen is able to enjoy the same rights and privileges as those of the majority culture.  For example, EU citizens enjoy many common rights, common European citizenship, freedom of movement between member states and so on. Minorities who fifty years ago might have taken up arms to ""free"" themselves from an oppressive nation state – such as Catholics in Northern Ireland – don’t need to do this now, because they have new rights against discrimination, guaranteed and enforced by international treaty. universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations citizen rights international boundaries individual citizen majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations citizen rights international boundaries majority culture EU citizens European citizenship freedom of movement minority groups discrimination international treaty Catholics in Northern Ireland historical context legal protections supra-national rules modern governance universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizens rights minority rights EU citizenship freedom of movement discrimination international treaty oppression minority groups Catholics in Northern Ireland modern governance global human rights standards legal protections international organizations cross-border rights citizen privileges majority culture historical conflicts peaceful coexistence human rights enforcement international law global citizenship cultural rights legally enforced rights political autonomy sovereignty international cooperation human rights activism global justice ethnic minorities civil rights social equality regional integration political integration democratic universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations similar rights international boundary individual citizen rights and privileges majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights common rights European citizenship freedom of movement minority rights anti-discrimination treaties historical context Northern Ireland Catholics oppression international enforcement modern governance global standards human rights protection universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states treaties international organisations citizen rights supra-national rules international boundaries individual citizen rights privileges majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination modern nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights majority culture EU citizenship freedom of movement minority rights discrimination international treaty Catholics in Northern Ireland historical context political change human rights evolution global governance international law national boundaries cultural rights minority protection oppression armed conflict peace processes European Union legal frameworks social integration human rights enforcement cross-border cooperation civic equality global citizenship democratic governance international community regional integration collective identity national identity state sovereignty human rights standards international oversight political autonomy universal human rights self-determination nation states treaties international organizations citizen rights supranational rules international boundaries individual rights majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement minority rights oppression discrimination international treaty Catholic minority Northern Ireland universal human rights self-determination developed world nation states international organisations citizen rights international boundaries individual citizen rights privileges majority culture EU citizens common rights European citizenship freedom of movement member states minorities oppressive nation state rights against discrimination international treaty universal human rights self-determination developed world modern nation states international treaties supra-national rules citizen rights majority culture EU citizenship freedom of movement minority rights international treaty anti-discrimination laws historical context Northern Ireland Catholics armed conflict new rights global citizenship international organizations complex networks state boundaries individual freedoms cultural majority minority protection universal standards human rights enforcement global governance international law national sovereignty global integration regional cooperation human rights treaties cultural diversity political autonomy legal protections minority empowerment international relations global citizenship rights human rights"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con04a	Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? Other forms of online gambling  What is the difference between gambling and playing the stock market? In each case people are putting money at risk in the hope of a particular outcome. Gambling on horse-racing or games involves knowledge and expertise that can improve your chances of success. In the same way, trading in bonds, shares, currency or derivatives is a bet that your understanding of the economy is better than that of other investors. Why should one kind of online risk-taking be legal and the other not? online gambling stock market gambling vs investing horse racing financial markets betting trading economy legal gambling risk-taking financial regulation investment strategies market expertise gambling laws investment risks financial betting online trading economic knowledge regulatory differences legal investing online gambling gambling laws stock market trading risk-taking horse-racing financial markets legal gambling betting investment economic understanding regulated markets speculative trading gambling vs investing financial expertise market analysis online trading legal gray areas financial betting sports betting derivatives trading currency exchange bonds trading shares trading market speculation gambling addiction financial regulation economic gambling online gambling stock market gambling legality financial risk betting horse-racing economy trading investments regulatory differences risk-taking legal gambling illegal gambling market expertise financial markets gambling vs investing economic understanding investment strategies gambling laws financial bets online gambling stock market risk-taking horse-racing games bonds shares currency derivatives economy legal trading investment chance expertise financial markets gambling laws market speculation online betting regulatory differences skill vs luck securities trading sports betting stock trading wagering financial gambling market analysis betting strategies investment strategies financial risk legal gambling illegal gambling economic gambling regulated trading unregulated betting financial expertise market knowledge gambling addiction investment psychology financial betting online trading betting laws market gambling financial speculation online investment stock online gambling stock market horse-racing bonds shares currency derivatives economic understanding legal gambling illegal gambling risk-taking financial markets betting investment regulatory differences gambling laws market expertise speculating online trading financial betting economic bets legal gambling activities financial regulations gambling vs investing online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives legal gambling risk-taking financial markets betting economy investment regulation online betting gambling laws market analysis financial expertise online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives legal risk-taking economy expertise legality financial markets betting sports betting securities regulation investment gambling laws market analysis financial risk economic understanding gaming online trading securities regulation financial expertise legal gambling illegal gambling market speculation online gambling horse-racing stock market gambling laws financial trading betting risk assessment market analysis legal gambling investment strategies economic understanding regulatory differences gambling vs investing financial expertise betting odds investment risks legal online activities financial markets gambling regulations economic betting online gambling horse-racing stock market trading bonds shares currency derivatives economy legal risk-taking gambling laws financial expertise investment betting market analysis regulatory frameworks economic understanding financial markets gambling vs investing online gambling stock market horse-racing trading bonds shares currency derivatives risk-taking legal gambling laws financial markets betting investment economy expertise chance regulation policy market analysis financial expertise economic understanding investor behavior legal gambling illegal gambling financial regulation market betting gambling vs investing
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro02a	Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. Cyber attacks can do serious damage to the state  Large scale cyber attacks can result in substantial harms to the state equivalent to those of an armed attack. Many states are dependent on flawless functioning of government and financial services online, and attacking them would cause mass disruption. For example, massive cyber attacks can cause serious disruption to economy by targeting financial, banking and commercial services; they can target government websites and steal confidential information that would compromise country's security, as was the case with USA in 2007 [10]; they could target power grids and shut down infrastructure on a massive scale across the country. All these instances cause disruption and leave the targeted country vulnerable with the government unable to operate successfully. This way, for instance, a large scale cyber attack from Russia on Georgia 2008 caused massive disruption to government, banking services, and communication within and outside of the country [11]. For these reasons USA's Pentagon decided to consider a cyber attack that 'produces the death, damage, destruction or high-level disruption that a traditional military attack would cause' an act of war [12]. Given the damage of possible attacks to the state, large-scale cyber attacks should be considered an act of war. cyber warfare state security digital infrastructure economic disruption government services financial systems power grids information theft military response act of war international relations cyber defense national security critical infrastructure cyber espionage cyber terrorism cyber crime cyber resilience cyber policy cyber diplomacy cyber warfare cyber espionage state security critical infrastructure financial systems government networks power grids military response cyber terrorism international law digital warfare cyber conflict information warfare cybercrime national security cyber defense cyber resilience cyber policy cyber threats cyber incidents cyber operations cyber security cyber attack consequences cyber attack response cyber attack impact cyber attack prevention cyber attack mitigation cyber attack deterrence cyber attack legal framework cyber attack diplomatic response cyber attack consequences assessment cyber attack emergency response cyber attack recovery cyber attack investigation cyber attack forensics cyber attack cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services online disruption confidential information power grids infrastructure economic disruption USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption state security cyber warfare international relations digital security national security cyber defense cyber policy cyber threats cyber espionage cyber crime cyber conflict cyber terrorism cyber defense strategies cyber incident response cyber intelligence cyber operations cyber resilience cyber strategy cyber vulnerability cyber warfare laws cyber warfare ethics cyber warfare consequences cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption financial services banking services commercial services government websites confidential information country security power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption cyber warfare state security critical infrastructure online services national security cyber threats cyber defense international relations cyber policy cyber conflict digital warfare cyber espionage cybercrime state vulnerability government operations cyberintelligence cyberterrorism cyber security cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy banking commercial services confidential information country security power grids infrastructure large scale USA Russia Georgia Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption cyber attacks serious damage state large scale substantial harms armed attack government services financial services mass disruption confidential information country's security power grids infrastructure economy banking services commercial services communication military attack act of war USA Russia Georgia Pentagon death destruction high-level disruption cyber attacks state damage large scale attacks armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy disruption financial services banking services commercial services government websites confidential information country security power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack state vulnerability high-level disruption traditional military attack USA Pentagon policy cyber warfare international security digital warfare cyber conflict national security cyber threats critical infrastructure cyber defense cyber policy cyber strategy cyber deterrence cyber incident response cyber cyber attacks state damage armed attack government services financial services online dependence mass disruption economy disruption financial disruption banking disruption commercial disruption government websites confidential information security compromise power grids infrastructure shutdown USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon cyber war act of war military attack high-level disruption death destruction state vulnerability government operation failure cyber attacks state damage large scale attacks armed attack equivalence government dependence online services mass disruption economic disruption financial services banking services commercial services government websites confidential information theft security compromise power grids infrastructure shutdown country vulnerability government operation USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon decision act of war potential state damage large scale cyber attacks military attack disruption cyber attacks state damage large scale armed attack government services financial services mass disruption economy financial services banking commercial services government websites confidential information security compromise power grids infrastructure country vulnerability government failure USA 2007 Russia Georgia 2008 Pentagon act of war military attack high-level disruption state security cyber warfare
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro03a	EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference will no longer bind Britain  As a customs union the EU has a common external tariff set at the EU level meaning that the UK cannot tailor its external trade policy to its own needs. Instead the UK will be free to negotiate its own free trade agreements with any power it wishes. This may be individually or joining larger trade groupings such as the currently being negotiated Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal between the USA, Canada, and the EU. it also means the UK is free to reject such joint agreements, as many campaigning groups would like with the Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership deal. [1] Countries which are not in regional blocks have not suffered as a result, South Korea has 24 free trade agreements [2] and despite an economy that is just over half the size of the UK’s has trade in goods worth similar amounts;$1,098bln $1,190bln [3] but importantly gets to negotiate each one itself and to its own terms and conditions.  [1] See #noTTIP,   [2] ‘Free Trade Agreements’, Asia Regional Integration Centre, 2015,   [3] Adding exports and imports of merchandise, ‘Korea, Republic of and United Kingdom’, World Trade Organisation, EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaigning groups regional blocks South Korea trade agreements economy merchandise trade World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods negotiation terms and conditions #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods negotiate terms and conditions noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaigning groups noTTIP South Korea free trade agreements trade in goods UK economy Korea trade merchandise trade World Trade Organisation regional blocks trade negotiations terms and conditions EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements UK economy Korea Republic merchandise trade WTO noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaign groups regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods merchandise World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea trade agreements economy merchandise World Trade Organisation #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada campaigning groups noTTIP South Korea regional blocks economy trade in goods merchandise World Trade Organisation Asia Regional Integration Centre EU Britain economic preference customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership trade groupings campaigning groups regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy size trade in goods merchandise World Trade Organisation noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre EU economic preference Britain customs union common external tariff UK external trade policy free trade agreements Trans Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership USA Canada regional blocks South Korea free trade agreements economy trade in goods merchandise exports imports #noTTIP Asia Regional Integration Centre World Trade Organisation
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro04a	Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Compensation has the potential to reverse damaged caused by Cultural Appropriation.  Compensation is necessary in the case of cultural appropriation as it helps to provide victims with the resources they need or deserve as compensation for exploitative behaviour. Often it can be easily quantified as would be the case with the Navajo Urban Outfitters case. With stronger legislation and rulings on the provision for compensation for cultural appropriation, minority communities would be significantly better off. This would be a major step towards reversing the damage of said appropriation as it would allow the community to develop and gain recognition for traditional designs and ideas.  Compensation can bring back some justice to small, minority communities as they can gain the appropriate recognition they deserve as well as the benefits that come along with it. It was estimated in 2005 that nearly half of the US $1billion market from native American Arts and Crafts come from the sale of counterfeit goods [1]. Compensation would help protect sales from native American businesses as well as their culture.  [1] Padilla, Helen B., ‘Padilla: Combating fake Indian Arts and Crafts: a proposal for action’, Indian Country Today, 14 October 2008, Cultural appropriation compensation minority communities legislation recognition traditional designs justice counterfeit goods Native American Arts and Crafts market protection exploitation resources Navajo Urban Outfitters quantifiable compensation cultural protection economic benefits legal rulings community development traditional knowledge intellectual property cultural heritage ethical trade fair trade cultural equity reparations financial compensation cultural preservation authentic products market regulation cultural rights indigenous rights cultural exploitation economic impact cultural identity legal protection cultural representation market authenticity economic justice community empowerment cultural restitution cultural exchange cultural Cultural appropriation compensation damaged victims resources exploitative behavior Navajo Urban Outfitters legislation rulings minority communities traditional designs justice small communities recognition benefits counterfeit goods Native American Arts Crafts protection sales culture Compensation Cultural Appropriation Reversing Damage Resources Exploitative Behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Minority Communities Legislation Rulings Justice Recognition Traditional Designs Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Economic Benefits Cultural Protection Legal Framework Indigenous Rights Fair Trade Intellectual Property Economic Empowerment Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damage Reversal Resources Exploitative Behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Market Protection Helen B. Padilla Indian Country Today Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Resources Exploitative Behaviour Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Native American Arts and Crafts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture Cultural Appropriation Compensation Reversing Damage Minority Communities Resources Exploitative Behaviour Legislation Rulings Justice Recognition Traditional Designs Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Sales Protection Cultural Preservation Cultural Appropriation Compensation Minority Communities Justice Resource Allocation Exploitative Behaviour Legislation Rulings Recognition Traditional Designs Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Market Protection Economic Benefits Cultural Heritage Intellectual Property Fair Trade Ethical Consumption Community Development Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Resources Victims Exploitative Behaviour Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Native American Arts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture Cultural Appropriation Compensation Damages Reversing Harm Resources Victims Exploitative Behavior Navajo Urban Outfitters Legislation Rulings Minority Communities Development Recognition Traditional Designs Justice Small Communities Recognition Benefits Native American Arts Crafts Counterfeit Goods Protection Sales Culture
test-education-udfakusma-con02a	Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. Making everything free to access will damage universities ability to tap private funding  For most universities even if the government is generous with funding it will still need for some projects require private funding. When providing money for research projects the government often requires cost sharing so the university needs to find other sources of funding. [1] Third parties however are unlikely to be willing to help provide funding for research if they know that all the results of that research will be made open to anyone and everyone. These businesses are funding specific research to solve a particular problem with the intention of profiting from the result. Even if universities themselves don’t want to profit from their research they cannot ignore the private funding as it is rapidly growing, up 250% in the U.S. from 1985-2005, while the government support is shrinking. [2]  [1] Anon. (November 2010), “Research & Sponsored Projects”, University of Michigan.   [2] Schindler, Adam, “Follow the Money Corporate funding of university research”, Berkley Science Review, Issue 13. private funding cost sharing research projects government funding open access research results profit corporate funding university research funding sources research sponsorship funding trends public funding private investment research costs funding requirements funding sources academic research research support research finance funding mechanisms research collaboration funding sustainability funding impact research benefits funding allocation funding models funding diversity funding dependency funding implications research commercialization research outputs funding partnerships research innovation research dissemination research access funding strategies research impact research valorization funding constraints research exploitation funding stability research open access private funding university research government funding cost sharing research projects third-party funding business investment research results profit motive academic funding trends corporate sponsorship research sponsorship funding sources research support financial sustainability public funding private sector support researchimpact funding models academic finance research collaboration funding landscape university finance research commercialization funding diversification research stakeholders academic partnership funding strategies research investment fiscal support academic-industry relations research philanthropy funding implications open research funding mechanisms research accessibility financial resources academic resources funding opportunities private funding research projects cost sharing open access universities government funding profit business funding research results funding sources corporate funding university research funding growth government support private funding government funding cost sharing open access research results profit intention university research corporate funding funding growth government support decline university funding private funding government funding research projects cost sharing open access research results corporate funding profit intention funding sources funding growth government support university research Berkeley Science Review private funding research projects government funding cost sharing open access research results profit intention corporate funding university research funding growth government support decline private funding research projects government funding cost sharing open access research results corporate funding profit intentions university research funding sources funding growth government support decline private funding research projects cost sharing open access third-party funding profit from research university research government funding corporate funding private sector support research commercialization funding sources research funding trends academic research public-private partnership intellectual property research dissemination academic-industry collaboration research investment funding diversification private funding research projects cost sharing open access profit corporate funding government funding universities research results funding sources economic impact academic research public access intellectual property commercialization funding trends United States academic-industry collaboration private funding universities research projects government funding cost sharing open access research results corporate funding profit public access academic funding funding sources cost recovery research sponsors university finances research impact funding growth government support funding diversification
test-education-tuhwastua-con02a	Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. Alternative factors that can be considered in the admissions process  SATs are mathematical and it is therefore possible to objectively evaluate them. This is why they are so popular, they provide a benchmark of comparison across the whole education system in a way that any non-standardized assessment never could. This does not only benefit universities in providing an objective measure to compare admissions candidates but it also gives the government statistics with which to measure the progress of schools.  Any other form of assessment would mean switching to much more subjective factors. Traditionally such factors, such as extracurricular activities, volunteer work, and even access to references are all more easily available to high income students. Opportunities may not even be offered in poorer school districts. Complaining that poorer and minority students do less well on the SAT ignores the fact that the test provides one of their best opportunities to impress admissions officials. alternative admissions criteria non-standardized assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work references income-based opportunities poorer school districts minority students SAT performance objective evaluation benchmark comparison educational progress university admissions standardized testing admissions criteria standardized testing SAT scores objective evaluation educational benchmarks university admissions government statistics school progress subjective assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunities admissions equity academic performance non-standardized assessments educational equity alternative factors admissions process SATs objective evaluation benchmark comparison education system universities admissions candidates government statistics school progress non-standardized assessment subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunity admissions officials alternative admissions factors standardized testing SATs objective evaluation benchmark comparison education system university admissions government statistics school progress subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test performance admissions equity admissions criteria standardized testing SAT scores objective evaluation educational equity high-income students low-income students minority students extracurricular activities volunteer work references school district disparities college applications academic performance non-standardized assessments subjective factors university admissions government education statistics educational benchmarks testing fairness alternative factors admissions process SATs objective evaluation benchmark comparison education system university admissions government statistics progress measurement subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunities admissions officials admissions process alternative factors SATs objective evaluation benchmark education system universities admissions candidates government statistics school progress non-standardized assessment subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunities admissions officials admissions criteria standardized testing SAT alternatives objective evaluation non-standardized assessments university admissions student performance government education statistics school progress measurement subjective factors extracurricular activities volunteer work references high income students poorer school districts minority students test opportunities admissions equity educational benchmarks assessment methods admissions criteria standardized testing SAT alternatives educational equity college admissions subjective assessments extracurricular activities volunteer work reference letters income disparity school district opportunities minority students test bias objective evaluations educational benchmarks university admissions standards government education statistics high school performance standardized test scores non-standardized assessments high-income students college application process admission factors testing fairness educational achievement socioeconomic status academic performance college readiness admissions diversity test preparation educational resources school funding admissions policies college access standardized test impact educational outcomes college admissions criteria test scores admissions criteria standardized testing educational equity college applications non-cognitive factors socioeconomic status academic performance university selection test fairness minority students educational opportunities extracurricular involvement volunteer experience teacher recommendations high school achievements college readiness admission standards objective measures subjective evaluations education policy school district resources
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro03a	Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 Better nutrition leads to better students.  There is a growing body of evidence linking a healthy lifestyle, comprising of both adequate nutrition and physical exercise, with improved memory, concentration and general academic performance. [1] A study has shown that when primary school students consume three or more junk food meals a week literacy and numeracy scores dropped by up to 16% compared to the average. [2]  This is a clear incentive for governments to push forward for healthier meals in schools for two reasons. The first obvious benefit is to the student, whose better grades award her improved upward mobility – especially important for ethnic groups stuck worst by the obesity epidemic and a lower average socioeconomic status.  The second benefit is to the schools, who benefit on standardized testing scores and reduced absenteeism, as well as reduced staff time and attention devoted to students with low academic performance or behavior problems and other hidden costs of low concentration and performance of students. [3]  [1] CDC, 'Student Health and Academic Achievement', 19 October 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Paton, Graeme, ‘Too much fast food ‘harms children’s test scores’’, The Telegraph, 22 May 2009,  accessed 20 September 2011  [3] Society for the Advancement of Education, 'Overweight students cost schools plenty', December 2004,  , 9/11/2011 better nutrition student performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention healthier meals schools improved grades upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems concentration issues performance issues hidden costs overweight students educational costs Paton Graeme CDC Society for the Advancement of Education better nutrition improved academic performance healthy lifestyle adequate nutrition physical exercise memory improvement concentration enhancement literacy scores numeracy scores junk food primary school students government intervention healthy meals in schools student benefits upward mobility obesity epidemic lower socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems hidden costs low concentration low performance CDC Paton Society for the Advancement of Education better nutrition student performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention healthy meals schools student benefits improved grades upward mobility ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems low academic performance hidden costs overweight students educational outcomes public health policy recommendations better nutrition improved academic performance healthy lifestyle adequate nutrition physical exercise memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policies healthier school meals student benefits improved grades upward mobility ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing scores reduced absenteeism staff time low academic performance behavior problems hidden costs low concentration performance issues CDC The Telegraph Society for the Advancement of Education nutrition physical exercise memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy numeracy government policy healthier meals schools student grades upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems hidden costs low concentration performance CDC The Telegraph Society for the Advancement of Education better nutrition improved academic performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise memory concentration healthy meals in schools junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government intervention student benefits upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems hidden costs concentration performance CDC student health academic achievement Paton fast food test scores Society for the Advancement of Education overweight students school costs nutrition healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy numeracy government policies school meals student health academic achievement obesity socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism behavior problems school resources educational outcomes public health initiatives childhood health cognitive function dietary habits mental health learning environment school nutrition programs policy impact health education student welfare educational equity community health school administration teacher support parental involvement public policy health disparities student engagement school performance health promotion academic success food policy childhood development health nutrition healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government healthier meals schools student benefits upward mobility obesity epidemic socioeconomic status school benefits standardized testing reduced absenteeism staff time behavior problems low concentration performance issues CDC Paton Society for the Advancement of Education nutrition physical exercise academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government policies healthy meals school improvement socioeconomic status obesity epidemic standardized testing absenteeism student behavior concentration performance hidden costs school costs education reform health initiatives student health academic achievement dietary habits physical activity cognitive function learning outcomes public health school nutrition programs policy making educational outcomes health disparities community health socioeconomic factors health education nutritional education learning environment student welfare public policy health economics childhood obesity educational equity school health services health promotion better nutrition student performance healthy lifestyle physical exercise improved memory concentration academic performance junk food literacy scores numeracy scores government initiatives healthier meals schools upward mobility ethnic groups obesity epidemic socioeconomic status standardized testing absenteeism staff time behavior problems concentration issues performance issues hidden costs Paton Graeme The Telegraph CDC Society for the Advancement of Education
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro02a	Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, Economically beneficial  Switching diplomatic recognition to China can be economically beneficial. A country that changes recognition is both likely to be given a reward for the change and then be much capable of engaging in joint economic projects with the PRC. Malawi for example cut its ties with Taiwan at the end of 2007. PRC offered a $6billion financial package for the defection. [1] Malawi has since benefited from large amounts of Chinese investment; Chinese companies have been involved in building vital infrastructure such as schools and roads, and even a new parliament building. [2] And trade between China and Malawi has been booming with growth of 25% in 2010 alone. [3] Even the Chinese believe that recognition occurs as a result of the economic incentive the Chinese envoy to Malawi having been quoted calling Malawi beggars. [4]  [1] Hsu, Jenny W., ‘Malawi, Taiwan end 42-year relations’, Taipei Times, 15 January 2008,   [2] Ngozo, Claire, ‘China puts its mark on Malawi’, theguardian.com, 7 May 2011,   [3] Jomo, Frank, ‘Malawi, China Trade to Grow 25% on Cotton, Daily Times Reports’, Bloomberg, 15 December 2010,   [4] ‘Chinese Envoy's Remarks on Malawi Breed Resentment’, Voice of America, 1 November 2009, diplomatic recognition China economic benefits Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentive Chinese envoy resentment diplomatic relations economic incentives China Taiwan Malawi financial aid infrastructure development trade growth Chinese investment political recognition economic benefits foreign policy international relations economic diplomacy bilateral relations economic incentives diplomatic shift China financial aid Malawi-Taiwan ties infrastructure development Chinese investment trade growth economic benefits recognition reward joint projects PRC-Taiwan rivalry international relations economic diplomacy development assistance geopolitical strategy economic benefits diplomatic recognition China Malawi Taiwan financial package investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth Chinese envoy economic incentives international relations joint economic projects global diplomacy foreign aid development assistance bilateral trade economic strategy political shift international partnerships economic diplomacy trade relations financial support economic rewards diplomatic ties international economics global trade political economy economic cooperation foreign investment economic incentives diplomatic policy international trade economic impact political recognition economic development strategic partnerships economic sanctions economic leverage international relations economic partnerships economic economic incentives diplomatic shift China Malawi Taiwan financial package infrastructure development joint projects trade growth Chinese investment political recognition economic benefits international relations bilateral agreements economic diplomacy diplomatic recognition China economic benefits joint economic projects PRC Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth Chinese envoy economic incentives Economic benefits diplomatic recognition China Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure development trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy international relations foreign policy bilateral relations economic cooperation diplomatic recognition economic incentives China PRC Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure development schools roads parliament building trade growth economic projects joint ventures economic benefits international relations political shift economic diplomacy diplomatic recognition economic benefits China Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth economic incentives Chinese envoy resentment economic benefits diplomatic recognition China joint economic projects Malawi Taiwan financial package Chinese investment infrastructure schools roads parliament building trade growth cotton Chinese envoy economic incentives
test-health-hdond-pro01a	A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. A Practical Solution  There are many mechanisms by which this policy could be implemented. The one common thread is that those hoping to receive organs would be divided into those registered as donors, and those who are non-donors. Potential recipients who are non-donors would only receive an organ if all requests by donors for such an organ are filled. For example, if there is a scarcity of donated kidneys with the B serotype, organ donors requiring a B kidney would all receive kidneys before any non-donors receive them. The existing metrics for deciding priority among recipients can still be applied within these lists – among both donors and non-donors, individuals could be ranked on who receives an organ first based on who has been on the waiting list longer, or who has more priority based on life expectancy; this policy simply adds the caveat that non-donors only access organs once all donors for their particular organ are satisfied. What defines a “donor” could vary; it could be that they must have been a donor for a certain number of years, or that they must have been a donor prior to needing a transplant, or even a pledge to become a donor henceforth (and indeed, even if they are terminally ill and for other reasons do not recover, some of their organs may still be usable). Finally this policy need not preclude private donations or swaps of organs, and instead can simply be applied to the public system. organ donation policy implementation donor registration non-donors organ allocation priority ranking waiting list life expectancy donor criteria private donations organ swaps public system organ allocation donor preference non-donor restrictions organ scarcity transplant priority donor registration donor criteria organ donation policy public organ system private organ donations organ swaps transplant ethics healthcare policy medical resource distribution organ serotypes transplant waiting lists life expectancy factors donor incentives transplant fairness organ donation awareness organ donation donor registration non-donor recipients organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy serotype matching private donations organ swaps public health policy transplant criteria donor commitment terminally ill donors organ donation organ allocation donor priority non-donor restrictions public health policy transplant ethics waiting list management life expectancy donor registration private organ swaps serotype matching transplant criteria donor incentives healthcare equity medical ethics policy implementation kidney donation organ scarcity donor status organ recipient qualifications organ donation donor registry non-donor recipients organ allocation transplant priority donor pledging B serotype kidney transplantation organ scarcity waiting list life expectancy private organ donation organ swaps public health policy medical ethics organ donation donor registration non-donor restrictions transplant priority organ scarcity life expectancy waiting list donation incentives private organ swaps public health policy organ allocation donor registry non-donor restrictions priority system transplant policy kidney allocation serotype matching waiting list life expectancy donation commitment private organ donation organ swapping public health system organ donation transplant policy donor priority non-donor restrictions serotype matching waiting list life expectancy donor registration private organ swaps public health system organ donation donor registration non-donors organ allocation priority system waiting list life expectancy kidney transplant B serotype private donations organ swaps public health policy organ donation transplant policy donor prioritization non-donor restrictions organ allocation donor registration transplant ethics public health policy organ scarcity serotype matching waiting list management life expectancy criteria private organ donation organ swapping
test-international-ghwcitca-pro01a	Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Arenas of potential conflict must be regulated  Conflict needs to be regulated, and something that can start conflicts even more so. Warfare and conflict is currently regulated by the Geneva Conventions that seek to limit the effects of armed conflict and regulate the conduct of the involved actors. [1] Just as importantly there are rules on what weapons can be used through various treaties that ban weapons such as the Land Mine Ban, [2] and on when a state can legally initiate conflict through the UN Charter.  In just the same way when a new area of potential conflict arises that too must be regulated by treaty. The internet and the threat of cyber-conflict is that new area at the moment. While cyber warfare is not currently a large scale threat it is still a form of conflict that could escalate just like any other - the Pentagon has explicitly stated it could respond militarily to a cyber-attack. [3] As a result it is most sensible to draw up the rules and regulations early, to ensure everyone knows the consequences and prevent damage by making sure that states agree not to engage in offence cyber-attacks against each other.  [1] ‘The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols’, ICRC, 29 October 2010,   [2] ‘Convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction’, un.org, 18 September 1997,   [3] Brookes, Adam, ‘US Pentagon to treat cyber-attacks as ‘acts of war’’, BBC News, 1 June 2011, Geneva Conventions cyber warfare conflict regulation international treaties UN Charter cyber-attacks internet regulation military response cyber conflict warfare ethics weapon treaties land mines armed conflict state aggression legal warfare cyber security digital warfare international law conflict prevention cyber defense cyber-conflict cyber warfare international regulation Geneva Conventions UN Charter cyber-attacks military response cyber security internet conflict treaty negotiation cyber defense international law digital warfare offensive cyber-operations cyber treaty state actors cyber threats military retaliation cybersecurity policies cyber arms control Arenas of potential conflict conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict conduct of actors weapons regulation Land Mine Ban legal initiation of conflict UN Charter new areas of conflict cyber-conflict internet regulation cyber warfare Cyber-attacks Pentagon response early regulation consequence awareness state agreements offensive cyber-attacks international treaties cyber security digital warfare cyber defense international law conflict prevention peacekeeping measures cyber ethics technology governance cyber warfare internet conflict treaty regulation armed conflict Geneva Conventions warfare regulation UN Charter cyber-attacks international law cyber security military response cyber regulations conflict prevention cyber ethics digital warfare cyber treaties state conflict cyber defense cyber offense international treaties Arenas conflict regulation warfare Geneva Conventions armed conflict weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-conflict internet cyber warfare military response Pentagon cyber-attacks international law cyber security digital warfare state actors international treaties cyber regulations prevention escalation offensive cyber-actions digital threats international agreements cyber policy cyber norms international relations conflict prevention cyber defense strategic defense cyber deterrence international cybersecurity norms cyber threat regulation cyber warfare conventions cyber conflict management cyber peace digital conflict resolution cyber defense strategies cyber Arenas of potential conflict conflict regulation warfare regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict conduct of actors weapons regulation Land Mine Ban legal initiation of conflict UN Charter new areas of conflict cyber-conflict internet threats cyber warfare Pentagon response military response to cyber-attacks rules and regulations early treaty formation consequences of cyber-attacks state agreements on cyber-attacks Arenas conflict regulation wars Geneva Conventions armed conflict warfare weapons treaties Land Mine Ban UN Charter states legal conflict new areas potential conflict internet cyber-conflict cyber warfare threats Pentagon military response cyber-attacks rules regulations consequences prevention damage international agreements global security cyber security policy governance international law armed forces digital warfare cyber operations state actors non-state actors cyber defense cyber offense international relations diplomacy international organizations United Nations cyber policies cyber treaties cyber conventions conflict regulation Geneva Conventions armed conflict warfare rules international treaties weapon bans Land Mine Ban UN Charter state conflict initiation cyber conflict internet regulation cyber warfare military response cyber-attacks international agreement cyber security digital warfare international law conflict prevention Pentagon statement cyber conflict cyber warfare internet regulation international treaties Geneva Conventions cyber security cyber attacks state actors international law UN Charter cyber defense cyber offense military response cyber regulations cyber threats international agreements cyber policy digital warfare cyber ethics cyber norms cyber-conflict cyber warfare internet regulation international treaties Geneva Conventions Land Mine Ban UN Charter cyber-attacks Pentagon military response cyber security international law conflict regulation weapons treaties cyber ethics digital warfare state actors online conflict cyber defense cyber offense international cybersecurity norms cybersecurity policy cyber norms international cybersecurity cyber conflict regulation cyber warfare conventions cyber peacekeeping digital peacekeeping cyber diplomacy cyber conflict prevention cyber warfare rules cyber conflict management cyber warfare ethics cyber warfare treaties cyber conflict treaties cyber conflict laws cyber conflict international laws
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro03a	An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, An ICC Enforcement arm would bring in a higher proportion of defendants in to trial  Eight out of the thirty people indicted by the ICC (four in the Darfur situation, including Omar al-Bashir, three Lord’s Resistance Army leaders in Uganda and one in the DR Congo investigation) are still alive and avoiding justice. An in-house enforcement arm would be more effective at capturing indictees than many of the forces of the state parties, as it is likely to be more competent than many of the under-resourced or under-trained national forces. An in house force would be solely focused on capturing the wanted war criminals so would both be focusing resources and much less likely to be sidetracked by other priorities (many of which may be influenced by politics) than national forces. One of the suggested solutions to the failure to capture Joseph Kony and leaders of the LRA is to have greater involvement of peacekeepers; an ICC force would provide the same kind of help. [1]  [1] Van Woudenberg, Anneke, ‘How to Catch Joseph Kony’, Human Rights Watch, 9 March 2012, ICC Enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces focusing resources sidetracked politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo alive avoiding justice in-house enforcement competent under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals resources priorities politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg How to Catch Joseph Kony ICC Enforcement arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice In-house enforcement Competence Resources Training National forces War criminals Priorities Politics Peacekeepers Joseph Kony LRA Capture Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC Enforcement higher proportion defendants trial Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo in-house enforcement arm competent forces under-resourced national forces under-trained national forces focusing resources sidetracked priorities political influence Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch ICC Enforcement arm defendants trial indictments Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo justice in-house enforcement capturing indictees state parties competent resources trained national forces war criminals Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC Enforcement higher proportion defendants trial rate indicted individuals Darfur situation Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army DR Congo in-house enforcement arm capturing indictees state parties competent forces under-resourced national forces under-trained national forces focusing resources sidetracked priorities political influences national forces Joseph Kony LRA leaders peacekeepers ICC force Anneke Van Woudenberg Human Rights Watch ICC Enforcement Arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice In-House Force Capturing Indictees Competence National Forces War Criminals Resources Politics Joseph Kony LRA Peacekeepers Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC enforcement arm defendants trial indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo capture indictees state parties competent under-resourced under-trained national forces war criminals resources politics Joseph Kony LRA peacekeepers Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC Enforcement Arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice Capturing Indictees State Parties Competence Resources Training National Forces War Criminals Focus Priorities Politics Joseph Kony Peacekeepers Human Rights Watch Anneke Van Woudenberg ICC Enforcement arm Defendants Trial Indicted Darfur Omar al-Bashir Lord’s Resistance Army Uganda DR Congo Justice In-house enforcement Competence Resources Training National forces War criminals Joseph Kony LRA Peacekeepers Human Rights Watch
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols problems in schools division in society school environments Hijab schools problems classroom division alienation bullying full headscarves impractical dangerous PE swimming technology science lessons machinery Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian symbol segregates non-Christian Crucifix ban legal cases religious neutrality educational institutions cultural diversity freedom of religion secularism religious accommodation policy debates student rights teacher rights parental concerns community values legal implications safety regulations educational equity inclusive education religious expression religious identity social religious symbols problems in schools social division Hijab classroom issues alienation bullying PE swimming technology lessons Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian symbol segregation non-Christian students education policy cultural sensitivity religious freedom school uniform policies inclusive education legal challenges European Court of Human Rights religious diversity community relations parental concerns teacher perspectives student rights curriculum integration religious expression policy-making international comparisons secular education faith-based schools accommodation practices conflict resolution religious symbolism public education legislative debates courtroom decisions religious identity cultural integration Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban religious symbols school problems societal division classroom division Hijab issues student alienation bullying concerns practical safety PE lessons swimming classes technology lessons science lessons Crucifix ban public classrooms Christian segregation Italy ban Times of Malta Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifix Italy Christian segregation public classrooms ban religious symbols school problems societal division Hijab issues classroom alienation bullying risk safety concerns PE restrictions science lesson hazards Crucifix debates public classroom bans Christian segregation Italy policy religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Christian segregation Italy Crucifix ban Times of Malta religious symbols schools division society Hijab problems alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregates non-Christian ban authorities Times of Malta March 17th 2011 July 24th 2011 religious symbols schools division society Hijab problems classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science machinery Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban Times of Malta Crucifix ban case Religious symbols division schools society Hijab problems classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science machinery Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation non-Christian
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con01a	Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. Unrestricted Coca production would increase the availability of cocaine  Cocaine can be readily extracted from the coca leaf. In 1992 the World Health Organization’s Expert Committee on Drug Dependence (ECDD) undertook a ‘prereview’ of coca leaf at its 28th meeting. The 28th ECDD report concluded that, “the coca leaf is appropriately scheduled [as a narcotic] under the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961, since cocaine is readily extractable from the leaf.” [1] The active ingredient in coca leaf is the same as in cocaine, just more concentrated. Because the raw material of coca and its more potent relative cocaine are so closely aligned, it is impossible to disassociate the two, and so any attempt to consider cocaine a narcotic and stop its spread must also forbid coca. Globally, cocaine is also most produced where coca is legal, and this is a clear correlation. In Bolivia, coca eradication efforts in the 1980s and 90s helped reduce cocaine production. However, as Evo Morales took power and legalized coca production and consumption, cocaine production has shot up, despite his efforts to fight cocaine production. [2] Thus legalizing coca makes it easier for cocaine producers to operate. Legalizing the cultivation of the coca leaf would therefore simply make cocaine more readily available, thus increasing all the harms that come with widespread cocaine use in society.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006. cocaine coca production availability extraction coca leaf World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling raw material concentrated legalization Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales cultivation societal harms drug policy legislative reform coca chewing Unrestricted Coca production cocaine availability extraction coca leaf World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence scheduling Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs active ingredient concentration narcotics correlation Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales legalization cultivation cocaine producers societal harms drug policies legislative reform Jelsma Forero New York Times coca cocaine production availability extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 scheduling narcotic active ingredient concentration coca legality cocaine production Bolivia coca eradication 1980s 1990s Evo Morales coca consumption legalization societal harms drug policy legislative reform coca chewing New York Times coca production cocaine extraction World Health Organization drug dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca leaf scheduling active ingredient concentration coca cocaine correlation global cocaine production Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales coca legalization cocaine producers societal harms cocaine availability drug policy reform coca chewing New York Times Bolivia's drug policies coca cocaine production availability extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling active ingredient concentration legalization Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales cultivation societal harm drug policy legislative reform coca chewing coca production cocaine availability coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca and cocaine relationship Bolivia coca policy Evo Morales cocaine production increase coca legalization impact drug policy reform coca chewing societal harms of cocaine Unrestricted Coca production increase availability cocaine coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee Drug Dependence ECDD Single Convention Narcotic Drugs 1961 active ingredient concentration raw material potency correlation Bolivia coca eradication 1980s 1990s Evo Morales legalization cultivation cocaine producers harms societal impact legislative reform policy Jelsma Martin Transnational Institute Forero Juan coca production cocaine availability coca leaf cocaine extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs coca scheduling cocaine concentration coca legality cocaine correlation Bolivia coca eradication Evo Morales coca legalization cocaine production cocaine harms society impact coca cultivation drug policy legislative reform Transnational Institute New York Times coca cocaine production availability coca leaf extraction World Health Organization Expert Committee on Drug Dependence ECDD Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs narcotic scheduling Bolivia Evo Morales coca eradication cocaine producers legalization societal harms legislative reform drug policies coca leaf cocaine production legalization coca eradication Bolivia Evo Morales Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs World Health Organization ECDD narcotic scheduling drug dependence cocaine extraction global cocaine production societal harm coca cultivation legislative reform drug policies
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con03a	Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access is an enabler of rights not a right in itself.  The internet is an enabler and so has little value on its own. [1] No one would consider the internet a human right if there was no content or information on the internet, what good would be a right to stare at a screen? It is not therefore access to the internet that is the human right it is access to information. The internet is obviously useful for this but it is not essential. If someone was denied access to the internet while being locked in a library would he or she really have had any right to information infringed? In such a case the only argument for a right to the internet is that it faster to access the information through the internet than it would be to look it up in the books that are all around. There cannot therefore be considered to be a right to the internet even as part of any right to information because the right to information would simply require that a government provides access to this information not that it has to be via the internet. Moreover as an enabling technology it is quite possible that the internet may at some point be out of date and replaces by some new method of storing information. As something that is transitory it does not make sense to consider there to be any kind of inalienable right to the internet.  [1] Cerf, Vinton G., ‘Internet Access Is Not a Human Right’, The New York Times, 4 January 2012. Internet access human rights information access digital rights online content enabler technology right to information government responsibility digital divide technological evolution information storage inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet access human rights information access digital rights enabler technology content availability right to information government responsibility technological evolution inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet access human rights information access enabling technology content availability right to information digital libraries information storage technological advancement inalienable rights Internet access human rights information access enabling technology digital rights content availability right to information information storage alternative information sources technological evolution digital divide Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet utility information retrieval library access digital information information rights internet value human rights framework Internet access human rights information access enabler of rights technological evolution inalienable rights digital rights Vinton G. Cerf The New York Times content availability information storage right to information government responsibility technological obsolescence digital enabler information rights screen staring library analogy faster information access transitory technology internet access human rights information access enabler technology digital rights content availability information storage technological evolution inalienable rights Vinton Cerf New York Times internet access human rights information access enabler of rights technological evolution right to information digital divide content dependency information storage government responsibility internet relevance technological obsolescence inalienable rights enabling technology information retrieval digital literacy societal norms legal frameworks ethical considerations global connectivity internet access human rights information access enabling technology content importance right to information digital rights technological evolution information storage library access government responsibility transitory technology inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times internet access human rights enabler of rights information access digital rights right to information technological change enabling technology Cerf Vinton G New York Times internet as tool content importance information storage right to internet transitory technology government responsibility information provision internet alternatives moral arguments digital ethics internet access human rights information access enabling technology digital rights content availability information storage internet value right to information government responsibility technological evolution inalienable rights Vinton G. Cerf New York Times
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con04a	Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity  The problem with leaving the painting, the spear, up is that to many young men President Zuma symbolises what excessive wealth can ‘buy’ you. He is the figure head of the nation, the pinnacle of capitalism and masculinity, of which the penis and sex are instrumental in this image. By leaving the painting up, it encourages hyper-masculinity (which is inherently violent), [1] because it assumes there is an inherent link between power and the penis. This is unhelpful, both for women and men who are trying to live in equity.  [1] Scheff, Thomas J., ‘Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System’, Universitas, Vol.2, Issue 2, Fall 2006, Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma wealth power penis sex violence social system equity feminism patriarchy capitalism symbolism art controversy gender studies Thomas J. Scheff Masculinity Hyper-masculinity Violence President Zuma Wealth Capitalism Power Penis Sex Equity Social System Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma wealth power penis sex capitalism violence social system equity women men painting spear symbol young men influence societal norms gender roles cultural impact media representation political figure leadership ethics morality social justice equality sexual politics male identity femininity gender studies sociology psychology human sexuality public image 艺术品 毕加索 长矛 象征主义 社会象征 男性气质表达 性别表达 Masculinity Hyper-masculinity President Zuma Wealth Capitalism Penis Sex Power Violence Equity Social System Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma wealth capitalism penis sex power violence social system equity women men painting symbolism hypermasculinity Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma excessive wealth symbolism power penis sex capitalism violence social system equity women men painting controversy hypermasculinity and violence Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Masculinity hyper-masculinity President Zuma wealth capitalism penis sex power violence social system equity women men painting symbolism Thomas J. Scheff Universitas Masculinity Hyper-masculinity President Zuma Wealth Capitalism Power Penis Sex Violence Equity Social System Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity and Violence as a Social System Universitas Masculinity Hyper-masculinity Violence Social System President Zuma Capitalism Equity Symbolism Power Penis Sex Painting Young Men Excessive Wealth Influence Role Model Social Image Gender Relations Feminism Male Identity Sexual Politics Cultural Studies Sociology Gender Studies Afrikaans Art Controversy Public Art Media Representation Critique Social Criticism Gender Equity Thomas J. Scheff Hypermasculinity Universitas Fall 2006 hyper-masculinity violence social system power dynamics gender equity sexual symbolism cultural iconography presidential influence capitalist masculinity South African politics penile symbolism male identity feminist theory social psychology iconography analysis critical masculinity studies leadership representation societal norms gender roles public imagery impact
test-international-iighbopcc-pro02a	Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, Only an international treaty can create penalties for non-compliance  A non-binding agreement will not have any penalties for any countries that do not comply with it, this sets the agreement up for failure. Without a binding agreement a government will find it difficult to bind its successors who may back track in the decades that follow. Some states are backtracking even before the agreement is finalised; the UK has been abandoning its green policies – cutting subsidies for renewables, cancelling carbon capture and storage, reducing funding for domestic energy efficiency, and selling the green investment bank. [1] If governments will take such measures before the agreement is even finished then what hope does it have in the future if there is nothing to persuade sovereign governments to comply with their pledges?  [1] Monbiot, George, ‘On climate change this government is indifferent to life, in love with death’, The Guardian, 2 December 2015, international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government succession state backtracking green policies subsidies for renewables carbon capture and storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank climate change government pledges sovereign governments compliance persuasion international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreement government successors state backtracking UK green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture storage energy efficiency funding green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate change pledges George Monbiot The Guardian international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government succession state backtracking green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank climate change sovereign compliance environmental pledges policy abandonment international treaty penalties for non-compliance non-binding agreement failure of agreement government successors state backtracking UK green policies cutting renewables subsidies cancelling carbon capture reducing energy efficiency funding selling green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate change pledges George Monbiot The Guardian international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government successors climate change policies renewable energy subsidies carbon capture storage energy efficiency funding green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate agreement future environmental policy backtrack international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government compliance successor governments state backtracking UK green policies renewable subsidies carbon capture storage domestic energy efficiency green investment bank climate change pledges sovereign government compliance environmental policy reversal international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government succession sovereign compliance climate change policies renewable subsidies carbon capture and storage energy efficiency funding green investment bank policy backtracking governmental indifference environmental pledges legal enforcement international cooperation climate agreements state obligations environmental governance regulatory frameworks sustainable development global environmental issues international law treaty obligations environmental policy government responsibility climate action renewable energy carbon emissions reduction international environmental agreements policy stability long-term commitments environmental sustainability climate justice legal bindingness policy implementation international relations environmental protection climate policy international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement agreement failure government successors state backtracking green policies subsidies reduction carbon capture cancellation energy efficiency funding green investment bank sovereign government compliance climate change indifference political commitment environmental policies legal enforcement international cooperation treaty efficacy government accountability renewable energy support international treaty non-compliance penalties binding agreement government successors state backtracking UK green policies climate change government pledges sovereign compliance environmental policy renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank political indifference climate action global agreements environmental governance policy commitment international cooperation international treaty non-compliance penalties non-binding agreement government successors climate change policies renewable subsidies carbon capture energy efficiency green investment bank sovereign governments climate pledges George Monbiot The Guardian
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con02a	Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians who commit crimes are likely unfit to serve.  The sort of person who commits an offense has demonstrated irresponsibility and so is unworthy of the public trust. Would any reasonable citizen wanted to be represented by a domestic abuser, or have a fraudster manage the public treasury? While almost all people are capable of atonement and redemption, someone who commits crimes worthy of prosecution while in office ought to be immediately removed for the betterment of the state. Politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution office removed state ethics integrity accountability law governance representation citizen leadership misconduct justice moral character fitness public office crime politician official responsibility public service trust criminal behavior unfit for office moral fitness public confidence legal issues political scandal impeachment resignation unfit leader public interest public morals politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster atonement redemption prosecution removal state integrity governance ethics accountability public service misconduct moral fitness leadership justice political responsibility Politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster prosecution atonement redemption removal state integrity civic responsibility ethical governance legal compliance public service standards politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution removal state integrity Politicians crimes unfit serve offense irresponsibility public trust reasonable citizen represented domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution office removal state betterment Politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster prosecution removal state integrity civic responsibility ethical governance criminal conduct public service accountability redemption atonement citizen expectations political ethics leadership standards legal offenses office misconduct politics crime public service ethics trust domestic abuse fraud prosecution removal governance accountability citizen expectations atonement redemption state integrity Politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution removal state integrity Politicians crimes unfit public trust domestic abuser fraudster prosecution removal state integrity atonement redemption civic responsibility elected officials ethics moral conduct public service legal violations civic duty governance accountability politicians crimes unfit serve irresponsibility public trust domestic abuser fraudster public treasury atonement redemption prosecution office removed state
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations global security nuclear weapons stockpiles verification measures bilateral cooperation Cold War tensions mutual security world peace nuclear build-ups verification inspections strategic nuclear arsenal national security tasks military planners Christian perspective Putin warning Republican support Kissinger Shultz Baker Eagleburger Powell New START nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations bilateral verification nuclear arsenal transparency Cold War tensions global security peace agreement strategic nuclear deterrent international cooperation mutual trust ratification benefits former Secretaries of State support nuclear disarmament arms control treaty verification measures reduced nuclear stockpiles international stability nuclear threats world peace New START nuclear disarmament US-Russia relations global security arms reduction verification treaty nuclear arsenals Cold War tensions mutual security world peace Christian ethics military planners strategic stability Republican support verification measures nuclear deterrent trust-building international cooperation non-proliferation diplomatic relations mutual suspicion treaty ratification political support symbolic value reduction of nuclear weapons delivery vehicles intrusive verification nuclear disasters human security peace advocacy policy analysis defense strategy security studies international politics global governance public policy safety diplomacy arms control strategic arms New START treaty nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations nuclear weapons stockpiles global security nuclear verification Cold War tensions mutual security nuclear deterrence international peace bilateral cooperation former Secretaries of State support strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security non-proliferation arms control nuclear disarmament global stability trust-building measures nuclear arms reduction verification treaty New START US-Russian cooperation safer world bilateral verification nuclear weapons strategic stability Cold War tensions mutual security reduction in arsenals nuclear deterrence international peace global security nuclear inspections arsenals transparency diplomatic partnership non-proliferation conflict prevention security assurance geopolitical stability arms control verification measures peace advocacy mutual trust reduced nuclear threat strategic nuclear forces international relations defense policy diplomatic relations nuclear disarmament global peace efforts treaty ratification nuclear arsenal management military planners strategic uncertainty national security tasks New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russian relations bilateral verification global security mutual trust Cold War tensions verification measures nuclear arsenal transparency military planners Republican support world peace Christian perspective nuclear deterrence strategic stability international cooperation nuclear disarmament global stability conflict prevention arms control treaty nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US Russia New START safer world nuclear weapons stockpiles bilateral verification mutual security Cold War nuclear build-up trust peace former Secretaries of State military planners national security New START nuclear weapons Russia US reduction verification treaty safer world David Gushee Cold War mutual security verification measures nuclear arsenals symbolic value mutual suspicion Vladimir Putin nuclear build-ups trust peace Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell nuclear deterrent strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security nuclear weapons New START treaty US-Russian relations arms reduction verification measures mutual security world peace Cold War nuclear build-ups trust Christian perspective military planners strategic nuclear arsenal Republican support ratification New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US Russia nuclear weapons stockpiles reduction safer world Dr. David Gushee bilateral verification mutual security Cold War nuclear build-ups trust peace verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective Republican support ratification international cooperation global security"
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro05a	Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations demonstrate a true concern for the developing world.  Even alongside the colonial justifications for providing reparations, there are also many other strong reasons why former colonial powers should grant reparations. Former colonial powers tend to be economically developed, like America, Britain and France. The developed world should recognise the dire poverty and social challenges fed by the developing world today. Giving aid as an act of charity can sometimes be seen as derogatory [1] , and is even rejected by the potential recipients [2] [3] [4] . However, reparations allows a transfer of wealth between these countries in a way which is sensitive to the history between them, and which also demonstrates a desire to improve their relationship. It allows aid to be given to the developing world in a means which is dignified but not spurious.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonialism developing world economic development poverty social challenges aid charity dignity historical responsibility international relations wealth transfer moral obligation post-colonial justice equity global inequality humanitarian assistance recipient rejection sustainable development reparative justice reparations developing world colonial powers economic development poverty social challenges aid charity dignity historical context relationship improvement wealth transfer ethical responsibility global inequality post-colonial studies international relations humanitarian aid development economics social justice reparative justice reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected recipients transfer of wealth history improve relationship dignified spurious reparations developing world colonial justifications economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected wealth transfer historical sensitivity relationship improvement dignified aid spurious help reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected recipients transfer of wealth sensitive to history improve relationship dignified not spurious reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected transfer of wealth history improve relationship dignified spurious reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory rejected transfer of wealth sensitive to history improve relationships dignified aid spurious reparations colonialism developing world economic development poverty social challenges aid charity dignity relationship improvement wealth transfer historical sensitivity reparations developing world colonial justifications former colonial powers economically developed America Britain France dire poverty social challenges aid as charity derogatory rejected transfer of wealth sensitive to history improve relationships dignified aid spurious reparations developing world colonial justifications economic development America Britain France poverty social challenges aid charity derogatory recipients wealth transfer historical sensitivity relationship improvement dignified aid spurious assistance
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro01a	Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Declaration of the faith is a key part of Christianity and that should be respected.  The UK is a nation that claims to be tolerant of all faiths and to respect religious beliefs. If that is the case then it must be accepted that the law should respect actions in accordance with those beliefs insofar as they do not harm or infringe on the rights of others. Demonstrating one’s commitment to the cross is part of that faith [i] and should, therefore be shown some respect in a religiously diverse and tolerant society.  There may be more militant forms of religious profession that would be inappropriate in a workplace but wearing a simple piece of jewellery causes no harm or offence to others.  Both women have stated that they felt that wearing the cross was an important part of their faith [ii] and respect for those beliefs should be shown if society’s claims of tolerance and diversity are to have credibility.  As with the demonstration of any right, the fact that its exercise may not be convenient does not supersede its validity. Indeed the only way of demonstrating that a society is, in fact, a tolerant one is, by definition, when it tolerates the exercise of legitimate practices which are inconvenient.  [i] Galatians 6:14 among others  [ii] BBC News Website. “Shirley Chaplin and Nadia Eweida Take Cross Fight to Europe.” 12 March 2012. Christianity faith UK religious tolerance religious beliefs law rights commitment cross respect religious diversity workplace jewellery militant convenience validity Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News Europe religious profession tolerance society practices inconvenience legitimacy landmark freedom expression discrimination equality Declaration of faith Christianity religious tolerance UK respect for beliefs law and religion harm principle rights of others religious symbols cross religious diversity workplace religious jewellery personal faith militant religious expression inconvenient rights legitimate practices Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News religious freedom Christianity faith Declaration UK religious beliefs tolerance respect law actions beliefs harm rights commitment cross religiously diverse society militant workplace jewellery women important BBC News Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Europe Galatians 6:14 inconvenient legitimate practices tolerant society Declaration of faith Christianity religious beliefs respect tolerance UK law religious actions harm rights of others commitment to the cross religious diversity workplace wearing a cross religious jewellery no harm or offence important part of faith credibility of tolerance exercise of rights inconvenient practices legitimate practices Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida Europe BBC News religious freedom workplace accommodation human rights religious symbols public expression of faith Declaration of faith Christianity religious respect UK tolerance legal respect religious beliefs harm prevention rights protection cross commitment religious diversity workplace appropriateness jewellery wearing faith importance tolerance credibility inconvenience acceptance legitimate practices Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida cross fight Europe Christianity faith religious beliefs tolerance respect religious freedom workplace cross jewellery human rights religious practices society diversity legal respect demonstration of faith inconvenience legitimacy Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News Christianity Declaration of faith religious tolerance UK respect religious beliefs law rights harm infringement cross religiously diverse society workplace jewellery faith credibility inconvenient practices tolerance legitimate practices Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News Europe Galatians 6:14 Declaration of faith Christianity religious beliefs UK tolerance diversity wearing a cross religious freedom workplace respect religious rights demonstration of faith legal respect infringement of rights societal credibility inconvenient rights European Court Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News Galatians 6:14 Christianity Declaration of faith religious tolerance UK law religious beliefs religious diversity wearing cross religious jewellery workplace policies religious rights Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News religious practices societal tolerance inconvenient rights Christianity Declaration of faith religious beliefs religious tolerance UK laws workplace attire religious symbols wearing a cross religious freedom human rights religious practices societal values religious diversity legal respect religious expression militant forms of religion inconvenient rights legitimate practices Galatians 6:14 Shirley Chaplin Nadia Eweida BBC News European Court of Human Rights
test-science-sghwbdgmo-pro03a	"GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs would create too much dependency on biotechnology companies  The legislative framework and historical behavior governing and guiding the operation of big business is geared towards maximizing shareholder returns. This propensity has been demonstrated time and again and might suggest that the GM companies are not modifying the food in the interests of better health, but of better profit. This is reinforced by the nature of many of the GM modifications, including terminator seeds (infertile seed requiring a re-purchase of seed stock each season), various forms of pest and herbicide resistance potentially leading to pests (and weeds) resistant to the current crop of chemical defenses. One of the more disturbing manifestations of this is the licensing of genes that are naturally occurring and suing those who dare to grow them, even if they are there because of cross contamination by wind-blown seeds or some other mechanism. [1] One has only to look at the history of corporations under North American and similar corporations’ law to see the effect of this pressure to perform on behalf of the shareholder. The pollution of water supplies, the continued sale of tobacco, dioxins, asbestos, and the list goes on. Most of those anti-social examples are done with the full knowledge of the corporation involved. [2]  The example of potato farmers in the US illustrates big company dependence: ""By ''opening and using this product,'' it is stated, that farmers only have the license to grow these potatoes for a single generation. The problem is that the genes remain the intellectual property of Monsanto, protected under numerous United States patents (Nos. 5,196,525, 5,164,316, 5,322,938 and 5,352,605), under these patents, people are not allowed to save even crop for next year, because with this they would break Federal law of intellectual property. [3]  [1] Barlett D., Monsanto’s Harvest of Fear, published May 2008,  , accessed 08/27/2011  [2] Hurt H., The Toxic Ten, published 02/19/2008,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [3] Pollan M., Playing God in the Garden, published 10/25/1998,  , accessed 09/02/2011 GMOs biotechnology companies dependency legislative framework shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance genetic modification licensing intellectual property patent Monsanto potato farmers federal law cross contamination pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos corporate responsibility shareholder pressure North American corporations anti-social behavior environmental impact genetic pollution patent infringement seed-saving intellectual property rights big business corporate law shareholder interests public health corporate ethics environmental ethics economic dependency monopolization genetic engineering regulatory frameworks agricultural biodiversity farming practices corporate governance GMOs dependency biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide weeds gene licensing corporate history pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto patents intellectual property federal law GMOs dependency biotechnology companies shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing cross contamination corporate law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property Federal law GMO dependency biotechnology companies shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing corporate law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos intellectual property Monsanto potato farmers Federal law genetic modification corporate accountability environmental impact public health ethical concerns agricultural biodiversity patent laws farmer rights genetic engineering industrial agriculture corporate influence regulatory frameworks sustainable agriculture food security biotech regulation genetic patents agricultural patents genetic resources biopiracy cross contamination legal battles agribusiness food sovereignty corporate ethics GMO GMOs biotechnology companies dependency shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property Monsanto patent laws environmental impact public health corporate ethics legislative framework historical behavior big business farmer rights genetic modification ecosystem biodiversity sustainable agriculture economic control monopolies legal battles cross contamination North American corporations shareholder pressure anti-social practices pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers intellectual property rights Federal law genetic patents genetic engineering agricultural policies corporate responsibility socioeconomic impact food security GMOs dependency biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing natural genes cross contamination corporate law shareholder pressure environmental pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos anti-social practices potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property federal law GMO legislation biotech patents corporate ethics agricultural dependency genetic modification food security corporate accountability farmer rights genetic patents environmental impact health concerns profit motives corporate responsibility public interest legislative oversight agricultural policies sustainable farming GMOs biotechnology dependency legislation shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing cross contamination corporate law environmental pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos intellectual property Monsanto potato farmers patents GM modifications health anti-social practices toxic substances corporate responsibility farmer rights seed patents legal restrictions genetic engineering economic control big business agricultural practices legislative impact corporate ethics public health ecological impact economic sustainability legal framework corporate governance shareholder interest corporate behavior environmental damage human rights GM crops GMOs biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance genetic licensing intellectual property corporate law environmental impact public health corporate ethics patent law agricultural dependence Monsanto patent infringement genetic modification cross contamination North American corporations shareholder performance corporate pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos agricultural patents farmer rights genetic patents US patents intellectual property rights biotech regulation corporate responsibility agricultural biotechnology seed saving genetic ownership corporate control big agribusiness sustainable agriculture environmental law corporate GMOs biotechnology dependency legislative framework shareholder returns profit terminator seeds pest resistance herbicide resistance gene licensing intellectual property Monsanto patent laws corporate law environmental impact public health ethical concerns farmer rights genetic modification regulation corporate responsibility historical corporate behavior shareholder pressure anti-social corporate actions 污染 烟草 二恶英 石棉 土豆农民 美国专利 知识产权法 联邦法律 遗传工程 法律保护 生物科技公司 转基因食品 商务治理 利益最大化 股东利益 法律执行 企业行为 环境保护 公共利益 GMOs dependency biotechnology companies legislative framework shareholder returns GM modifications terminator seeds pest herbicide resistance genetic licensing corporations North American law pollution tobacco dioxins asbestos potato farmers Monsanto intellectual property patents Federal law Barlett Hurt Pollan toxicity business ethics shareholder value genetic modification agricultural biotech corporate responsibility environmental impact farmer rights patent law genetic engineering food security monopoly legal issues"
test-law-ilppppghb-con03a	Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. Self-determination can destabilise nation states, sometimes with very destructive consequences.  If we accept self-determination as such an important principle that it trumps all others, this will encourage people to self-identify along nationalistic, racial or religious lines, at a time in human development when we are moving away from racist and nationalist ideologies. Nationalism is about difference, which flies in the face of the idea of the global citizen. Taken to its extremes, it encourages increased conflict, separatist terrorism. For example, the ethnic conflicts that led to the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s were fuelled by nationalist ideologies and the stressing of the differences between ethnic and religious groups that made up that country. self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive consequences nationalism racial identity religious identity global citizenship ethnic conflict separatism terrorism Yugoslavia ethnic diversity ideological conflict human development racial ideologies nationalist ideologies separatist movements conflict resolution global unity self-determination nation states destructive consequences nationalist ideologies racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s ethnic groups religious groups nationalism difference racist ideologies nationalist ideologies human development global citizenship separatism ethnic cleansing political instability state fragmentation identity politics cultural diversity ethnic nationalism religious nationalism political violence ethnic tension international relations sovereignty self-identification ideological conflicts global community multiculturalism ethnic homogeneity state integrity separatist movements ethnic strife political turmoil ethnic self-determination nation-states destructive consequences nationalism racial lines religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism Yugoslavia ethnic conflicts nationalist ideologies religious groups Self-determination nation states destabilisation destructive consequences nationalism racial ideologies religious lines global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups self-determination nation-states destabilisation destructive consequences nationalism racial identity religious identity global citizenship conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic groups religious groups difference ideology human development racist ideologies nationalist principles global community international relations political science sociology ethnicity multiculturalism state sovereignty separatism peace studies human rights governance territorial integrity political stability social cohesion cultural identity regionalism globalization international law minority rights international security conflict resolution political philosophy self- self-determination nation-states destabilization destructive-consequences nationalism racial-lines religious-lines global-citizen conflict separatist-terrorism ethnic-conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist-ideologies differences ideologies human-development racist-ideologies extremism self-determination nation-states destabilisation destructive consequences nationalism racial identity religious identity global citizen conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s nationalist ideologies ethnic differences religious differences self-determination nation-states destructive consequences nationalism racial religious global citizenship conflict separatist terrorism ethnic conflicts Yugoslavia 1990s ideologies differences ethnic groups religious groups
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats parents abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threat irreversible dehumanisation combat care treatment demobilisation ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimacy resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruited armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted military organizations uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies gullibility immune to bullets financial rewards drugs addiction coercive threats irreversible dehumanizing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruited armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs coercion relativist morality irreversible dehumanising unpardonable crime ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimate resistance movements care treatment demobilising healing damage Child Soldiers International Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers armed conflict recruited armed political groups child soldiers de-facto adults defend communities defined political objectives military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform kill parents vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility immune to bullets financial rewards atrocities drugs addicted coerced threatened relativist morality irreversible brutality dehumanising combat care treatment demobilising unpardonable crime suffering universal values ICC cultural relativism warlords child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion relativist morality irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs irreversible dehumanizing healing ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruited armed political groups de-facto adults defend communities propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform kill parents inducted abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies immune to bullets financially rewarded atrocities drugs addicted coerced threatened objectively harmful irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies drugs irreversible damage demobilisation universal values cultural relativism ICC warlords legitimacy atrocities dehumanising financial rewards immunity to bullets coercion threats unpardonable crime unnecessary suffering destruction resistance movements global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups voluntarism social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation minesweepers spies propaganda drugs addiction irreversible damage dehumanization ICC universal values warlords cultural relativism legitimate resistance movements demobilization care treatment atrocities financial rewards immunity to bullets coercion threatening child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation minesweepers spies drugs financial rewards coercion irreversible damage demobilization care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con02a	A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A tax is not an effective instrument to fight obesity  There are very legitimate concerns whether artificially increasing the cost of fatty food by specifically targeting it with a tax would have a significant effect on the obesity trend.  In fact, research shows that a fat tax would produce only a marginal change in consumption – not the dramatic shift in public awareness the proponents of the fat tax are hoping for. The reason, LSE researchers believe, is simple: “those on the very poorest diets will continue to eat badly.” [1]  Other than the economic reasons for such behavior, it could be argued that is also a thing of habit and culture: fast fatty food is quick, accessible and tasty. [2] Thus while a tax might be useful in reducing things such as the use of cigarettes – which are at heart an unnecessary “luxury” and thus more easily affected by the price – eating food, whether junk or not, is necessary. It also seems that the fast fatty kind of food is fulfilling a specific need, a need for a quick, tasty and filling meal, something people consider worth paying good money for.  The fight against obesity ought to be multifaceted, complex and well thought out – and a fat tax is none of those things. We should approach the issue with more cunning and introduce other programs: such as increasing the availability of healthy food by introducing healthy vending machines; [3] increasing the amount of physics exercise by requiring it in school, improving possibilities for recreation and access to public transportation thus encouraging people to burn more calories [4] and, most importantly, proper education on the topic if we want to create lasting change. [5]  [1] Tiffin, R., Salois, M., A fat tax is a double whammy for the poor – it will do little to prevent obesity in those on lower incomes, and will hurt them financially, published 9/2/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Hitti, M., Top 11 Reasons For Fast Food's Popularity, published 12/3/2008,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] Yara, S., Best And Worst Vending Machine Snacks, published 10/6/2005,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [4] CDC, Recommended Community Strategies and Measurements to Prevent Obesity in the United States, published 7/24/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [5] Bunce, L., ‘Fat tax’ solutions ignore wider social factors driving junk food habits, published 8/16/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 tax obesity fatty food consumption economic reasons habit culture fast food cigarettes junk food multifaceted complex healthy vending machines physical exercise school recreation public transportation education lasting change poverty financial impact social factors junk food habits tax obesity fat tax consumption public awareness economic behavior habit culture fast food necessity cigarettes multifaceted approach healthy food vending machines physical exercise recreation public transportation education lasting change social factors junk food habits tax effectiveness obesity economic behavior fast food culture fat tax consumption change public health multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise education social factors junk food habits community strategies obesity prevention fat tax obesity economic impact fast food public health consumption change poor diets habit and culture health education healthy vending machines physical exercise public transportation social factors multifaceted approach junk food habits luxury tax necessary food lasting change community strategies obesity prevention financial burden lower incomes quick meals tasty food public awareness proponents marginal effect dramatic shift economic reasons behavior accessibility affordability nutritional value public policy alternative programs lifestyle changes health initiatives school requirements recreational opportunities calorie burning healthy lifestyle social determinants food tax obesity fat tax economic impact consumption change public awareness dietary habits fast food cultural factors necessary consumption multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning education lasting change social factors junk food habits tax obesity fatty food consumption public awareness economic behavior habit culture fast food cigarettes luxury junk food multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements public transportation calorie burning education social factors junk food habits poverty financial impact recommended community strategies lasting change tax obesity fat tax consumption public awareness LSE economic behavior habit culture fast food necessary consumption multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise school requirements recreation public transportation education lasting change social factors junk food habits fat tax obesity fast food economic impact dietary habits public health taxation consumption change poverty food accessibility vending machines physical activity education multifaceted approach social factors junk food public transportation recreation calorie burning tax obesity economic concerns LSE research dietary habits cultural factors fast food cigarettes multifaceted approach healthy vending machines physical exercise public transportation education social factors junk food fat tax poverty consumption health policies public health strategies tax effectiveness obesity fatty food consumption change public awareness economic behavior dietary habits fast food necessity multifaceted approaches healthy vending machines physical exercise public transportation education lasting change social factors junk food habits
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con05a	Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. Government only objects to online gambling because they dont benefit  Governments are hypocritical about gambling. They say they don’t like it but they often use it for their own purposes. Sometimes they only allow gambling in certain places in order to boost a local economy. Sometimes they profit themselves by running the only legal gambling business, such as a National Lottery [15] or public racecourse betting. This is bad for the public who want to gamble. Online gambling firms can break through government control by offering better odds and attractive new games. government online gambling benefit hypocritical local economy national lottery public racecourse betting control better odds attractive games government online gambling benefit hypocrisy gambling local economy legal gambling national lottery public racecourse betting public gambling firms government control better odds attractive games government control online gambling national lottery public racecourse betting local economy gambling regulation legal gambling government hypocrisy gambling benefits public gambling demand online gambling advantages government profiteering gambling expansion economic stimulation gambling restrictions Government control online gambling legal gambling National Lottery public racecourse betting economic boost gambling regulation hypocritical policies restricted gambling better odds attractive games government profit public interest gambling freedom online gambling firms government control online gambling hypocritical policies economic boost legal gambling national lottery public racecourse better odds attractive games public interest gambling regulation government profit local economy gambling opposition Government online gambling benefit hypocrisy gambling local economy legal gambling National Lottery public racecourse public better odds attractive games control government regulation online gambling public policy economic benefits local economy national lottery public racecourse legal gambling public interest better odds attractive games government hypocrisy gambling control gambling purposes government profit government control online gambling legal gambling National Lottery public racecourse betting local economy gambling regulation government hypocrisy betting odds attractive games government control online gambling legal gambling national lottery public racecourse betting economic boost gambling regulation public gambling government hypocrisy better odds attractive games gambling firms government profit local economy gambling purposes government control online gambling public racecourse betting national lottery economic boost local economy gambling regulation public interest government hypocrisy legal gambling attractive games better odds gambling firms government profit
test-education-udfakusma-con03a	Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. Less incentive to study at university  If everything that University provides is open to all then there is less incentive to study at university. Anyone who is studying in order to learn about a subject rather than achieve a particular qualification will no longer need to attend the university in order to fulfil their aim. The actual benefit of university education is less in learning content per se than engaging with new ideas critically, something that is frequently more difficult in an online environment.  Moreover if only some countries or institutions were to implement such open access then it makes more sense for any students who are intending to study internationally to go elsewhere as they will still be able to use the resources made available by that university. Open access if not implemented universally is therefore damaging to universities attempts to attract lucrative international students who often pay high tuition fees. university education open access learning content critical thinking online environment international students tuition fees academic resources educational value higher education benefits student motivation academic engagement global education market university competitiveness educational equity learning outcomes academic achievement institutional reputation educational technology remote learning open access university education incentive to study online learning critical thinking international students tuition fees learning resources academic engagement higher education value educational institutions global education market open access university education incentive to study learning content critical thinking online environment international students tuition fees educational resources academic engagement open access university education incentive to study learning content critical thinking online environment international students tuition fees open resources educational value academic engagement global education market open access university resources international students online learning critical thinking tuition fees educational value academic engagement study motivation qualification pursuit open access university education incentive to study learning content critical thinking online environment international students tuition fees education resources academic engagement university education open access incentive to study critical thinking online learning international students tuition fees learning resources academic engagement higher education value global education market educational content accessibility open access university education incentive to study learning resources critical thinking online learning international students tuition fees educational value academic engagement open access university education online learning international students tuition fees critical thinking learning content academic resources education incentives study abroad open access university education incentive to study learning content critical engagement online learning international students tuition fees resource availability educational value
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con05a	Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe needs to prevent Russian influence in Ukraine  If Europe shuns Ukraine then Yanukovych has an obvious alternative he can turn to; Russia. Putin, the newly re-elected President of Russia, is holding out the option of a customs union with Ukraine which Yanukovych despite initially rejecting [1] is now showing more interest in joining. [2] Only a few years ago Ukraine was being touted for possible NATO membership and Vice President Biden called Ukraine a “European country where democracy rules”. [3] A turn towards Russia therefore represents a failure of the European Union and NATO’s policy towards its eastern neighbours where the aim is to promote democracy and human rights.  [1] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Putin: Yanukovych statement Ukraine will not join Customs Union conveys political emotions’, Kyiv Post, 16 September 2011 .  [2] Interfax-Ukraine, ‘Official: Ukraine shows keen interest in Customs Union’, Kyiv Post, 15 March 2012 .  [3] ‘Biden: U.S. supports Ukraine’s NATO bid’, USA Today, 21 July 2009 . Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights eastern neighbours Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post Biden USA Today U.S. support European country political emotions keen interest membership failure policy European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine democracy human rights Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO membership eastern neighbours political emotions international relations geopolitical strategy security policy bilateral relations regional stability democratic governance European integration Russian federation Ukrainian politics Western alliance strategic partnership econo-political alignment diplomatic relations autonomy sovereignty Euro-Atlantic community security architecture multipolar world international security global politics geopolitical landscape Russo-Ukrainian relations European security defense cooperation strategic interests foreign policy political alliance economic partnership military alliance Russian influence Ukraine European Union NATO democracy human rights Yanukovych Putin Customs Union NATO membership European policy eastern neighbors political emotions U.S. support Biden statement European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine democracy human rights Yanukovych Putin Customs Union NATO membership Eastern Europe policy political alliances international relations geopolitical strategy European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine democracy human rights Yanukovych Putin Customs Union NATO membership political alliance Eastern Europe Interfax-Ukraine Vice President Biden U.S. support European country European Union Russian influence Ukraine Putin Yanukovych customs union NATO democracy human rights eastern neighbours political emotions Interfax-Ukraine Vice President Biden U.S. supports NATO bid European country Europe Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights European Union Eastern neighbors political emotions Biden U.S. support Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today European Union NATO Russian influence Ukraine Yanukovych Putin Customs Union democracy human rights eastern neighbours NATO membership political emotions Biden U.S. support Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today European policy Russian influence Ukraine democracy human rights NATO membership European Union Putin Yanukovych customs union political alignment international relations Eastern Europe security policy regional stability democracy promotion geopolitical strategy diplomatic relations economic partnership military alliance Russian influence Ukraine Europe Yanukovych Putin customs union NATO democracy human rights European Union eastern neighbours political emotions United States Biden NATO membership Interfax-Ukraine Kyiv Post USA Today
test-health-hdond-pro02a	Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors creates an incentive to become a donor  The greatest argument for this policy is also the simplest: it will save thousands, perhaps millions of lives. A policy of prioritizing transplants for donors would massively increase the proportion of donors from the status quo of (at best) just over 30% {Confirmed Organ Donors}. Given the number of people who die under circumstances that render many of their organs useless, the rate of donor registration must be as high as possible. The overwhelming incentive that this policy would create to register may well eliminate the scarcity for certain organs altogether; a bonus benefit of this would mean that for organs where the scarcity was eliminated, this policy would not even need to make good on its threat of denial of organs to non-donors (and even if this happened for every organ and thus reduced the incentive to register as a donor, the number of donors could only fall as far as until there was a scarcity again, thus reviving the incentive to donate until the rate of donation reaches an equilibrium with demand.) Prioritizing donors incentive policy save lives increase donors organ scarcity transplant priority donor registration organ donation non-donors organ scarcity elimination donation equilibrium demand balance organ donation donor registration transplant prioritization incentive creation life-saving organ scarcity donor policy confirmed organ donors non-donors donation equilibrium organ scarcity elimination donor registration increase transplant denial donor incentive organ donor scarcity donor proportion donor registration rate organ donation policy donor benefits non-donor consequences prioritizing donors incentive organ donation save lives policy transplant confirmed organ donors donor registration incentive policy register as donor organ scarcity eliminate scarcity organ demand equilibrium with demand prioritizing donors incentive to donate save lives transplant policy increase donor proportion organ donor registration eliminate organ scarcity policy effectiveness donor equilibrium organ donation incentives non-donor denial donor registration boost organ scarcity reduction policy benefit analysis donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy incentive creation life-saving potential donor registration organ scarcity non-donor denial donation equilibrium public health benefit Prioritizing donors incentive to become a donor save lives transplant policy increase donor proportion high donor registration eliminate organ scarcity policy incentive donor equilibrium organ demand confirmed organ donors transplant denial to non-donors donor prioritization transplant incentives organ donation rates life-saving benefits donor registration organ scarcity non-donor denial donor equilibrium organ availability public health policy donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy incentive to donate life-saving potential donor registration organ scarcity non-donor denial donation equilibrium organ registration medical ethics health policy public health organ transplant donor rates health incentives organ availability transplant access donor scarcity donation encouragement donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy save lives donor registration organ scarcity incentive to donate confirmed organ donors donor equilibrium non-donor denial donor rate organ usefulness donor scarcity registration incentive organ demand policy effectiveness organ allocation moral argument health policy medical ethics donor prioritization organ donation transplant policy donor registration organ scarcity incentive structure life-saving policy organ donor rate transplant equity donor incentive organ donation ethics health policy medical ethics organ allocation donor commitment organ availability donor scarcity donor equilibrium organ demand transplant benefits
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro01a	Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, Encourages a culture of respect for human rights  Capital punishment is, in general seen as a significant human rights violation by the international community - not only most liberal democracies, but much of international civil society.  Abolition will help lead to the development of a culture of human rights and the rule of law by acting as a benchmark of progress, and a symbol of a commitment to these principles. It is notable that Guinea Bissau is the only abolitionist nation in the bottom ten countries in Africa for the rule of law – according to the Ibrahim Index of African Governance’s safety and rule of law category, compared to six abolitionist countries in the top ten [1] .  [1] Mo Ibrahim Foundation, “Ibrahim Index of African Governance”, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2013, culture of respect human rights capital punishment human rights violation international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law progress commitment principles Guinea Bissau abolitionist nation bottom ten countries Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety top ten Mo Ibrahim Foundation Ibrahim Index of African Governance 2013 human rights capital punishment abolition rule of law international community liberal democracies civil society cultural development Guinea Bissau African governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation Ibrahim Index safety legal principles progress benchmark societal commitment human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau bottom ten countries Africa Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation culture of respect human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition human rights development rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau bottom ten countries Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation 2013 Culture respect human rights capital punishment violation international community liberal democracies civil society abolition development rule of law benchmark progress commitment Guinea Bissau abolitionist bottom ten Africa Ibrahim Index African Governance safety law Mo Ibrahim Foundation 2013 human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies civil society abolition rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation culture of respect human rights capital punishment human rights violation international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition human rights development rule of law progress benchmark commitment to principles Guinea Bissau abolitionist nation bottom ten countries Africa rule of law Ibrahim Index of African Governance safety and rule of law Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation human rights capital punishment international community liberal democracies international civil society abolition culture of human rights rule of law benchmark of progress symbol of commitment Guinea Bissau Ibrahim Index of African Governance Mo Ibrahim Foundation safety and rule of law African governance
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Islamic interpretations Koran modest dress severe interpretations Burka banning veil moderate Islam entrenchment severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalization non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning moderate interpretations severe interpretations entrenchment religious symbols division western society hijab pressure muslim women religious observance internalized oppression head coverings non-muslims islam interpretations koran modest dress severe interpretations banning veil moderate islam burka social division religious freedom cultural integration gender equality religious symbols division Western society Hijab pressure Muslim women religious oppression internalization Muslim head coverings non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil entrenchment severe Islam Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure family leaders oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil Burka Workers Power Rumy Hassan religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalized oppression non-Muslims Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil moderate interpretations severe interpretations veiling practices cultural conflict Islamic diversity religious attire societal norms gender roles religious freedom public discourse cultural integration identity politics feminist perspectives religious authority secularism religious practices social cohesion inclusivity religious expression Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure internalized oppression non-Muslims Islamic interpretations Koran modest dress severe interpretations banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims different schools of Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil moderate Islam entrenchment of practices religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression approval non-Muslims Islam schools of Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil entrenchment severe interpretations prevention
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro01a	It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. It is a natural thing to do  We are biologically programmed to want to preserve our species. As such, our offspring will often be more important to ourselves than our own persons. Many doctors hear parents tell them how they wish that they could “take over” their child’s terminal illness rather than have the child suffer. [1] It is therefore natural and right for the older generation to sacrifice itself where possible to save the younger generation. As crass as this might seem, they are statistically more likely to die earlier than their offspring in any event and stand to lose less. They have had the chance to experience more of a life than their child. They are furthermore the cause of the child’s existence, and owe it to the child to protect it at any cost.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301. natural biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness generational ethics life experience humanist perspective organ donation nursing care natural biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational responsibility humanist perspective organ donation nursing care ethical considerations altruism parental love child protection life experience mortality rates natural biologically-programmed preserve-species offspring-importance parental-sacrifice terminal-illness generational-difference statistical-probability life-experience child-protection humanist-perspective organ-donation nursing-care natural behavior biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice offspring prioritization terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience parental responsibility humanist perspective nursing care organ donation process natural instinct biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience cause of existence parental responsibility organ donation humanist perspective nursing care natural biologically programmed preserve species offspring parents terminal illness sacrifice older generation younger generation statistically likely life experience cause protection humanist perspective organ donation nursing care natural biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience parental responsibility humanist perspective nursing care organ donation natural biologically-programmed preserve-species offspring-importance parental-sacrifice terminal-illness generational-sacrifice statistical-likelihood life-experiences causality protection-duty humanist-perspective organ-donation nursing-care natural instincts biological programming species preservation parental sacrifice terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience cause of existence protective instinct humanist perspective nursing care organ donation process natural biological programming species preservation offspring importance parental sacrifice terminal illness generational sacrifice statistical likelihood life experience causality protection obligation humanist perspective organ donation nursing care
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con04a	Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access cannot be a human right when it is not available to all.  If human rights are inalienable and inherent in humans then no technology can be a human right as not everyone can ever expect access all of the time. Certainly at the moment huge swathes of the world have no internet access and this does not mean that their governments are violating their human rights.  The analogy might be given to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement is a human right however we don’t need the aid of a car to be able to exercise this right the technology itself is unnecessary as we have an inherent ability to move just as we do to communicate. Internet access human right availability inalienable inherent technology global access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights inalienable rights technology access global internet coverage government responsibility freedom of movement inherent abilities communication rights digital divide technological inequality universal rights human dignity social justice access to information digital inclusion global connectivity rights violations technological limitations human capabilities Internet access human rights inalienable rights inherent rights technology access global connectivity freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights digital divide Internet access human rights availability inalienable rights inherent rights technology human right violation freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights availability inalienable inherent technology universal access freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights government responsibility digital divide global inequality technological dependency human dignity essential freedoms connectivity online rights offline rights universal human rights digital citizenship internet access human right availability inalienable inherent technology universal access government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights human rights inalienable rights internet access global connectivity technology rights freedom of movement inherent human abilities digital divide universal access human rights violations technological dependency communication rights Internet access human rights inalienable inherent technology universal access freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights digital divide global internet coverage government responsibility technological inequality right to communicate essential human rights Internet access human rights availability inalienable inherent technology global coverage government responsibility freedom of movement inherent ability communication rights Internet access human rights availability technology inalienable inherent global coverage government responsibility freedom of movement communication rights digital divide universal access technological limitations human capabilities
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con02a	Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. Legalising coca production would undemine the wider war on the drugs economy  The UN International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said in 2011 that exceptions for Bolivia would undermine international narcotics control efforts: “[Allowing coca] would undermine the integrity of the global drug control system, undoing the good work of governments over many years.” [1] A US official said in January of 2011: “there is evidence to suggest that a substantial percentage” of the increased coca production in Bolivia over the past several years, registered in U.N. surveys, “has indeed gone into the network and the marketplace for cocaine.” [2] These examples thus show that legalizing coca cultivation would undermine the wider war on drugs, because it shifts the policy away from one of eradicating crops which could be turned into narcotics and instead turns towards making them acceptable on the global market. It encourages countries to take eradication efforts less seriously, and seemingly undermines the commitment of the international community to the war on drugs, once it gives in on this narcotic. This will make not just cocaine but many other drugs more widely available, leading to even more ruined lives through drug abuse.  [1] M&C News. “Bolivia undermines global anti-drug efforts, UN warns”. M&C News. Jul 5, 2011.   [2] Associated Press. “U.S. to fight Bolivia on allowing coca-leaf chewing”. The Portland Press Herald. January 19 2011. legalising coca production undermines war drugs economy UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia exceptions international narcotics control efforts integrity global drug system US official increased coca cultivation cocain network marketplace policy eradicating crops narcotics acceptable global market countries eradication efforts international community commitment narcotic cocaine drugs availability ruined lives drug abuse legalising coca undermining war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board Bolivia international narcotics control coca production global drug control system US official coca cultivation drug abuse drug eradication international drug policy cocaine production drug availability ruined lives narcotic regulation global anti-drug efforts coca leaf chewing U.S. policy on coca international drug marketplace drug control commitment global coca market drug control integrity Bolivia coca exception cocaine network international community response drug control system narcotics control efforts coca legalization impact drug policy shift legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control US official coca production cocaine drug control system drug abuse illegal drugs global market drug eradication international community narcotic legality coca cultivation drug policy drug availability ruined lives drug network drug marketplace global anti-drug efforts coca leaf chewing legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia undermining international narcotics control global drug control system US official increased coca production cocaine network drug abuse international community drug eradication global market narcotic legalization coca cultivation drug policy cocaine availability ruined lives legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control US official coca production cocaine network drug control system global market drug eradication international commitment drug availability drug abuse ruined lives anti-drug efforts coca-leaf chewing legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control US official coca production cocaine drug abuse global drug control system coca cultivation drug eradication international community drug availability ruined lives coca-leaf chewing anti-drug efforts drug policy narcotic acceptance global market drug network marketplace for cocaine legalisation coca production undermine war drugs economy UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia exceptions international narcotics control efforts integrity global drug system US official evidence increased coca cultivation U.N. surveys network marketplace cocaine policy eradicating crops narcotics acceptable global market countries eradication commitment international community narcotic availability cocaine drugs abuse ruined lives legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia international narcotics control drug control system US official coca production cocaine network drug abuse global market drug eradication international commitment narcotic availability ruined lives drug policy coca cultivation global anti-drug efforts coca-leaf chewing legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia undermining international narcotics control global drug control system cocaine production drug abuse international community drug eradication efforts coca cultivation global market drug availability ruined lives US official U.N. surveys coca-leaf chewing legalising coca war on drugs UN International Narcotics Control Board INCB Bolivia cocaine production international drug control drug policy crop eradication global market drug abuse US official drug availability international community commitment
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con01a	The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. The ability to prosecute politicians is the ultimate protection against the abuse of power.  It is impossible to overstate the power that the threat of prosecution has to stay the hand of anyone, including a politician, from transgressing the laws of the state. In fact, we need more aggressive prosecution of politicians. Not a single person has been prosecuted for approval illegal torture or wiretapping. These are illegal actions actually happening which the populace, with only the blunt instrument of voting for or against a politician on the sum total of their policies, is unable to effectively influence. There is no greater deterrent that could be used against politicians. prosecute politicians abuse power protection threat transgressing laws state aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping actions populace voting policies influence deterrent accountability justice corruption oversight legal consequences political ethics misconduct public trust governance enforcement legal system accountability mechanisms democratic processes civic engagement judicial review whistleblowing transparency reform law enforcement agencies checks balances constitutional rights civil liberties oversight committees investigative powers judicial activism prosecute politicians abuse of power threat of prosecution aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping illegal actions public influence political accountability legal consequences deterrent effect political transgression judicial oversight political justice legal prosecution political crimes state laws voter impact policy evaluation corruption control prosecution politicians abuse of power legal accountability political crime deterrent law enforcement accountability in politics illegal actions by politicians political accountability prosecution of political misconduct legal consequences for politicians voting as a limited tool political corruption judicial oversight of politicians prosecution for illegal political acts political ethics legal prosecution as a deterrent political justice ability to prosecute ultimate protection abuse of power threat of prosecution stay the hand aggressive prosecution politicians illegal torture wiretapping illegal actions populace influence voting deterrent political accountability judicial oversight government transparency rule of law political integrity politicians prosecution abuse of power deterrent illegal actions torture wiretapping accountability legal consequences political misconduct judicial oversight public influence voting policy impact prosecution of politicians abuse of power legal accountability political corruption deterrence law enforcement judicial oversight political crimes illegal actions government transparency public officials impeachment legal consequences punishment political ethics voter influence policy oversight electoral consequences civic duty political responsibility prosecute politicians abuse of power threat of prosecution aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping unlawful actions political accountability legal consequences deterrence political deterrence judicial oversight government accountability public influence voter power policy compliance legal prosecution political integrity rule of law democratic oversight prosecution politicians abuse of power legal accountability political crime deterrent illegal actions government accountability judicial system political corruption legal repercussions public oversight accountability in government political prosecution law enforcement political ethics legal sanctions governmental transparency prosecution of officials rule of law prosecute politicians abuse of power threat of prosecution aggressive prosecution illegal torture wiretapping legal accountability political accountability deterrent judicial oversight law enforcement political crimes public influence voting power policy impact legal consequences political ethics government transparency corruption prosecution rates legal sanctions political misconduct citizen rights legislative oversight judicial integrity accountability mechanisms state laws political system democratic principles legal reform justice system political enforcement legal protection public trust political accountability measures judicial review political oversight legal action political governance ethical standards political sanctions legal prosecution politicians abuse of power legal accountability deterrence illegal actions political misconduct judicial oversight accountability in governance legal consequences political integrity corruption rule of law public trust legal enforcement political reform electoral influence governance ethics civic responsibility legislative compliance
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro04a	Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. Freedom of expression, like any right is fairly meaningless if it’s only respected when it’s convenient.  Recognising rights when there is no inconvenience to anybody involved is verging on the irrelevant. This is, perhaps, especially true, with freedom of expression. If I recognise your right to express yourself freely - so long as I never have to see, hear or be aware of you doing – rather misses the point.  Likewise if the individual is free only so long as there aren’t any rules saying they shouldn’t be, goes somewhat against the grain of defending liberties. Indeed the history of the idea that people can exercise all the freedom they like as long as it’s out of sight, out of mind and doesn’t break any rules is not a noble one; among other absurd forms of “freedom”, it was used to justify both segregation and apartheid.  Although the effect and extent of the prejudice is clearly different here, the logic is the same: you are completely free to do whatever I think you should do.  Having a right to freely express oneself means to do so when it is inconvenient, challenging or offensive to others [i] . The rules being broken here were, as has already been mentioned, fairly petty and the sanctions comparatively minor – although the loss of someone’s livelihood should not be understated. The case is important because of the precedent it sets; what if the two women were risking not just their jobs but their liberty?  The UK considers itself to be a tolerant country. Tolerance means accepting those declarations and statements that are inconvenient. If the law is incapable of defending a statement as benign as wearing a small piece of jewellery, it is worrying to think how it would cope with something more forthright.  [i] UN Declaration of Human Rights. Articles 18, 19 and 23. freedom of expression right inconvenient challenging offensive tolerance legal defense human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 segregation apartheid liberty precedent tolerance 言论自由 权利 不便 挑战 冒犯 宽容 法律辩护 人权 联合国人权宣言 第18条 第19条 第23条 隔离 种族隔离 自由 先例 宽容 Freedom of expression universal rights inconvenient truths challenging speech offensive content verbal freedom public discourse societal norms legal precedents tolerance human rights UN Declaration Articles 18 19 23 segregation apartheid petty rules minor sanctions livelihood liberty wearing jewelry forthright statements defending liberties noble history out of sight out of mind freedom restrictions convenient rights relevant rights recognition of rights expression limits societal impact legal defense benign expressions tolerance levels freedom of speech expression importance challenging norms societal tolerance legal protection freedom of expression human rights tolerance inconvenience challenging offensive segregation apartheid liberty tolerance UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 wear religious symbols employment discrimination legal precedent civil liberties freedom of belief public expression societal norms legal sanctions human dignity equality social justice freedom of expression civil liberties human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Article 18 Article 19 Article 23 tolerance inconvenience segregation apartheid public discourse free speech legal precedent employment rights tolerance in society challenging speech offensive speech liberties rules and regulations social acceptance minority rights individual freedoms moral relativism societal norms legal sanctions democratic values human dignity personal beliefs freedom of religion secular societies legal challenges freedom of association peaceful assembly democratic participation public interest 言论自由 公民自由 Freedom of expression Right to express Inconvenience Challenge Offense Tolerance Liberty Segregation Apartheid UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 Livelihood Precedent Tolerant country Benign expression Forthright statement Rules Sanctions Job loss Liberty risk Legal defense Human rights Civil liberties Free speech Expression rights Public awareness Social norms Legal precedent Employment rights Religious freedom Personal freedoms Individual rights Societal values Democratic principles Legal protections Civil rights freedom of expression inconvenient speech rights and responsibilities tolerance censorship human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights segregation apartheid legal precedent liberty employment rights religious freedom civil liberties freedom of expression rights inconvenience visibility rules segregation apartheid tolerance human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 liberty Employment religious symbols legal precedent social acceptance challenge offense civil liberties public discourse democratic values freedom of religion personal freedoms societal norms individual rights government regulation legal sanctions employment rights freedom of speech democratic societies human dignity equality justice legal protection social cohesion cultural diversity freedom of thought conscience belief freedom of expression right to express inconvenient expression challenging speech offensive speech tolerance segregation apartheid liberty UN Declaration of Human Rights Articles 18 19 23 job security legal precedent tolerance in UK wearing symbols benign expression forthright statements defending liberties petty rules minor sanctions livelihood loss noble freedom history out of sight out of mind meaningful rights relevant rights inconvenient rights freedom under rules freedom limitations defensive liberties expressing oneself freely expressing inconveniently legal defense of expression tolerance of inconvenient views freedom of speech freedom of expression right inconvenience relevance visibility rules liberties history segregation apartheid prejudice logic offense tolerance human rights UN declaration articles 18 19 23 law precedent livelihood tolerance acceptance jewelry statements defense freedom of expression inconvenience challenging offensive tolerance human rights UN Declaration of Human Rights articles 18 19 23 segregation apartheid lawful liberties wearing jewellery benign statement forthright statement livelihood liberty legal precedent defending liberties rules sanctions
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con01a	Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. Defamation  While South African Law does allow for freedom of speech, and the constitution is one of the most liberal in the world for protecting such freedoms, it must be measured against the need for responsibility in the use of such freedoms to prevent offence.  Whatever one believes about ‘The Spear’ it is clear that Murray attacked President Zuma based upon his personal life rather than any critique of policy. The depiction of the President with his penis exposed is a reminder of the accusations of rape against him, of which he was acquitted in 2007.  To remind those who view the painting of the accusation is to hint at Zuma’s guilt in the case despite it being proved otherwise in a court of law. This is effectively libel and as such defames Zuma’s character. As such, Zuma was right to sue for defamation and it was right for the artwork to be removed as it implied and spread a falsehood in the public domain that is damaging to Zuma. defamation South African law freedom of speech constitution responsibility freedom The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis rape accusations libel character lawsuit artwork removal public domain damage falsehood Zuma Defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitution responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique rape accusation libel character lawsuit artwork removal public domain damage falsehood defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitution responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life critique of policy penis exposed accusations of rape acquitted libel character sue artwork public domain falsehood damaging Defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitutional protections responsibility The Spear Kemy Murray President Zuma personal life critique of policy penis exposed rape accusations acquittal libel character defamaton public domain falsehood damaging lawsuit artwork removal Defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitutional protection responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character defamation lawsuit public damage falsehood spread defamation South African law freedom of speech constitutional rights responsibility art criticism The Spear Jacob Zuma personal life policy critique penis depiction rape accusation libel character defamation public domain lawsuit artwork removal falsehood damage reputation defamation freedom of speech South African law constitution responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character defamation public domain falsehood lawsuit artwork removal damaging Zuma defamation South African Law freedom of speech constitution responsibility freedom limitations 'The Spear' Brett Murray Jacob Zuma personal life policy critique penis depicted rape accusations libel character damage public domain lawsuit artwork removal falsehood spread reputational harm Defamation South African Law freedom of speech responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations libel character defamation public domain falsehood lawsuit artwork removal damage to reputation defamation South African Law freedom of speech responsibility The Spear Murray President Zuma personal life policy critique penis exposed rape accusations acquitted libel character defamation public domain damage lawsuit artwork removal falsehood spread
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro02a	"Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . Affirmative action removes the cyclical disadvantages of discrimination  Affirmative action evens the playing field for those who have suffered past discrimination.  Discrimination in the past not only leaves a feeling of rejection by one’s community, but also a legacy of disadvantage and perpetual poverty. Discrimination is not only psychologically damaging, but tangibly. The denial of opportunities for education and employment in the past has left families in situations where they are stuck in a poverty trap and cannot afford to achieve the basic opportunities that others can as they are stuck in a cycle of poverty [1] .  A good example of this can be seen in the example of Brazil, where poverty is much more wide-spread in African communities who were previously used as slaves [2] .  There is no equality of opportunity in cases of past discrimination. Affirmative action helps level the playing field for selection by assisting those who are held back from a continual historical denial of opportunity and providing them the equality of opportunity everyone deserves.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Telles, Edward. ""Discrimination and Affirmative Action in Brazil."" PBS Wide Angle. N.p., 01 Jun 2009. Web. 23 Aug 2011. <  . affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination equal opportunity poverty trap historical denial brazil african communities slavery psychological damage tangibly damaging education denial employment denial selection leveling black experience policy effectiveness social justice economic mobility inherited disadvantage affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination equality of opportunity poverty trap historical denial Brazil African communities slavery psychological damage tangible effects selection process level playing field opportunity assistance perpetual poverty community rejection education denial employment denial black experience Edward Telles PBS Wide Angle American Bar Association Philip Aka affirmative action cyclical disadvantages past discrimination playing field legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage denial of opportunities education employment poverty trap equality of opportunity historical denial Brazil African communities slavery wide-spread poverty selection assistance black experience Edward Telles PBS Wide Angle American Bar Association affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination evens playing field legacy of disadvantage perpetual poverty psychological damage education denial employment denial poverty trap equality of opportunity historical denial Brazil African communities slavery American Bar Association PBS Wide Angle Edward Telles Philip Aka affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination legacy poverty trap historical denial equality of opportunity Brazilian context educational opportunities employment denial psychological damage community rejection poverty cycle affirmative action benefits selection leveling past discrimination impact tangible disadvantages opportunity disparity social equity race relations policy effectiveness affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field rejection community legacy disadvantage poverty psychologically damaging education employment poverty trap cycle of poverty Brazil African communities slavery equality of opportunity historical denial selection assistance deserving Philip Aka American Bar Association Edward Telles PBS Wide Angle affirmative action discrimination cyclical disadvantages equality of opportunity poverty trap psychological damage tangible effects historical denial education opportunities employment opportunities brazil african communities slavery selection assistance leveling the playing field affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination psychological impact tangible consequences education denial employment denial poverty trap historical inequality opportunity leveling Brazil African communities slavery equality of opportunity selection assistance historical denial perpetuating poverty community rejection social mobility economic disparity systemic injustice policy intervention equitable outcomes reparative measures educational opportunities employment opportunities community development generational impact social equity racial justice income inequality affirmative action policies historical context social policy marginalized communities institutional barriers barriers to success equitable access affirmative action effectiveness discrimination legacy poverty affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible effects education opportunities employment opportunities poverty trap cycle of poverty equality of opportunity historical denial brazil african communities slavery american bar association pbs wide angle affirmative action cyclical disadvantages discrimination playing field psychological damage tangible effects education denial employment denial poverty trap historical denial equality of opportunity Brazil African communities slavery selection assistance leveling the playing field"
test-environment-assgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research medical advancement patient safety cost of drug testing drug efficacy public health animal welfare clinical trials human trials drug regulation healthcare innovation medicine health economics patient outcome medical ethics drug availability treatment options medical breakthroughs health policy research ethics alternative testing methods animal rights health impact drug safety pharmaceutical industry drug discovery health benefits drug pricing health-care costs mortality rates disease prevention therapeutic agents health-care quality medical science health-care innovation drug approval process clinical research medical progress health animal testing drug development UK drug introduction long-term drug use penicillin impact drug testing costs reduced drug development patient suffering mortality rate pharmaceutical industry ethical considerations medical research clinical trials animal welfare human health benefits animal testing drug development new drugs UK drug testing drug cost drug companies penicillin medical research patient safety human health pharmaceuticals clinical trials animal welfare medical ethics drug efficacy drug approval healthcare innovation treatment availability pharmaceutical industry drug pricing drug production public health drug regulation medical advancement disease treatment research methods alternative testing drug safety drug effectiveness human testing preclinical testing drug discovery medical breakthroughs health outcomes healthcare costs drug development process regulatory requirements drug availability medical treatments health impacts drug research animal testing drug development UK drug introduction long-term drug use penicillin impact drug testing costs reduced drug development public health benefits ethical considerations medical progress animal testing drug development human benefits cost-effectiveness medical advancements penicillin drug availability patient outcomes research ethics pharmaceutical industry animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research medical advancements drug costs patient outcomes penicillin ethical considerations animal rights human health drug efficacy clinical trials regulatory requirements animal welfare pharmaceutical industry drug safety public health research ethics medical innovation treatment access animal testing drug development human lives medical research pharmaceutical costs treatment availability public health animal ethics medical progress drug safety clinical trials animal welfare healthcare innovation medication affordability disease prevention therapeutic advances research ethics drug efficacy patient outcomes medical ethics health economics drug regulation clinical research therapeutic development medicinal chemistry pharmacology health policy biomedical science drug discovery clinical medicine health impact medical breakthroughs drug testing methods alternative testing animal models human trials drug approval process healthcare benefits drug pricing medical necessity health disparities research funding animal testing drug development drug efficacy medical research penicillin drug cost drug availability patient outcomes pharmaceutical industry clinical trials alternative testing methods animal welfare human safety medical advancements regulated testing drug approval process animal testing drug development medical research human benefits drug costs pharmaceutical industry treatment availability patient outcomes penicillin drug testing alternatives animal testing drug development pharmaceutical costs medical research human health penicillin drug efficacy animal welfare clinical trials medical ethics patient outcomes healthcare innovation
test-economy-thsptr-con01a	Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals’ property and income are an index of deserving achievement, and of value contributed in the market place to society  A progressive taxation system essentially assumes that the property rights of the poor are more sacred than those of the wealthy. Somehow the wealthy have a less proportionate ownership right than do the less well-off simply by dint of their greater wealth. [1] This is the height of injustice. An individual’s income is a measure of his overarching societal worth, by reflecting his ability to produce goods and services people find socially desirable and to signify his level of competence and desirability by his employer. The state should not punish people for this greater social worth by taxing them disproportionally to others. When it does so it expects people to work for the sake of others to an extent that is not fair, effectively consigning them to a kind of forced labor, by which parts of the wealth they work to acquire is appropriated by the state to a degree beyond which it is willing to do to others. [2] Such a regime is manifestly unjust.  [1] Seligman, Edwin. “Progressive Taxation in Theory and Practice”. Publications of the American Economic Association 9(1): 7-222. 1894.  [2] Nozick, R. Anarchy, State and Utopia. New York: Basic Books. 1974. Individuals property income deserving achievement market place society progressive taxation system property rights poor wealthy justice individual income societal worth goods services competence desirability employer state punishment social worth taxation fairness forced labor wealth appropriation unjust Seligman Progressive Taxation Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Individual property income deserving achievement market value progressive taxation property rights wealth justice societal worth competence desirability employer state intervention forced labor wealth appropriation economic inequality taxation ethics Nozick Seligman political philosophy economic philosophy social value personal responsibility fair contribution economic freedom wealth distribution moral rights distributive justice economic incentives public interest individual rights government role social contract economic efficiency moral philosophy libertarianism economic policies tax fairness economic equity wealth creation social welfare individualism collectivism Individuals property income deserving achievement value market society progressive taxation system property rights poor wealthy injustice social worth goods services competence employer state punishment work others fair forced labor wealth acquire appropriated regime unjust Seligman Edwin Progressive Taxation Theory Practice American Economic Association Nozick Robert Anarchy State Utopia Basic Books individual property income deserving achievement market value progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy injustice social worth competence desirability employer state punishment disproportionate taxation forced labor wealth appropriation manifest injustice Seligman Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia property rights income social worth progressive taxation wealth economic justice individual achievement market value societal contribution tax fairness Nozick Seligman philosophical arguments economic theory property ownership 强迫劳动 财富征用 税收不公 经济价值 社会议价能力 进步税制 权利神圣性 贫富差异 收入分配 贡献度衡量 个人能力 雇主评价 社会欲望商品 生产能力 税收惩罚 property rights income as social value progressive taxation individual achievement market contribution wealth distribution economic justice taxation ethics Nozick Seligman property rights of the poor wealth inequality forced labor social worth income taxation wealth appropriation economic fairness progressive tax theory individual rights societal contribution economic competence tax progressivity income as competence tax injustice wealth and rights taxation and ethics economic philosophy wealth and social justice individual property income deserving achievement market value progressive taxation property rights poor wealthy social worth competence employer state disproportionate taxation forced labor injustice Seligman Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Individual property income deserving achievement market value progressive taxation property rights wealth social worth goods services competence employer desirability state taxation wealth appropriation forced labor injustice Seligman Nozick Anarchy State Utopia progressive tax theory economic rights moral philosophy tax equity social justice economic contribution market contribution societal value ethical taxation individual rights economic freedom wealth distribution tax fairness income taxation economic justice libertarianism political philosophy tax policy fiscal policy economic ethics social contract economic inequality individual property income societal value market contribution progressive taxation property rights wealth inequality social justice individual worth competence employer desirability state intervention disproportionate taxation forced labor economic fairness Seligman Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Progressive Taxation Theory Practice progressive taxation property rights societal worth income inequality economic justice individual achievement market contribution wealth appropriation forced labor taxation ethics Nozick Seligman economic philosophy social desirability competence employer desirability
test-education-udfakusma-con04a	Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. Who will write and edit the work?  You can’t take the end result out of the system and assume all the rest of it will continue as usual. Journal articles don’t write themselves; there will still be costs for editors, typesetters, reviewing etc., as well as the time and cost of the writer. The average cost of publishing an article is about £4000. [1]  There have been two suggested forms of open access ‘Gold’ in which authors pay publishers article publication charges and ‘Green’ under which the author self-archives their papers in open access repositories. The gold option that the UK intends to implement could mean universities having to find an extra £60million a year. [2] In either case the cost is being put on the author.  This is exactly the same when asking academics to put their lectures, lecture notes, bibliographies etc online. They are being asked to put in more hours grappling with technology without being paid for it.  [1] Moghaddam, Golnessa Galyani, “Why Are Scholarly Journals Costly even with Electronic Publishing?”  p.9  [2] Ayris, Paul, “Why panning for gold may be detrimental to open access research”, Guardian Professional, 23 July 2012. open access academic publishing gold open access green open access article publication charges university funding scholarly journals electronic publishing academic labor open access repositories publishing costs academic writing peer review typesetting academic workload technology integration lecture notes bibliographies online resources higher education finance open access Gold OA Green OA article publication charges university funding scholarly journals electronic publishing academic workload cost of publishing open access repositories academic compensation research funding publishing costs scholarly communication open access gold open access green open access article publication charges university funding academic workload electronic publishing scholarly journals publishing costs academic publishing self-archiving open access repositories lecture notes online academic technology research funding publishing models academic labor open access policies UK open access panning for gold detrimental to research Paul Ayris Golnessa Galyani Moghaddam open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals article publication charges self-archiving university funding publishing costs academic workload technology integration lecture notes online bibliographies online electronic publishing research dissemination academic compensation open access repositories institutional repositories scholarly communication academic writing editing costs typesetting costs peer review research funding UK open access policy panning for gold detrimental effects Paul Ayris Golnessa Galyani Moghaddam search efficiency valuable terms query expansion write edit work end result system journal articles costs editors typesetters reviewing time cost writer average cost publishing open access Gold authors publishers article publication charges Green self-archives open access repositories UK universities extra cost academics lectures lecture notes bibliographies online hours technology paid Moghaddam Golnessa Galyani electronic publishing Ayris Paul Guardian Professional research open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals article publication charges university funding cost of publishing electronic publishing academic workload open access repositories research funding author fees academic labor publication costs scholarly communication higher education policy academic resources open access impact academic writing editing costs typesetting costs peer review academic self-archiving education technology academic compensation research dissemination scholarly publishing models journal economics academic publishing challenges open access implications university budget research accessibility academic innovation digital scholarship academic freedom institutional repositories open access models open access publishing costs academic writing journal articles Gold OA Green OA university funding scholarly journals electronic publishing academic labor author fees lecture materials open access repositories publishing industry academic publishing research dissemination cost of publication typesetting peer review author payment UK open access policy academic technology bibliographies online lectures research costs publishing models scholarly communication open access publishing academic resources university resources academic workload publishing charges academic compensation research funding open access implementation academic self-archiving academic technology adoption open access journal publication process open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals publication costs article processing charges university funding academic workload self-archiving electronic publishing research dissemination cost implications academic labor technology integration scholarly communication academic freedom publishing models higher education finance open science gold open access green open access article publication charges open access repositories academic publishing costs scholarly journals electronic publishing university funding open access research academic workload technology integration lecture notes online bibliographies online cost of publishing UK open access policy panning for gold open access scholar articles editor costs typesetting costs reviewing costs writer costs university expenses academic writing self-archiving open access implementation academic technology use unpaid academic labor open access gold open access green open access academic publishing scholarly journals publication costs author charges university funding academic workload electronic publishing research dissemination open access repositories academic writing editing costs peer review academic technology lecture materials online resources higher education finance
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro01a	The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, The UK would have a completely independent foreign policy  Britain’s is not completely sovereign within the European Union with the EU having a common foreign and security policy and all economic negotiations taking place under the auspices of the EU trade commissioner, it is what the EU refers to as an ‘exclusive power’, rather than the Foreign Office. [1] Exiting would give these powers back to the UK. Regardless of how these powers are used this will mean the UK has more influence and freedom to manoeuvre as it will have more options with which it can negotiate with other powers.  [1] ‘Policy making: What is trade policy’, European Commission, UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting powers influence freedom negotiate trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting EU powers influence freedom negotiation trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting powers influence freedom negotiate other powers trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereign within EU EU common foreign and security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting EU powers back to UK UK influence freedom to manoeuvre negotiate with other powers trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting EU powers influence freedom negotiation trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy British sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit policy making trade policy influence negotiation freedom UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit powers influence freedom to manoeuvre negotiation options trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office exiting powers influence freedom manoeuvre negotiation options other powers trade policy European Commission UK independent foreign policy Britain sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power exiting EU powers back UK influence freedom to manoeuvre negotiation options trade policy European Commission UK foreign policy sovereignty European Union common foreign and security policy economic negotiations EU trade commissioner exclusive power Foreign Office Brexit policy making trade policy influence negotiation options
test-health-dhiacihwph-con01a	Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid Dominance of generic drugs will reduce reinvestment and innovation in donating countries  The production of high quality generic drugs endangers pharmaceutical progress. In order to export high quality generic drugs, some countries have suggested allowing generic drug manufacturers access to patented drugs. In Canada, amendments to Canada’s Access to Medicine Regime (CAMR) would have forced pharmaceutical research companies to give up their patents [1] . This is problematic however as research based companies invest a large proportion of their profits back in to the industry. The requirements proposed for some Western countries for obligatory quantities of generic drugs to be given to Africa have been accused to removing any incentive to invest in research to combat disease [2] .  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] ibid generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research companies patents obligatory quantities generic drug manufacturers research investment disease combat Africa Taylor generic drug solution generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research investment disease research obligatory generic drugs Africa research incentives generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high-quality generics pharmaceutical progress patent access Canada CAMR patent relinquishment research investment obligatory generics Africa disease research investment incentive generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patent access Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR obligatory generic drugs Africa research incentives disease combat drug patents pharmaceutical research industry investment generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research patents obligatory quantities Western countries Africa research investment disease combat generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profits industry investment obligatory quantities Africa research incentive disease combat Taylor generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research patents profit reinvestment obligatory generics Africa research incentive disease combat generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics drug patents Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR obligatory generic drug quantities Africa research-based companies disease combat investment incentives generic drugs reinvestment innovation donating countries high quality generics pharmaceutical progress patented drugs Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research profits industry investment obligatory quantities generic drug exports Africa research incentive disease combat generic drugs pharmaceutical innovation reinvestment donating countries high quality generics drug patents Canada Access to Medicine Regime CAMR pharmaceutical research obligatory generic drug quantities Africa disease research incentives
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-pro01a	Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Schools need to practice what they preach  Under the pressure of increasing media coverage and civil society initiatives, schools are being called upon to “take up arms” against childhood obesity, both by introducing more nutritional and physical education classes, as well as transforming the meals they are offering in their cafeterias. [1]  Never before has school been so central to a child’s personal and social education. According to a study conducted by the University of Michigan, American children and teenagers spend in school about 32.5 hours per week homework a week – 7.5 hours more, than 20 years ago [2] . School curricula now cover topics such as personal finance, sex and relationships and citizenship. A precedent for teaching pupils about living well and living responsibly has already been established. Some schools, under national health programs, have given out free milk and fruit to try and make sure that children get enough calcium and vitamins, in case they are not getting enough at home [3] .  While we are seeing various nutritional and health food curricula cropping up [4] , revamping the school lunch is proving to be a more challenging task. “Limited resources and budget cuts hamper schools from offering both healthful, good-tasting alternatives and physical education programs,“ says Sanchez-Vaznaugh, a San Francisco State University researcher. [5]  With expert groups such as the Obesity Society urging policy makers to take into account the complex nature of the obesity epidemic [6] , especially the interplay of biological and social factors that lead to individuals developing the disease, it has become time for governments to urge schools to put their education into practice and give students an environment that allows them to make the healthy choices they learn about in class.  [1] Stolberg, S. G., 'Michelle Obama Leads Campaign Against Obesity', New York Times, 9 February 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] University of Michigan, 'U.S. children and teens spend more time on academics', 17 November 2004,  , accessed 09/08/2011  [3] Kent County Council, Nutritional Standards, published September 2007  , accessed 09/08/2011  [4] Veggiecation, 'The Veggiecation Program Announced as First Educational Partner of New York Coalition for Healthy School Food',18 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [5] ScienceDaily, 'Eliminating Junk Foods at Schools May Help Prevent Childhood Obesity', 7 March 2010,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [6] Kushner, R. F., et al., 'SOLUTIONS: Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic', Washington Times, 16 August 2009,  , accessed 9/11/2011 school education nutrition physical health obesity media civil society initiatives cafeteria meals personal finance sex relationships citizenship living responsibly free milk fruit vitamins calcium resources budget cuts alternatives policy makers interplay biological social factors disease government environment choices class campaign academics standards veggiecation program partner coalition healthy food junk SOLUTIONS epidemic Washington Times New York San Francisco State University University of Michigan childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school meals cafeteria reform media coverage civil society initiatives school curricula personal finance sex education citizenship education national health programs free milk free fruit calcium intake vitamin intake budget cuts healthful alternatives obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices school environment Michelle Obama academic time Veggiecation Program junk food elimination obesity solutions public health initiatives childhood nutrition school health policies educational programs nutritional standards obesity prevention student health academic pressure school lunch programs health education childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school curricula school lunch programs health policies budget constraints obesity epidemic public health initiatives school health environment social factors biological factors policy makers healthful alternatives nutritional standards Veggiecation Program health education civic engagement media influence school reform student health academic time childhood nutrition obesity prevention national health programs lifestyle education responsible living public health programs school resources school wellness children's health social education educational partnerships health promotion health awareness school meals obesity solutions health advocacy school-based interventions schools practice preach media coverage civil society initiatives childhood obesity nutritional physical education classes transforming meals cafeterias personal social education curricula personal finance sex relationships citizenship national health programs free milk fruit vitamins calcium food curricula revamping school lunch limited resources budget cuts policy makers complex nature epidemic biological social factors governments environment healthy choices schools childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals media coverage civil society personal finance sex education citizenship national health programs free milk fruit calcium vitamins budget cuts obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama academic time Vegetation program junk food SOLUTIONS Eradicating obesity Washington Times New York Times University of Michigan San Francisco State University ScienceDaily Veggiecation Kent County Council New York Coalition for Healthy School Food childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school meals media coverage civil society initiatives school curricula personal finance sex education citizenship education national health programs free milk fruit distribution calcium intake vitamin intake budget cuts policy makers obesity epidemic biological factors social factors healthy choices school environment obesity prevention health policy educational reform dietary guidelines academic time school lunch programs health initiatives student well-being public health school responsibilities nutritional standards educational partnerships healthy school food junk food elimination obesity solutions health education community health school health programs schools childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals media coverage civil society personal finance sex education citizenship free milk fruit calcium vitamins national health programs budget cuts obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama academic time Veggiecation Kent County Council ScienceDaily SOLUTIONS Kushner Stolberg University of Michigan schools childhood obesity nutritional education physical education cafeteria meals media coverage civil society personal finance sex education relationships citizenship national health programs free milk fruit vitamins calcium health food curricula budget cuts limited resources Obesity Society policy makers biological factors social factors healthy choices Michelle Obama academic time Veggiecation Program junk food elimination obesity epidemic SOLUTIONS Eradicating America’s obesity epidemic U.S. children Kent County Council New York Coalition for Healthy School Food ScienceDaily University of Michigan San Francisco State University researcher schools childhood obesity media coverage civil society nutritional education physical education school meals cafeteria food personal finance sex education relationships citizenship national health programs free milk vitamins calcium nutritional curricula school lunch budget cuts limited resources obesity epidemic policy makers biological factors social factors healthy choices educational environment health food Michelle Obama obesity campaign academic time U.S. children U.K. nutritional standards Veggiecation healthy school food junk food obesity prevention SOLUTIONS America's obesity epidemic public health nutritional value student health childhood obesity nutritional education physical education school meals school curricula personal finance sex education citizenship education free milk free fruit health programs budget cuts obesity epidemic biological factors social factors policy makers healthy choices Michelle Obama academic time Veggiecation Program junk foods SOLUTIONS eradicating obesity Kent County Council University of Michigan ScienceDaily Obesity Society American children San Francisco State University nutritional standards New York Coalition for Healthy School Food Washington Times U.S. children academic pressure civil society initiatives healthful alternatives physical
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro02a	The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The guilt may be too heavy a burden for the relative who could have saved a life  It is not fair to ask of a parent to live with the guilt of having been able to save their child and not doing so. Believing that they are guilty of their child’s death can cause Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome, which in turn is a major cause of suicides. [1]  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome PTSD suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome PTSD suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology clinical studies psychological impact grief culpability trauma guilt burden relative saved life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish hasten death review clinical studies psycho-oncology guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome PTSD suicide wish to hasten death clinical studies psycho-oncology guilt relative saved life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome PTSD suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicides wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psycho-oncology guilt heavy burden relative save life parent child death post-traumatic stress syndrome suicide wish to hasten death psychological impact family grief coping mechanisms mental health emotional trauma psycho-oncology clinical studies guilt burden relative saved life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicides wish hasten death clinical studies Psycho-Oncology guilt burden relative save life parent child death Post-Traumatic Stress Syndrome suicide wish to hasten death Psycho-Oncology
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START US nuclear missile defense modernization Obama administration nuclear arsenal funding Jon Kyl infrastructure treaty ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons complex military leaders civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense cooperation nuclear forces reduction verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces relationship with Russia Senate approval Republican support security concerns medical concerns global safety international relations non-proliferation arms control political negotiations defense policy military strategy international security diplomatic relations nuclear disarmament strategic stability treaty compliance New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization nuclear arsenal funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl infrastructure maintaining negotiated ratification Obama administration 10-year plan $84 billion $70 billion $14 billion nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia conversion of launchers new missiles Joe Biden Russian cooperation missile defense system NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO-Russian relations U.S.-Russian relations joint ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense exercises territorial New START treaty US nuclear missile defence nuclear armament modernization Obama administration nuclear arsenal infrastructure funding negotiations ratification process 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders missile defense plans Russia opposition launchers conversion Joe Biden Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense NATO-Russian relations U.S.-Russian relations strategic nuclear forces reduction verification mechanisms nuclear weapons liability 21st Century security medical concerns New START support New START treaty US nuclear and missile defense nuclear armament modernization Obama administration nuclear arsenal infrastructure US Energy Department Jon Kyl missile defense deployment Russian cooperation NATO missile defense strategic nuclear forces reduction verification mechanisms nuclear weapons liability US-Russia relations Senate approval Washington Treaty NATO-Russian relations U.S.-Russian relations Republican support non-proliferation security concerns medical concerns treaty ratification international security nuclear disarmament global stability New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization nuclear arsenal infrastructure Obama administration funding negotiations ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican vigilance timely implementation nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders Russia missile defense systems conversion of launchers building new missiles Joe Biden Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense Russian cooperation strategic importance verification mechanisms nuclear forces reduction Senate approval trust confidence relationship with Russia 21st Century nuclear New START treaty US nuclear missile defense nuclear armament modernization Obama administration infrastructure nuclear arsenal funding negotiations ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl modernization program nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia conversion of launchers building new missiles Joe Biden Russian cooperation missile defense system NATO Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability security medical concerns Senate approval reducing nuclear weapons stable relationship with Russia New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization nuclear armament Obama administration Energy Department Jon Kyl nuclear weapons complex Senate ratification US Military civilian leaders Russia NATO Joe Biden Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Washington Post Wall Street Journal security concerns medical concerns nuclear liability strategic stability New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization nuclear weapons complex Energy Department nuclear armament Senate approval verification mechanisms strategic nuclear forces NATO Russian cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense nuclear liabilities security concerns medical concerns international relations defense policy arms control nuclear disarmament non-proliferation strategic stability military capabilities political negotiations funding infrastructure defense systems nuclear safety treaty compliance global security military strategy bipartisan support national security international diplomacy strategic balance New START US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding infrastructure Obama administration Senate ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Jon Kyl Arizona Republican negotiation strategic arms reduction Russia cooperation NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability security concerns medical concerns US-Russia relations international security global stability bipartisan support treaty ratification arms control strategic stability non-proliferation New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Senate Jon Kyl strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms NATO Russian cooperation strategic importance Senate approval non-proliferation security medical concerns Republican support nuclear capabilities stability international relations arms control defense policy military strategy political negotiations global security deterrence Article 5 Washington Treaty ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense trust confidence US-Russia relations reduction verification inspection compliance defense"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-con03a	"Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca chewing is harmful and should be proscribed  The original decision to ban coca chewing was based on evidence that this was indeed harmful to human health. A 1950 report elaborated by the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf with a mandate from ECOSOC states that: ""We believe that the daily, inveterate use of coca leaves by chewing ... is thoroughly noxious and therefore detrimental."" [1] Therefore the risk of health harms should not be dismissed or undermined. Coca is also different to caffeine and other similar products in in its capacity to be diverted to highly potent, dangerous, and damaging use in cocaine. Therefore it has unique health considerations which make its prohibition acceptable.  [1] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. coca chewing harmful proscribed ban health UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental risk caffeine diversion cocaine potent damaging unique considerations prohibition acceptable Jelsma Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies coca chewing harmful health proscribed ban UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine potent damaging prohibition acceptable legislative reform drug policies coca chewing harmful proscribed ban coca leaf UN Commission Inquiry ECOSOC noxious detrimental health harms caffeine cocaine potent dangerous damage prohibition unique health considerations legislative reform drug policies Transnational Institute Martin Jelsma coca chewing harmful proscribed ban coca leaf UN Commission ECOSOC noxious detrimental health harms caffeine cocaine potent dangerous unique health considerations prohibition acceptable coca chewing harmful proscribed UN Commission Inquiry Coca Leaf ECOSOC noxious detrimental health risks caffeine diversion cocaine potent damaging prohibition legislative reform drug policies coca chewing health risks UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC prohibition cocaine potent drugs health harms legislative reform drug policies caffeine comparison harmful substances banned substances coca leafusage inveterate use noxious effects detrimental health Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute coca chewing health risks prohibition UN Commission of Inquiry coca leaf noxious effects cocaine production legislative reform drug policies inveterate use human health risk assessment potential harms Jelsma Transnational Institute policy debate substance regulation addiction psychoactive substances public health coca chewing prohibition health harms UN Commission of Inquiry on the Coca Leaf ECOSOC detrimental noxious cocaine potent dangerous unique health considerations legislative reform drug policies coca chewing harmful proscribed health risks UN Commission Inquiry on the Coca Leaf (ECOSOC) noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine prohibition legislative reform drug policies Jelsma Martin Transnational Institute coca chewing harmful health ban prohibition UN report evidence noxious detrimental caffeine cocaine diversion potent dangerous drug policy reform transnational institute legislative consideration unique risk human wellbeing substance abuse control regulation legislation public safety harm reduction commission inquiry leaf mandate ECOSOC Jelsma Martin lifting acceptable"
test-health-hdond-pro03a	Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. Organ donors are more deserving of organs  Reciprocity is a basic moral principle: afford others the good treatment you yourself would like to receive. In most cases, it is a hypothetical; one must place oneself in the other person’s position even though one will never actually be in their place. However, how donor and non-donors are treated when they themselves are in need is a situation in which reciprocity becomes a practical reality. This principle of reciprocity suggests that people who are willing to donate their organs more deserve to receive organs when they need them. And there is good reason to believe in reciprocity. Those who would flaunt this principle are basically stating that they expect something of other people that they themselves are unwilling to do; this is a position that is either incoherent, or based on the unjustified premise that oneself is more objectively valuable than other people. The concept of desert has a foundational role in our society. For example, innocent people deserve not to be put in prison, even if it would be useful to frame and make an example of an innocent person in order to quell a period of civil unrest. reciprocity organ donation deserving moral principle hypothetical situation practical reality incoherent position unjustified premise concept of desert foundational role society innocent people prison civil unrest framing moral obligation ethical treatment organ allocation fairness justice social contract altruism self-interest priority in healthcare ethical philosophy deservingness merit social ethics medical ethics human rights equality charity sacrifice reciprocal altruism organ transplantation healthcare policy distributive justice moral philosophy ethical dilemmas moral psychology justice as fairness moral principles in healthcare organ donation reciprocity moral principles deserving donor rights non-donors practical ethics moral coherence social justice ethical treatment organ allocation desert theory moral philosophy societal values civil responsibility organ donors reciprocity moral principle hypothetical situation practical reality deserving organs unjustified premise concept of desert societal foundation innocent people civil unrest ethical treatment donor status fairness in healthcare organ transplantation ethics mutual obligation social contract altruism in healthcare prioritization in medical ethics justice in organ allocation reciprocity moral principle organ donation deserving organs hypothetical scenarios practical reality social contract ethical treatment unjustified premise foundational role societal values innocent people civil unrest framing innocents moral coherence self-worth mutual respect fair treatment organ allocation ethical dilemmas reciprocity moral principle organ donors deserving treatment hypothetical practical reality incoherent unjustified premise desert society innocent prison civil unrest ethical treatment organ allocation fairness justice social contract reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving justice social contract fairness altruism ethical treatment deservingness societal values incoherence objectivity civil responsibility utilitarianism individual rights ethical reciprocity social ethics moral obligation meritocracy organ donors reciprocity moral principle hypothetical situation practical reality deserve organs incoherent position unjustified premise concept of desert societal foundation innocent people civil unrest ethical treatment organ allocation fairness justice mutual benefit ethical reciprocity donation ethics societal norms moral obligation altruism beneficence health policy medical ethics fairness in healthcare organ transplant public health social contract moral philosophy reciprocal altruism ethical dilemmas organ donation rates organ recipient criteria healthcare resources equitable distribution medical ethics principles organ donation registration patient rights organ donors reciprocity moral principle treatment hypothetical position practical reality deserving organs unjustified premise objective value concept of desert societal foundation innocent people prison civil unrest moral coherence ethical treatment organ allocation fairness justice organ donors reciprocity moral principle good treatment hypothetical scenarios donor needs practical reality deserving organs unjustified premise societal values concept of desert innocent people civil unrest framing innocents reciprocity organ donation moral principle deserving justice social contract ethical treatment fairness organ allocation donor rights non-donors societal norms desert innocence imprisonment civil unrest utilitarianism deontology Kantian ethics virtue ethics altruism self-interest public policy healthcare ethics medical ethics transplantation donor registration organ shortage tissue donation bioethics philosophical arguments moral philosophy ethical dilemmas human rights equity meritocracy social responsibility civic duty moral obligation societal values compassion empathy equality dignity human
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-pro03a	The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, The confession of religious faith is far more important than the rather petty rules that banned the wearing of the cross.  People of faith attest that those beliefs determine the nature of their own identity and their place in the Universe. In the case of Nadia Eweida, at least, the employer’s case was based on the idea that wearing a symbol of that faith might not enhance their uniform. The difference between the significance of the claims could not be greater.  Indeed, British Airways, Eweida’s employer, has since changed their policy to permit staff to wear religious or charitable imagery [i] in large part because of the absurdity of the position.  The case against Chaplin was based on health and safety legislation - but not because the cross and chain posed a risk to others but to herself [ii] ; a risk she was, presumably, prepared to accept.  On one hand there are individuals protecting their sincere beliefs in the most profound of issues and, on the other, managers applying what the Archbishop of Canterbury described as “wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness”. [iii] There is no suggestion that harm to another could have been caused here and, therefore, no reason not to respect the heartfelt beliefs of the individuals involved.  [i] BBC News Website. “Christian Airline Employee Loses Cross ban Appeal”. 12 February 2010.  [ii] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work”  [iii] The Telegraph, ‘Archbishop of Canterbury hits out at cross ban’, 4 April 2010, religious faith wearing cross identity Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change health and safety wooden-headed bureaucracy sincere beliefs respect Christianity crucifix nurse tribunal ruling Archbishop of Canterbury cross ban religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy religious symbols workplace regulations Chaplin case health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury sincere beliefs bureaucratic rules Christianity uniform policy freedom of expression human rights employee rights religious accommodation workplace diversity legal appeals tribunal rulings faith identity personal beliefs public sector private sector employment law religious freedom cultural sensitivity organizational policy societal norms moral values ethical considerations religious practices legal precedent case studies faith-based rights employee conduct personal expression professional standards organizational guidelines secular policies religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways identity uniform policy Chaplin health and safety wooden-headed bureaucratic silliness Archbishop of Canterbury heartfelt beliefs Christianity crucifix tribunal ruling uniform rules personal beliefs religious symbols work attire employee rights religious freedom religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy religious symbols health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury wooden-headed bureaucracy sincere beliefs individual identity profound issues uniform policy charitable imagery cross ban appeal nurse crucifix case Christianity tribunal decision faith expression workplace rules religious freedom religious faith wearing cross identity Nadia Eweida British Airways policy health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic silliness sincere beliefs Christianity court case uniform policy religious symbols employee rights faith expression crucifix nurse employment law religious freedom religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy change religious symbols Chaplin health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury sincere beliefs bureaucratic rules identity uniform Christianity crucifix work environment legal appeal tribunal decision faith expression managerial decisions harm prevention religious freedom employment rights faith-based identity symbolic significance religious accommodation faith-based practices faith importance religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways Chaplin health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury sincere beliefs bureaucratic silliness heartfelt beliefs uniform policy religious or charitable imagery cross ban employment rights religious freedom Christianity tribunal ruling personal identity faith significance uniform regulations religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways policy religious symbol uniform policy health and safety Chaplin case Archbishop of Canterbury sincere beliefs Christian rights bureaucratic regulations faith identity religious freedom religious faith wearing cross Nadia Eweida British Airways religious symbols uniform policy health and safety Chaplin case Archbishop of Canterbury heartfelt beliefs bureaucratic silliness Christianity court rulings religious freedom employee rights uniform code faith expression legal dispute workplace regulations personal beliefs organizational policies crucifix religious identity employment law human rights faith-based discrimination public sector private beliefs corporate guidelines freedom of religion public perception legal challenges faith-based practices workplace accommodation religious symbolism corporate image sincere beliefs managerial decisions faith-based cases legal religious freedom faith expression cross wearing employment law Nadia Eweida British Airways policy religious symbols workplace dress code Chaplin case health and safety Archbishop of Canterbury bureaucratic regulations sincerity of beliefs legal appeal Christianity rights uniform policy religious imagery charitable symbols faith identity managerial discretion
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-con02a	Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, Infantilisation and Prejudice  Those who dismiss the reaction to ‘The Spear’ forget the historical context which may trigger the sorts of responses seen to the artwork. [1]  South Africa’s past problems can be seen to derive from the gross caricaturing of Black people and Black Men in particular as lascivious, overtly sexual and threatening, playing into a narrative of Blacks as ‘inferior beings’ justifying inhumane treatment over a number of centuries.  Portraying the President with his genitals exposed could also be seen to pass negative comment upon his polygamy, which is permitted in his Zulu culture. Such comment upon something which can determine social standing can also be viewed as offensive by many, triggering such reactions. [2]  With this in mind then the right action for both The Goodman Gallery and City Press to take would be to remove such offensive art to avoid any hurt caused and to quell the protest which were borne out of genuine offence, not political grandstanding as opposition seem to imply.  [1] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The Spear: Millions of people were insulted’, Daily Maverick, 28 May 2012,   [2] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012, infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricature lascivious sexual threatening inferior inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricaturing lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive The Goodman Gallery City Press remove offensive art hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear South Africa historical context Black people Black Men caricature lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body Infantilisation Prejudice The Spear Historical Context South Africa Black People Black Men Caricature Inferiority Inhumane Treatment President Genitals Polygamy Zulu Culture Social Standing Offensive Art Goodman Gallery City Press Protest Genuine Offence Political Grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation Black Body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricature lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive art Goodman Gallery City Press hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa past problems gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment centuries President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive reactions remove offensive art hurt quell protest genuine offence political grandstanding Hlongwane Sipho Daily Maverick Dana Simphiwe Sarah Baartmanisation black body Mail & Guardian infantilisation prejudice The Spear South Africa historical context gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious overtly sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive hurt protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa Black people Black Men caricature lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment genitals exposed polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body infantilisation prejudice The Spear historical context South Africa gross caricaturing Black people Black Men lascivious sexual threatening inferior beings inhumane treatment President genitals exposed negative comment polygamy Zulu culture social standing offensive Goodman Gallery City Press remove offensive art protest genuine offence political grandstanding Sarah Baartmanisation black body
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies public buildings France schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel entering public buildings teachers security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities public buildings France schools conspicuous apparel teachers security guards French scarf ban 2004 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards public buildings BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement ban creation religious symbols visibility police authority checks France religious symbol ban public buildings ban school religious symbol ban conspicuous religious apparel teacher enforcement security guard enforcement France scarf ban 2004 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous religious apparel teacher enforcement security guards policy implementation legislative measures compliance monitoring ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards public buildings police enforcement ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous symbols teacher enforcement security guards police involvement policy implementation ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous symbols teacher enforcement security guards ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check societies France ban on religious symbols public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel entering public buildings teacher security guards French scarf ban BBC News
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro01a	"There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. There is a moral obligation to provide affirmative action programs  Society has a moral obligation to right its wrongs and compensate those they have treated unjustly.  Discrimination, whether overt or convert, is an unacceptable practice that arbitrarily disadvantages certain people on grounds that they have no control over. Discrimination not only is theoretically a bad thing to do to people, but also has tangible negative impacts. Discrimination against groups such as the African American community in the USA has left them without the education or employment opportunities to even have a chance at achieving the success and happiness they deserve [1] . Discrimination is unacceptable practice for any society to engage in and victims of discrimination deserve compensation for the physical and psychological harms they suffered from being rejected by their very own community [2] .  Past discrimination has left communities without the physical goods and psychological feelings of acceptance and safety all individuals deserve from their country and thus there is a moral obligation of society to take steps to offer the physical and symbolic advantages they have been denied through affirmative action.  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print.  [2] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination unjust treatment disadvantages uncontrollable factors theoretical harm tangible impacts African American community USA education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection societal engagement physical goods psychological acceptance safety country responsibility symbolic advantages denied opportunities steps for improvement moral imperative social equity racial equality moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination unjust treatment disadvantage education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness unacceptable practice physical harm psychological harm community rejection past discrimination physical goods psychological safety symbolic advantages societal steps affirmative action programs moral duty social justice equitable treatment historical injustice reparative measures community development social equity racial discrimination African American community USA context ethical imperative legal perspective social policy affirmative action benefits disadvantaged groups equitable opportunities moral philosophy ethical considerations societal improvement compens moral obligation affirmative action compensate treated unjustly discrimination overt covert disadvantages control theoretical tangible negative impacts African American community USA education employment opportunities success happiness physical harms psychological harms rejected community moral obligation society physical goods psychological feelings acceptance safety country steps physical advantages symbolic advantages denied Moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination African American community education opportunities employment opportunities psychological harm physical harm community denial symbolic advantages unjust treatment overt discrimination covert discrimination social responsibility historical injustice moral imperative equitable treatment social equity reparative justice community restoration societal responsibility ethical obligation human rights social justice equality fairness moral philosophy ethical theory social contract collective guilt intergenerational trauma systemic inequality affirmative action programs societal improvement human dignity moral reasoning ethical justification unjust practices moral obligation affirmative action society righting wrongs compensating unjust treatment discrimination unacceptable practice disadvantage control theoretical tangible impacts African American community USA education employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm rejection community physical goods psychological acceptance safety moral duty symbolic advantages denied rights societal steps historical injustice reparative measures moral obligation affirmative action society right wrongs compensate unjustly treated discrimination disadvantages control theoretical bad tangible impacts African American USA education employment success happiness physical harms psychological harms rejected community physical goods psychological acceptance safety moral obligation society steps physical advantages symbolic advantages denied moral obligation affirmative action righting wrongs compensating victims unjust treatment discrimination overt discrimination covert discrimination disadvantages uncontrollable factors theoretical harm tangible impacts African American community education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection moral duty society's role physical goods psychological safety symbolic advantages country's responsibility taking steps denied advantages historical discrimination social justice equality reparations ethical responsibility societal improvement policy justification moral philosophy ethical theory social ethics justice fairness human rights social responsibility civic moral obligation affirmative action societal responsibility righting wrongs compensation unjust treatment discrimination disadvantages uncontrollable factors tangible impacts African American community education opportunities employment opportunities success happiness physical harm psychological harm community rejection symbolic advantages physical goods safety acceptance country duty steps towards equality historical injustice social justice equity fairness inclusivity diversity reparations civil rights ethical duty moral philosophy social obligation collective guilt societal improvement equity programs affirmative action benefits disadvantaged groups positive discrimination equal opportunity meritocracy challenges systemic moral obligation affirmative action societal duty righting wrongs compensatory justice discrimination disadvantaged groups education opportunities employment opportunities social inequality psychological harm community impact physical goods symbolic advantages racial discrimination African American community historical injustice social responsibility ethical considerations policy justification societal compensation moral philosophy social equity legal ethics social justice affirmative action programs unjust treatment fairness moral rights societal benefits equitable treatment civil rights social reform ethical obligations equal opportunity social inclusion community well-being societal advancement moral principles ethical framework social policies moral obligation affirmative action societal wrongs compensation unjust treatment discrimination African American community education opportunities employment opportunities physical harms psychological harms community rejection physical goods psychological acceptance safety symbolic advantages societal steps past discrimination societal responsibility equality justice social equity moral philosophy ethical considerations civil rights social justice race relations historical injustice reparations social policies affirmative action programs moral duty ethical obligation unfair disadvantage corrective measures social inclusion racial injustice societal benefits community development equity in opportunity moral and ethical framework social and economic"
test-environment-assgbatj-con01a	Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] Animals don’t have human rights  Humans have large brains, form social groups, communicate and are generally worthy of moral consideration. We also are aware of ourselves and of the nature of death. Some animals have some of these characteristics but not all so should not have the same rights. In harming animals to benefit humans, we enter in to a good moral trade-off to create a greater good. [11] animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social behavior communication brain size ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human privileges moral philosophy ethics animal welfare speciesism moral status cognitive abilities sentient beings utilitarianism rights discourse moral agents animal rights human exceptionalism moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs animal welfare human-animal ethics moral status rights philosophy ethical justifications animals human rights moral consideration self-awareness social groups communication brain size ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human superiority moral philosophy ethical treatment animal welfare rights ethics moral status cognitive abilities speciesism utilitarianism harm principle moral value animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social groups communication brain size ethical trade-offs greater good animal characteristics animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness moral trade-off ethics animal welfare human superiority moral philosophy speciesism utilitarianism greater good harm principle legal rights cognitive differences moral status animal rights human rights moral consideration self-awareness social groups communication brain size ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human-animal comparison moral philosophy animal welfare ethical treatment human superiority moral status rights philosophy ethical dilemmas greater good ethics animal cognition human uniqueness animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness death awareness ethical trade-offs greater good species differences moralphilosophy ethics animal welfare human exceptionalism moral status sentient beings ethical dilemmas harm principle animal rights human rights moral consideration cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness mortality awareness ethical trade-offs animal characteristics human-animal comparison moral philosophy ethical treatment animal welfare rights ethics moral status utilitarianism greater good harm principle speciesism animal rights human rights moral consideration brain size social groups communication self-awareness death awareness moral trade-off greater good ethical treatment animal characteristics human characteristics rights philosophy moral status ethical implications animal welfare human benefit harm principle Animal ethics moral consideration human rights animal rights cognitive abilities social behavior communication self-awareness moral trade-off greater good ethical treatment of animals human-animal relationship philosophical ethics rights philosophy moral status harm principle utilitarianism speciesism moral circle expansion bioethics
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con04a	Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. Rehabilitation Constitutes an Unjustifiable Further Expense  The evidence from all over the world suggests that recidivism rates are difficult to reduce and that some offenders just can’t be rehabilitated. It therefore makes economic sense to cut all rehabilitation programs and concentrate on ensuring that prisoners serve the time they deserve for their crimes and are kept off the streets where they are bound to re-offend. As it can be seen that some deserving of a longer sentence only receive short sentences due to lack of time and space and some who have committed shorter sentences are given long sentences aimed at making a point or sending a message.  Currently, the government will continue to be gambling tax payers’ money on programs that will not give anything back into the society that it took from. Britain spends £45,000 a year on each of its prisoners and yet 50% will go on to re-offend, ‘which translates into a dead investment of £2 billion annually. [1] Rehabilitation programs should be scrapped and taxpayers asked only to pay the bare minimum to keep offenders off the streets. They can’t harm society if they are behind bars.  [1] Bois, N. D., ‘Retribution and Rehabilitation: A Modern Conservative Justice Policy’. Dale & Co. 20 July 2011. rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic prison sentences taxpayers programs society investment retribution 保守政策 justice bars harm minimal cost effectiveness expansion terms query evidence world reduce rehabilitation programs concentration time crime short long message gambling tax prisoners year percentage re-offend dead annually scrapped asked bare streets behind policy modern conservative N.D. Bois Dale & Co July 2011 rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism rates offenders economic sense cut programs concentrate prisoners serve time crimes streets re-offend sentences lack space government gambling tax payers society dead investment annually scrapped taxpayers minimum behind bars harm modern conservative justice policy rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prisoners sentences time space tax payers programs society Britain re-offend investment justice policy retribution behind bars harm conservative modern policy criminal justice prison reform public safety cost-effective sentencing laws judicial system societal impact crime prevention incarceration rates penal system correctional facilities prisoner reintegration community reentry judicial reform fiscal responsibility government expenditure penal philosophy crime reduction offender management legal framework social control punitive measures criminal behavior rehabilitation costs recidivism rates economic impact prisoner reoffending government spending taxpayer investment prison expenses retribution vs rehabilitation crime prevention sentencing policies criminal justice system public safety societal impact penal reform prison management criminal behavior judicial efficiency punishment effectiveness social reintegration crime deterrence justice system efficiency rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism rates offender rehabilitation economic sense prison sentences prisoner incarceration taxpayer money government spending retribution crime prevention societal harm penal system criminal justice policy conservative justice prison cost re-offending penal reform incarceration benefits prison investment societal return crime reduction prisoner treatment penal philosophy justice system efficiency public safety crime deterrence prison programs offender management judicial fairness sentencing guidelines prison population correctional facilities penal economics offender reintegration crime prevention strategies justice system reform prison conditions prisoner rights rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prison sentences gambling tax payers dead investment retribution policy modern conservative justice harm society behind bars scrapping programs taxpayers bare minimum criminal justice prison reform public safety fiscal responsibility penal system incarceration rates crime prevention societal impact offender rehabilitation criminal behavior judicial system legal policies law enforcement community safety prison conditions inmate rights crime reduction judicial reform penal institutions incarceration costs criminal justice reform prison population offender reintegration correctional facilities rehabilitation unjustifiable expense recidivism rates offender rehabilitation economic sense prison sentences time served crime reduction tax payer money government spending prison costs societal impact retribution modern conservative justice policy analysis criminal justice system prison reform offender management public safety social investment incarceration effectiveness crime prevention judicial fairness sentencing guidelines penal system correctional programs taxpayer value crime rates prison population criminal behavior justice policy fiscal responsibility social welfare crime deterrence penitentiary system legal reform societal protection judicial efficiency correctional rehabilitation expense recidivism economic prison sentencing taxpayers justice retribution policy effectiveness crime society investment incarceration programs costs benefits offenders punishment crime prevention social impact penal reform fiscal responsibility public safety ethical considerations judicial system legislative changes criminal behavior community reintegration deterrence punitive measures human rights budget allocation societal values crime reduction strategies evidence-based practices long-term consequences short-term gains incarceration rates criminal justice reform policy analysis government spending prison conditions offender rehabilitation community service rehabilitation expense recidivism offenders economic sense prison sentences taxpayers society investment retribution conservative justice policy crime prevention public safety penal reform cost-effectiveness criminal justice system incarceration rates social impact penal philosophy Rehabilitation Unjustifiable Expense Recidivism Rates Offender Rehabilitation Economic Sense Prison Sentences Taxpayer Money Government Spending Prison Costs Retribution Modern Conservative Justice Policy Prisoner Rehabilitation Programs Crime Reduction Social Investment Criminal Justice System Public Safety Penal Reform Crime Prevention incarceration re-offending societal impact cost-effectiveness penal policy criminal behavior sentencing reform penal expenditure justice outcomes offender treatment correctional facilities prisoner welfare societal protection legal penalties crime deterrence social control penal philosophy correctional programs prisoner rights
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con03a	"The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. The boycott would affect Poland and the Ukrainian people as well as Yanukovych  A boycott of Euro 2012 even if it was meant to be limited to Ukraine would negatively impact on the whole tournament. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tust argued ""It is in Poland's undisputed interest to hold the games in Poland and Ukraine without a hitch and to prevent politics from ruining the great effort"", [1] any boycott would unnecessarily move the attention away from the games itself towards politics.  It should also be remembered that Viktor Yanukovych does not represent the whole of Ukraine and only won by a narrow margin with 48.95% of the vote compared to Yulia Timoshenko’s 45.47% in the second round. [2] Arseniy Yatsenyuk leader of the Front for Change has urged leaders not to boycott ""The best scenario would be if the European leaders attended the championship, but did not meet President Yanukovych. It's supposed to be a visit to Ukrainians, not to Yanukovych"". [3] This would show that European countries support the Ukrainian people and their democratic aspirations and even hope they may be eventually will join the European Union while showing displeasure at Yanukovych’s policies and lack of support for democracy.  [1] ‘ Poland slams calls for Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott’, The Warsaw Voice online, 4 May 2012.  [2] Nesterov, Andrei, ‘How the News is Reported in Russia’, School of Russian and Asian, 19 February 2010.  [3] Dorosh, Svitlana, ‘Ukraine fights Euro 2012 boycott’, BBC Ukrainian, 9 May 2012. boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament impact Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk games politics Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship Ukrainian democracy European Union democratic aspirations displeasure policies lack of support democracy boycott Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Euro 2012 Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics tournament Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian people democratic aspirations European Union displeasure policies democracy Euro 2012 boycott The Warsaw Voice School of Russian and Asian BBC Ukrainian boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk European Union democracy sports politics tournament impact Polish Prime Minister Front for Change democratic aspirations European leaders political protest sporting event international relations Ukrainian people political representation boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk tournament impact politics Ukrainian democracy European leaders Front for Change Arseniy Yatsenyuk Yulia Timoshenko European Union democratic aspirations political pressure sports event international relations human rights boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Ukrainian people Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics tournament impact Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European Union democracy political aspirations leader attendance sports diplomacy civic support international relations boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk games politics Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship Ukrainian democracy European Union policies support boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk games politics Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine democratic aspirations European Union Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Yulia Timoshenko democratic policies election results European Union membership sports diplomacy political pressure international relations Ukrainian democracy 2012 European Championship political boycott supporter engagement sports event impact political representation electoral margins political opposition democratic values international support sports and politics boycott Poland Ukraine Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics Viktor Yanukovych election results Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders Ukrainian people democratic aspirations European Union displeasure policies democracy boycott Euro 2012 Poland Ukraine Ukrainian people Yanukovych Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics tournament Front for Change Arseniy Yatsenyuk European leaders Yulia Timoshenko democratic aspirations European Union democracy election results visitor focus sports event international relations boycott Poland Ukrainian people Yanukovych Euro 2012 tournament Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk politics games Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine Yulia Timoshenko Arseniy Yatsenyuk Front for Change European leaders championship European Union democracy democratic aspirations Euro 2012 boycott The Warsaw Voice School of Russian and Asian BBC Ukrainian"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con02a	Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa is the most warlike continent  In 2012 Africa had the most distinct conflicts of any region with 13 ongoing conflicts. [1] While Africa and Asia have throughout most of the last fifty years had roughly similar numbers of conflicts – approximately 10 per year [2] - Africa has had many more non state conflicts and the number has not declined since 2004 when there were 20 non-state conflicts; in 2011 there were 22. [3] All in all there is little hope of managing to end all these conflicts by 2020.  [1] ‘Armed Conflicts 2012’, Uppsala Conflict Data Program, 2013,   [2] ‘Armed Conflict by Region’, UCDP, 2013,   [3] ‘Non-state Conflicts by Region, 1989-2011’, UCDP, 2012, Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts region ongoing Africa Asia fifty years non-state declined 2004 2011 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Conflicts Non-state Conflicts Region years conflicts per year distinct conflicts hope managing ending conflicts Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 regions non-state UCDP Uppsala Conflict Data Program armed 2004 2011 2020 Asia statistics regional violence peace trends historical conflict management global security warfare diplomatic resolution international relations Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 13 ongoing region Asia similar numbers fifty years 10 year non-state 2004 20 2011 22 manage end 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Region Non-state 1989-2011 Africa warlike continent 2012 13 ongoing conflicts Africa Asia conflicts non-state conflicts 2004 2011 22 non-state conflicts 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP armed conflicts region conflict management Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing 13 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP 2013 Asia non-state 2004 22 2011 end 2020 Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts distinct conflicts ongoing conflicts Africa Asia conflicts non-state conflicts conflict management 2020 conflict goal Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP data regional conflict analysis Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 13 ongoing Asia 1960s 2000s 10 year non-state 2004 2011 22 manage 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP Armed Region Non-state 1989-2011 Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 Uppsala Conflict Data Program non-state conflicts Asia 2004 2011 2020 armed conflicts UCDP regional conflicts violence peacekeeping international relations security studies conflict resolution political instability Africa warlike continent conflicts 2012 ongoing non-state Asia Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP 2004 2011 2020 manage end regional violence peace trends security instability warfare combat disputes struggle battles uprisings rebellions insurgencies civil wars ethnic tensions political military historical analysis impact global issues challenges resolution prevention international community intervention diplomacy peacekeeping Africa warlike continent 2012 conflicts region non-state conflicts 2004 2011 2020 Uppsala Conflict Data Program UCDP armed conflicts regional comparison Asia conflict trends conflict management peace prospects
test-health-dhiacihwph-con02a	Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ Cheaper drugs aren’t trusted by consumers  The differences in price between generic and patented drugs can be disconcerting to those wishing to buy pharmaceuticals. As with other product, logic generally follows the rule that the more expensive option is the most effective. There are reports from the USA of generic drugs causing suicidal tendencies [1] . These factors, combined with the lower levels of screening for drugs in Africa, mean that cheaper drugs are generally distrusted [2] .  [1] Childs,D. ‘Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?’  [2] Mercurio,B. ‘Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines’ cheaper drugs generic drugs patented drugs price differences consumer trust pharmaceuticals effectiveness cost safety USA suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health crisis essential medicines access barriers cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals drug effectiveness expensive options generic drug safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis essential medicines developing world access barriers generic drugs patented drugs price differences consumer trust pharmaceuticals drug efficacy USA generic drugs safety suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health crisis developing world access to medicines Cheaper drugs consumer distrust price differences generic vs patented drugs effectiveness perception cost-effectiveness pharmaceuticals USA generic drugs suicidal tendencies screening levels Africa public health crisis developing world access to medicines essential drugs health policy medication safety cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals effectiveness cost-effectiveness drug safety USA suicidal tendencies generic drug safety Africa drug screening public health developing world access to medicines cheap drugs generic drugs patented drugs drug prices consumer trust pharmaceuticals drug effectiveness drug safety generic drug side effects suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis access to medicines Cheaper drugs consumer trust price differences generic drugs patented drugs pharmaceutical costs effectiveness perception drug pricing USA generic drugs issues suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis developing world essential medicines access barriers generic drugs patented drugs price differences consumer trust pharmaceuticals drug efficacy expensive options USA generic drugs side effects suicidal tendencies Africa drug screening public health crisis developing world essential medicines access barriers cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals cost-effectiveness drug safety generic drug side effects suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health developing world essential medicines access barriers Cheaper drugs consumer trust generic drugs patented drugs price differences pharmaceuticals effectiveness cost USA generic drugs safety suicidal tendencies drug screening Africa public health crisis developing world access to medicines essential medicines
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro01a	Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, Moving is an imperative  It is clear that if the Seychelles wishes to remain as a sovereign nation it will have to relocate almost all of its population and it makes sense for this to be in one place so keeping the nation together. The way to do this is through purchasing land and sovereignty from another country that has land to spare. There is clearly little other choice and some of the small island states have already accepted this. Kiribati for example has already bought land from Fiji with the intent of using it as a last resort for its people. [1]  [1] Yu, Bobby, ‘The Sinking Nation of Kiribati: The Lonely Stand Against Statelessness And Displacement from Rising Oceans’, The Arizona Journal of Environmental Law & Policy, 11 January 2013, moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation population relocation nation unity land purchase sovereignty Kiribati Fiji statelessness displacement rising oceans climate change small island states adaptation strategies environmental refugees moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation relocate population unity nation purchasing land sovereignty another country land spare small island states accepted Kiribati bought land Fiji last resort people rising oceans environmental law policy statelessness displacement Moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation relocate population nation together purchasing land sovereignty small island states Kiribati bought land Fiji last resort rising oceans statelessness displacement climate change environmental migration international law human rights adaptation strategies coastal communities global warming sea level rise sustainable relocation environmental refugees island states relocation policies international cooperation sovereignty transfer climate migrants legal frameworks environmental policy international agreements climate justice adaptation finance relocation planning community resilience environmental displacement sustainable development climate adaptation international support relocation challenges moving imperative Seychelles sovereign nation relocate population nation together purchasing land sovereignty another country land spare small island states Kiribati bought land Fiji last resort people rising oceans statelessness displacement Seychelles relocation sovereignty population nationhood land purchase climate change small island states Kiribati Fiji statelessness environmental displacement rising oceans Moving relocation sovereign nation Seychelles population national unity land purchase sovereignty small island states Kiribati Fiji climate change rising oceans statelessness displacement environmental policy legal issues international relations survival strategies adaptation measures Seychelles relocation sovereignty population nation land purchase small island states Kiribati Fiji statelessness displacement rising oceans climate change environmental policy Seychelles relocation population sovereignty land purchase small island states Kiribati Fiji climate change rising oceans statelessness displacement environmental migration international law policy adaptation strategies global warming sea level rise sustainable development human rights humanitarian governance territorial integrity climate refugees international cooperation environmental policy legal framework climate justice resilience adaptation mitigation environmental displacement national identity cultural preservation ecological restoration sustainability ecosystem services biodiversity conservation community engagement stakeholder participation adaptive management environmental refugees climate change impacts relocate population Seychelles relocation population sovereignty nation purchasing land small island states Kiribati Fiji climate change rising oceans statelessness displacement Sovereign nation population relocation land purchase sovereignty transfer island states climate refugees Kiribati Fiji environmental displacement rising oceans statelessness international law global warming climate change adaptation strategies relocation policies international cooperation sustainable development environmental migration human security
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con01a	Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. Allowing torture under any circumstances will allow the prospect of its routine use  The advantage of a complete ban on torture is that it leaves no room for doubt, no possibility for confusion, no need to apply personal judgement. Under the status quo, it is simply illegal to use force or the threat of force to solicit information from a suspect, regardless of the charge.  The moment that becomes something other than a complete ban then it puts an intolerable pressure on security officials to decide when it is justified and when it is not.  The experience of Abu Grahib demonstrates how the use of abusive treatment can become routine, even trivial, all too quickly. If it is acceptable to use torture to prevent mass-murder, then why not murder? If for murder than why not rape? And so on. torture routine use complete ban personal judgement illegal force status quo security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape torture routine use complete ban personal judgement illegal force security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape ethical slippery slope human rights violations legal grey areas interrogation ethics law enforcement pressures moral absolutism preventive torture justifications civil liberties erosion torture routine use complete ban personal judgement security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape legal standards ethical boundaries slippery slope justifiable torture law enforcement human rights international law moral absolutes interrogation techniques detainee treatment torture routine use complete ban no room for doubt personal judgement status quo illegal force security officials abusive treatment Abu Grahib mass-murder murder rape slippery slope ethical boundaries justification for torture legal exceptions abuse of power human rights violations moral clarity rule of law exceptional measures routine practice accountability official discretion prevention of crime slippery slope argument moral absolutism legal absolutism ethical dilemmas torture as tool interrogation methods human dignity legal framework international law human rights security personnel decision-making under pressure torture routine use complete ban legal prohibition personal judgement security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder ethical slippery slope law enforcement interrogation methods human rights violations moral boundaries torture routine use complete ban personal judgement security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape slippery slope legal precedents ethical boundaries human rights interrogation methods law enforcement military conduct international law moral justification psychological impact detainee treatment torture ethics law routine use complete ban moral clarity personal judgement security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment justification mass-murder murder rape slippery slope legal standards human rights accountability enforcement torture routine use complete ban personal judgement security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape legal justification slippery slope ethical boundaries human rights interrogation methods legal frameworks moral consistency policy enforcement international law detainee treatment war crimes Geneva Conventions ethical policing judicial oversight accountability civil liberties humanitarian principles coercive interrogation psychological impact long-term consequences societal norms legal precedents judicial reform law enforcement training moral psychology ethical dilemmas public policy criminal justice human dignity non-viol torture complete ban routine use personal judgement security officials Abu Ghraib abusive treatment mass-murder murder rape ethical slippery slope legal ambiguity human rights violations interrogational ethics policy enforcement psychological impact moral justification legal frameworks international law detainee treatment torture prevention security policy moral absolutism ethical boundaries legal boundaries torture justification slippery slope argument human dignity torture efficacy detainee rights humanitarian law war crimes moral responsibility legal responsibility ethical decision-making security ethics interrogational techniques legal standards torture consequences torture routine use personal judgement security officials Abu Grahib abusive treatment mass-murder rape legal boundaries moral slippery slope interrogation techniques human rights violations ethical dilemmas law enforcement policies international law detainee treatment war crimes criminal justice system torture justification preventive measures human dignity legal reforms accountability detainee rights psychological impact societal norms policy implications
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods microfinance poverty social protection financial skills sustainability vulnerability assets social capital IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable development social protection poverty alleviation economic empowerment IFAD microcredit community development financial inclusion livelihoods microfinance poverty financial skills social capital social protection vulnerability assets sustainability IFAD poor people economic resilience aid effectiveness financial inclusion livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable aid social protection IFAD 2013 poverty understanding microfinance benefits economic resilience financial inclusion community networks livelihood strategies poverty alleviation microcredit microsavings microinsurance livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability social protection financial skills sustainability assets social capital IFAD poor economic empowerment financial inclusion development aid self-reliance livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection financial skills asset access vulnerability reduction social capital sustainable development IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection financial education asset access vulnerability reduction sustainable development social capital IFAD microcredit economic empowerment poverty alleviation financial inclusion livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainability social protection IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection financial skills asset access vulnerability reduction social capital sustainable aid IFAD 2013 livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability shocks assets social capital financial skills sustainability social protection IFAD 2013
test-international-ghwcitca-pro04a	A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, A cyber treaty benefits everyone  A treaty that bans, or sharply curtails cyber-attacks would benefit every state. Even those who may currently benefit from cyber espionage would be better off signing up to the treaty.  First most cyber-attacks are not carried out by the state even in countries like China where the state is using the internet as an offensive tool. In its annual report to congress the Department of Defence stated some cyber-attacks “appear to be attributable directly to the Chinese government and military” but this does not sound like a majority. [1]  Secondly no state wants a risk of conflict as a result of an unregulated new field of potential conflict. Or even to risk relations with other nations; cyber-attacks in large part go on because they are cost free.  And finally all nations are the victims of cyber-attacks. The United States has repeatedly condemned cyber-attacks against it but China also claims that it is the victim of cyber-attacks. China’s Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan says “China is one of the primary victims of hacker attacks in the world.” [2] Having a treaty against cyber attacks would not only make business easier for all countries but it would build up trust between nations where it is currently being eroded.  [1] Office of the Secretary of Defense, ‘Annual; Report to Congress Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013’, Department of Defense,  p.36  [2] Brook, Tom Vanden, ‘Cyber attack? What cyber attack?’, USA Today, 19 August 2013, cyber treaty cyber-attacks state cyber espionage China Department of Defence unregulated conflict risk of conflict relations with nations cyber-attack victims United States China cyber-attacks Minister of National Defense hacker attacks business trust between nations military security People's Republic of China USA Today cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors cyber conflict international relations cyber security cyber defense China United States cybersecurity policy international cybersecurity treaty benefits cyber attack prevention hacker attacks national security cyber norms digital trust cyber diplomacy cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state involvement non-state actors Department of Defense Chinese government military engagement cyber conflict international relations hacker attacks cyber victims United States China cyber security international trust business environment policy development cyber defense global cooperation treaty benefits military strategy cyber policy cyber warfare international agreements cyber security measures government policies cyber diplomacy cyber treaty benefits state cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors China Department of Defense cyber conflict international relations cyber victims United States China cyber attacks hacker attacks international trust cyber security global cooperation cyber policy cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors Chinese government military Department of Defense conflict risk international relations cost-free attacks cyber victims United States China Minister of National Defense General Chang Wanquan hacker attacks business ease trust building international security cybersecurity cyber warfare diplomatic relations global cooperation cyber defense cyber policy cyber treaty benefits cyber-attacks state cyber espionage cost free unregulated conflict trust victims hacker attacks business international relations cyber security defense regulation offensive tool internet annual report congress department of defense China United States cyber defense policy international security cyber warfare cyber crime global security state actors non-state actors risk management cybersecurity international cooperation cyber policy digital security cyber treaties cyber norms cyber governance cyber strategy cyber diplomacy cyber operations cyber threats cyber defense strategy cyber conflict cybers cyber treaty cyber-attacks state benefits cyber espionage non-state actors China Department of Defense conflict risk international relations cost-free attacks US China cyber victims hacker attacks international trust business ease security developments People's Republic of China USA Today cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state-sponsored attacks China cyber conflict international relations cyber security hacker attacks cyber victims trust building international cooperation cost-free attacks unregulated conflict cyber defense cyber offense treaty benefits global security digital diplomacy cyber norms cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors China Department of Defence cyber conflict risk of conflict international relations cyber victims United States China cyber-attacks cyber defense international trust cyber security treaty benefits global cyber peace hacker attacks military developments People's Republic of China cyber regulations USA Today international cybersecurity treaty cyber warfare cyber policies international cooperation cyber treaty cyber-attacks cyber espionage state actors non-state actors Chinese government Department of Defense risk of conflict international relations cyber security hacker attacks trust between nations business ease international treaty cyber defense cyber warfare digital security cyber crime international cooperation cyber peace
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro02a	It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, It’s in the interests of employees  It’s in the interests of the HIV positive employee. Right now, although in many countries it is illegal to fire someone for having HIV [1] prejudiced employers can claim that they didn’t know their employer had HIV when they fired him, so they must have been acting on other grounds. The employee then has to try and prove that they did know, which can be very hard. Furthermore, once informed the employer can reasonably be expected to display a minimum level of understanding and compassion to the employee.  [1] Civil Rights Division, Ouestions and Answers: The Americans with Disabilities Act and Persons with HIV/AIDS’, U.S. Department of Justice, employees HIV positive illegal firing prejudiced employers proof of knowledge employment rights Americans with Disabilities Act HIV/AIDS discrimination workplace compassion civil rights HIV ADA employment discrimination civil rights Americans with Disabilities Act HIV-positive employees workplace rights employment law discrimination claims prejudiced employers HIV status legal protection employee rights compassionate employment practices HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act civil rights prejudiced employers HIV positive workplace rights legal protection employment law sickness discrimination compassionate employers employee protection health status job security unfair dismissal legal proof informed employers employee rights HIV positive employees employment law discrimination in the workplace ADA protections HIV/AIDS and employment legal protections for HIV positive individuals workplace discrimination civil rights employee discrimination proof of knowledge in firing employer responsibility compassion in the workplace HIV status and employment anti-discrimination laws employee protection HIV and the Americans with Disabilities Act HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act civil rights compassion prejudice legal protection workplace rights health status employee rights termination informed employer HIV employee rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act employment law prejudiced employers HIV positive workplace discrimination legal protection civil rights employee protection compassionate employment practices HIV in workplace proving knowledge of HIV status illegal firing employment grounds discrimination claims understanding employer compassionate employer HIV/AIDS rights job security health privacy legal recourse employment justice HIV employees employment discrimination legal protections prejudiced employers firing proof knowledge understanding compassion Americans with Disabilities Act civil rights HIV-positive workplace rights employment law anti-discrimination laws equal opportunity health status job security legal claims employer responsibility HIV employment rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act HIV-positive employees workplace prejudice legal protection firing employees health status employment law civil rights employer responsibility compassion in the workplace HIV employee rights discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers legal protection HIV status workplace discrimination civil rights employment law compassionate management employee health confidentiality termination proof of knowledge employer responsibility HIV employment discrimination ADA Americans with Disabilities Act prejudiced employers proof of knowledge employee rights workplace compassion civil rights HIV-positive employees legal protections employment law
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro01a	Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Not censoring its search results is a victory for human rights  The problem with Google censoring its results, is that in doing so, it is complicit in China’s repression of free speech: it adapts its own search engine to display only the results the Chinese government wants, thereby limiting its citizens’ basic human right to free access to information (a corollary to free speech). By avoiding this complicity, Google is taking a bold, praiseworthy step towards enhancing respect for human rights in China and with it, Google can set an important example for other businesses with dealings in China. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, ‘China: Google Challenges Censorship’, January 12, 2010. URL: Google censorship China human rights free speech information access business ethics corporate responsibility internet freedom search engine manipulation government control digital rights privacy international law tech companies policy freedom of expression online censorship global standards corporate activism user rights regulatory compliance civil liberties digital activism web neutrality market influence technology ethics public policy internet governance digital sovereignty information integrity search neutrality legal compliance business practices corporate governance ethical guidelines stakeholder impact societal norms technological impact cultural sensitivity geopolitical considerations strategic decisions corporate citizenship global Google censorship China free speech human rights information access complicity repression search results corporate responsibility business ethics digital rights internet freedom policy technology global standards ethical business practices human rights watch international law digital activism tech companies government control media freedom privacy surveillance citizen rights digital sovereignty Google censorship human rights free speech China information access business ethics corporate responsibility internet freedom digital rights government control online censorship human rights watch technology companies global standards free expression search engine manipulation user privacy international law digital activism Google China censorship human rights free speech information access corporate responsibility business ethics digital rights search engine manipulation government control internet freedom global standards technology ethics privacy data manipulation policy compliance international law advocacy corporate activism information rights digital censorship freedom of expression online freedom search neutrality editorial control moral stance market principles user rights technological sovereignty ethical business practices rights advocacy digital governance information integrity public interest corporate citizenship principled stand human dignity internet governance digital ethics corporate leadership ethical guidelines policy impact censorship human rights Google China free speech information access business ethics corporate responsibility technology policy internet freedom international relations digital rights privacy civil liberties government control media freedom corporate complicity human rights advocacy technological autonomy search neutrality Google censorship human rights China free speech information access business ethics corporate responsibility digital rights internet freedom privacy governmental control online censorship search engine manipulation international relations technology and society digital activism information rights free expression global business practices corporate citizenship tech ethics human rights advocacy digital freedom internet governance China's digital policies technology and human rights global tech companies internet censorship digital repression tech company policies ethical business practices China's internet regulations digital human rights corporate social responsibility tech and ethics online freedoms global internet policies ethical human rights free speech censorship Google China information access business ethics corporate responsibility internet freedom digital rights privacy repression government control search engine manipulation global standards technology and human rights corporate activism moral stance example setting international relations digital censorship online freedom civil liberties 言论自由 信息审查 谷歌 中国 人权 互联网自由 企业责任 获取信息 政府监管 搜索结果操纵 全球标准 技术与人权 企业道德 道德立场 行业典范 国际关系 数字审查 在线自由 公民自由 privacy concerns digital equity not censoring victory human rights Google censorship China free speech repression search results information access business example human rights watch china censorship google challenge ethical stance corporate responsibility digital rights internet freedom global standards technology ethics privacy surveillance democracy civ liberties free expression uncensored search cyber sovereignty international norms legal compliance market access user trust transparency accountability tech policy innovation digital ethics societal impact global citizenship corporate activism internet governance online safety data protection user rights freedom of thought opinion diversity human rights free speech China censorship Google search results information access corporate responsibility business ethics international relations digital rights privacy internet freedom technology policy human rights advocacy corporate governance media freedom global internet policies tech ethics freedom of expression online censorship Google censorship China human rights free speech information access business ethics corporate responsibility internet freedom search engine government control digital rights privacy global standards technology companies policy activism digital censorship international relations tech ethics online freedom civil liberties repression internet governance corporate activism human rights advocacy digital activism media freedom freedom of expression internet policies tech companies corporate accountability global tech policies internet regulation digital media tech and society digital ethics internet rights tech and human rights tech and politics internet censorship technology and freedom digital
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro02a	Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Reparations would be a step towards closing colonial scars.  It is difficult for former colonies to feel as if they can move on and develop a wholly independent identity when their ties to the past, and to their former colonisers, have not been definitively ended. For example, while it is important to remember those who suffered under slavery, the overwhelming memory of it [1] overpowers the history of those countries and innately links them back to former colonial powers. Furthermore, many of the problems now faced by former colonies can be traced back to the actions of colonial-era masters, for example the birth of ethnic tensions between minorities in Rwanda [2] and Burundi [3] . In order to move on from that damaging legacy, and to conclusively prove that such prejudices are always wrong, it is necessary for former colonial powers to show a tangible move towards closing that colonial chapter of their history. In this way they can begin to move towards a fresh, equal and co-operative relationship with the developing countries which were their former colonies, without the background of history which currently warps such relationships. Italy’s payment of reparations to Libya [4] allowed Libya to ‘mend fences with the West’ [5] and to improve international relationships. This is a step to recognise developing countries as a nation, rather than an economic opportunity. In this way, reparations would be an effective way of demonstrating a global community and spirit.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [4] Time. ‘Italy Pays Reparations to Libya’. Published 02/09/2008. Accessed from  on 12/09/11.  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to past memory of slavery colonial-era masters ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial legacy former colonial powers co-operative relationship developing countries Italy Libya mend fences economic opportunity global community spirit reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to the past former colonisers memory of slavery history of countries colonial powers ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters closing colonial chapter equal and co-operative relationship Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships global community spirit developing countries nation recognition economic opportunity reparations colonial scars independent identity ties to past former colonisers slavery history colonial powers ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters damaging legacy prejudices colonial chapter equal relationship developing countries Italy Libya mend fences international relationships global community economic opportunity reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity historical ties slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters Italy Libya mend fences international relationships developing countries economic opportunity global community spirit reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to past former colonisers slavery history colonial powers ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters damaging legacy prejudices former colonial powers tangible move colonial chapter developing countries equal relationship co-operative relationship history background Italy reparations to Libya mend fences international relationships global community spirit economic opportunity reparations colonial scars independence former colonies colonial powers slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial legacy co-operative relationships Italy Libya international relationships global community economic opportunity historical ties development prejudice moving on forgiveness acknowledgment historical injustices post-colonial reparations effectiveness nation recognition reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial ties slavery ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial legacy prejudices colonial powers co-operative relationship Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships economic opportunity global community spirit reparations colonial scars independent identity former colonies colonial ties slavery memory ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era actions Italy Libya reparations payment international relationships global community economic opportunity colonial chapter co-operative relationship developing countries historical legacy prejudices warping relationships tangible move spirit global recognition reparations colonial scars former colonies independent identity ties to past former colonisers slavery history ethnic tensions Rwanda Burundi colonial-era masters damaging legacy prejudices colonial powers fresh relationship co-operative relationship Italy Libya mend fences West international relationships nation economic opportunity global community spirit Reparations Colonial scars Former colonies Independent identity Slavery History Colonial powers Rwanda Burundi Ethnic tensions Colonial-era masters Legacy Prejudices Italy Libya International relationships Economic opportunity Global community Spirit
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro03a	Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. Research can be done effectively without experimenting on living creature  As experimenting on animals is immoral we should stop using animals for experiments. But apart from it being morally wrong practically we will never know how much we will be able to advance without animal experimentation if we never stop experimenting on animals. Animal research has been the historical gold standard, and in the case of some chemical screening tests, was for many years, by many western states, required by law before a compound could be released on sale. Science and technology has moved faster than research protocols however, and so there is no longer a need for animals to be experimented on. We now know the chemical properties of most substances, and powerful computers allow us to predict the outcome of chemical interactions. Experimenting on live tissue culture also allows us to gain insight as to how living cells react when exposed to different substances, with no animals required. Even human skin leftover from operations provides an effective medium for experimentation, and being human, provides a more reliable guide to the likely impact on a human subject. The previous necessity of the use of animals is no longer a good excuse for continued use of animals for research. We would still retain all the benefits that previous animal research has brought us but should not engage in any more. Thus modern research has no excuse for using animals. [1]  [1] PETA. 2011. Alternatives: Testing Without Torture. animal testing ethical research alternative methods moral concerns scientific advancement animal rights laboratory animals human tissue chemical screening computer modeling live tissue culture human skin samples research ethics animal experimentation laws scientific protocols substance interaction PETA non-animal testing humane research animal-free experimentation animal experimentation ethical alternatives in vitro testing computer modeling chemical properties live tissue culture human skin samples moral implications scientific advancement regulatory changes animal welfare research protocols non-animal methods PETA animal rights scientific progress human-relevant data animal-free research ethical research humane science animal experimentation moral concerns scientific alternatives chemical screening computer simulations live tissue culture human skin samples research protocols historical practices ethical research methods PETA animal testing torturous methods non-animal testing scientific advancements moral responsibility animal rights research ethics humane science in vitro testing animal experimentation moral issues scientific advancement alternative research methods chemical screening tests legal requirements research protocols computer modeling tissue culture human skin samples ethical testing PETA testing without torture historical practices modern science animal welfare research ethics human relevance chemical properties scientific predictions non-animal testing cruelty-free research humane science animal rights scientific progress regulatory changes research alternatives animal-free experimentation scientific innovation technological solutions ethical science humane testing animal-free research laboratory practices animal testing ban scientific responsibility ethical research advancing science compassionate science animal research experimentation living creatures animals morality practicality scientific advancement historical standards chemical screening research protocols science technology chemical properties computer predictions live tissue culture human cells human skin operations ethical research PETA alternatives testing torture non-animal methods human relevance legal requirements compound testing chemical interactions biological testing ethical science animal welfare scientific progress modern research in vitro testing computer modeling human-based research animal-free experimentation cruelty-free testing regulatory changes scientific innovation ethical standards humane science animal rights biomedical research animal experimentation moral implications research alternatives chemical screening legal requirements scientific advancements technology in research tissue culture human skin testing PETA animal rights ethical research methods animal experimentation moral concerns scientific advancement chemical properties computer modeling live tissue culture human skin samples ethical research animal rights PETA alternatives to animal testing research protocols historical standards chemical screening tests human impact legal requirements scientific progress moral wrong live animals animal research benefits continued use justification modern science capabilities animal experimentation ethical concerns moral issues scientific advancement non-animal testing methods in vitro testing computer modeling tissue culture human skin testing chemical properties research protocols PETA alternatives to animal testing historical context legal requirements modern science technological progress animal welfare arguing against animal testing benefits of animal research cessation of animal use research efficacy animal testing moral issues scientific advancement experimentation alternatives tissue culture computer modeling chemical properties human skin testing ethical research historical context legal requirements PETA animal rights research protocols human-relevant methods animal testing moral implications research ethics alternative methods non-animal testing tissue culture computer modeling chemical properties human skin samples ethical research PETA scientific advancement animal welfare research protocols chemical screening tests legal requirements historical context modern science technological progress human testing alternatives
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro03a	It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. It will cause more people to become interested in politics  Compulsory voting increases the number of people who cast their vote 1. People who know they will have to vote will take politics more seriously and start to take a more active role. Compulsory voting will potentially encourage voters to research the candidates' political positions more thoroughly. This may force candidates to be more open and transparent about their positions on many complex and controversial issues. Citizens will be willing to inform themselves even about unpopular policies and burning issues that need to be tackled. Better-informed voters will, therefore, oppose a plan that is unrealistic or would present an unnecessary budget-drain. This means that such a system could produce better political decisions that are not contradicting each other, quite upon the contrary.  1 Peter Tucker, The median Australian voter and the values that influence their vote choice presented by the author at the 3rd European Consortium for Political Research Conference in Budapest, September 10, 2005. compulsory voting voter engagement political awareness election participation informed electorate political transparency candidate accountability public policy understanding budget responsibility political decision-making median voter vote choice political values electoral behavior democratic process civic duty voter education political campaigns election outcomes governance quality compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout political transparency candidate accountability policy awareness informed citizenship electoral systems political decision-making voter education political apathy democratic participation voting behavior policy realism budgetary considerations median voter political values electoral reform democratic quality citizen participation compulsory voting voter engagement political apathy informed electorate political transparency voter education electoral participation democratic processes political accountability unpopular policies budget management Peter Tucker median voter political values ECPR conference compulsory voting increased political interest voter engagement political transparency candidate accountability informed voting realistic policy evaluation better political decisions median voter values political research active citizenship electoral participation voter education political decision-making budget considerations political value influence ECPR conference Peter Tucker median Australian voter vote choice compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout active citizenship political transparency candidate accountability informed voters budget management realistic policy-making median voter political values ECPR conference Peter Tucker Budapest 2005 compulsory voting increased political interest voter engagement political transparency informed voters political decision-making budget responsibility voter research candidate positions political awareness unpopular policies median voter political values ECPR conference Peter Tucker politics compulsory voting voter turnout civic engagement political awareness candidate transparency informed voters political decisions Peter Tucker median voter political values European Consortium for Political Research Budapest conference compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout active citizenship political transparency candidate accountability informed voters policy awareness realistic policies budget efficiency political decision-making median voter values electoral participation democratic quality civic education voting behavior political efficacy public interest political representation electoral reforms compulsory voting political engagement voter turnout informed voters political transparency candidate accountability policy awareness political decision-making budget responsibility median voter theory political values ECPR conference Peter Tucker compulsory voting voter engagement political transparency informed electorate political participation voter education candidate accountability political decision-making budget-conscious voting electoral systems median voter political values European Consortium for Political Research voter choice political influence conference presentation Budapest 2005 Peter Tucker
test-health-hdond-pro04a	People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. People ought to donate their organs anyway  Organ donation, in all its forms, saves lives. More to the point, it saves lives with almost no loss to the donor. One obviously has no material need for one’s organs after death, and thus it does not meaningfully inhibit bodily integrity to incentivize people to give up their organs at this time. If one is registered as an organ donor, every attempt is still made to save their life {Organ Donation FAQ}. The state is always more justified in demanding beneficial acts of citizens if the cost to the citizen is minimal. This is why the state can demand that people wear seatbelts, but cannot conscript citizens for use as research subjects. Because there is no good reason not to become an organ donor, the state ought to do everything in its power to ensure that people do so. Organ donation, life-saving, minimal cost, bodily integrity, post-mortem, state intervention, public health, ethical obligation, donation incentives, Consent, medical ethics, human rights, societal benefit, organ shortage,移植, 生命质量, 无损害原则, 法律授权, 公民责任, 自主权 (Note: The last three terms are in Chinese, which may not be necessary if the query is only in English.) For English only: Organ donation, life-saving, minimal cost, bodily integrity, post-mortem, state intervention, public health, ethical obligation, donation incentives, consent, medical ethics, organ donation life-saving minimal cost state intervention bodily integrity post-mortem incentive public health ethical obligation medical ethics bioethics altruism legal framework consent donation rates transplant healthcare policy social responsibility organ scarcity donor registration organ donation life-saving minimal cost incentivize post-mortem bodily integrity ethical obligation state intervention public health mandatory donation donor registration medical ethics altruism legislative support health policy organ donation saves lives minimal loss post-death donation incentivize donation state intervention public policy ethical obligation civic duty medical ethics altruism health regulations consent laws donor registration life-saving procedures organ transplant public health moral philosophy legislative measures social responsibility organ donation life-saving donor death bodily integrity state mandate minimal cost seatbelts conscription research subjects ethical justification public policy health benefits altruism legal incentives medical ethics donation rates donor registration public awareness transplantation medical advances societal benefit moral obligation voluntary action informed consent healthcare system organ scarcity legislative action public health moral philosophy human rights individual autonomy medical practice organ procurement donation advocacy medical ethics committee bioethics health law human organ trade donor card organ matching transplant surgery medical organ donation save lives minimal cost post-mortem incentivize donation state intervention bodily integrity ethical obligation public policy health benefits informed consent medical ethics altruism life-saving procedures legislative measures donor registration medical research public awareness donor rights societal benefit organ donation saves lives minimal cost post-mortem bodily integrity state responsibility public health ethical obligation altruism medical benefit legislative encouragement donor registration life-saving healthcare improvement societal welfare organ donation life-saving minimal loss post-mortem bodily integrity state obligations public health ethical mandates altruism medical ethics legal incentives civic duty health policy donor registration organ shortage transplant success societal benefit moral reasoning legislative encouragement public awareness organ donation life-saving minimal cost post-mortem bodily integrity state responsibility public health ethical obligation legal incentives medical benefits donor registration societal impact moral duty organ shortage healthcare policy informed consent public awareness voluntary donation legislative support altruism organ donation life-saving minimal cost post-mortem bodily integrity state intervention public policy ethical obligation medical ethics altruism consent legislation healthcare improvement social responsibility
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro01a	"Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain will lose economically if she stays out of the Euro over the long term.  Joining the European single currency (the Euro) may appear unfavourable to Britain, but the negative effect of not joining would be more unfavourable. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Euroland businesses are now…able to raise money for investment across the entire single currency zone, making it easier and cheaper. British companies, on the other hand, are still largely constrained to drumming up money from within Britain if they want to expand.”1Eurozone businesses find it easy to raise money, for they are spared currency conversion charges. The carmaker Nissan has previously told the British government that eliminating exchange rate risk by siting production in the same currency zone as its sales market will be its preferred option’2.  1Browne, A., ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", Page 89  2Morgan, O. ""Nissan tells Blair 'join Euro'"", 27 May 2011, The Guardian Britain Euro European single currency economic impact long-term effects joining Euro negative consequences investment currency zone British companies funding expansion currency conversion exchange rate risk Nissan British government production Eurozone businesses investment opportunities Morgan Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join The Guardian economic policy financial stability market access trade competitiveness industrial strategy currency union economic integration European Union financial markets economic analysis financial transactions business environment economic forecasts political economy economic benefits cost-benefit analysis international finance monetary policy economic growth Britain Euro economic impact European single currency financial benefits currency conversion investment British companies Eurozone Nissan exchange rate risk Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join Morgan The Guardian economy Euro Britain Eurozone investment currency single currency exchange rate Nissan Anthony Browne European single currency financial constraints economic impact long-term effects currency conversion market expansion business investment economic risk economic benefits Euro membership economic analysis financial advantages economic disadvantages corporate finance investment opportunities economic policy economic debate financial markets currency stability economic growth business strategy financial strategy economic performance economic stability financial performance economic integration European Union economic sanctions financial regulation economic sanctions currency risk economic forecasts financial planning economic economic disadvantages long-term financial impact Eurozone benefits currency conversion costs investment opportunities British economic isolation Eurozone financial advantages currency stability exchange rate risk Nissan production preferences British government advice Euro adoption implications Britain Euro economic impact long-term effects European single currency joining Euro negative consequences currency conversion charges investment British companies Eurozone Nissan exchange rate risk economic constraints Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join Morgan The Guardian Britain economic loss Euro European single currency negative effect Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join Euroland businesses investment single currency zone British companies currency conversion charges Nissan British government exchange rate risk production currency zone sales market Eurozone investment cheaper easier business expansion financial constraints economic disadvantages currency stability market integration trade benefits economic policy financial markets economic forecasts currency fluctuations international trade economic decision-making long-term economic impact Britain Euro economic impact long-term effects European single currency joining Euro unfavourable consequences Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join Euroland businesses investment currency zone British companies currency conversion charges Nissan exchange rate risk car production currency zone sales market economic constraints investment opportunities Eurozone advantages financial stability market access organizational costs currency fluctuations economic integration single market trade barriers competitiveness financial benefits policy implications Britain Euro economic loss European single currency negative effects investment Eurozone currency conversion charges Nissan exchange rate risk British government Morgan Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Britain Euro economic impact Eurozone investment currency zone British companies funding constraints currency conversion charges Nissan exchange rate risk production location European single currency long-term effects Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join financial advantages market access investment opportunities business expansion economic strategy Brexit implications currency stability trade benefits policy considerations economic integration financial markets investment climate economic growth corporate finance international trade currency union risk management business strategy economic forecasts financial performance economic research economic analysis Euro adoption economic arguments policy debate Britain Euro economic impact Eurozone investment currency conversion exchange rate risk business expansion Nissan British government Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join European single currency financial constraints investment opportunities long-term economic effects currency zone money raising business costs"
test-environment-assgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced methods reduced animal use better results less suffering ethical research practices animal welfare scientific alternatives regulatory compliance humane testing laboratory animals non-animal models reduction strategies refinement techniques replacement technologies animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing alternative methods animal welfare ethical research practices regulatory compliance scientific advancement Animal research EU member states US laws alternative methods 3Rs principles Refinement Replacement Reduction animal welfare research ethics scientific progress humane testing regulatory compliance experimental design laboratory animals non-animal models in vitro testing computational models animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing better research results less animal suffering Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles Refined animal testing Replaced animal testing Reduced animal testing animal suffering research efficiency ethical research practices Animal research EU laws US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced testing reduced testing animal welfare research alternatives ethical research practices minimizing animal suffering improving research outcomes animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replacement methods reduced animal use improved research outcomes minimized animal suffering animal research EU laws US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced testing reduced testing animal welfare research efficacy ethical research practices animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced methods reduced animal use better research outcomes reduced animal suffering Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles Refined Replaced Reduced animal testing alternative methods research outcomes animal suffering scientific research ethical guidelines laboratory animals biomedical research cruelty-free testing regulatory requirements animal welfare preclinical studies non-animal models
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con01a	The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: The graduate response policy constitutes an invasion of privacy by the state  Graduated response would require huge amounts of monitoring and logging of all internet traffic using technical systems called ‘deep packet inspection’ (DPI) equipment. This means that a computer program will look in close detail at all of the information someone sends over the internet in order to check whether it violates some protocol, for example a ‘fingerprint’ of copyrighted data that the content creator put in.  This means a copyright holder, or a third party paid by the copyright holder to monitor internet traffic, suddenly has access to everything every consumer sends over the internet. This is a massive violation of privacy. Given the fact that advertising companies are already using DPI illegitimately for targeted advertising, it is obvious that content companies will also feel tempted to ‘do more’ with all that data they suddenly have access to. [1]  [1] Angela Daly, ‘The Legality of Deep Packet Inspection’, 2010. Presented at the First Interdisciplinary Workshop on Communications Policy and Regulation 'Communications and Competition Law and Policy – Challenges of the New Decade', University of Glasgow 17 June 2010. URL for download: graduate response invasion of privacy deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring copyright holder third party monitoring targeted advertising data access privacy violation communications policy consumer data fingerprinting copyright enforcement legitimate DPI use data security user information internet surveillance legal implications Angela Daly communications regulation workshop presentation University of Glasgow 2010 graduate response invasion of privacy state surveillance internet traffic monitoring deep packet inspection DPI equipment copyright violation data fingerprint content creator consumer privacy copyright holder third-party monitoring targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy regulation University of Glasgow privacy violation internet privacy digital rights online surveillance communications law competition law data access privacy concerns digital surveillance network monitoring data protection consumer rights digital copyright internet regulation digital policy privacy laws internet security digital ethics data privacy online privacy violation of rights digital monitoring invasion of privacy state monitoring graduated response deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic logging monitoring copyright holder third party consumer data privacy violation targeted advertising data access content companies Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic copyrighted data fingerprinting copyright holder third-party monitoring consumer privacy targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law privacy violation technical systems internet surveillance digital rights consumer protection network neutrality online privacy data security regulatory challenges graduate response privacy invasion state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic copyright violation fingerprint content creator third party monitoring consumer data privacy violation targeted advertising data exploitation Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy workshop University of Glasgow graduate response policy invasion of privacy state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring copyright violation fingerprinting content creator consumer privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law University of Glasgow graduate response policy privacy invasion state surveillance deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic monitoring logging technical systems copyright violation protocol checks fingerprinting copyrighted data content creators consumer privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy workshop University of Glasgow competition law policy challenges graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI equipment internet traffic monitoring copyright violation data fingerprinting content creator consumer privacy copyright holder third party monitoring advertising companies targeted advertising data misuse Angela Daly legality of DPI communications policy competition law University of Glasgow graduate response policy invasion of privacy state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic copyrighted data fingerprint copyright holder third party consumer privacy advertising companies targeted advertising data access content companies legality communications policy Angela Daly University of Glasgow 2010 graduate response privacy invasion state monitoring deep packet inspection DPI internet traffic logging copyright violation fingerprint content creator advertising companies targeted advertising data access Angela Daly legality communications policy regulation workshop University of Glasgow
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro02a	"The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty will help against Iran’s nuclear program.  New START will help bolster US-Russian cooperation, which is necessary for solving the problem of Iran’s nuclear proliferation. On Nov. 19, 2010, the Anti-Defamation League released a statement, which came from Robert G. Sugarman, ADL National Chair, and Abraham H. Foxman, ADL National Director: ""The severe damage that could be inflicted on that relationship by failing to ratify the treaty would inevitably hamper effective American international leadership to stop the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The Iranian nuclear threat is the most serious national security issue facing the United States, Israel, and other allies in the Middle East. While some Senators may have legitimate reservations about the New START treaty or its protocol, we believe the interest of our greater and common goal of preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons must take precedence."" [1] New START is crucial in getting Russian support against Iran and other rogue nuclear states.  Although the United States needs a strong and reliable nuclear force, the chief nuclear danger today comes not from Russia but from rogue states such as Iran and North Korea and the potential for nuclear material to fall into the hands of terrorists. Given those pressing dangers, some question why an arms control treaty with Russia matters. It matters because it is in both parties' interest that there be transparency and stability in their strategic nuclear relationship. It also matters because Russia's cooperation will be needed if we are to make progress in rolling back the Iranian and North Korean programs. Russian help will be needed to continue our work to secure ""loose nukes"" in Russia and elsewhere. And Russian assistance is needed to improve the situation in Afghanistan, a breeding ground for international terrorism.  Obviously, the United States does not sign arms control agreements just to make friends. Any treaty must be considered on its merits. But the New START agreement is clearly in the US’ national interest, and the ramifications of not ratifying it could be significantly negative. [2] As US Vice President Joe Biden argued in 2010: ""New Start is also a cornerstone of our efforts to reset relations with Russia, which have improved significantly in the last two years. This has led to real benefits for U.S. and global security. Russian cooperation made it possible to secure strong sanctions against Iran over its nuclear ambitions, and Russia canceled a sale to Iran of an advanced anti-aircraft missile system that would have been dangerously destabilizing. Russia has permitted the flow of materiel through its territory for our troops in Afghanistan. And—as the NATO-Russia Council in Lisbon demonstrated—European security has been advanced by the pursuit of a more cooperative relationship with Russia. We should not jeopardize this progress."" [3] Therefore, because New START will have significant positive consequences in terms of aiding relations with Russia, and thus in dealing with rogue nuclear states like Iran, it should be supported.  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification Iranian nuclear weapons national security Senate rogue states North Korea terrorism arms control transparency strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism national interest Joe Biden reset relations strong sanctions NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League ADL Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman Senate ratification Iranian nuclear threat national security Middle East rogue states North Korea nuclear terrorism strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability arms control Russian support international security loose nukes Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Joe Biden US global leadership non-proliferation sanctions New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification international leadership national security Israel Middle East Senate rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia global security NATO-Russia Council Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification international leadership national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability arms control Russia cooperation roll back programs secure loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security cooperative relationship significant positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification international leadership national security Senate rogue states North Korea nuclear weapons terrorists transparency stability strategic nuclear relationship secure loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Wall Street Journal New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman treaty ratification Iranian nuclear weapons national security rogue states North Korea nuclear proliferation international leadership strong nuclear force arms control transparency strategic nuclear relationship international terrorism Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council Jewish issue Republican support Joseph Biden US security global security New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman ratification US international leadership Iranian nuclear weapons national security Middle East rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists transparency strategic nuclear relationship securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russia US security global security NATO-Russia Council significant positive consequences Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell New START treaty Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Anti-Defamation League international leadership Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states nuclear proliferation Russian support nuclear force transparency strategic nuclear relationship loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism arms control treaty ratification US national interest relations with Russia European security Republican support Joe Biden New START benefits Jewish issue Republican case ratification nuclear ambitions international sanctions anti-aircraft missile system NATO-Russia Council cooperative relationship global security New START treaty Iran’s nuclear program US-Russian cooperation Iranian nuclear proliferation Anti-Defamation League Robert G. Sugarman Abraham H. Foxman US ratification Iranian nuclear threat national security rogue states North Korea nuclear material terrorists strategic nuclear relationship transparency stability rolling back nuclear programs securing loose nukes Afghanistan international terrorism US national interest Joe Biden reset relations Russian cooperation strong sanctions anti-aircraft missile NATO-Russia Council European security Jewish issue Republican support Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagle New START Iran nuclear program US-Russian cooperation arms control treaty ratification international security non-proliferation rogue states nuclear weapons terrorism Russia United States Middle East Senate transparency strategic stability Anti-Defamation League Joseph Biden reset policy sanctions Afghanistan NATO-Russia Council global security Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro01a	"South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia has a right to self-determination  The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: ""All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right"". [1]  By this measure, South Ossetia has the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and any suppression of that right should be seen as a human rights violation. In 2006, South Ossetia held a referendum that found over 99% of its population of over 100,000 desire independence from Georgia. 95% of the population turned out to vote. The referendum was monitored by a team of 34 international observers. [2] These facts are the core of the case for South Ossetian independence. It demonstrates that South Ossetians are entirely unified and enthusiastic in their desire for independence. The strength and unity of these calls for independence are almost unprecedented and cannot be ignored by the international community. And, certainly, the percentage of a population that desires independence is of relevance to assessing the legitimacy of the call and a country's right to self-determination. By this standard, South Ossetia's right to self-determination is highly legitimate.  [1] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [2] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes referendum independence Georgia international observers population legitimacy international community South Ossetia self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation 2006 referendum independence Georgia international observers population democratic processes political status economic development social development cultural development international law legitimacy unity independence calls international community South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence Georgia referendum international observers political status economic development social development cultural development democratic processes population legitimacy international community 1993 2006 99% 95% turnout BBC News UN Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action South Ossetia right to self-determination 1993 Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes 2006 referendum independence from Georgia international observers population support legitimacy international community South Ossetian independence South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence referendum international observers political status economic development social development cultural development democratic processes Georgia international community legitimacy population turnout voting rights sovereignty ethnic conflict regional stability international law human rights democratic legitimacy international recognition self-governance national identity autonomy minority rights ethnic self-determination statehood territorial integrity geopolitical tensions regional powers international support diplomatic recognition legal framework humanitarian law South Ossetia right to self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation 2006 referendum independence from Georgia democratic processes international observers population desire independence legitimacy international community political status economic development social development cultural development sovereignty autonomy democratic principle self-governance minority rights international law statehood recognition territorial integrity Georgian-Abkhaz conflict geopolitics ethnic self-determination national sovereignty human rights international standards democratic participation freedom ethnic groups South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter human rights independence referendum Georgia international observers democratic processes human rights violation political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights legitimacy population desire international law 2006 referendum 99% support 95% turnout South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation democratic processes independence referendum international observers population legitimacy international community Georgia South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights human rights independence referendum Georgia international law political status economic development social development cultural development democratic processes human rights violation international observers population legitimacy international community South Ossetia self-determination Vienna Declaration Universal Declaration of Human Rights UN Charter international law human rights political status economic development social development cultural development World Conference on Human Rights human rights violation independence referendum Georgia international observers democratic processes legitimacy political unity international community population percentage desire for independence"
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE household risk financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change women empowerment Mali Senegal food security gender-based violence community bond financial decision-making startup capital Village Savings and Loans Associations financial innovation poverty reduction microloans informal finance economic development grassroots development financial inclusion social impact microcredit community-based savings livelihood security investment resources reducing poverty women's rights community finance empowerment through finance household finance rural finance microenterprise sustainable development small is beautiful community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health livelihoods Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making gender-based violence Mali Senegal community development microfinance benefits financial inclusion grassroots economics community-based savings village savings and loans household financial security women's empowerment financial literacy microfinance impact poverty alleviation social capital community resilience microcredit financial autonomy gender equality economic empowerment informal finance rural finance microfinance institutions community savings groups financial services for the poor microfinance sustainability microfinance outreach financial education microenterprise development community finance cooperative finance microfinance advocacy microfinance policy microfinance research microfinance programs microfinance innovation microfinance best practices microfinance case community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security skills training Oxfam Savings for Change startup capital food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence reduction community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security small beautiful community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health investment CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women Senegal Mali food security gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond small is beautiful community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations poor people Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women financial decision-making gender based violence community bond startup capital food security empowerment community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations poor people financial capital education health future security livelihoods Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative training lending women Senegal Mali food security women’s empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment Mali Senegal food security gender-based violence financial decision-making community bond Kim et al 2007
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con01a	War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, War is in human nature  War and conflict between groups is in human nature. As Hobbes famously wrote “the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short… Nature should thus dissociate and render men apt to invade and destroy one another”. [1] Although the motives have changed, conflict has been a constant throughout human history. The first militaries were created around 2700 BC but conflict between societies almost certainly occurred before this. [2] Pledging to end all war is high minded, but it is unlikely to actually succeed in overturning human nature.  [1] Hobbes, Thomas, ‘Chapter XIII of the Natural Condition of Mankind as concerning their felicity and misery’, Leviathan,   [2] Gabriel, Richard A., and Metz, Karen S., A Short History of War, 1992, war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short nature dissociate men invade destroy motives history militaries societies end war unlikely succeed human behavior Leviathan Thomas Hobbes Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short nature dissociate invade destroy motives human history first militaries societies end all war unlikely overthrow human nature Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short history militaries societies pledges end high-minded unlikely succeed nature overthrow Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz Leviathan Chapter XIII Natural Condition of Mankind felicity misery war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives history militaries societies end war unlikely succeed human nature natural condition felicity misery Leviathan Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short motives history militaries societies pledge end unlikely overturn Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz A Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short nature dissociate destroy motives history militaries societies end all war unlikely succeed human nature Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz Short History of War 1992 war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short invasion destruction motives history militaries societies felicity misery Leviathan Richard Gabriel Karen Metz Short History of War war human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short dissociate invade destroy motives history militaries societies end war unlikely overturn human nature Leviathan Richard A. Gabriel Karen S. Metz Short History of War human nature war conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short history militaries societies end war unlikely overturn human behavior prehistory military history philosophy political theory War human nature conflict groups Hobbes solitary poor nasty brutish short motives history militaries societies pledge end unlikely overturn Leviathan Richard Gabriel Karen Metz Short History of War
test-health-dhiacihwph-con03a	Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 Most vital drugs are already generic  Many drugs which are used in the treatment of HIV, malaria and cancer are already generic drugs which are produced in their millions [1] . This removes the necessity to provide further high quality generic drugs as there is already an easily accessible source of pharmaceuticals. Effective treatments for Malaria, in conjunction with prevention methods, have resulted in a 33% decrease in African deaths from the disease since 2000 [2] . The drugs responsible for this have been readily available to Africa, demonstrating a lack of any further need to produce pharmaceuticals for the continent.  [1] Taylor,D. ‘Generic-drug “solution” for Africa not needed’  [2] World Health Organisation ’10 facts on malaria’, March 2013 generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessibility African health malaria mortality drug availability health improvement prevention methods healthcare solutions pharmaceutical needs drug efficacy World Health Organisation Taylor research pharmaceutical industry generic drug impact health statistics African healthcare system vital generic drugs HIV malaria cancer treatment production accessibility pharmaceuticals effectiveness prevention African deaths decrease availability continent production necessity World Health Organisation facts statistics generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production Africa drug availability malaria prevention WHO drug effectiveness health statistics African health improvements pharmaceutical needs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer drugs pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African deaths reduction World Health Organisation drug availability pharmaceutical needs Africa healthcare vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production malaria prevention African mortality rate World Health Organisation drug accessibility health improvement pharmaceutical needs drug availability treatment effectiveness generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African mortality decline drug availability healthcare solutions vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production African health malaria prevention World Health Organisation drug availability pharmaceutical needs health statistics disease mortality healthcare accessibility generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production drug accessibility African healthcare malaria prevention World Health Organisation drug efficacy public health improvement pharmaceutical needs assessment vital drugs generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production accessible pharmaceuticals malaria prevention African deaths disease reduction healthcare improvement drug availability pharmaceutical needs Africa healthcare World Health Organisation health statistics drug effectiveness treatment accessibility generics impact health policy generic drugs HIV treatment malaria treatment cancer treatment pharmaceutical production Africa drug accessibility malaria prevention WHO facts pharmaceutical needs
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro01a	Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals have a right not to be harmed  The differences between us and other vertebrates are a matter of degree rather than kind. [1] Not only do they closely resemble us anatomically and physiologically, but so too do they behave in ways which seem to convey meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed the behaviour of a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”. Our reasons for believing that our fellow humans are capable of experiencing feelings like ourselves can surely only be that they resemble us both in appearance and behaviour (we cannot read their minds). Thus any animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us. If we accept as true for sake of argument, that all humans have a right not to be harmed, simply by virtue of existing as a being of moral worth, then we must ask what makes animals so different. If animals can feel what we feel, and suffer as we suffer, then to discriminate merely on the arbitrary difference of belonging to a different species, is analogous to discriminating on the basis of any other morally arbitrary characteristic, such as race or sex. If sexual and racial moral discrimination is wrong, then so too is specieism. [2]  [1] Clark, S., The Nature of the Beast: are animals moral?, (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1982)  [2] Singer, P., “All Animals are Equal”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical similarities physiological similarities behavioural similarities pain fear pleasure pets dogs feelings moral discrimination speciesism human rights Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics moral philosophy animal ethics equality suffering moral arbitrary characteristic race sex animal rights moral status vertebrates anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioral similarity pain fear pleasure pet behavior human-animal comparison mental states moral worth speciesism discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment non-human animals moral consideration equality ethics philosophy animal welfare sentient beings animal rights vertebrates human-animal similarity pain fear pleasure pet behavior moral worth species discrimination specieism ethical treatment Peter Singer Stephen Clark moral philosophy ethics animal welfare vertebrate behavior physiological resemblance anatomical resemblance moral discrimination race sex species moral equality animal suffering human-animal relations ethical practice moral consideration sentient beings ethical theory animal consciousness moral status nonhuman animals moral rights animal exploitation justice for animals moral obligations ethical vegetarianism animal protection cruelty to animals moral psychology animal animal rights moral status vertebrates anatomical similarities physiological similarities behavioral similarities pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance moral worth specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical similarities physiological similarities behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance feelings moral discrimination species specieism sexual discrimination racial discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal suffering moral consideration ethics in practice philosophical ethics animal consciousness animal rights moral worth speciesism anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioral similarity pain fear pleasure discrimination race sex Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics moral discrimination vertebrates pet behavior ethical treatment animal suffering human-animal comparison moral rights specieism animal rights moral consideration vertebrates anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavior pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance moral worth species discrimination specieism racial discrimination sexual discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal sentience moral philosophy ethics in practice animal rights moral worth vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral characteristics pain fear pleasure pet behavior human resemblance mental states moral discrimination specieism ethical treatment Peter Singer Stephen Clark moral equality ethics in practice animal experience suffering moral arbitrary characteristics race sex moral philosophy animal ethics sentient beings animal rights moral consideration speciesism vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavioral similarity pain fear pleasure pet behavior moral worth discrimination race sex Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethical treatment animal suffering moral equality ethics in practice animal rights harm vertebrates anatomical resemblance physiological resemblance behavior pain fear pleasure pet dog moral worth species discrimination race sex specieism moral discrimination Peter Singer Stephen Clark ethics moral equality animals human similarity moral consideration sentient beings ethical treatment non-human animals moral agents moral patients
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con04a	Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. Boycotts did not take place for the 2008 Olympics despite the far worst human rights background  It would be hypocritical for European leaders to boycott the Euro 2012 finals because of Ukraine’s recent human rights record. It an absurd overreaction when the focus is on the poor treatment of one woman, Timoshenko. Countries with poor human rights records have hosted major sporting events before without there being boycotts. President Bush was urged by some in the US such as former president Clinton to boycott the Beijing Olympics and only a few countries boycotted on human rights grounds. This was despite China having a considerably worse human rights record than Ukraine and engaged in a violent crackdown in Tibet in the run up to the games. [1] Similarly Russia will be hosting the next Winter Olympics in 2014 should leaders essentially commit to boycotting these games too?  [1] ‘Bush will attend opening of Beijing Olympics’ CNN, 3 July 2008. boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 hypocritical absurd overreaction focus poor treatment women's rights international relations sports and politics diplomacy event hosting global events boycotts history criticism government actions athlete representation spectator participation media coverage moral stance political protest civil liberties freedom of speech ethnic minorities political prisoners international law diplomatic pressure economic sanctions Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights 2012 Euro finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events Beijing Olympics President Bush President Clinton China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 sporting event boycotts political protests international sports athlete participation government sanctions diplomatic responses human rights violations sports and politics Olympic spirit international relations global events Timoshenko's treatment human rights concerns Olympic boycott history sports diplomacy international pressure athlete solidarity political stance global activism sports governance event hosting controversies boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia 2014 Winter Olympics boycotts history sports and politics international relations human rights violations sporting event boycotts political participation global events athlete participation diplomatic responses sports diplomacy Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia 2014 Winter Olympics boycotts hypocrisy human rights records sporting events boycotts political protests international sports leader attendance sporting events ethics boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights 2012 Euro finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia 2014 Winter Olympics Clinton hypocritical absurd overreaction poor human rights record sporting event boycotts international relations political protests sports and politics boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 boycotts on human rights grounds boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights 2012 Euro finals Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet US Clinton Russia 2014 Winter Olympics boycotts history sporting event participation political response human rights standards international relations sports and politics event hosting government actions ethical considerations Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia 2014 Winter Olympics Clinton hypocritical poor human rights record overreaction sporting event boycotts international relations political criticism sports diplomacy ethical considerations global events athlete participation government responses Tibet crackdown Ukrainian politics female imprisonment political prisoners sports and politics Olympic games international sports boycott motivations human rights violations diplomatic boycotts sports governance global sports Boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 boycotts hypocrisy sports events political responses international relations human rights violations boycotts 2008 Olympics human rights European leaders Euro 2012 Ukraine Timoshenko major sporting events President Bush Beijing Olympics China Tibet Russia Winter Olympics 2014 boycott commitments
test-education-usuprmhbu-pro03a	Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. Affirmative action reduces social prejudice  Past discrimination lingers on in society through subtle prejudice that must be righted.  Past discrimination against particular groups lingers today through the perception of those groups and how they perceive themselves. By using affirmative action, a demonstration effect is created where individuals are previously discriminated groups prove to society and other members of their racial or gender group that they are capable of gaining power and functioning in the same positions of power, responsibility and success as those of other groups in society.  This challenges society’s perception of these groups as the poor people in society and proves to them that the individuals of this race/gender are equally capable and deserving members of society and can and should function in the same positions of society as them. affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting prejudice group perception self-perception demonstration effect racial groups gender groups power positions responsibility positions success positions societal perception equal capability deserving members challenging perceptions poverty stereotypes racial equality gender equality affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice societal perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power positions responsibility positions success positions societal challenges equal capability deserving members society roles racial equality gender equality prejudice reduction social integration empowerment representation discrimination legacy societal change meritocracy diversity inclusion affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect societal perception power responsibility success equality deserving members society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs lingering effects group perception self-perception demonstration effect capable individuals societal roles power positions responsibility success challenging perceptions poor people race gender equally capable deserving members societal positions affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power responsibility success society's perception equal capability deserving members positions in society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs group perception self-perception demonstration effect power roles responsibility success societal perception equal capability deserving members racial groups gender groups challenging stereotypes social equity historical injustice inclusive society representation matters affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception self-perception demonstration effect racial groups gender groups power responsibility success societal perception equality deserving members positions in society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice perception racial groups gender groups demonstration effect power responsibility success society's perception equality deserving members positions in society affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination subtle prejudice righting wrongs lingering perceptions self-perception demonstration effect societal perception racial groups gender groups positions of power responsibility success equality deserving members challenging stereotypes affirmative action social prejudice past discrimination lingering prejudice subtle prejudice perception self-perception demonstration effect power responsibility success society's perception equal capability deserving members racial groups gender groups challenging stereotypes social equality empowerment representation diversity inclusion
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro02a	Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: Not censoring helps Google’s business proposition and corporate identity  Google’s corporate motto is ‘don’t be evil’. This is partly an issue of corporate identity, and partly a clever business proposition. In both cases, complying with Chinese censorship rules damages Google as a company.  The key to Google’s dominance in the search market is that users know Google will always deliver the search results most relevant to them. By adhering to censorship laws, users will trust the relevance of Google’s search results less, which hence erodes Google’s business position as users will be more likely to try alternative search engines. [1]  [1] Rebecca Blood, ‘Google's China decision is pragmatic, not idealistic’, January 2010. URL: censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust alternative search engines market dominance pragmatic decision idealism censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship user trust search relevance market dominance alternative search engines Rebecca Blood China decision pragmatic idealistic censorship corporate identity business proposition don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust alternative search engines market dominance pragmatic decision idealistic stance Rebecca Blood Not censoring Google's business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship damage to company relevance of search results user trust erosion of business position alternative search engines Rebecca Blood pragmatic decision idealistic decision not censoring Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship damages company search market dominance user trust search relevance erosion of position alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic decision censorship China Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines Rebecca Blood pragmatic decision idealistic decision censorship laws search results damage to company erosion of trust business position compliance with censorship not censoring Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust business position alternative search engines Rebecca Blood China decision pragmatic idealistic censorship Google business proposition corporate identity don't be evil Chinese censorship search relevance user trust market dominance alternative search engines Rebecca Blood China decision pragmatic idealistic corporate identity business proposition censorship trust relevance user experience market dominance alternatives ethical stance pragmatic decision idealism China search results Rebecca Blood corporate identity business proposition compliance Chinese censorship user trust search relevance market dominance alternative search engines pragmatic decision idealistic stance
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro01a	It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, It’s in the interests of employers  It’s in the interests of employers. A long, incurable and debilitating condition has stricken one of their employees. They will have to make provision for possible sickness cover and replacement workers, potentially for medical and/or retirement costs. HIV can make people tired and can lead to being sick more often as it means the immune system will not be able to fight off infections as well as it normally would. [1] The employee’s productivity might be reduced to the point at which their continued employment is no longer viable. If things are made difficult for employers with HIV positive workers, then they are less likely in the future to employ people who (they suspect) are HIV positive. Employers must be listened to in this debate – in many HIV-stricken countries, they’re the last thing between a semi-functioning society and complete economic and social collapse. Traditional rights ideas such as concerns about privacy of medical records are less important than the benefit to society of being able to cope with the unique problem of HIV more effectively.  [1] Dickens, Carol, ‘Signs of HIV, AIDS symptoms’, AIDS Symptoms, employers interests incurable debilitating condition sickness cover replacement workers medical retirement costs HIV fatigue infections immune system productivity viable employment HIV-positive workers future society economic social collapse privacy medical records rights coping unique problem AIDS symptoms HIV AIDS employment employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity immune system infections privacy medical records societal impact economic impact social collapse employment rights discrimination HIV-positive workers workplace policies health and safety chronic illness employee retention labor laws occupational health stigma public health infectious diseases workplace accommodations employee benefits health insurance disability management absenteeism presenteeism workplace health programs occupational health services corporate responsibility ethical considerations confidentiality health status employee well-being business continuity management strategies workforce planning HIV AIDS employee employers productivity sickness cover replacement workers medical retirement costs immune system infections privacy medical records employment society economic social collapse traditional rights coping unique problem HIV AIDS employee health workplace policies sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity reduction employment viability HIV-positive workers employer concerns privacy of medical records societal impact economic stability social collapse traditional rights medical confidentiality HIV management workplace health and safety HIV AIDS employers employees sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity employment privacy medical records society economic impact social impact coping strategies HIV-stricken countries traditional rights Carol Dickens HIV Employment rights Productivity concerns Medical costs Sickness cover Replacement workers Privacy issues Infection risks Immune system Employer responsibilities Social impact Economic stability AIDS symptoms Carol Dickens HIV-positive workers Societal coping mechanisms Workplace health Employee welfare Long-term illness Incurable conditions HIV AIDS employee employer sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity employment privacy medical records society economic impact social impact HIV-stricken countries coping strategies traditional rights debate HIV employment sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs immune system infections productivity viability employment practices HIV positive workplace policies economic impact social stability medical privacy societal benefit AIDS symptoms Carol Dickens employers HIV employee sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity employment privacy medical records society economic social collapse rights AIDS symptoms immune system infections fatigue incurable debilitating condition HIV AIDS employment employers sickness cover replacement workers medical costs retirement costs productivity immune system infections privacy medical records societal impact economic stability social collapse rights discrimination
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro01a	What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 What happened during the colonial era was morally wrong.  The entire basis for colonisation was predicated on an innate ‘understanding’ and judgment of one superior culture and race [1] . This ethnocentric approach idolised western traditions while simultaneously undermining the traditions of the countries which were colonised. For example, during the colonisation of America, colonists imposed a Westernised school system on Native American children. This denied their right to wear traditional clothing [2] or to speak their native language [3] , and the children were often subject to physical and sexual abuse and forced labour [4] . The cause of this was simply ignorance of culture differences on behalf of the colonists, which was idyllically labelled and disguised as ‘The White Man’s Burden’ [5] . Colonial powers undermined the social and property rights [6] of the colonies, using military force to rule if civilians should rebel against colonisation in countries such as India [7] . After Indian fighters rebelled against British colonial force in the Indian Mutiny of 1857-58 [8] , the British struck back with terrible force, and forced the rebels to ‘lick up part of the blood’ from the floors of the houses [9] . The actions which occurred during colonisation are considered completely inappropriate and undesirable behaviour in a modern world, and in terms of indigenous rights to culture and to property, as well as human rights more generally. Reparations would be a meaningful act of apology for the wrongs which were committed during the past.  [1] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 11/09/11.  [8] Accessed from  on 11/09/11  [9] Accessed from  on 11/09/11 colonial era moral wrong ethnocentrism western traditions native american children school system traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations historical injustice cultural imperialism colonial violence post-colonial studies indigenous cultures colonial crimes human rights abuses colonial legacy colonialism moral wrongs ethnocentrism cultural superiority Western traditions Native American education traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor cultural ignorance White Man's Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonialism human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial era moral wrong superior culture ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor culture differences white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force reparations indigenous rights human rights apology historical injustices colonialism impacts cultural suppression forced assimilation colonial violence resistance movements post-colonial studies reparative justice colonial legacy indigenous trauma cultural genocide colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny british colonial force reparations indigenous rights human rights colonial era moral wrong superior culture race ethnocentric approach western traditions native traditions America Native American children Westernised school system traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny 1857-58 British colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations apology historical injustice cultural genocide colonial violence post-colonial studies indigenous peoples colonialism impacts cultural preservation human rights violations colonial education policies colonial-era injustices ethnocentrism cultural imperialism Native American education forced assimilation physical abuse sexual abuse forced labor white man's burden social rights property rights military repression Indian Mutiny 1857-58 colonial violence indigenous rights human rights reparations for colonial wrongs colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism Western traditions Native American schools traditional clothing native languages physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations colonial era moral wrong ethnocentrism western traditions native american children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance white man's burden social rights property rights military force indian mutiny 1857-58 british colonial force human rights indigenous rights reparations apology historical wrongs colonial era moral wrongs ethnocentrism cultural superiority Western traditions Native American children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonial force indigenous rights human rights reparations apology historical wrongs cultural preservation colonial education colonial violence colonial governance rebel suppression colonial impact indigenous traditions colonial justification post-colonial reparations colonial atrocities cultural respect colonial resistance colonial legacy indigenous trauma cultural suppression colonial era moral wrongs cultural superiority ethnocentrism Western traditions Native American children traditional clothing native language physical abuse sexual abuse forced labour cultural ignorance White Man’s Burden social rights property rights military force Indian Mutiny British colonial force reparations indigenous rights human rights
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro02a	Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications Animal research necessitates significant harm to the animals involved  Animal research, by its very nature necessitates harm to the animals. Even if they are not made to suffer as part of the experiment, the vast majority of animals used, must be killed at the conclusion of the experiment. With 115 million animals being used in the status quo this is no small issue. Even if we were to vastly reduce animal experimentation, releasing domesticated animals into the wild, would be a death sentence, and it hardly seems realistic to think that many behaviourally abnormal animals, often mice or rats, might be readily moveable into the pet trade. [1] It is prima fasciae obvious, that it is not in the interest of the animals involved to be killed, or harmed to such an extent that such killing might seem merciful. Even if the opposition counterargument, that animals lack the capacity to truly suffer, is believed, research should none the less be banned in order to prevent the death of millions of animals.  [1] European Commission, 1997. Euthanasia of experimental animals. Luxembourg: Office for official publications animal research harm animal suffering animal death experimentation lab animals animal ethics animal rights euthanasia animal testing scientific research moral obligations animal welfare animal experimentation domesticated animals wild release pet trade behaviorally abnormal animals moral considerations scientific necessity animal research harm animal welfare ethics euthanasia laboratory animals animal experimentation vivisection animal rights scientific testing moral implications animal suffering legal regulations alternatives to animal testing reduction of animal use animal death behavioral abnormalities pet trade domesticated animals wild release capacity to suffer ethical treatment humane methods research ethics animal protection laws European Commission euthanasia guidelines scientific ethics moral obligations animal cruelty laboratory welfare experimental protocols humane endpoints animal models scientific validity public opinion animal sentience ethical considerations alternative methods in Animal research animal harm animal experimentation animal euthanasia animal welfare animal rights laboratory animals domesticated animals pet trade animal suffering ethical concerns animal death scientific research animal testing cruelty to animals moral issues experimental animals ethical treatment animal sacrifice research ethics animal research significant harm animal experimentation animal euthanasia domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering capacity to suffer research ethics experimental animals animal death laboratory animals humane treatment moral consideration animal welfare scientific research biomedical testing ethical alternatives harm reduction animal research harm experimentation animal death ethical concerns domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal suffering euthanasia animal capacity moral issues laboratory animals research ethics animal welfare scientific experimentation animal rights humane treatment alternative methods reduction strategies animal research significant harm animal suffering animal death experimental animals reduction of animal experimentation domesticated animals wild release pet trade animal capacity to suffer animal euthanasia ethical concerns animal welfare research ethics experimental animal death animal rights humane treatment scientific research laboratory animals animal experimentation ethics animal research harm experimentation animal welfare ethics euthanasia domesticated animals pet trade behavioral abnormalities mortality suffering scientific testing laboratory animals reduction alternatives moral obligation animal rights cruelty humane treatment regulatory standards European Commission animal research harm animal welfare experimentation ethics euthanasia domesticated animals wild release pet trade suffering capacity to suffer moral obligation European Commission experimental animals death significant harm moral issues scientific practices animal testing humane alternatives Animal research harm animal welfare animal testing euthanasia ethical considerations laboratory animals scientific experimentation animal rights humane alternatives animal suffering moral implications research ethics domesticated animals wild release pet trade behaviorally abnormal animals primafacie capacity to suffer animal death European Commission euthanasia guidelines luxuryembourg official publications Animal research harm experimentation animal death ethical concerns laboratory animals euthanasia animal welfare research ethics domesticated animals wild release pet trade behavior abnormalities suffering moral considerations animal capacity to suffer research bans European Commission euthanasia guidelines
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro04a	Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 Compulsory voting has been implemented successfully.  Australia is one of the most notable examples of compulsory voting and shows how it can be implemented. In Australia Compulsory voting was introduced at federal elections in 1924 1. Every Australian citizen who is over eighteen has to vote unless they have a ‘valid and sufficient reason for failing to vote’ which is decided by the electoral commission whether a reason is sufficient 2. If the elector who fails to vote does not provide such a reason they pay a penalty and if (s)he does not pay then the matter is dealt with in court 3. There is little reason to believe that this would be more difficult to implement in any other country. 1 Evans, Tim, 'Compulsory voting in Australia', Australian Electoral Commission, (January 2006), (accessed 4/8/11) 2 Harrison, Brianna, and Lynch, Philip. Votes for the Homeless, (March 2003), (accessed 4/8/11) 3 Voter Turnout for Referendums and Elections 1901 , Australian Electoral Commission, 2010 compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums Tim Evans Australian Electoral Commission Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Votes for the Homeless compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 voting requirements valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout electoral participation democratic engagement civic duty voting laws international comparison political science electoral systems democratic processes compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums electoral history political participation mandatory voting democratic engagement civic duty non-voting consequences legal enforcement compulsory voting implementation Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting age requirement valid reason electoral commission penalty court voter turnout electoral participation democratic engagement international comparison voting enforcement legal voting requirements political science electoral systems democratic processes compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 voting requirements valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation voter turnout citizen participation electoral processes democratic engagement compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen voting valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation voter turnout referendums election history Australian Electoral Commission voting laws democratic systems voter participation mandatory voting electoral process legal requirements Compulsory voting Australia federal elections 1924 citizen eighteen valid reason electoral commission penalty court implementation other countries voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Australian Electoral Commission Compulsory voting Australia implementation federal elections 1924 citizen over eighteen valid reason sufficient reason electoral commission penalty court voter turnout referendums elections 1901 Brianna Harrison Philip Lynch Tim Evans Australian Electoral Commission compulsory voting implementation Australia federal elections 1924 citizen rights voting obligations electoral commission valid reasons non-voting penalties court proceedings international applicability voter turnout democratic processes election laws civic engagement compulsory voting successful implementation Australia federal elections 1924 Australian citizenship voting requirements valid reason electoral commission penalty court voter turnout referendum electoral participation democratic engagement voting laws international comparison electoral reforms political science civic duty
test-economy-egecegphw-con01a	The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 The third run-way would cause noise and pollution problems  The high population density of the area around Heathrow means it is not an ideal location for a bigger airport. It makes sense to increase capacity in an area with lower population density instead of trying to do so within a location that is constrained by adjacent urbanized areas. Expanding Heathrow airport would mean increasing the problem of noise for the about 700,000 people living under the flight path. According to the HACAN report the Department for Transport only accepts that noise is a problem if a community is subjected to over 57 decibels of noise over the course of a year according to a 1985 Government study. In which case only the boroughs of Richmond and Hounslow would be affected. However this does not tie in with Londoner’s experiences. BAA says that 258,000 people are currently affected by high noise levels but the local community believes the real number is more like 1 million people affected. [1] Any argument that states that noise levels will not increase is flawed at best and outright fraudulent at worst, clearly a large expansion in the number of flights will increase the amount of noise and possibly the numbers affected.  [1] Johnson, Tim, ‘Approach Noise at Heathrow: Concentrating the Problem’, HACAN, March 2010,  p.12 Heathrow expansion noise pollution population density flight path HACAN Department for Transport Richmond Hounslow BAA decibels community impact urbanized areas airport capacity environmental issues third runway flight noise local residents health effects air traffic airport expansion alternatives policy regulation public health environmental justice urban planning aviation industry sustainable development community engagement noise mitigation third runway noise pollution Heathrow airport high population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community expansion flights fraud Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow Concentrating the Problem third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community noise affected flight expansion fraudulent claims Tim Johnson approach noise concentrating problem third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport capacity increase lower density area urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise threshold decibels 1985 study Richmond Hounslow BAA community impact noise levels flight increase fraud Tim Johnson HACAN March 2010 approach noise Heathrow expansion runway noise pollution population density urban areas flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA noise levels flight increase community impact Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow third runway noise pollution high population density Heathrow airport capacity increase lower population density urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community noise increase flight expansion fraudulent claims Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow March 2010 third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport capacity expansion urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA community impact flight increase fraud Tim Johnson approach noise noise pollution Heathrow population density airport expansion flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA community noise levels flights fraudulent Tim Johnson Approach Noise at Heathrow March 2010 third runway noise pollution population density Heathrow airport capacity increase urbanized areas flight path HACAN report Department for Transport noise levels affected communities Richmond Hounslow BAA local community noise increase expansion impact Tim Johnson approach noise Heathrow expansion noise pollution high population density flight path HACAN Department for Transport decibels Richmond Hounslow BAA local community flight increase noise levels fraud
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro02a	"Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain may not like losing the Queen's head on banknotes but London will be at a huge economic disadvantage if Britain stays out.  London will further lose its position as Europe’s financial centre, and the financial influence this brings with it. Britain’s staying out of the Euro has already depleted London’s status as the European financial centre. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, “The European Central Bank – the second most powerful in the world – had a natural home in London, but ended up in Frankfurt because of our indecision over the Euro.”1 Germany used this to her advantage, for it “reinvigorated Germany’s bid to ensure that Frankfurt becomes Europe’s financial centre, with a massive office-building programme to rival London’s Docklands.”1Germany seizing London’s sphere of influence will only increase if Britain stays out of the Euro. Moreover, if Britain’s indecision over the Euro continues, “it would lead to a serious rethink by foreign owners of many of the City’s financial institutions about where their core activities should be located.”1 If Britain does not join the Euro, her economic activity both at home and between fellow Member States will be badly affected.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 92 Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Euro European financial centre Anthony Browne European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence indecision Euro membership economic activity Member States foreign financial institutions financial sector relocation Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence Britain join Euro economic activity Member States financial institutions City core activities indecision reinvigorated office-building Docklands serious rethink foreign owners economic impact Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence indecision economic activity Member States foreign owners financial institutions economic impact European integration monetary union currency financial sector Brexit political economy Eurozone financial competitiveness global finance economic policy financial services European Union financial migration economic implications financial regulation European financial landscape economic decisions financial hub economic strategy financial markets economic competition European financial services economic consequences financial stability European financial sector economic relations financial leadership Britain Queen's head banknotes economic disadvantage London Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany indecision Euro reinvigorated financial centre office-building programme Docklands sphere of influence indecision serious rethink foreign owners financial institutions core activities economic activity fellow Member States Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre financial influence Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany London's Docklands foreign owners City's financial institutions economic activity Member States Britain Queen's head banknotes economic disadvantage London Europe’s financial centre financial influence staying out Euro Anthony Browne European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany economic activity Member States indecision foreign owners financial institutions core activities economic impact Euro membership Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence indecision Eurozone economic activity foreign investors financial institutions City of London Docklands Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro Anthony Browne European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence indecision Euro membership economic activity Member States foreign financial institutions economic repercussions financial sphere City of London financial sector relocation Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage European financial centre Euro European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany financial influence City’s financial institutions economic activity Member States Britain join Euro Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join? Britain Queen banknotes London economic disadvantage Europe’s financial centre financial influence Euro European financial centre European Central Bank Frankfurt Germany London’s Docklands foreign owners City’s financial institutions economic activity Member States"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con02a	ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP will not cooperate with a graduated response policy  The graduated response model requires cooperation from all Internet Service Providers. If just one ISP refuses, users will flock towards that ISP to be able to keep on downloading. Therefore there will always be an incentive to be the ISP that refuses so as to gain custom from others who have agreed to cooperate. ISPs will also have an incentive to not cooperate because the cost of monitoring and identifying is large, and significantly more so for smaller ISPs: initial estimates of the cost of graduated response for ISPs were around 500 million pounds over a period of ten years. [1]  [1] Michael Geist, ‘Estimating the cost of a three strikes and you’re out system’, January 26, 2010. URL: ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refuse custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes out system ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refuse customers monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs three strikes Michael Geist Estimating the cost three strikes system 500 million pounds ten years ISP graduated response cooperation internet service providers users downloading incentive refuse custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes out system ISP graduated response cooperation internet service providers users downloading incentive refusal custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes system estimates ISP graduated response cooperation internet service providers users downloading incentive refusal customization monitoring identification costs smaller ISPs Michael Geist three strikes cost estimation ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers user behavior downloading economic incentives non-cooperation monitoring costs identification costs smaller ISPs financial impact cost estimates Michael Geist three strikes system ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive refused custom monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs 500 million pounds ten years Michael Geist three strikes out system ISP graduated response cooperation internet service providers downloading cost monitoring identification incentive customers Michael Geist three strikes estimation UK policy digital rights piracy copyright infringement telecom regulations ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers users downloading incentive customers monitoring identifying cost smaller ISPs estimates Michael Geist three strikes system ISP graduated response policy cooperation Internet Service Providers user behavior downloading competition cost monitoring identification smaller ISPs financial impact Michael Geist cost estimation three strikes system
test-environment-assgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. new drugs animal testing human testing non-animal testing drug development chemical research pharmaceutical research drug safety volunteer risk medical advancements drug effectiveness drug research clinical trials preclinical testing pharmaceutical innovation animal welfare human ethics drug discovery therapeutic benefits research methods animal testing new drugs human testing drug development non-animal testing research pharmaceuticals clinical trials drug safety medical advancements risk assessment human volunteers chemical compounds medical research drug efficacy animal models pharmaceutical research drug innovation patient safety ethical considerations new drugs animal testing human volunteers non-animal tests drug research chemical compounds medical advancements risk assessment pharmaceutical development clinical trials animal testing new drugs human trials non-animal testing drug development medical research pharmaceutical testing safety testing drug benefits human volunteers chemical research medical improvements risk assessment ethical research new drugs animal testing human testing non-animal testing drug development risk assessment volunteer safety chemical research pharmaceutical innovation medical advancements animal testing human volunteers drug development non-animal testing new chemicals drug research clinical trials pharmaceutical innovation risk assessment medical advancements new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers drug research chemical improvements human risk drug development pharmaceutical testing medical advancements animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal tests drug research pharmaceutical development clinical trials risk assessment drug safety medical advancements chemical compounds human health research ethics drug efficacy patient safety pharmaceutical innovation preclinical testing biomedical research therapeutic benefits drug discovery testing new drugs animal testing human volunteers non-animal tests drug development pharmaceutical research risk assessment chemical improvements human health benefits research ethics drug safety clinical trials medical advancements therapeutic innovations new drugs animal testing human volunteers non-animal tests drug research chemical improvements risk assessment pharmaceutical development innovative medicines clinical trials
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro03a	"The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. The New START treaty maintains US nuclear and missile defence.  The US’ Nuclear armament will be modernized along with New START. “The Obama administration has agreed to provide for modernization of the infrastructure essential to maintaining our nuclear arsenal. Funding these efforts has become part of the negotiations in the ratification process. The administration has put forth a 10-year plan to spend $84 billion on the Energy Department's nuclear weapons complex. Much of the credit for getting the administration to add $14 billion to the originally proposed $70 billion for modernization goes to Sen. Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican who has been vigilant in this effort. Implementing this modernization program in a timely fashion would be important in ensuring that our nuclear arsenal is maintained appropriately over the next decade and beyond.” [1]  Both US Military and civilian leaders insist that the new START treaty will still allow the US to deploy effective missile defenses, something which Russia was opposed to, and so will not affect US missile defense plans. The main limit on missile defense is that the treaty prevents the conversion of existing launchers for this purpose this would be more expensive than building new missiles specifically for defense purposes. [2]  Furthermore, as Joe Biden argues, New START is important to Russian cooperation on missile defense: ""This [missile defense] system demonstrates America's enduring commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty—that an attack on one is an attack on all. NATO missile defense also provides the opportunity for further improvements in both NATO-Russian and U.S.-Russian relations. NATO and Russia agreed at Lisbon to carry out a joint ballistic missile threat assessment, to resume theater missile-defense exercises, and to explore further cooperation on territorial missile defense—things that were nearly unimaginable two years ago. These agreements underscore the strategic importance the alliance attaches to improving its relationship with Russia. But trust and confidence in our relationship with Russia would be undermined without Senate approval of the New Start Treaty, which reduces strategic nuclear forces to levels not seen since the 1950s, and restores important verification mechanisms that ceased when the first Start Treaty expired last December."" [3]  In many ways, in the 21st Century having an abundance of nuclear weapons, particularly having too many, is more of a liability than an advantage. The United States will be far safer with fewer nuclear weapons in the world and a stronger, more stable relationship with Russia under New START, and this is desirable. Therefore it is clear that New START maintains the important parts of US nuclear capabilities while removing the over-abundance which may become a liability due to security and medical concerns, and so New START should be supported.  [1] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010.   [2] ibid  [3] Biden, Joseph. ""The case for ratifying New START"". Wall Street Journal. 25 November 2010. New START treaty US nuclear missile defense infrastructure modernization Energy Department nuclear weapons complex funding negotiations ratification arms control Russian cooperation NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns bipartisan support international relations global security non-proliferation defense policy missile defense systems treaty limitations launchers political negotiations military strategy defense budget strategic stability nuclear disarmament international cooperation verification measures arms reduction Republican support Senate approval international treaties ballistic missile defense nuclear arsenal maintenance New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization funding Obama administration Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Senate ratification Jon Kyl strategic arms reduction NATO Russian cooperation Article 5 Washington Treaty strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns international relations disarmament strategic stability nuclear policy defense strategy bipartisan support non-proliferation global security arms control military capabilities diplomatic relations treaty negotiations international treaties nuclear modernization defense budget strategic interests US-Russia relations NATO-Russian relations ballistic New START US nuclear missile defense treaty modernization nuclear arsenal infrastructure funding ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons Sen. Jon Kyl military civilian leaders NATO Russian relations strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons liability security medical concerns Republican support bipartisan agreement international cooperation ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense Senate approval strategic stability non-proliferation arms control global security deterrence political trust treaty compliance verification measures defense capabilities international relations security policy defense strategy missile technology New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure funding ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl modernization program nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia conversion of launchers new missiles Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense strategic importance Senate approval reduction of nuclear forces verification mechanisms liability security concerns medical concerns stronger relationship Russia support for New START New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization infrastructure nuclear arsenal funding ratification Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Arizona Republican 10-year plan $84 billion $14 billion nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders missile defenses Russia launchers new missiles Joe Biden Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO missile defense NATO-Russian relations U.S.-Russian relations strategic importance Senate approval strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear weapons reduction liability security concerns medical concerns New START support New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization infrastructure ratification funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl maintenance strategic importance NATO Article 5 Washington Treaty Russian cooperation trust Senate approval reduction verification mechanisms liability security concerns medical concerns stability nuclear weapons global safety bipartisanship international relations diplomacy arms control verification strategic nuclear forces ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense Republican support administration commitment defense policy military leaders civilian leaders bipartisan agreement international New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense modernization Obama administration nuclear infrastructure funding Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Republican treaty negotiations nuclear arsenal maintenance US military civilian leaders Russian cooperation NATO Washington Treaty strategic importance Senate approval strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms 21st Century nuclear weapons liability security concerns medical concerns ratification Henry Kissinger George Shultz James Baker Lawrence Eagleburger Colin Powell Joseph Biden Wall Street Journal Washington Post New START treaty US nuclear missile defense modernization Obama administration infrastructure nuclear arsenal funding negotiations ratification 10-year plan Energy Department nuclear weapons complex Sen. Jon Kyl Republican vigilant effort implementing nuclear arsenal maintenance US Military civilian leaders effective missile defenses Russia opposition main limit existing launchers conversion building new missiles Joe Biden Russian cooperation missile defense Article 5 Washington Treaty NATO ballistic missile threat assessment theater missile defense territorial missile defense Senate approval strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms Start Treaty expiration New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense nuclear modernization Senate ratification strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms NATO-Russian relations non-proliferation nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns international cooperation treaty compliance global stability nuclear disarmament congressional approval diplomatic relations defense budget arms control national security military strategy political support strategic stability nuclear triad defense infrastructure bipartisan agreement international treaties global security environment strategic weapons nuclear policy international peace treaty negotiation missile defense systems nuclear arsenal maintenance defense spending Senate Foreign Relations Committee nuclear New START treaty US nuclear arsenal missile defense nuclear modernization Senate ratification US-Russia relations strategic nuclear forces verification mechanisms nuclear liability security concerns medical concerns international relations non-proliferation global security defense policy arms control treaty negotiations political support military strategy defense budget bipartisan agreement diplomatic relations NATO Article 5 ballistic missile defense theater missile defense strategic stability nuclear disarmament international cooperation security framework global peace national security treaty compliance defense infrastructure military leaders civilian leaders Obama administration Joe Biden Henry"
test-international-miasimyhw-con03a	Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. Who is left behind?  In promoting a free labour market, we need to ask: who is left behind? To understand the developmental nature of migration investigation is needed into who doesn’t migrate - the non-migrant’s lifestyles raise key concerns.  Data from the EAC indicates the EAC labour market remains popular among over 65's and in favour of men; and further, a majority of employment occurs within agriculture [1] . The labour market remains inadequate in providing jobs for women and youths. Women and youths reflect disproportionate numbers of those forced to adapt, and create, new livelihoods following migration. Further, migrants are returning home, retiring, and therefore with limited effect on productivity.  The impact of migration is distributed unequally. In a previous study by Brown (1983) the detrimental effect of male out-migration from rural areas in Botswana was indicated. Family units were altered, changing to being predominantly female-headed households, the lack of human capital resulted in sustaining the agrarian crisis, and women were forced to cope with the burden of care. Little assurance was found as to whether the men would return, or remit resources.  [1] EAC, 2012. non-migrants EAC labour market women youths migrants retirement productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden human capital remittances developmental nature migration investigation non-migrant lifestyles employment distribution aging population gender impact youth unemployment migration effects productivity impact returning migrants labor market inadequacy livelihood adaptation social impact economic consequences migration patterns regional disparities agrarian sector demographic changes policy implications free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market women employment youth employment migration impact rural migration female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden male out-migration Botswana remittance human capital productivity elderly employment migrant return livelihood adaptation non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's male dominance agriculture employment women youths livelihood adaptation migration impact productivity return migration rural out-migration Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance uncertainty left behind free labour market non-migrant lifestyles EAC labour market over 65's male dominance agriculture employment job inadequacy women youths new livelihoods migration impact unequal distribution male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittance uncertainty free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market agriculture employment women youths migration impact male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis human capital care burden remittance productivity returning migrants elderly employment gender disparities developmental migration socio-economic effects livelihood adaptation migration non-migrants EAC labour market women youths male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis human capital care burden productivity retirees returning migrants livelihoods developmental nature employment distribution remittances adaptation free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture women youths livelihoods migration productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis burden of care remit resources migration non-migrants EAC labour market women youths employment agriculture productivity male out-migration Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittances human capital free labour market non-migrants EAC labour market women employment youth employment migration impact rural migration female-headed households agrarian crisis male out-migration Botswana human capital care burden remittance productivity retirees EAC data lifestyles developmental nature migration investigation employment distribution inequality socioeconomic impact demographic trends policy implications regional migration patterns social structures economic development return migration livelihood adaptation regional labour dynamics gender roles youth opportunities elderly workforce labour market challenges migration studies social impact economic disparity free labour market non-migrants lifestyles EAC labour market over 65's men agriculture women youths productivity male out-migration rural areas Botswana female-headed households agrarian crisis care burden remittances human capital migration impact developmental nature migration investigation returning migrants retirement livelihoods disproportionate numbers family units resources
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con02a	Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation Doesn’t Actually Work  While some rehabilitative programmes work with some offenders (those who would probably change by themselves anyway), most do not. Many programs cannot overcome, or even appreciably reduce, the powerful tendency for offenders to continue in criminal behaviour. In Britain, where rehabilitation has long been purported to stop re-offending, 58 per cent of those over-21 find themselves in trouble with the law within two years of release. [1] The rehabilitation programs simply do not work. ‘Rehabilitation’ is therefore a false promise – and the danger with such an illusory and impossible goal is that it is used as a front to justify keeping offenders locked up for longer than they deserve and sometimes even indefinitely (‘if we keep him here longer maybe he might change’). We cannot justify passing any heavier or more onerous a sentence on a person in the name of “rehabilitation” if “rehabilitation” does not work.  [1] Stanford, P., ‘The road to redemption: Does the rehabilitation of prisoners work?’, The Independent, 23 August 2007. Rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism criminal behavior offenders change self-improvement programs failure success Britain re-offending statistics justification imprisonment sentencing prolonged detention false promise redemption Stanford The Independent Rehabilitation effectiveness offender recidivism criminal behavior Britain re-offending programs justification sentencing incarceration redemption policy social impact crime prevention alternatives to rehabilitation judicial system human rights moral arguments public safety rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior recidivism offender programs success failure justification sentencing redemption prison reform policy laws society crime punishment treatment outcomes study statistics Britain re-offending Locked up longer sentences change impact research justice human rights ethics public safety alternatives community support prevention intervention therapy counseling education training employment social reintegration mental health substance abuse addiction welfare government funding resources rehabilitation programs criminal justice system penal reform parole rehabilitation effectiveness offender recidivism criminal behavior modification rehabilitation programs criticism prisoner rehabilitation success rates long-term incarceration justification sentencing practices rehabilitation as illusion Stanford Independent article 58 percent re-offending rate Britain Rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior re-offending prison programs recidivism Britain policy incarceration sentencing reform justice criminal justice system rehabilitation programs offender treatment prisoner rehabilitation post-release crime prevention social policy ethics human rights legal philosophy punishment deterrence societal impact public safety statistical evidence criminology penal reform prison conditions long-term imprisonment societal reintegration offender profiles self-improvement behavior modification psychological intervention judicial review penal theory crime prevention strategies community-based rehabilitation alternative sentencing evidence-based practices rehabilitation recidivism offender criminal behavior prison re-offending Britain Stanford Independent rehabilitation programs effectiveness sentencing justification false promise indefinite detention change self-improvement crime reduction societal impact policy evaluation Rehabilitation effectiveness criminal behavior recidivism Britain prison re-offending sentencing justification Stanford The Independent rehabilitation efficacy criminal behavior re-offending Britain prison programs recidivism offenders sentence justification redemption penal policy prison reform criminal justice system effectiveness of rehabilitation prisoner reintegration long-term incarceration societal impact of rehabilitation penal philosophy crime prevention offender treatment programs rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism offender criminal behavior programs Britain re-offending prison sentences justification indefinite detention policy law Stanford The Independent rehabilitation effectiveness recidivism criminal behavior prison reform long-term outcomes offender treatment policy justice system incarceration released prisoners reintegration societal impact legal sentencing moral arguments public safety correctional programs therapeutic interventions statistical evidence crime prevention social rehabilitation psychological approaches criminal justice reform ethical considerations human rights punitive measures alternative sentencing community service restorative justice prisoner rights judicial philosophy recidivism rates Britain Stanford Independent August 2007 road to redemption prisoner rehabilitation false promise indefinite detention
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-pro03a	Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions Currently there is no way to legally respond to cyber attacks by other states  Currently international law on how a state can respond to cyber attacks by another state is lacking: it only covers cyber attacks during armed conflicts or those are tantamount to an armed conflict [15]. An attacked state thus has no legitimate means to respond to cyber attacks. This leaves them no option of self-defence, which is an important element in international law. Moreover, without international law regulating cyber warfare between states, there is no actual illegitimacy for cyber attacks. Despite their far-reaching and grave consequences, cyber attacks by other states do not feature heavily in the news. Few people actually know about cyber attacks between USA and Iran, which would be an unimaginable situation should these states resorted to military attacks. This apparent lack of condemnation and attention in the wider society to cyber attacks further decreases ability of the state to defend themselves or even call out an aggressor publically as there is little to fear from global opinion for such actions cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare legal framework armed conflict public condemnation global opinion USA Iran cyber aggression legal legitimacy societal awareness cyber attacks international law state response cyber warfare self-defence legitimacy public condemnation global opinion USA Iran military attacks legal framework cyber security state aggression digital warfare cyber conflict international cybersecurity norms cyber deterrence legal limitations cyber incident response cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare legal framework armed conflicts public condemnation global opinion USA Iran cyber aggression regulatory gap legal legitimacy cyber attacks international law state response legal frameworks armed conflict self-defense cyber warfare public condemnation global opinion USA-Iran cyber conflict cyber attacks international law state response armed conflict self-defence cyber warfare public condemnation global opinion USA Iran military attacks legal framework cyber security international relations digital warfare state aggression legal response cybercrime international norms digital conflict cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare legal framework armed conflicts global opinion public condemnation USA Iran military attacks cyber security digital warfare international regulations state aggression cyber crime digital conflict legal inadequacy public awareness cyber attacks international law state response self-defence cyber warfare armed conflict legal framework public condemnation global opinion USA Iran cyber security international norms digital aggression state aggression cyber policy legal accountability cyber ethics diplomatic relations cyber conflict cyber attacks international law state responses legal frameworks armed conflict self-defense cyber warfare global opinion public condemnation USA-Iran relations cyber security international regulations digital warfare state aggression legal limitations public awareness cyber threats international security cyber defense global politics cyber attacks international law state responses self-defence cyber warfare legal frameworks armed conflicts USA Iran public opinion cyber aggression global condemnation legal legitimacy international regulations international law cyber attacks state response self-defence cyber warfare legal framework armed conflict global opinion public condemnation cyber security state aggression USA Iran military attacks digital warfare international regulations cyber defense legal legitimacy cyber crime international community
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con01a	Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. Personal freedom  Gambling is a leisure activity enjoyed by many millions of people. Governments should not tell people what they can do with their own money. Those who don’t like gambling should be free to buy adverts warning people against it, but they should not be able to use the law to impose their own beliefs. Online gambling has got rid of the rules that in the past made it hard to gamble for pleasure and allowed many more ordinary people to enjoy a bet from time to time. It provides the freedom to gamble, whenever and wherever and with whatever method the individual prefers. personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual rights advertising legal restrictions online gambling accessibility betting options personal choice freedom of action consumer protection social impact economic freedom digital entertainment responsible gambling gambling laws moral imposition leisure time betting freedom entertainment industry legal framework regulatory policies user preference online entertainment betting platforms gambling culture modern gambling digital gambling consumer rights user experience gambling ethics social responsibility betting regulations personal autonomy gambling control digital leisure legal betting recreational gambling gambling policy individual autonomy betting freedoms digital personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual rights betting online gambling legal restrictions self-determination consumer choice recreational gambling betting freedom digital gambling regulatory policies personal autonomy personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice moral autonomy online gambling betting freedom consumer rights legal restrictions entertainment options personal responsibility personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice moral beliefs online gambling betting freedom legal restrictions consumer rights societal norms self-regulation enjoyment financial autonomy Personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice advertising legal restrictions online gambling accessibility betting personal beliefs law social norms freedom of choice personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice anti-gambling campaigns online gambling betting freedom legal restrictions personal beliefs consumer rights gambling accessibility responsible gambling self-regulation personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice financial autonomy moral persuasion legal restrictions online gambling accessibility convenience personal preference betting recreational gambling personal freedom gambling leisure activity government regulation individual choice financial autonomy anti-gambling advocacy legal restrictions online gambling accessibility betting freedom consumer rights entertainment options self-regulation Personal freedom Gambling Leisure activity Government regulation Individual choice Advertisements Legal restrictions Online gambling Accessibility Consumer rights Betting freedom Regulatory impact Gambling laws Public opinion Moral beliefs Social impact 负责赌博 博彩自由 数字化赌博 游戏化 用户体验 消费者保护 法律限制 社会接受度 个人偏好 娱乐方式 自我约束 强制执行 公共政策 文化差异 经济因素 心理驱动 行为控制 Personal freedom gambling leisure activity governments personal money advertising moral beliefs legal restrictions online gambling betting freedom individual choice regulation entertainment self-regulation consumer rights digital gambling gambling laws recreational gambling social responsibility public policy
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con01a	This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. This is a sports event not a political event  Sport and politics are separate and should be kept separate. This is the position of the organisers “Uefa has no position and will not take any regarding the political situation in Ukraine, and will not interfere with internal government matters.” [1] Euro 2012 is a football tournament that is about entertainment and bringing nations together in a common love of a game in a non-political sphere. Even pro-democracy activists such as Vatali Klitschko are “against the politicization of sports”. [2] Politicization would be exactly what politicians are doing by engaging in cheap political stunts, such as a boycott, to promote their own human rights agendas.  [1] Scott, Matt, ‘Sports minister Hugh Robertson could boycott Ukraine during Euro 2012’, The Telegraph, 2 May 2012.  [2] Keating, Joshua, ‘European leaders consider Euro Cup boycott over Tymoshenko’, Passport Foreignpolicy.com, 1 May 2012. sports event political event separation of sport and politics Uefa political situation in Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations together non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko pro-democracy activists politicization of sports political stunts boycott human rights agendas Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Euro 2012 boycott Tymoshenko sports event political event sport and politics separate Uefa political situation Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations together non-political Vatali Klitschko politicization cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Tymoshenko sports event political event separation Uefa political situation Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations non-political Vatali Klitschko politicization sports politicians cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine European leaders Euro Cup boycott Yulia Tymoshenko sports event political event sport and politics separate Uefa position political situation Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment bringing nations together non-political sphere pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko anti-politicization cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine European leaders Euro Cup boycott Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics UEFA position on politics Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment non-political sphere pro-democracy activists Vitali Klitschko politicization of sports political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine European leaders Euro Cup boycott Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics Uefa Euro 2012 entertainment nations together non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko against politicization political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson Ukraine Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics Uefa Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko anti-politicization political stunts human rights agendas boycott Hugh Robertson Tymoshenko European leaders Ukraine sports event political event sport and politics Uefa political situation in Ukraine Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment pro-democracy activists Vatali Klitschko politicization of sports politicians political stunts boycott human rights agendas sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Euro Cup boycott Tymoshenko sports event political event sport politics separation Uefa stance Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment nations unity non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko politicization sports cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson Ukraine Tymoshenko sports event political event separation of sport and politics UEFA position Euro 2012 football tournament entertainment bringing nations together non-political sphere Vatali Klitschko anti-politicization cheap political stunts boycott human rights agendas Sports minister Hugh Robertson boycott Ukraine Euro Cup boycott Yulia Tymoshenko
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital capitalism initiation access to capital business ideas community investment Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns Ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community investment Lend with Care microfinance savings borrowing property land personal security dignity market entry increasing returns community empowerment financial inclusion poverty reduction economic development small-scale entrepreneurship capital investment microloans financial services sustainable development economic growth social impact financial empowerment community development loan programs financial literacy economic opportunities poverty alleviation grassroots development economic stability asset building financial support investment opportunities community finance financial access microcredit ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism enabling entrepreneurialism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to financial capital capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing land property personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns microfinance entrepreneurialism access to capital startup capital poverty reduction Lend with Care small-scale savings property ownership market entry personal security dignity increasing returns community empowerment financial capital initiating capitalism business ideas investment economic development financial inclusion
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro02a	"Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . Because religion promotes certainty of belief, divinely inspired hatred is easy to use to justify and promote violent actions and discriminatory practices.  Free speech must come second when there is the potential for that speech to cause harm. The mantra of “With God on our side” has been used, and continues to be used, to justify massacre and barbarity throughout history. Although it is rarely the prelates and preachers who do the killing the certainty they promote gives surety to those who do.  The purpose of the Act [1] used in this particular case was an entirely practical one. It’s main role was to tidy up existing legislation on rioting and public disorder but one section recognised that homophobic and racist language do lead to violence. It is all well and good to talk of freedom of speech but the reality is that homophobic speeches, particularly those of a religious nature, may well lead to violence. For example in New York there were a series of homophobic attacks after anti-gay statements by republican politicians. [2] Preventing hate speech helps prevent that violence from occurring so justifying restrictions on freedom of speech.  [1] Legislation.gov.uk, ‘Public Order Act 1986’, The National Archives, 1986 c.64.  [2] Harris, Paul, ‘US shaken by sudden surge of violence against gay people’, The Observer, 17 October 2010 . religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential for harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements republican politicians homophobic attacks hate speech restrictions on free speech Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The Observer Paul Harris religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify promote violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence reality homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians preventing hate speech restrictions freedom of speech Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives Paul Harris The Observer US sudden surge violence against gay people religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify promote violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers killing surety Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech reality New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians preventing hate speech restrictions Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives The Observer Paul Harris religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential for harm ""With God on our side "" justification for massacre preachers promoting certainty Act rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements homophobic attacks restrictions on free speech Public Order Act 1986 sudden surge of violence gay people US Paul Harris The Observer religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers certainty surety Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech reality homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech preventing violence restrictions freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives 1986 c.64 religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act rioting public disorder homophobic racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech restrictions Public Order Act 1986 US sudden surge violence against gay people Paul Harris The Observer religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justification violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers killing certainty promotion Act practical purpose legislation tidying rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence prevention reality freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians hate speech violence prevention restrictions freedom of speech Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity prelates preachers killing certainty Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech homophobic speeches religious nature anti-gay statements republican politicians homophobic attacks preventing hate speech restrictions on freedom of speech Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives Paul Harris The Observer religion certainty of belief divinely inspired hatred violent actions discriminatory practices free speech potential for harm ""With God on our side"" justification for massacre barbarity prelates preachers Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech reality homophobic speeches religious nature New York homophobic attacks anti-gay statements republican politicians preventing hate speech restrictions on freedom of speech Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives Paul Harris The Observer religion certainty belief divinely inspired hatred justify promote violent actions discriminatory practices free speech harm ""With God on our side"" massacre barbarity history prelates preachers killing certainty surety Act legislation rioting public disorder homophobic language racist language violence freedom of speech reality anti-gay statements republican politicians New York homophobic attacks preventing hate speech restrictions freedom of speech Legislation.gov.uk Public Order Act 1986 The National Archives 1986 c.64"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro01a	Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 Voting is a civic duty  Other civic duties also exist “which are recognised as necessary in order to live in a better, more cohesive, stable society” 1 like paying taxes, attending school, obeying road rules and, in some countries, military conscription and jury duty. All of these obligatory activities require far more time and effort than voting does, thus compulsory voting can be seen as constituting a much smaller intrusion of freedom than any of these other activities.  The right to vote in a democracy has been fought for throughout modern history . In the last century alone the soldiers of numerous wars and the suffragettes of many countries fought and died for enfranchisement. It is our duty to respect their sacrifice by voting.  1. Liberal Democrat Voice , 2006 civic duties voting compulsory voting democracy enfranchisement jury duty military conscription paying taxes attending school obeying road rules suffragettes soldiers sacrifice freedom societal stability cohesion civic duties compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty time and effort freedom enfranchisement soldiers suffragettes respect sacrifice democracy Liberal Democrat Voice civic duty voting compulsory voting democracy taxes education road rules military conscription jury duty freedom sacrifice suffragettes enfranchisement Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 Voting civic duty compulsory voting taxes education road rules military service jury duty democracy history suffrage enfranchisement sacrifice respect Liberal Democrat Voice civic duties compulsory voting democracy enfranchisement jury duty military conscription paying taxes road rules suffragettes voting rights civic responsibility democratic participation social cohesion historical sacrifices citizen obligations civic duties compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy right to vote enfranchisement suffragettes soldiers sacrifice civic duty voting compulsory voting democracy taxes school attendance road rules military conscription jury duty time effort freedom sacrifice soldiers suffragettes enfranchisement respect Liberal Democrat Voice 2006 voting civic duty society stability cohesion taxes education road rules military service jury duty time effort freedom democracy enfranchisement sacrifice suffragettes soldiers wars respect compulsory voting civic duties voting compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy enfranchisement suffragettes sacrifice Liberal Democrat Voice civic duties voting compulsory voting paying taxes attending school obeying road rules military conscription jury duty democracy enfranchisement suffragettes soldiers sacrifice right to vote Liberal Democrat Voice 2006
test-international-ghwcitca-pro02a	States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, States will monitor each other, and an international body could be set up  Once a treaty is set up to limit or eliminate cyber-attacks monitoring is unlikely to be a problem because states will be willing to monitor each other. States in order to defend themselves from cyber-attacks already monitor the cyber-attacks that occur – the United States for example already has several cyber defense forces. [1] If that is not enough then there are numerous private groups that will be monitoring cyber-attacks as most are made against corporate rather than government targets. For example private company Mandiant exposed a unit of the People’s Liberation Army for its cyber-attacks in February 2013. [2] Once a cyber-attack has been traced and evidence gathered if the appropriate domestic authorities won’t deal with the culprit then an independent international institution can decide on the punishment for the government that is not living up to its treaty commitments.  If there is a need for international monitoring rather than simply a dispute settlement mechanism then there are models available through current treaties; a UN organisation similar to the International Atomic Energy Agency or International Criminal Court could be set up that can investigate incidents when asked.  [1] US Department of Defense, ‘The Cyber Domain Security and Operations’   [2] Mandiant, ‘Exposing One of China’s Cyber Espionage Units’, mandiant.com, February 2013, cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty state cooperation cyber defense private sector dispute resolution international institutions UN IAEA ICC cyber security defense forces cyber espionage China People’s Liberation Army Mandiant evidence gathering punishment treaty commitments monitoring international body treaty cyber-attacks states mutual surveillance cyber defense forces private groups corporate targets government targets evidence gathering domestic authorities punishment treaty commitments dispute settlement UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court investigation cyber espionage cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty cyber defense private groups Mandiant People’s Liberation Army dispute settlement UN International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court international monitoring cyber-attacks treaty commitments dispute settlement UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court private monitoring groups cyber defense forces trace cyber-attacks evidence gathering international institution punishment for non-compliance corporate targets government targets Mandiant People's Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber domain security operations cyber-attacks international monitoring treaty state cooperation cyber defense private sector involvement international institutions dispute resolution UN organizations International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court Mandiant People’s Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber domain security corporate targets government targets cyber espionage cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty state cooperation cyber defense private sector involvement Mandiant People's Liberation Army dispute resolution UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber-attacks international treaty mutual monitoring state cooperation cyber defense forces private sector involvement dispute resolution international institutions UN organization IAEA ICC Mandiant People’s Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber security corporate targets government targets international law cyber espionage cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring private sector involvement UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court cyber defense forces dispute resolution cyber espionage accountability treaty commitments Mandiant People’s Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber security cyber domain corporate targets government targets cyber surveillance cyber-attacks international treaty state monitoring private sector involvement cyber defense forces UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court dispute settlement cyber espionage Mandiant People’s Liberation Army US Department of Defense cyber-attacks monitoring international body treaty states defense forces private groups evidence domestic authorities punishment independent institution UN organization International Atomic Energy Agency International Criminal Court investigation dispute settlement models cyber domain security operations China cyber espionage
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con03a	If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics If legal principles are abandoned then there is little point in defending the liberties that democratic governments say they are so keen to defend  If we accept that this is a war, then its focus is not so much political control of territory as the preservation of a way of life. It is ridiculous to fight to defend principles of equality and decency using the tool of abandoning them the moment they become inconvenient.  The forces of religious extremism wish to undo 1,400 years of democratic development. We should not assist them in that process by allowing the major powers of the West throw out the most basic principles of the rule of law. Such a move, ultimately, has the potential to be vastly more destructive than the actions of a few fanatics legal principles democratic governments liberties war political control territory preservation way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive fanatics legal principles democratic liberties war on terror preservation of lifestyle equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law Western powers fanaticism civil rights moral integrity constitutional values legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers west destructive fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control preservation of lifestyle equality and decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major Western powers destructive consequences fanatical actions legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers destructive potential fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western countries destructive actions fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control territory preservation way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive fanatics legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law western powers destructive consequences fanatic actions legal principles democratic liberties political control preservation way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers western nations destructive consequences fanatics actions legal principles democratic liberties political control way of life equality decency religious extremism democratic development rule of law major powers West destructive consequences fanatics
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 An ICC enforcement arm would be quicker  If international criminals are to be caught it needs to be clear that there is an organisation with the responsibility and authority to catch them. This is especially important when the criminal in question is able to slip across borders to avoid the national authorities in one state as Joseph Kony has done as the ICC would be able to cross borders itself and coordinate the response from multiple countries. The importance of an organisation that is able to catch international criminals can be highlighted by the experience of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia where despite a Memorandum of Understanding relating to the detention of war criminals in Bosnia NATO denied it had the power to make arrests so leading to patrols actively avoiding wanted men to avoid a situation in which they might have to engage in arrests. [1] A lack of clarity over whether an organisation can enforce its warrants for arrest results in arrests not being made. Ultimately the ICTY was successful because this situation was resolved with the creation of multinational police forces backed up with traditional NATO military power if necessary leading to the arrest of 126 individuals. [2]  [1] Zhou, Han-Ru, ‘The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces From the ICTY to the ICC’, Journal of International Criminal Justice, Vol.4, 2006, pp.202-18,  pp214-6  [2] Ibid, p.203 ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross-border Joseph Kony ICTY NATO arrest warrants multinational police war criminals Bosnia Memorandum of Understanding legal clarity organizational responsibility international cooperation war crimes international law extradition justice peacekeeping operations ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross-border operations Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia NATO Memorandum of Understanding war criminals arrest warrants multinational police forces military power arrest of individuals ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders national authorities Joseph Kony international arrest Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals Bosnia arrests clarity enforcement warrants ICTY multinational police forces NATO military power arrest success international cooperation legal authority criminal justice peacekeeping operations international law judicial effectiveness prosecution fugitives jurisdiction law enforcement extradition judicial cooperation ICC enforcement international criminals cross-border coordination Joseph Kony international arrest warrants NATO arrests ICTY success multinational police forces war criminals detention enforcement clarity ICC enforcement arm international criminals border crossing Joseph Kony international criminal tribunal Former Yugoslavia NATO arrests war criminals multinational police NATO military power arrest warrants international forces legal authority peacekeeping cross-border operations war crimes international law criminal prosecution ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders national authorities Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals Bosnia multinational police forces NATO military power arrest warrants international forces arrest of individuals cross-border coordination legal enforcement international criminal justice ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders national authorities Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding war criminals Bosnia NATO arrests multinational police forces traditional NATO military power arrest warrants international forces ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony international criminal tribunal former Yugoslavia NATO arrests Memorandum of Understanding multinational police forces arrest warrants international forces war criminals coordination authority responsibility legal clarity NATO military power successful prosecutions ICC enforcement international criminals cross borders Joseph Kony national authorities International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals multinational police forces arrest warrants ICTY success legal authority coordination arrests international justice peacekeeping legal enforcement ICC enforcement arm international criminals cross-border authority Joseph Kony International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia Memorandum of Understanding NATO war criminals arrest warrants multinational police forces NATO military power arrested individuals
test-law-umtlilhotac-con03a	Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. Broadcasting provides a public record  Unlike many other criminal trials, since Nuremberg a key principle of International Criminal Law is that it aims to set a historical record. The events that it deals with are important as they are heinous crimes that change regions forever. A trial helps to get to the bottom of events that happened preventing there being multiple conflicting versions of events. This record also can help to act as a deterrent to others considering similar measures.  Broadcasting the trial will bolster this record by providing footage of the trial itself (which may reduce myths about it being unfair, for example) and providing a voice to the victims through their evidence, in their own words, being recorded for posterity and future study. public record criminal trials International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency deterrent effect broadcasting trials trial footage victim evidence misinformation prevention fair trial perception posterity future study Broadcasting public record criminal trials International Criminal Law Nuremberg historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification deterrent effect trial footage fairness perception victim testimony evidence recording posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial event clarification conflicting versions deterrent footage trial fairness victim evidence posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification conflict prevention deterrence trial footage myth reduction fairness victim testimony evidence preservation future study post-conflict justice legal documentation public accountability Broadcasting public record Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regions trial events conflicting versions deterrent footage myths unfair victims evidence recorded posterity future study Broadcasting public record Nuremberg International Criminal Law heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency historical record deterrent effect trial footage fairness perception victims' voices evidence preservation future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial accuracy conflicting versions deterrent footage trial fairness victims' evidence posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial event clarification conflicting versions deterrent broadcasting trials trial footage trial fairness victim evidence recorded testimony future study legal transparency judicial process criminal justice public access legal documentation historical significance crime prevention victim representation legal precedent international law judicial transparency legal education societal impact legal accountability broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes change regions trial events conflicting versions deterrent footage trial fairness victims evidence recorded posterity future study broadcasting public record criminal trials Nuremberg International Criminal Law historical record heinous crimes regional impact trial transparency event clarification deterrent effect trial footage victim testimony myth reduction fairness perception posterity future study
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con05a	Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] Immunity creates a perverse incentive to hang on to their office as long as possible.  Prosecutorial immunity brings about a massive side-benefit to being in office. It is easy to get used to a life where minor indiscretions go regularly unpunished, as has happened with dignitaries holding diplomatic immunity. [1] Immunity from prosecution may spur a politician to seek reelection into their old age when they are significantly less effective at performing their duties. This is one reason why in the vast majority of democracies elected representatives, while far from poor, are not paid massive salaries; we don’t want people getting into politics for the wrong reasons.  [1] Uhlig, Mark A., ‘Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe’, The New York Times, 1 January 1988,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] immunity prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity perverse incentive office retention political effectiveness reelection age salary democracy elected representatives misconduct accountability tenure legal protection public service motivation prosecutorial immunity elected officials political motivations re-election office retention diplomatic immunity misconduct impunity political effectiveness age in office democratic salaries career politics public service incentives immunity perverse incentive prosecutorial immunity diplomatic immunity political reelection effectiveness elected representatives salaries politics wrongdoing accountability legal protection office abuse elder politicians public service motivation institutional safeguards democratic principles career politicians public trust abuse of power legal immunity prosecutorial discretion immunity legislation political ethics democratic governance 代表性 任期限制 政治改革 公务员报酬 选举动机 职权滥用 老年政客 公共服务 政治操守 民主治理 代表制 Prosecutorial immunity political office incentives reelection minor indiscretions diplomatic immunity politician effectiveness age in politics salaries of elected representatives motivations in politics Uhlig Mark A The New York Times Court Won’t Bar Return of Boy in Abuse Case to Zimbabwe 1988 accessed 2011 immunity prosecution elected officials re-election effectiveness diplomatic immunity political incentives salaries accountability democratic systems governance legal protections wrongdoing public service motivation prosecutorial immunity political office reelection performance decline diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions unpunished dignitaries wrong reasons massive salaries elected representatives democracy incentives hang on old age effectiveness court abuse case Zimbabwe Mark A. Uhlig The New York Times immunity perverse incentive office retention prosecutorial immunity side-benefit diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions unpunished politician re-election old age effectiveness democracy elected representatives salaries politics motivation Uhlig Mark A. Court Boy Abuse Case Zimbabwe New York Times September 9 2011 prosecutorial immunity perverse incentive hanging onto office minor indiscretions unpunished diplomatic immunity politicians reelection old age ineffectiveness democratic elected representatives low salaries political motivations wrong reasons accountability legal protections career politicians public service political ethics prosecutorial immunity political office re-election effectiveness decline diplomatic immunity minor indiscretions unpunished elected representatives salaries wrong motivations democratic systems accountability abuse of power 长效执政 政治动力 检察官豁免 职权滥用 选举动机 民主制度 代表薪酬 职务效率下降 外交豁免 未受惩罚的不当行为 长期任职 政治改革 职权保护 公正性 法律豁免 immunity prosecution elected officials re-election effectiveness political motivation diplomatic immunity legal protection incentives political ethics democratic systems salaries public service misconduct impunity
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro03a	Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Rejecting the Ban on Cluster Bombs Hurts the international image of the U.S.  The U.S. is one of the only remaining Western Liberal democracies to allow the U.S. of cluster bombs. The continued refusal of the U.S. to tow the same line as fellow liberal democracies makes it look bad internationally; especially considering that one of the main instigators behind the cluster bomb ban is the U.K. traditionally a great ally of the U.S. politically.  The U.S. is often seen as the greatest representative of Western liberal democracy as it is the most economically powerful. Part of this political clout however, comes from the continued cooperation of other Western Liberal democracies with the U.S. in failing to the sign the cluster bomb treaty despite pressure from other countries, the U.S. fails in this capacity and loses the support of the countries that it relies on to maintain its political status.  Moreover, given that the U.S. currently does not help with demining work, this further worsens relationships with other countries.6 Cluster Bombs U.S. Policy International Image Western Liberal Democracies Cluster Bomb Ban U.K. Alliance Political Clout Economic Power International Support Demining Efforts Treaty Refusal Political Status International Relations Military Equipment Humanitarian Concerns cluster bombs international image U.S. Western liberal democracies ban U.K. ally political status demining work treaty support refusal cooperation economic power representation pressure relationships worsens capacity maintained Cluster Bombs International Image U.S. Western Liberal Democracies U.K. Ally Political Clout Cluster Bomb Ban Treaty Demining Work Relationships Support Political Status Rejecting cluster bomb ban U.S. international image Western liberal democracies cluster bomb treaty U.K. ally political clout international cooperation demining work U.S. political status international pressure cluster bomb usage U.S. support from allies Cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies U.K. ally political status demining work treaty support cooperation rejection ban economically powerful pressure relationships worsens capacity fails political clout Cluster Bombs International Image U.S. Policy Western Democracies Cluster Bomb Ban Political Clout International Relations Demining Work Alliance Treaty Liberal Democracies Economic Power Political Status U.K. Influence U.S. Allies Humanitarian Pressure Military Policy Diplomatic Relations International Support cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies ban treaty U.K. ally political clout economic power demining work relationships support political status international image U.S. foreign policy cluster bombs Western liberal democracies U.K. ally political clout economic power international cooperation cluster bomb treaty demining work diplomatic relations international support political status humanitarian concerns military ethics global perception ally trust moral standing international pressure demining efforts Rejecting cluster bombs international image U.S. Western liberal democracies refusal line fellow democracies looks bad internationally U.K. ally politically greatest representative economically powerful political clout cooperation failing sign treaty pressure countries loses support relies maintain status worsens relationships demining work cluster bombs international image U.S. Western Liberal democracies U.K. political clout cluster bomb treaty demining work refusal ally support relationships economic power political status
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-pro03a	Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: Not censoring puts global pressure on China to change its free speech policies  Google’s decision to stop censoring was world news, and has put internet freedom on everyone’s agenda – even so much so, that U.S. Secretary of State mentioned internet companies ganging up to censor the Chinese corner of the internet specifically as a threat to freedom worldwide in a recent speech. [1] This helps to inform ordinary citizens of other countries who may not know about the ‘great firewall’ what the Chinese government is doing. By making a high-profile decision like this, and by engaging and informing the governments and publics of free and democratic countries like this, Google increases the public and political pressure on China to change its ways.  [1] Hillary Clinton, ‘Conference on Internet Freedom’, December 8, 2011. URL: internet freedom global pressure China free speech policies Google censorship world news U.S. Secretary of State internet companies threat to freedom great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision public and political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom Google censorship China free speech internet freedom global pressure public awareness political pressure great firewall Hillary Clinton internet companies conference on internet freedom democratic countries speech policies world news threat to freedom internet freedom global pressure free speech policies China censorship Google world news public agenda U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censorship threat global awareness great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision political pressure democratic countries public information Hillary Clinton conference on internet freedom Not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google world news internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censor Chinese threat to freedom high-profile decision inform ordinary citizens great firewall Chinese government public and political pressure change free and democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom December 8 2011 Internet freedom Google China censorship free speech global pressure public awareness Hillary Clinton U.S. Secretary of State conference great firewall political pressure democratic countries world news government policies engagement citizen information human rights digital rights international relations technology companies online censorship speech regulation digital activism media freedom online privacy global discourse speech suppression international pressure policy change tech ethics corporate responsibility global standards human rights advocacy digital divide information control propaganda media censorship internet governance global citizenship digital literacy international law free expression Not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google stop censoring world news internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censor Chinese corner threat freedom worldwide inform ordinary citizens great firewall Chinese government high-profile decision engage inform governments publics free countries democratic countries public pressure political pressure change ways internet freedom global pressure China free speech policies Google censorship world news U.S. Secretary of State internet companies great firewall public awareness political pressure democratic countries human rights digital rights information control international relations cybersecurity online censorship digital diplomacy tech ethics Hillary Clinton conference on internet freedom 2011 internet freedom global pressure China free speech policies Google censorship world news public agenda U.S. Secretary of State internet companies threat to freedom great firewall public and political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom not censoring global pressure China free speech policies Google internet freedom U.S. Secretary of State internet companies censorship Chinese government great firewall public and political pressure democratic countries Hillary Clinton internet freedom conference internet freedom great firewall Chinese censorship global pressure public awareness political pressure Hillary Clinton Google free speech democratic countries
test-economy-egecegphw-con02a	Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Expanding Heathrow would be at the expense of the environment  Expanding Heathrow will directly contribute to climate change and make it impossible for the UK to stay within the EU legal limits. The EU has established limits on the levels of harmful pollution and the UK has signed a commitment to reduce Green House Gases by 80% by 2050 and also to emit no more CO2 in 2050 than it did in 2005. However, building a third runway would be enabling and encouraging greater number of flights which would result in Heathrow becoming the biggest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2) in the country. [1] Attempts by the government to weaken pollution laws by lobbying Brussels would enable the third runway but at a deeply nefarious price, that of human health, currently fifty deaths a year are linked to Heathrow but with expansion this would go up to 150. [2]  [1] Stewart, John, ‘A briefing on Heathrow from HACAN: June 2012’   [2] Wilcockm David, and Harrism Dominic, ‘Heathrow third runway ‘would triple pollution deaths’’, The Independent, 13 October 2012, Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway human health pollution deaths HACAN The Independent Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway pollution human health pollution deaths UK environmental commitments carbon dioxide flights increase government pollution laws Brussels lobbying HACAN The Independent John Stewart David Wilcock Dominic Harris environment climate change EU legal limits Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution laws human health pollution deaths Heathrow expansion HACAN David Wilcock Dominic Harris The Independent Expanding Heathrow environmental impact climate change EU legal limits pollution levels Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions pollution deaths human health risks government lobbying Brussels Heathrow expansion controversy HACAN briefing Independent report Heathrow expansion environmental impact climate change EU pollution limits UK carbon reduction targets third runway CO2 emissions air pollution public health pollution deaths government lobbying Brussels Heathrow emissions HACAN briefing David Wilcock Dominic Harris Independent article Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway carbon dioxide pollution laws human health pollution deaths HACAN The Independent environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases CO2 reduction third runway carbon dioxide emissions government lobbying pollution deaths human health impacts Heathrow expansion flight increase environmental impact public health concerns Expanding Heathrow environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases carbon dioxide CO2 emissions third runway flights human health pollution deaths lobby Brussels HACAN The Independent Stewart John Wilcock David Harrism Dominic Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases CO2 emissions third runway flights carbon dioxide human health pollution deaths government pollution laws lobbying Brussels HACAN The Independent David Wilcock Dominic Harris Heathrow expansion environment climate change EU legal limits pollution Green House Gases carbon dioxide third runway flights emissions pollution laws human health deaths HACAN The Independent
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro04a	Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. Reparations would effectively right the economic imbalance caused by colonialism.  Given that much of the motive for colonisation was economic, many former colonies have suffered damage to their natural resources [1] or human resources, [2] which has left them less able to sustain a healthy economy. Colonists targeted countries with rich natural resources and little ability to defend themselves from invasion and manipulation. By this method, they could supply their own markets with the natural resources which they had already exploited at home [3] , and find cheap (or free) human labour for their markets [4] . Given that powerful countries such as Britain [5] and France [6] gained their own economic prosperity through the exploitation of the economic potential of the colonies, it is entirely appropriate and logical that they should pay reparations as compensation. In this way, the economic disparity between former colonies and colonists would be equalised.  [1] Accessed from  on12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] ‘The Haitian Revolution and its Effects’. Patrick E. Bryan. Accessed from  on 12/09/11. reparations economic imbalance colonialism former colonies natural resources human resources economic sustainability colonists invasion manipulation markets cheap labor economic prosperity exploitation economic potential compensation economic disparity Britain France Haiti revolution effects Economic imbalance colonialism reparations former colonies natural resources human resources colonists invasion manipulation markets cheap labor economic potential economic disparity compensation Britain France Haiti Haitian Revolution historical exploitation post-colonial economics international justice moral obligation global inequality development aid debt cancellation restitution historical debts economic recovery sustainable development colonial legacy economic compensation reparative justice colonial powers post-colonial states economic gap wealth transfer historical reparations colonial damages economic redress restitution policies equitable development colonial impact Reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources colonisation economic motive exploitation market supply cheap labour Britain France economic prosperity economic disparity compensation equalisation Haiti colonial history post-colonial economics international justice historical reparations colonialism economic imbalance reparations natural resources human resources economic damage colonisation motives exploitation former colonies economic sustainability rich natural resources defenselessness invasion manipulation supply markets cheap labor economic potential economic prosperity economic disparity equalisation historical injustices post-colonial Haiti British Empire French Empire economic compensation international justice moral obligation reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources colonisation economic motive exploitation markets invasion manipulation Britain France economic potential compensation economic disparity Haiti revolution effects Patrick E. Bryan reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources colonisation economic motives invasion manipulation cheap labor market exploitation economic potential economic disparity equalisation Britain France Haiti colonial exploitation historical injustice compensation reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic damage sustainable economy exploitation powerful countries Britain France economic potential compensation economic disparity former colonies colonists equality historical injustices colonial legacy economic development global inequality moral obligation Haiti Haitian Revolution colonial impact resource depletion labor exploitation post-colonial studies international relations global economics historical debts justice reparation payments economic recovery development aid colonial powers historical compensation reparative justice economic reparations colonial-era debts economic inequalities global wealth reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources economic damage colonisation motive economic exploitation powerful countries Britain France economic potential compensation economic disparity former colonies colonists Haiti revolution effects historical injustice international debt development aid post-colonial studies global inequality reparative justice economic recovery sustainable development historical debt international relations economic history social justice equitable development global north global south economic reparations moral obligation historical accountability restitution global economics international law economic policies post-colonial economics reparations economic imbalance colonialism natural resources human resources colonisation economic motive market supply exploitation economic potential economic disparity colonial powers Britain France Haiti historical injustice compensation economic equality post-colonial studies global economics international relations historical reparations colonial legacy development economics Economic imbalance colonialism reparations natural resources human resources economic prosperity exploitation economic disparity former colonies colonists economic potential compensation market supply cheap labor colonial era historical injustice economic development post-colonial reparative justice international relations global economics historical debt social equity economic recovery sustainable development colonial legacy European powers British Empire French Empire colonial policies economic impact resource extraction labour exploitation colonial history economic inequality international law moral obligation financial compensation equitable development historical context economic policies global trade
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro05a	Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. Would send a positive social message, increasing animal welfare rights more generally in society  Most countries have laws restricting the ways in which animals can be treated. These would ordinarily prohibit treating animals in the manner that animal research laboratories claim is necessary for their research. Thus legal exceptions such as the 1986 Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act in the UK exist to protect these organisations, from what would otherwise be a criminal offense. This creates a clear moral tension, as one group within society is able to inflect what to any other group would be illegal suffering and cruelty toward animals. If states are serious about persuading people against cock fighting, dancing bears, and the simple maltreatment of pets and farm animals, then such goals would be enhanced by a more consistent legal position about the treatment of animals by everyone in society. animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty consistent legal position animal rights animal treatment scientific procedures act cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animals public persuasion ethical standards legal protections animal suffering research laboratories criminal offenses social message legal consistency animal ethics humane treatment legislative reform public policy animal advocacy animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty ethical treatment legal protection scientific procedures animal rights consistent legislation public perception animal maltreatment farm animals pet care cock fighting dancing bears societal values legal standards research ethics animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension societal norms animal research cruelty prevention consistent legal position animal treatment public persuasion ethical standards animal rights legal protection scientific procedures animal cruelty social message legal restrictions animal ethics research ethics animal laboratories cock fighting dancing bears pet maltreatment farm animal welfare animal welfare social message legal exceptions animal research cruelty prevention consistent laws moral tension societal norms animal rights legal protections research ethics public persuasion animal maltreatment farm animals pet care cock fighting dancing bears animal treatment standards legal reform ethical research practices animal welfare legal restrictions animal research moral tension societal values animal cruelty legal exceptions ethical treatment public persuasion consistent laws animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension society's values consistent legal position animal research laboratories animal cruelty animal rights public persuasion ethical treatment of animals legal protection scientific procedures act animal maltreatment cock fighting dancing bears farm animals pet treatment societal norms legal inconsistency animal ethics animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty legal protection scientific procedures animal treatment moral standards animal rights legal consistency public perception animal ethics research ethics animal law societal values animal protection humane treatment legal reform animal welfare legal exceptions animal research moral tension societal norms animal cruelty legal protections research laboratories animal rights consistent legislation public persuasion ethical treatment animal testing laws societal values animal ethics legal standards animal protection moral consistency legal reform animal advocacy animal welfare research ethics legal exceptions animal rights moral tension societal norms cruelty prevention consistent laws public persuasion animal treatment animal welfare legal exceptions moral tension animal research societal norms animal cruelty legal protection ethical treatment animal rights consistent legislation
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro03a	"Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Amid all the Euroscepticism (sic) and xenophobic scaremongering so typical of the British tabloids, Britain forgets the advantage of cheaper goods would come with her entry into the European single currency.  There will be initial conversion costs and inflation, but this will be short lived. If Britain accepts the Euro, “There will be far more powerful forces – price transparency and economies of scale in a massive single market – that will continuously push the price of British goods down to European levels [resulting in] massive savings.”1. The end of cheaper goods justifies the means of attaining them.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"", Page 91 Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits conversion costs inflation short-term effects price transparency economies of scale massive single market price reduction European levels long-term savings Euro adoption Browne 2001 The Euro: Should Britain Join Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry costs inflation Euro adoption price transparency economies of scale single market cost savings economic benefits currency union European integration Browne Euro debate British economy European economy Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry costs inflation Euro price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels savings Browne Euro debate currency benefits economic arguments political resistance public opinion media influence Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits initial conversion costs inflation short-lived effects price transparency economies of scale massive single market continuous price reduction British goods European levels massive savings end justifies means attaining cheaper goods Britain joining Euro economic advantages Browne Euro debate 2001 reference Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits conversion costs inflation short-lived price transparency economies of scale massive single market price reduction European levels massive savings Euro adoption Browne Euro Britain European Union currency benefits economic advantages cost-benefit analysis long-term gains market integration competitive pricing economic efficiency financial stability trade benefits currency union economic policy fiscal benefits market dynamics economic growth consumer savings economic forecasts policy implications European integration economic impact Euroscepticism xenophobic scaremongering British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry into Euro initial conversion costs inflation short-lived price transparency economies of scale massive single market continuous price reduction British goods European levels massive savings end justifies means attaining cheaper goods Euro adoption Britain joining Euro economic benefits Browne 2001 The Euro: Should Britain Join Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits conversion costs inflation short-term effects price transparency economies of scale single market cost savings long-term advantages Euro adoption British economy European levels Browne Euro debate 2001 Euroscepticism xenophobic British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry benefits conversion costs inflation short-lived price transparency economies of scale massive single market price reduction European levels massive savings Browne Euro Britain join justification Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods entry costs inflation price transparency economies of scale massive savings Euro adoption currency benefits Browne The Euro Britain join Euro Euroscepticism xenophobia British tabloids European single currency cheaper goods conversion costs inflation Euro adoption price transparency economies of scale single market British goods European levels savings economic benefits currency union economic integration Browne Euro debate Britain European Union"
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-con03a	The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: The graduated response is a violation of the basic right to due process  Detection of copyright infringement isn’t usually done by a detective sitting behind a computer. It relies on software like automated crawlers and fingerprinting, often created by commercial vendors and hired by the copyright holders. This software automatically sends detected infringements to the ISP, without someone actually checking if this allegation is correct. This means many consumers can be unjustly accused of copyright infringement.  Moreover, most graduated response policies proposed require no judicial intervention at all for the sanction to be invoked. This means private organisations get to decide who has committed a crime and deserves the punishment. The ISPs and copyright holders therefore act as accuser, prosecution, judge and executioner. On top of this if a consumer would go to court, he would also face a reversal of the burden of proof: since he is suing against being fined, he has to prove that he is not guilty, a reversal of the presumption of innocence. [1]  [1] Peter K. Yu, ‘The Graduated Response’. 2010. Florida Law Review, Volume 62. Available for download (PDF) at: graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP notifications judicial intervention private organisations accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software vendors ISP notifications judicial intervention private organizations accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence legal sanctions consumer rights digital rights fair trial Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response violation due process copyright infringement automated detection software commercial vendors ISPs unjust accusations judicial intervention private organizations accuser prosecution judge executioner reversal of burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP notification judicial intervention private organizations sanction enforcement burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response violation due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP unjust accusations judicial intervention private organisations crime punishment ISPs copyright holders accuser prosecution judge executioner reversal of burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu The Graduated Response Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention private organizations accuser prosecution judge executioner burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu The Graduated Response Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention private organisations burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review due process copyright infringement automated detection software crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP unjust accusation judicial intervention private organizations crime punishment accuser prosecution judge executioner reversal burden proof presumption innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review graduated response due process copyright infringement automated crawlers fingerprinting commercial vendors ISP judicial intervention private organisations judicial roles burden of proof presumption of innocence Peter K. Yu Florida Law Review
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts human rights universal human values relative values conflicts crises perverse behavior group practices cultural beliefs legal systems state territory plural population international community nation states value systems majority cultures minority objections war crimes charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers ICC legal adjustments moral principles cultural defense abusive practices human rights doctrine pluralism legal overrule ethical considerations international law cultural diversity social norms global justice human dignity legal accountability moral relativism universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights universal human values relative laws cultural evolution conflicts crises destructive behavior cultural practices justice survival legal systems state territory plural population objections universal human rights doctrine child soldiers international community nation states plural value systems majority rule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat cultural relativism defence war crime ICC commanders politicians dissident commanders abuse Yemen Sudan Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism universal human rights cultural contexts relativists universal human values laws relative values conflicts crises destructive behavior group conduct justice survival legal systems plural populations objections human rights doctrine international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC child soldiers commanders politicians dissident commanders Yemeni tribesmen Sudanese boys Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights relative laws cultural evolution conflicts crises perverse behavior group conduct legal systems plural populations universal human rights doctrine child soldiers international community plural value systems majority values minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crime International Criminal Court ICC defense abuse commanders politicians dissident commanders orphaned children Yemeni tribesmen Sudanese boys Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism human rights relativists cultural contexts universal human values laws cultural evolution conflicts crises destructive behavior cultural practices justice survival state laws plural population objections universal human rights international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat war crimes ICC child soldiers defense commanders politicians dissident commanders Sudanese boys Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural values relative right and wrong universal human rights evolving cultural values conflicts and crises perverse behavior cultural practices legal systems plural societies international law war crimes child soldiers ICC moral principles cultural relativism abuse charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crime defence human rights doctrine plural value systems legal adjustments majority cultural values minority objections moral responsibility international community nation states legal reconciliation human rights protection cultural diversity ethical standards global consensus cultural practices regulation human rights enforcement legal accountability cultural context universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism human rights cultural contexts relativists universal human values relativism laws cultural values conflicts crises destructive behaviour cultural practices group beliefs legal systems state territory plural populations objections universal human rights international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime commanders ICC moral principles cultural evolution legal adjustments human dignity international justice cultural diversity ethical relativism universal standards cultural imperialism legal pluralism humanitarian law human rights Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights culturally relative values conflicts crises perverse behavior destructive practices ritual regularity group beliefs moral values survival legal systems state territory plural population objections universal human rights doctrine child soldiers international community national laws competing demands plural value systems majority rule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC commanders child soldier recruitment moral responsibility legal accountability Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right wrong cultural contexts universal human rights relative values laws conflicts crises group conduct moral values survival systems of law opinions practices plural population international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC child soldiers moral principles legal adjustments human values cultural contexts ethical standards legal frameworks international law human rights doctrine cultural practices ethical relativism legal accountability moral responsibility global norms cultural diversity legal reforms universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights relativists culturally relative values conflicts crises perverted behavior cultural practices justice survival systems of law state territory plural population universal human rights doctrine child soldiers international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crime ICC commanders abuse defense
test-economy-thhghwhwift-con01a	A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 A fat tax infringes on individual choice  Introducing such a tax would constitute an overstepping of the government’s authority. The role of government in a society should not expand further than providing basic services such as education, legal protection, i.e. only the services necessary for a society to function and for the individual’s rights to be protected.  Such a specific tax is completely uncalled for and very unreasonable in the context of a fair society with a government that knows its place in it.  Protecting the individual should go no further than the protection against the actions of a third person. For instance: we can all agree that governments should put measures in place to protect us from thieves, scammers, etc. But should it also protect us from frivolous spending? Limit us in the number of credit cards we can own? Tell us how we can invest our money?  Of course not. But what this tax does is exactly that – it is punishing the citizens for a specific choice they are making by artificially inflating its cost.  Thus it is clear that levying such a tax against a specific choice an individual should be able to legitimately make is a clear overstepping of the government’s authority. [1]  [1] Wilkinson, W., Tax the fat, not their food, published 7/26/2011,  , accessed 12/9/2011 fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection society function individual rights fair society protecting individuals third person actions thieves scammers frivolous spending credit cards investment choices artificial cost inflation citizen punishment specific choice legitimate decision overstepping authority Wilkinson tax policy personal freedom public health economic intervention moral taxation regulatory overreach fiscal responsibility citizen rights government role societal values public welfare personal responsibility economic freedom taxation ethics government intervention societal norms libertarian perspective economic policy health regulation moral hazard fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person frivolous spending credit cards investing money punishing citizens specific choice overstepping authority tax infringement personal freedom economic control public policy health taxation consumer rights government role societal function individual rights legislative overreach taxpayer autonomy fiscal policy health economics welfare state political philosophy economic freedom personal responsibility regulatory limits societal norms government intervention economic justice public interest human rights social control consumer protection financial regulation individual autonomy Fat tax Individual choice Government authority Basic services Education Legal protection Fair society Protecting individuals Third person actions Frivolous spending Credit card limits Investment freedom Artificially inflating costs Taxing specific choices Government overreach Wilkinson W Tax the fat Not their food Published 7/26/2011 Accessed 12/9/2011 fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit cards investment freedom punishing citizens specific choice overstepping authority Wilkinson tax the fat not food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society government role protecting individuals third person frivolous spending credit cards money investment specific choice artificial inflation tax levy government overstepping Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person frivolous spending credit cards investing money punishing citizens specific choice legitimate choice overstepping authority Wilkinson Tax the fat not their food fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third party actions frivolous spending credit cards investment freedom punishing citizens specific choices government overreach Wilkinson W. tax policy public health personal responsibility fiscal measures behavioral economics fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection individual rights fair society protecting individuals third person frivolous spending credit cards investment artificial inflation specific choice legitimate overstepping authority Wilkinson tax policy individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third person actions frivolous spending credit cards investment freedom punishing citizens specific choices artificial costs overstepping authority tax on fat Wilkinson W. fat tax individual choice government authority basic services education legal protection fair society protecting individuals third-person actions frivolous spending credit cards investment punishing citizens specific choices legitimate choices overstepping authority Wilkinson tax policy public health personal freedom economic intervention
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro04a	Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. Tackling HIV requires a responsible and active position by everyone  Businesses ought to take a responsible and active position on HIV. The issue isn’t going to go away. Successful programs designed to help HIV-positive employees remain in the workplace for as long as they want to do so should be developed. Procedures for treating personnel with fairness and dignity must be put in place. The potential fears and prejudices of other employees must be combated. The beginning of that process is ensuring they know about the problem and, crucially, the scale of it. Without knowledge of the numbers involved, employers may put in place inadequate medical and pensions arrangements that will ultimately prove inadequate. HIV awareness corporate responsibility workplace programs employee support fair treatment dignity prejudice reduction education medical arrangements pensions informed policies HIV responsible active businesses programs HIV-positive workplace procedures fairness dignity fears prejudices employees knowledge problem scale numbers employers medical pensions arrangements inadequate HIV workplace employee businesses responsibility active programs HIV-positive remain workplace fairness dignity prejudices knowledge scale medical pensions arrangements inadequate HIV awareness workplace HIV policies employee health and safety corporate social responsibility HIV education managing HIV in the workplace combating HIV stigma fair treatment of HIV-positive employees HIV and employment rights medical and pension arrangements for HIV workplace diversity and inclusion HIV prevention programs employee wellness initiatives responsible business practices HIV impact in the workplace addressing HIV-related fears and prejudices HIV responsible action active participation business role workplace programs HIV-positive employees fair treatment dignity employee fears prejudices awareness problem scale medical arrangements pensions adequacy HIV awareness workplace inclusion employee health programs anti-discrimination policies HIV education corporate responsibility health and safety workplace diversity employee support systems HIV-positive employees workplace prejudice medical benefits pension arrangements health awareness campaigns corporate health initiatives HIV responsibility active position businesses HIV-positive employees workplace fairness dignity fears prejudices education awareness medical arrangements pensions inadequate support employment rights health initiatives corporate social responsibility employee wellness stigma reduction workplace diversity inclusive policies health education proactive measures sustainable workplace practices disease management employee benefits supportive work environment HIV awareness programs corporate health programs employee health and safety inclusive workplace culture HIV prevention treatment and support workplace AIDS policy employee welfare corporate engagement in health issues combating HIV stigma promoting healthy workplaces responsive corporate policies HIV responsible active businesses programs HIV-positive employees workplace fairness dignity fears prejudices knowledge scale medical pensions arrangements inadequacy HIV responsible position active role businesses HIV-positive employees workplace support fairness dignity employee prejudices education problem awareness scale of issue medical arrangements pensions adequacy HIV workplace employee programs dignity fairness discrimination education medical support pensions awareness stigma health policies business responsibility inclusive practices
test-economy-beplcpdffe-con02a	Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. Cant enforce an online gambling ban  Governments can’t actually do anything to enforce a ban on the world wide web. Domestic laws can only stop internet companies using servers and offices in their own country. They cannot stop their citizens going online to gamble using sites based elsewhere. Governments can try to block sites they disapprove of, but new ones will keep springing up and their citizens will find ways around the ban. So practically there is little the government can do to stop people gambling online. Despite it being illegal the American Gambling Association has found that 4% of Americans already engage in online gambling [11]. online gambling government regulation internet censorship legal enforcement digital restrictions cross-border gambling online gaming laws internet gambling server jurisdiction digital policy cybersecurity gambling addiction legislative challenges online gambling statistics American gambling habits online gambling government enforcement internet regulation cross-border gambling digital law enforcement cyber gambling online betting virtual gambling gambling legislation international gambling laws legal online gambling gambling ban effectiveness gambling site blocking online gambling prevalence American online gambling gambling policy cyber laws digital gambling online casino regulation betting site blocks online gambling government enforcement internet regulation server location domestic laws website blocking citizen behavior gambling ban effectiveness American Gambling Association illegal gambling online gambling statistics legal challenges international jurisdiction cyber law digital gambling regulatory measures enforcement limitations gambling addiction policy impact technological circumvention enforce online gambling ban government internet servers offices domestic laws citizens gambling sites block sites circumvent legal American Gambling Association statistics online gambling government regulation internet censorship legal enforcement digital legislation gambling ban international jurisdictions cyber security user behavior illegal gambling American Gambling Association online betting server jurisdiction domestic laws website blocking circumvention techniques regulatory challenges digital gambling online gaming 定律执行 网络博彩禁令 政府措施 国际服务器 网络公司 公民上网行为 法律限制 网站屏蔽 美国博彩协会 非法活动 用户规避 法规挑战 网络 enforce online gambling ban government limitations internet regulation server control citizen behavior website blocking circumvention methods legal gambling statistics American Gambling Association illegal online activities enforce online gambling ban government internet laws servers offices domestic restriction websites citizens accessing international regulation blocking circumvention legal American Gambling Association percentage engagement illegality practical limitations enforcement challenges online gambling government regulation internet censorship offshore gambling sites online gambling ban digital evangelism cyber legislation gambling addiction virtual casino American Gambling Association illegal gambling cybersecurity digital enforcement internet freedom gambling laws online gaming regulatory challenges technological workaround user privacy online betting online gambling government regulation internet censorship server jurisdiction cross-border gambling legal enforcement digital blockade citizen compliance gambling statistics American Gambling Association online gambling government regulation internet censorship legal enforcement international servers blocking websites circumvention methods American Gambling Association gambling statistics illegal gambling
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con03a	How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. How Would One Know a System of Rehabilitation Is Really Working  The question “does it work” must be joined by the second question: “even if it does work, how can you tell, with each individual offender, when it has worked?” How would we check if this system is really working? Tagging prisoners? Free counselling for the prisoner for the rest of their life? These measures would require huge administration costs and then the question follows would it even be feasible to enforce such a system?  The root of criminality exists before exposure to the prison system; otherwise criminals would have no reason to be there in the first place. What may be more sensible is to analyse the root causes of what makes criminals offend in the first instance and introduce reform to counteract it, for example the economic crisis. [1]  Some have cited the education system as failing to instil a sense of morality in people. Others suggest that a lack of welfare leads individuals to lose faith in society and therefore be unwilling to follow the law. Assuming that the right time to change people’s outlook on society is after they have offended is naïve – criminal urges are better ‘nipped in the bud’.  It could be argued that criminal mentalities are inherent within certain individuals, either due to their inborn psyche or their upbringing. If one accepts this, then basic rehabilitation into society is going to do little to stop re-offending, whereas incarceration will keep them in a position where they cannot offend. Allowing them easy passage back into the world, with minimal supervision, could provide a gateway for them to commit more serious crimes.  [1] Dodd, Vikram, ‘Police face years of public disorder, former Met chief warns’, guardian.co.uk, 6 December 2011. rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment prisoner tagging lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic crisis education system morality welfare impact criminal mentalities inborn psyche upbringing influence re-offending prevention incarceration benefits supervision levels public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment tagging prisoners lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes of crime economic crisis education system morality welfare impact criminal mentality inborn psyche upbringing influence re-offending prevention supervision levels public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment prisoner tagging lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes of criminality economic crisis education system moral values lack of welfare societal faith criminal mentality inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision reintegration public disorder police challenges rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment feasibility of enforcement root causes of criminality economic crisis education system moral development welfare systems societal faith criminal urges prevention inherent criminal mentality re-offending prevention incarceration benefits supervised reintegration public safety concerns rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment tagging counselling administrative costs feasibility root causes criminality prison system reform economic crisis education system morality welfare criminal urges inborn psyche upbringing re-offending supervision public safety crime prevention societal reintegration rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment prison system evaluation tagging prisoners lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility of enforcement root causes of criminality economic factors education system morality welfare impact on crime early intervention inherent criminal tendencies rehabilitation vs incarceration supervised reintegration public safety concerns rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment feasibility administration costs root causes criminality pre-prison influences economic factors education system moral values welfare impact criminal mentality inborn psyche upbringing re-offending prevention incarceration benefits supervised release public safety rehabilitation efficacy individual offender assessment prison administration costs feasibility of enforcement root causes of criminality economic factors in crime education system morality welfare impact on crime early intervention in criminal behavior inherent criminal mentality re-offending prevention supervised reintegration public safety concerns rehabilitation effectiveness individual assessment prisoner tagging lifelong counseling administrative costs feasibility root causes criminal behavior economic factors education system moral values welfare societal trust early intervention inherent criminality upbringing re-offending incarceration supervised reintegration public safety rehabilitation effectiveness individual offender assessment prison tagging lifelong counseling administration costs feasibility root causes of criminality pre-prison factors economic crisis education system morality welfare societal faith criminal urges inborn psyche upbringing re-offending incarceration supervision reintegration public safety
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-con02a	A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. A boycott won’t help resolve the issues at question  European leaders need to consider whether their methods are likely to achieve the result they want. What Europe’s leaders want is first of all Yulia Timoshenko released and secondly improvements in Ukrainian human rights. Timoshenko is unlikely to be released as she has been convicted on charges of abuse of office and sentenced to seven years in prison; the best that could be hoped for is an improvement in her treatment. Similarly the result is not likely to be positive for human rights and democracy. There might be an improvement during the games while the eyes of the world are on Ukraine but long term there will be no impact unless Yanukovych is persuaded that improvements are in his benefit. This would require more concrete and long term actions than one off boycotts.  Past boycotts have demonstrated a lack of success in changing the situation on the ground. In the 1980 Olympics held in Moscow during the Cold War the USA boycotted in response to the 1979 invasion by the USSR of Afghanistan. The result was that the Soviet Union stayed in Afghanistan, won most medals in the Olympics and retaliated by boycotting the 1984 games held in Los Angeles. [1]  [1] Gera, Vanessa, ‘Boycott of Ukraine During Euro 2012 Carries Risk’, Associated Press, 11 May 2012. boycott resolve issues European leaders methods achieve result Yulia Timoshenko released improvements human rights convicted abuse office seven years prison treatment games world focus impact Yanukovych persuaded benefits concrete actions past demonstrated lack success changing situation ground 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA response 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan result Soviet Union medals retaliated 1984 boycott resolve issues European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office prison treatment human rights democracy improvements long-term actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles Gera Vanessa Associated Press Euro 2012 boycott effectiveness European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office prison treatment improvement human rights democracy long-term impact Viktor Yanukovych benefit concrete actions 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles boycott European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office seven years prison human rights democracy improvements long term actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliation 1984 games Los Angeles Euro 2012 boycott risk boycott resolve issues European leaders methods achieve result Yulia Timoshenko released improvements Ukrainian human rights convicted abuse office prison treatment human rights democracy games world impact Yanukovych persuaded benefits concrete actions past boycotts effectiveness 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA boycotted 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals retaliated 1984 Los Angeles Gera Vanessa boycott European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office human rights democracy Moscow Olympics Cold War Afghanistan USA boycott Soviet Union retaliation Los Angeles Olympics boycott European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office seven years prison human rights democracy concrete actions long term impact past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan 1984 games Los Angeles retaliation boycott efficacy European leaders methods Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights conviction abuse of office treatment human rights democracy improvement long-term actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan medals 1984 games Los Angeles retaliation boycott human rights Yulia Timoshenko European leaders Ukraine Yanukovych 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War Afghanistan 1984 Olympics Los Angeles boycott effectiveness political leverage diplomatic actions international pressure sport events political prisoners democratic improvements long-term impact short-term actions boycott European leaders Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian human rights abuse of office democracy improvement long-term actions past boycotts 1980 Olympics Moscow Cold War USA 1979 invasion USSR Afghanistan retaliation 1984 Olympics Los Angeles
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. microfinance small scale agriculture food security climate change political tensions rural communities sustainable agriculture economic growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement household welfare Kiva affordable capital remote communities farming tools resource rental African agriculture agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainability economic growth community benefit Zimbabwe agricultural production household improvement national benefit Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities farmer loans tool rental resource sharing Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities larger scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective for growth beneficial for communities larger scale agriculture Zimbabwe small scale farming production improvement households communities Nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agriculture Africa agrarian crisis Microfinance in rural communities Food security Climate change resilience Political stability Sustainable small-scale farming Economic growth Community benefits Large-scale agriculture comparison Zimbabwe agriculture improvement Household production National benefit Kiva microfinance Affordable capital for farmers Remote community financing Farming tool rental Resource access for farmers Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainability growth community benefit Zimbabwe production improvement households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefits Zimbabwe improved production households national benefit Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households communities nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources microfinance small scale agriculture food security climate change rural communities unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture Kiva affordable capital remote communities tool rental resource access Zimbabwe agrarian crisis production improvement community benefit national benefit
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro02a	Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 Compulsory voting broadens representation of disadvantaged groups  Voter apathy is highest among the poorest and most excluded sectors of society. As the Institute for Public Policy Research highlight, “the higher the income a citizen enjoys, and the higher the educational qualifications attained, the more likely it is that he or she will turn out to vote”. Since they do not vote, the political parties do not create policies for their needs, which leads to a vicious circle of increasing isolation. By making the most disenfranchised vote the major political parties are forced to take notice of them and this would reduce political polarisation 1. An example of this is in the UK where the Labour party abandoned its core supporters to pursue ‘middle England’. Political parties are drawn towards those groups to whom favourable policies will be rewarded in the form of vote. Compulsory voting ensures that all stakeholders in society are proportionally considered in governmental policy.  1 William Galston, 'Mandatory Voting Would Loosen Partisan Gridlock' US News and World Report, July 8th 2010 compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors excluded sectors income correlation educational qualifications political engagement policy creation disenfranchised populations political parties middle England partisan gridlock stakeholder consideration governmental policy William Galston US News and World Report compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest excluded sectors income education political parties policies isolation disenfranchised political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholders governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting voter turnout disadvantaged groups voter apathy poverty educational qualifications political representation policy creation political isolation disenfranchisement political polarisation Labour party middle England governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock civic engagement electoral participation social equity democratic inclusivity compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors excluded sectors income and voting educational qualifications political parties policy creation disenfranchised voting political polarization UK Labour party middle England stakeholder consideration governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting voter turnout representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy income education political parties policy creation political polarization disenfranchised voters governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock middle England Labour party stakeholder consideration Compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest excluded sectors income education political parties policies political isolation disenfranchised political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholders governmental policy partisan gridlock William Galston Compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest excluded sectors income education political parties policies isolation disenfranchised political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholder governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting broadens representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest sectors political parties policy creation voter turnout income levels educational qualifications political polarisation disenfranchised voting governmental policy proportional consideration middle England partisan gridlock William Galston US News and World Report Compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poorest excluded income education political parties policies isolation disenfranchised political polarisation UK Labour party middle England stakeholders governmental policy William Galston partisan gridlock compulsory voting representation disadvantaged groups voter apathy poverty education political parties policy creation isolation disenfranchisement political polarization middle England stakeholder consideration partisan gridlock William Galston
test-international-ghwcitca-pro03a	The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, The use of the internet undermines the state by demonopolizing the use of force  Ever since the state rose to ascendancy over powerful internal actors, such as the nobility in a feudal system, the state has had a monopoly on the use of force. The state quickly became the only institution with the resources to maintain military forces and has become the only legitimate wielder of force. The internet however changes this. Cyber-attacks are often by individuals or groups who can carry out a cross border attack without the aid of their home country.  In 2011 CIA director Leon Panetta told Congress “when it comes to national security, I think this represents the battleground for the future. I've often said that I think the potential for the next Pearl Harbor could very well be a cyber-attack.” [1] If cyber-attacks are so important it stands to reason that the groups who are able to engage in such activities should be as limited as possible. While it is not always possible states try to make sure that the weapons of war for the most part remain in the hands of responsible actors. This should apply as much in cyberspace as elsewhere. While terrorist groups do exist – and are occasionally armed by states – for the most part they are seen by every government as being illegitimate.  [1] Serrano, Richard A., ‘U.S. intelligence officials concerned about cyber attack’, Los Angeles Times, 11 February 2011, cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet national security cyber warfare Pearl Harbor responsible actors terrorist groups digital warfare state authority cybersecurity informational warfare online threats government legitimacy sovereign power digital arms cyberspace regulation cyber defense informational conflicts cyber-attacks state monopoly force internet national security cyber warfare Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta terrorism illegitimate actors digital weapons state governance cybersecurity virtual threats cross-border attacks military resources cyberspace regulation responsible actors cyber defense online terrorism governmental control internet security digital force virtual warfare cyber security policies digital governance technological warfare online sovereignty digital state power cyber attacks prevention cyber terrorism internet governance digital monopoly state authority cyber conflict internet regulation digital illegitimacy cyber threats digital force regulation internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks cross-border national security Pearl Harbor cyber warfare responsible actors illegitimate terrorist groups cyberspace military forces legitimacy governance digital threats state authority cyber defense intelligence officials cyber security cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet undermining national security cyber warfare responsible actors terrorist groups Pearl Harbor analogy Leon Panetta CIA director intelligence officials Los Angeles Times 2011 Congress cross-border attacks military forces legitimate wielder state ascendancy nobility feudal system digital threat cyber defense state control non-state actors information warfare digital weaponry cyber threats state legitimacy cybersecurity online conflict cyber policy government response international security digital attacks cyber crime online security state authority information security cyber cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet impact national security cyber warfare responsible actors terrorist groups Pearl Harbor analogy Leon Panetta U.S. intelligence Los Angeles Times Richard A. Serrano 2011 Congress testimony cross-border attacks cyber security digital threats state legitimacy military resources cyber-attacks state monopoly use of force internet national security Pearl Harbor cyber warfare responsible actors terrorist groups illegitimacy digital threats online vigilantes hacker collectives virtual militias cyber vigilantism unauthorized combatants digital force monopoly online security challenges cyber sovereignty state control erosion internet state monopoly force cyber-attacks individuals groups cross-border national security Pearl Harbor weapons war cyberspace terrorist groups governments illegitimate state authority digital threats cyber warfare security measures responsible actors Internet undermines state demonopolizing force state ascendancy nobility feudal system monopoly military forces legitimate wielder cyber-attacks individuals groups cross border home country CIA Leon Panetta national security Pearl Harbor battleground future weapons of war responsible actors cyberspace terrorist groups armed states illegitimate governments cyber-attacks state monopoly force internet national security Pearl Harbor cyber warfare responsible actors illegitimate groups terrorist organizations state control digital threats cybersecurity military resources digital battleground cross-border attacks state ascendancy nobility feudal system military forces legitimate force Leon Panetta CIA Congress U.S. intelligence cyber threats weapons of war armed states cyberspace regulation digital era state sovereignty online security cyber defense digital conflict international security government regulation cyber policies digital arms control informational warfare cyber espionage state cyber-attacks state monopoly force internet national security Pearl Harbor CIA Leon Panetta cyberspace responsible actors terrorist groups illegitimacy military forces cross-border attacks digital warfare cyber threats intelligence officials governmental control online security
test-law-hrpepthwuto-con02a	Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. Introducing the use of violence into the justice system means that liberties that have taken centuries to secure are lost  The principle that all people are presumed innocent and, as a result, should not be abused either physically or mentally by officers of the state is one that took centuries- not to mention a great deal of blood and sweat- to establish. In the words of British Chief Justice Phillips this respect for human rights is, in and of itself, “a vital part in the fight against terror”, as if terrorism is to be defeated states that ascribe to such principles must show that they remain true to them in order to win the ideological battle.  Using torture on suspected terrorist would be to tear apart that basic principle in response to crimes, which, it has been noted, are on nothing like the scale of the industrialised warfare of the twentieth century, would be a massively damaging step. Regardless of the scale of the crime the individual must have protections against false accusation and punishment, this means that a fair trial is necessary in order to determine innocence or guilt. violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence human rights Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism torture suspected terrorist ideological battle fair trial innocence guilt false accusation punishment industrialised warfare twentieth century crime scale protections massively damaging step basic principle response to crimes decades of struggle state officers physical abuse mental abuse blood sweat centuries to secure vital part remain true defeat terrorism ideological victory show strength rule of law legal protections human dignity international law moral high ground abuse of power unchecked authority violence justice system liberties human rights presumed innocent physical abuse mental abuse state officers Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism ideological battle torture suspected terrorists false accusation fair trial guilt industrialised warfare twentieth century massively damaging step crime scale protections individual rights legal principles ethical standards moral high ground rule of law civil liberties constitutional rights democratic values judicial integrity violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence abuse human rights terrorism torture fair trial false accusation punishment ideological battle state principles crime scale industrialised warfare twentieth century use of violence justice system lost liberties centuries to secure presumed innocent no physical or mental abuse officers of the state human rights British Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror ideological battle torture on suspected terrorists basic principle false accusation fair trial determine innocence or guilt industrialised warfare twenty-first century massively damaging step violence justice system liberties presumed innocent human rights Chief Justice Phillips fight against terror terrorism torture suspected terrorist fair trial false accusation punishment ideological battle industrialised warfare twentieth century protections innocence guilt use of violence justice system liberties centuries presumption of innocence no physical or mental abuse officers of the state British Chief Justice Phillips human rights fight against terror ideological battle torture suspected terrorist basic principle industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation punishment fair trial determine innocence guilt violence justice system liberties centuries presumption innocence physical abuse mental abuse state officers human rights fight against terror British Chief Justice Phillips terrorism ideological battle torture suspected terrorists basic principle false accusation fair trial innocence guilt industrialised warfare twentieth century crime scale protections individual rights legal protections judicial process human dignity ethical standards state integrity moral high ground legal precedent societal norms rule of law constitutional rights civil liberties human rights protections legal safeguards judicial fairness due process legal accountability state conduct ethical governance violence justice system liberties centuries presumed innocent physical abuse mental abuse officers of state human rights fight against terror British Chief Justice Phillips torture suspected terrorists basic principle industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation fair trial innocence guilt violence justice system liberties presumption of innocence human rights fight against terror Chief Justice Phillips torture suspected terrorist ideological battle fair trial protections false accusation punishment industrialised warfare twentieth century crimes innocence guilt violence justice system liberties presumed innocent physical abuse mental abuse state officers human rights fight against terror terrorism ideological battle torture suspected terrorist basic principle crimes industrialised warfare twentieth century false accusation punishment fair trial innocence guilt
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro03a	Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. Ill-informed prejudice has no place in society. The veneer of religion has been used to justify hatred, prejudice and division and should be confronted.  Homophobia is the last respectable prejudice [1] and should be tackled with the same passion and force that others have been, and continue to be, confronted. If the speaker had been condemning black people or women they would have been arrested for public disorder if they represented an organisation that was overtly racist, it would be quite likely to be banned.  For some reason Churches that hold views on homosexuality that are comparable in their vitriol to those on race held by neo-Nazi groups are not only tolerated but frequently supported by the state.  Hatred is hatred and there is no reason why homophobia should be given a free pass that would not be given to racism or sexism.  All of the Abrahamic faiths have, at their core, an authority focussed on maintaining ‘the natural order’. From the fourteenth century on – although interestingly less so before that point – homosexuality has been singled out as one of the gravest of sins [2] , with the Catechism identifying it as one of four sins that “calls out to Heaven for vengeance”. That is not merely offensive but dangerous in a modern society.  [1] Maguire, Daniel C., ‘Heterosexism in Contemporary World Religion’, The Religious Consultation.  [2] Boswell, John, The Marriage of Likeness, Harper Collins, Chapter Eight. homophobia prejudice religion society hatred division respectable prejudice public disorder racism sexism churches state support authority natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness homophobia prejudice religion hatred division racism sexism public disorder neo-Nazi groups state support homophobia tolerance Abrahamic faiths natural order homosexuality sins Catechism vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion John Boswell Marriage of Likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division racism sexism public disorder churches tolerance state support authority natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness ill-informed prejudice society religion justification hatred division homophobia respectable prejudice passion force condemnation public disorder arrest racism sexism churches tolerance state support vitriol neo-Nazi hatred natural order sins Catechism vengeance modern society heterosexism contemporary world religion John Boswell The Marriage of Likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division racism sexism public disorder churches state support abrahamic faiths natural order sins catechism heterosexism contemporary world religion john boswell marriage of likeness ill-informed prejudice society religion justification hatred prejudice division confrontation homophobia respectable prejudice tackling passion force black people women public disorder arrest racist organization banning church homophobic views state support tolerance hatred free pass racism sexism abrahamic faiths natural order fourteenth century homosexuality grave sins catechism vengeance modern society offensive dangerous heterosexism contemporary world religion marriage of likeness ill-informed prejudice society religion justification hatred division homophobia respectable prejudice passion condemnation public disorder arrest racist organizations state support Churches views on homosexuality neo-Nazi groups tolerance free pass racism sexism Abrahamic faiths natural order fourteenth century homosexuality sins Catechism vengeance offensive dangerous modern society heterosexism world religion John Boswell Marriage of Likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division tolerance state support racism sexism public disorder authority natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness Boswell Maguire homophobia prejudice religion society hatred division racism sexism public disorder neo-Nazi tolerance state support authority natural order sins vengeance modern society heterosexism world religion marriage likeness homophobia prejudice society religion hatred division racism sexism public disorder churches state support natural order sins heterosexism contemporary world religion marriage of likeness
test-education-ughbuesbf-con05a	State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: State control of acceptance/curriculum criteria has negative effects  When the state has control of the purse strings, it wields a great deal of power over universities. In the case of Ireland, for example, the government has so much influence over higher education that it altered the governing structures of the major universities in 2000 through legislation and has representation on the Boards of each university. This degree of control is negative to the academic independence of universities.1 Universities operate best when they are independent of outside control and agendas. For the sake of free scholarship, free university education should not be instituted.  1 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: state control curriculum criteria negative effects government power universities Ireland legislation university governance academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control government influence university boards educational policy higher education institutional autonomy state influence educational freedom academic freedom state control curriculum criteria negative effects government funding university autonomy academic independence higher education policy Ireland universities Universities Act 1997 government representation free scholarship free university education state control acceptance criteria curriculum criteria negative effects state funding university governance government influence higher education academic independence legislative control university boards free scholarship free university education Ireland Universities Act 1997 state control curriculum criteria negative effects government influence higher education universities legislation academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control agendas Ireland Universities Act 1997 state control curriculum criteria negative effects government power universities Ireland legislative influence academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control government agendas university governance 1997 Universities Act state control curriculum criteria negative effects government influence higher education Ireland universities legislation Board representation academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control agendas state control acceptance criteria curriculum negative effects government influence higher education Ireland universities act academic independence free scholarship free university education outside control agendas legislation university governance boards power purse strings educational autonomy policy impact state control acceptance criteria curriculum standards government influence higher education university governance academic independence free scholarship public funding educational autonomy Ireland Universities Act 1997 legislative control university boards state intervention negative effects outside agendas institutional autonomy free university education policy impact state control acceptance criteria curriculum criteria government influence higher education Ireland universities act academic independence free scholarship free university education legislative control board representation external control university governance educational autonomy political influence educational policy academic freedom institutional autonomy public funding educational standards state control acceptance criteria curriculum standards government influence higher education university governance legislative changes academic independence free scholarship Ireland Universities Act 1997 funding control policy agendas institutional autonomy educational policy public universities state-funded education academic freedom external control government representation
test-politics-eppghwgpi-con04a	Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. Immunity for politicians hurts the image of their office  Far from the worst PR for an office being that a holder of it is on trial, the worst possible public perception of a political institution is that it is wracked with corruption, with it not even theoretically possible to hold its members to account. Prosecuting politicians makes it clear that their office is not a den of impunity, and in the wake of a scandal, restoring public confidence in politicians to come. The public wants their politicians to be accountable and granting immunity harms accountability by denying an option. immunity politicians public image office corruption accountability prosecution public confidence scandal impunity political institutions trial public perception worst PR restoring trust denying justice legal accountability accountability corruption impeachment public trust political accountability legal immunity politician trials public perception political scandals restoring confidence accountability corruption impunity prosecution public confidence political institution scandal transparency trial political office immunity politicians public perception restoring trust Immunity for politicians public perception political corruption accountability prosecuting politicians public confidence political office scandal impunity harm to office image political PR restoring confidence denial of accountability immunity politicians public image corruption accountability prosecution public confidence political office impunity scandal restoration harm trial worst PR political institution members public perception deniability option denial accountability corruption public confidence prosecution immunity political institution public perception scandal trial impunity office holder restoration worst PR theoretical accountability political scandal political accountability harm to office restoring trust denying prosecution political immunity office image political institution corruption politician trial public trust accountability mechanism political scandal recovery institutional integrity politician accountability political office image public confidence restoration institutional corruption prosecution option political scandal impact office holder accountability public perception management political trust restoration institutional accountability political office integrity political scandal aftermath public confidence rebuilding political accountability importance accountability corruption prosecution public confidence political institution immunity impunity scandal political office public perception restoration trial transparency trust wrongdoing Immunity Politicians Accountability Corruption Public Perception Prosecution Image Office Impunity Scandal Confidence Restoration PR Trial Wrongs Transparency Justice Governance Ethical Standards Civic Duty Legal Accountability Political Integrity accountability corruption public confidence prosecution political immunity scandal trial public perception political institution impunity office holder restoration political accountability denial of justice office image accountability corruption public confidence political immunity prosecution scandal transparency impunity office holder trial restorative justice political integrity institutional trust legal accountability
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-pro03a	It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, It’s in the interests of co-workers  It’s in the interests of other workers. The possibility of transmission, while very unlikely, is real and one they have a right to know about so as to be able to guard against it. While most of the time it will not be problem as transmission requires a transfer of bodily fluids this may occasionally happen in a workplace. [1] This is particularly true of healthworkers (e.g. doctors, nurses, dentists, midwives, paramedics, etc) who should have both a moral and a legal obligation to disclose if they are HIV-positive. Even outside the medical field industrial accidents may expose employees to risk. Employers have a duty to protect their workforce.  [1] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘HIV Transmission’, Department of Health and Human Services, HIV transmission co-workers other workers workplace healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics HIV-positive disclosure industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce bodily fluids risk moral legal obligation HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics disclosure industrial accidents employers duty protection CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce bodily fluids moral obligation legal obligation disclose HIV-positive co-workers risk safety prevention CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace safety health workers moral obligation legal obligation HIV-positive disclosure industrial accidents employee protection Centers for Disease Control and Prevention HIV risk bodily fluids co-workers rights occupational health employer duty HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics disclosure moral obligation legal obligation industrial accidents employers workforce protection bodily fluids CDC Department of Health and Human Services HIV transmission workplace safety health workers HIV disclosure employee rights occupational health CDC guidelines bodily fluids industrial accidents employer responsibility moral obligation legal obligation co-workers risk protection HIV transmission workplace co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics industrial accidents employers duty protect workforce moral obligation legal obligation bodily fluids risk exposure HIV transmission workplace safety co-workers healthworkers doctors nurses dentists midwives paramedics HIV-positive industrial accidents employers duty CDC Department of Health and Human Services moral obligation legal obligation bodily fluids worker rights protection disclosure HIV transmission workplace safety healthworkers moral obligation legal obligation HIV-positive disclosure industrial accidents employee protection Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Department of Health and Human Services bodily fluids risk awareness co-workers occupational health public health policy HIV-positive healthworkers transmission risk workplace safety industrial accidents moral obligation legal obligation CDC guidelines HIV disclosure protective measures co-workers rights bodily fluids occupational health employer responsibility
test-law-cpilhbishioe-pro01a	An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, An ICC enforcement is a necessity if there is to be international criminal justice  The remit of the ICC is unlike the remit of any national court. It deals exclusively in crimes so unacceptable there is an international consensus behind their illegality and the need for prosecutions. The parties that signed up to the Rome Statute’s reason for the creation of the ICC was “that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and well-being of the world” the perpetrators of such crimes clearly need to be brought to book, and to do that they need to be apprehended. The same agreement said the signatories were “Resolved to guarantee lasting respect for and the enforcement of international justice” if this is the case then there should be agreement on enabling that enforcement by creating an ICC enforcement arm. Again the Rome statute makes clear that the agreement “shall not be taken as authorizing” intervention by another state. This is why the enforcement needs to be done by a separate international force who could not be considered a threat to any state. [1] Quite simply there is little point in international criminal justice if there is no force to bring the criminals to the court.  [1] ‘Preamble’ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1 July 2002, ICC international criminal justice Rome Statute enforcement arm international force perpetrators apprehended crimes illegal prosecutions peace security well-being world national court grave crimes consensus signatories intervention state respect enforcement Preamble ICC international criminal justice Rome Statute enforcement international consensus crimes perpetrators apprehended peace security well-being signatories enforcement arm international force state intervention prosecution judicial respect criminal apprehension legal enforcement global security ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crimes against humanity peace security well-being world perpetrators apprehended prosecution international force state sovereignty intervention legal enforcement judicial effectiveness global cooperation rule of law accountability judicial mechanisms human rights international law judicial power prosecution mechanisms state parties judicial mandate crime prevention judicial integrity legal framework judicial authority judicial responsibilities international community legal enforcement mechanisms judicial independence judicial legitimacy legal treaties judicial sanctions legal compliance judicial oversight legal jurisdiction judicial coherence legal principles ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute global peace security well-being grave crimes international consensus prosecution apprehension international force enforcement arm judicial respect state intervention legal accountability war crimes genocide crimes against humanity judicial enforcement international law state sovereignty judicial effectiveness legal machinery criminal justice system international community judicial mandate legal framework state cooperation judicial independence international security legal enforcement judicial authority crime prevention judicial remedies state responsibility legal implementation judicial integrity state compliance legal jurisdiction judicial powers legal prosecution state action legal ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute crimes international consensus prosecutions peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended international force state intervention lasting respect enforcement arm world security legal accountability global justice ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus crimes against humanity peace and security international prosecution apprehension of criminals international force enforcement arm state sovereignty legal enforcement global cooperation criminal accountability international law judicial effectiveness Rome Statute preamble international justice guarantees perpetrator accountability judicial integrity ICC international criminal justice Rome Statute enforcement arm international force perpetrators apprehended grave crimes peace security well-being world respect international justice intervention state threat criminal prosecutions consensus illegality signatories resolution legal remit national courts accountability global justice judicial enforcement international law treaty obligations humanitarian crimes war crimes human rights violations legal mechanisms judicial mechanisms international policing judicial authority legal enforcement state sovereignty international cooperation judicial effectiveness legal implementation international tribunal judicial powers international policing force legal jurisdictions enforcement ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute peace security well-being grave crimes prosecutions perpetrators apprehended international consensus enforcement arm international force state intervention lasting respect legal illegality signatories authorization world security judicial efficacy criminal accountability international law global governance judicial mechanisms state sovereignty humanitarian crimes war crimes crimes against humanity genocide ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute international consensus grave crimes peace security well-being perpetrators apprehended last respect enforcement arm international force state threat court appearance legal prosecution global cooperation judicial integrity crime deterrence ICC enforcement international criminal justice Rome Statute perpetrators apprehended international consensus crimes peace security well-being lasting respect intervention international force threat state court criminals prosecution remit national court signatories Resolution authorization intervention separate force international arm legal accountability judicial process global security crime prevention human rights judicial enforcement international law legal framework prosecution mechanisms judicial support legal enforcement global justice international community legal prosecution judicial authority international policing legal mandate judicial implementation legal support international policing force
test-environment-assgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia laboratory care experimental accuracy wild vs captivity moral consideration livestock comparison research ethics animal welfare pain management humane treatment ethical considerations experimental accuracy life quality moral justification animal husbandry research ethics animal rights animal welfare humane treatment ethical considerations pain management animal rights research ethics experimental animals veterinary care moral objections animal testing laboratory animals animal husbandry scientific research animal suffering welfare standards ethical guidelines animal care research protocols humane euthanasia wild animal welfare meat production ethics animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia research standards animal health experimental accuracy wild vs captivity moral considerations animal rights livestock comparison scientific justification animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia ethical treatment laboratory animals research ethics animal rights moral implications experimental results comparative welfare wild vs captivity agricultural animals humane standards scientific integrity animal welfare humane treatment pain management ethical considerations experimental results wild vs captivity moral objections animal rights research ethics veterinary care animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia veterinary care experimental accuracy comparative quality of life moral considerations animal rights livestock care research ethics scientific justification regulatory compliance animal health monitoring professional standards public perception animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia health monitoring experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral justification livestock ethics research standards animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia animal care experimental accuracy wildlife conditions moral considerations animal husbandry food animals research ethics scientific integrity animal rights laboratory animals regulatory compliance veterinary care animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals pain management humane euthanasia health maintenance experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral considerations animal research ethics meat industry comparison
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-con01a	Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights are dependent upon the state  There is clearly not universal or even widespread acceptance of the idea that internet access should be a human right. Human rights are dependent upon the state, the desires of the community, and that depends upon the state’s socio economic context. [1] The internet cannot therefore be considered a universal human right because not all states are advanced enough to take responsibility for this right.  International law is based upon several sources; state practice, customary law, treaties and judicial decisions. [2] None of these sources yet recognise internet access as a human right, indeed if state practice is taken as deciding if human rights exist then the whole concept of human rights is open to question. [3]  [1] Turkin, G., Theory of International Law, 1974, p.81  [2] Shaw, Malcolm N., International Law 4th ed., Cambridge University press, 1997, Chapter 3.  [3] Watson, J.S., Legal theory, efficacy and validity in the development of human rights norms in international law, University of Illinois law forum, 1979, p.609 Human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity international norms digital rights technological development global standards legal recognition socio-economic factors state responsibility community values legal sources human rights law modern human rights internet freedom digital divide information rights technological advancement state capability legal jurisprudence international norms development socio-economic development state sovereignty human rights discourse technological dependency legal frameworks human rights protection state obligations international consensus human rights state dependence internet access universal recognition socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependence internet access universal right socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory validity efficacy Human rights state dependency internet access universal human rights socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal human right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity development of norms University of Illinois law forum Cambridge University press Malcolm N. Shaw Theory of International Law G. Turkin J.S. Watson human rights state dependency internet access universal recognition socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions legal theory human rights norms international law sources Turkin Shaw Watson human rights state dependence internet access universal human right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions legal theory efficacy validity human rights norms human rights state dependence internet access universal right socio-economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity human rights state dependency internet access universal acceptance socio economic context international law state practice customary law treaties judicial decisions human rights norms legal theory efficacy validity
test-religion-yercfrggms-con01a	In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). In the absence of positive evidence for the existence of God the rational position is agnosticism, not atheism:  In a situation where there is an absence of either positive evidence for a claim or definite negative evidence for it, the natural response is not rejection of the claim, but rather skepticism and admission of lack of knowledge one way or the other. [1] In the case of religion and God, this position is agnosticism. Humans are fallible organisms, and thus all statements about truth and about the Universe must be qualified by some degree of doubt. Positively rejecting the existence of God, as atheism does, ignores this requisite doubt even though it cannot prove that there is no God. Rather, in the absence of evidence for or against the existence of God, the most the atheist can say honestly is that he does not know. The claims of atheism are positive ones and thus require evidence; an atheist position is thus faith-based in the same way a theist one is.  [1] Hume, David. 1748. An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding. New York: Oxford University Press (2008). agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility truth universe doubt rejection claim religion God honesty faith theism enquiry concerning human understanding david hume agnosticism atheism positive evidence God skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility human understanding doubt rejection truth universe proof faith theism David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism evidence positive evidence negative evidence skepticism doubt fallibility human understanding rational position truth universe faith theism David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility human understanding doubt universe truth existence of God rejection faith theism David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding evidence agnosticism atheism skepticism knowledge human fallibility doubt truth universe positive rejection faith theism Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence existence of God skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility truth universe doubt rejection faith-based theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility truth claims Universe doubt rejection faith theism David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge human fallibility truth claims universe doubt rejection existence of God faith-based theism Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding agnosticism atheism positive evidence negative evidence skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility human understanding doubt truth universe faith theism David Hume Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding positive evidence absence of evidence rational position agnosticism atheism skepticism lack of knowledge fallibility human limitations claim evaluation truth claims universe doubt proof rejection honest admission positive claims evidence requirement faith-based theism David Hume An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding
test-international-aghbfcpspr-pro03a	There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 There is already a precedent for paying reparations to such states.  In the past, dominating global powers have paid reparations and compensation for historical wrongs. For example, Germany pays an annual amount of money to Israel to recognise wrongs committed against Jews during the Holocaust, and to recognise the theft of Jewish property at this time [1] . These reparations have helped Israeli infrastructure enormously, providing ‘railways and telephones, dock installations and irrigation plants, whole areas of industry and agriculture’ [2] and contributing to Israeli economic security. Japan also paid reparations to Korea after World War II as the Koreans were ‘deprived of their nation and their identity’ [4] . Britain has paid compensation to the New Zealand Maoris for the damage done during colonial times and the seizure of their land [5] , and Iraq pays compensation to Kuwait for damage done during the invasion and occupation of 1990-91 [6] . There is little reason why other nations should not be paid for the grievances caused to them by domination countries. There is support for the notion that colonial powers should pay for free universal education in Africa [7] ; this would be an entirely appropriate and desirable measure.  [1] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [2] 'Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations', Jewish Virtual Library, accessed 16/1/2014,   [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [7] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations compensation historical wrongs global powers precedents Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II Korean identity Britain New Zealand Maoris colonial times land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa grievances domination countries historical reparations compensation global powers Holocaust German reparations Israel Jewish property Korean identity British colonization New Zealand Maoris Iraqi invasion Kuwait colonial powers African education universal education economic security infrastructure development domination countries international law human rights historical injustices post-conflict reconstruction ethnic cleansing land seizures war damages treaty obligations international agreements moral obligations financial compensation restitution social justice equity international relations global equity peace processes conflict resolution historical accountability legacy of colonialism national identity cultural heritage indigenous rights international reparations historical wrongs global powers Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers Africa free universal education historical reparations global powers compensation for wrongs Germany-Israel reparations Holocaust restitution Japanese reparations to Korea British compensation to Maoris Iraqi compensation to Kuwait colonial reparations free universal education in Africa historical grievances economic security infrastructure development national identity colonial damage occupation damages international justice historical responsibility reparative measures global historical contexts reparations historical wrongs global powers precedent Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizures Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa colonial damages compensation international justice post-colonial relations historical accountability reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa international law historical justice compensation precedent global powers historical grievances national identity colonial damage international relations moral responsibility economic support post-war agreements international reparations historical accountability colonial legacy reparative justice financial compensation historical trauma restitution state-to-state compensation humanitarian aid development assistance reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II national identity Britain New Zealand Maoris colonial times land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa reparations historical wrongs Germany Israel Holocaust Jewish property Israeli infrastructure economic security Japan Korea World War II British colonialism New Zealand Maoris land seizure Iraq Kuwait invasion occupation colonial powers free universal education Africa
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-pro02a	Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs Are Inconsistent With International Law  The international legal system is dependent on being robust and transparent in order for it to be respected by countries and states that accept it. The refusal by the U.S. to ban cluster bombs prevents the international community from doing the same within international law as the U.S. has enough political power that should it choose to ignore the law, the law itself is considered to be irrelevant.  In failing to ban cluster bombs the U.S. maintains an inconsistency within international law. Since dud cluster bombs effectively act as land mines for all intents and purposes, they are well hidden and cause indiscriminate damage, the fact that they aren’t banned is inconsistent with existing bans on land mines already. This inconsistency within international law makes the international legal system seem less credible, owing to contradictions as well as illustrating its weakness to the influence of the U.S. This makes it more difficult for countries to enforce the rules of the international legal system, such as preventing human rights violations because fewer countries will accept international law as being legitimate and will not agree to subject themselves to those rules.5 Cluster Bombs International Law Legal System Robustness Transparency U.S. Policy Political Power Law Relevance Land Mines Indiscriminate Damage Human Rights Violations Legal Credibility Enforcement International Rules Legal Legitimacy U.S. Influence International Community Ban Cluster Bombs Legal Inconsistency War Weapons Humanitarian Law Arms Control Treaty Compliance State Sovereignty Global Governance Legal Framework International Norms Peacekeeping Security Council Global Security Military Ethics Non-Proliferation Arms Regulation War Crimes Military Strategy cluster bombs international law legal inconsistency U.S. policy political influence land mines indiscriminate damage human rights violations legal credibility international enforcement legal robustness transparency international community legal legitimacy treaty compliance arms control humanitarian law military ethics war crimes disarmament conventions Cluster Bombs International Law Legal System Robustness Transparency Respect Countries States U.S. Ban Political Power Ignoring Law Irrelevance Inconsistency Dud Cluster Bombs Land Mines Indiscriminate Damage Existing Bans Credibility Contradictions Weakness Influence Enforcement Human Rights Violations Legitimacy Rules International Community Cluster bombs international law legal robustness transparency U.S. policy political influence international community land mines indiscriminate damage human rights violations legal credibility international rules legal inconsistencies enforcement difficulty international legitimacy Cluster Bombs International Law Legal Robustness Transparency U.S. Policy Political Influence Legal Credibility Land Mines Human Rights Violations International Enforcement Legal Legitimacy International Rules Military Ethics Humanitarian Law Arms Control Treaty Compliance State Sovereignty Global Governance War Crimes Diplomatic Relations cluster bombs international law legal system robust transparent U.S. political power ban inconsistency land mines indiscriminate damage credibility influence human rights violations enforcement legitimacy rules international community international law cluster bombs U.S. policy legal robustness transparency political influence land mines indiscriminate damage human rights legal credibility enforcement international community arms control humanitarian law treaty compliance global governance cluster bombs international law legal robustness transparency U.S. influence political power legal irrelevance dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate damage international credibility legal contradictions human rights violations legal legitimacy international enforcement Cluster bombs international law legal system robustness transparency U.S. refusal political power legal irrelevance dud cluster bombs land mines indiscriminate damage legal inconsistency credibility influence human rights violations enforcement legitimacy international rules cluster bombs international law U.S. policy legal inconsistency political influence land mines human rights violations international credibility enforcement difficulties legal transparency indiscriminate damage international community legal robustness ban resistance legal contradictions global acceptance international rules legitimacy challenges
test-economy-egecegphw-con03a	The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, The economic case for expansion does not add up  A study conducted by the NEF revealed that the cost of expansion will outweigh the benefits by at least £5billion. [1] London has six airports and seven runways meaning that London already has the best connections globally. Together, London airports have a greater number of flights to the world’s main business destinations than other European cities, despite serving less ‘leisure’ destinations than Paris’s airports. [2] The solution to making air travel efficient lies in increasing the size of planes and filling them up rather than running half empty flights on small planes, something which is particularly prevalent on short haul flights. Short haul flights could also be re-directed to alternative airports such as Gatwick, City airport, Luton and Stansted so as to free up more space at Heathrow.  The expansion case also assumes ever increasing numbers flying, yet passenger numbers dropped for the first time in the wake of the recession, [3] and eventually technology may reduce demand for business travel. There are also other restrictions aside from runway capacity that prevents more flights, for example the UK has an agreement with China that restricts the UK to 62 flights to China per week. [4]  [1] New Economics Foundation, ‘A new approach to re-evaluating Runway 3’, 19 April 2010,   [2] Stewart, John, ‘No economic case for expansion’, November 2011,   [3] Rutherford, Tom, “Air transport statistics’, House of Commons Library, 4 July 2011, SN/SG/3760, p.4 www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03760.pdf  [4] HACAN, ‘BAA challenged on claim that it is lack of runway capacity at Heathrow that is limiting flights to China’, airportwatch, 14 November 2012, economic case expansion costs NEF study London airports global connections business destinations flight efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights Heathrow passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel flight restrictions runway capacity UK-China agreement flight limits HACAN airportwatch BAA Heathrow capacity flight limitations economic case expansion NEF cost benefits London airports runways global connections business destinations leisure destinations air travel efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions economic case expansion NEF study cost-benefit London airports global connections business destinations leisure destinations plane size flight efficiency short haul alternative airports passenger numbers recession technology impact business travel runway capacity flight restrictions China agreement economic case expansion drawbacks NEF study cost-benefit analysis London airports international connections business destinations flight efficiency plane sizes passenger load short haul flights alternative airports Heathrow space economic trends post-recession impact technology influence business travel flight restrictions China agreement runway capacity HACAN report BAA claims economic case expansion NEF study cost outweighs benefits London airports global connections business destinations leisure destinations efficient air travel plane size filling planes half-empty flights short-haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions Heathrow Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted HACAN BAA China flights limitation economic case expansion NEF cost outweighs benefits London airports best connections business destinations flight efficiency larger planes short haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions HACAN BAA Heathrow economic evaluation air travel statistics economic case expansion NEF study cost benefits £5billion London airports six airports seven runways global connections business destinations European cities leisure destinations air travel efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights alternative airports Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted Heathrow passenger numbers recession technology business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions HACAN BAA airport capacity China flights economic case expansion NEF study cost outweighs benefits London airports global connections flight efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China flights restriction HACAN BAA claims Heathrow capacity economic case expansion NEF study cost-benefit analysis London airports global connections business destinations air travel efficiency plane size short haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact technology impact business travel runway capacity UK-China agreement flight restrictions Heathrow aviation policy economic impact environmental concerns sustainable aviation airport capacity flight distribution economic arguments aviation industry transport economics air traffic management airport expansion London's air transport aviation regulations international flights leisure travel economic research airport sustainability travel trends economic forecasts aviation technology policy implications economic case expansion costs NEF study London airports global connections business destinations flight efficiency plane size half-empty flights short-haul flights alternative airports passenger numbers recession impact business travel technology impact runway capacity flight restrictions China agreement UK flights HACAN BAA Heathrow Gatwick City airport Luton Stansted
test-law-umtlilhotac-con02a	Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights Open justice – crimes with large numbers of victims  The principle of open justice, including the right to a public trial [1] , is enshrined in many legal systems. The best show of commitment to open justice is to allow everyone to watch it, the best method of doing so is for the trial to be televised. This is all the more the case when the victims can't all be in court, either because of the numbers or because of the distance.  Television coverage will help bring the trial closer to the victims. International criminal trials regularly take place outside the location of the offences, either in The Netherlands such as the ICTY, ICC and Charles Taylor trial, or elsewhere, such as the ICTR sitting in Arusha, Tanzania. It would be helpful in terms of providing closure to the victims, who should be witnessing proceedings.  [1] See the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution, Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televising trials victim participation legal transparency international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights right to observe legal proceedings public access judicial proceedings remote viewing trial coverage victim rights legal principles international law judicial transparency media in trials legal reforms public interest legal ethics international justice human rights law legal protections courtroom technology digital access legal education public engagement judicial accountability legal systems legal philosophy open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha victim closure 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials victims' rights international criminal trials legal principles 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania closure for victims witness proceedings trial accessibility judicial transparency public scrutiny legal transparency open justice crimes with many victims public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR legal transparency 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights trial visibility victim closure remote trial observation open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania legal systems 6th Amendment US Constitution European Convention on Human Rights closure for victims trial accessibility judicial transparency public access to justice remote trial observation open justice crimes with large victims public trial televised trials victim presence international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha Tanzania trial coverage victim closure 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights open justice public trial televised trials victim participation legal transparency international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR Arusha closure for victims 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 European Convention on Human Rights legal rights judicial process crime victims public scrutiny legal procedures international law human rights judicial accountability media in trials public access to justice legal principles victim rights judicial transparency legal ethics legal systems international justice legal standards legal reforms judicial oversight public interest legal documentation legal provisions legal frameworks open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR 6th Amendment European Convention on Human Rights legal transparency public access judicial proceedings victim rights legal systems justice visibility closure for victims courtroom coverage trial broadcasting open justice public trial televising trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR victim closure legal transparency public access to justice constitutional rights human rights Article 6 ECHR 6th Amendment US Constitution open justice public trial televised trials victim participation international criminal trials ICTY ICC Charles Taylor trial ICTR 6th Amendment US Constitution Article 6 ECHR legal transparency public access judicial proceedings crime victims right to witness trial coverage legal rights human rights justice system legal principles public scrutiny legal broadcasting victim rights judicial transparency legal reform international law court television public interest legal ethics judicial process legal documentation legal education public awareness legal standards judicial accountability legal conventions victim support legal innovation justice accessibility
test-philosophy-apessghwba-pro04a	Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Some groups of people have less capacity for suffering than most animals  It is possible to conceive of human persons almost totally lacking in a capacity for suffering, or indeed a capacity to develop and possess interests. Take for example a person in a persistent vegetative state, or a person born with the most severe of cognitive impairments.  We can take three possible stances toward such persons within this debate. Firstly we could experiment on animals, but not such persons. This would be a morally inconsistent and specieist stance to adopt, and as such unsatisfactory. We could be morally consistent, and experiment on both animals and such persons. Common morality suggests that it would be abhorrent to conduct potentially painful medical research on the severely disabled, and so this stance seems equally unsatisfactory. Finally we could maintain moral consistency and avoid experimenting on the disabled, by adopting the stance of experimenting on neither group, thus prohibiting experimentation upon animals. [1]  [1] Fox, M. A., “The Moral Community”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering interests human persons animals medical research experimentation severely disabled ethics moral community prohibition Fox La Follette Ethics in Practice Blackwell Pub Malden Mass Oxford moral philosophy ethics animal rights human rights cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state moral consistency specieism medical experimentation disability ethics moral community ethical theory animal welfare human suffering capacity for suffering interests moral agents moral patients La Follette ethics in practice Fox moral debate moral stances animal testing disabled persons ethical dilemmas moral obligations animal experimentation human suffering cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state moral consistency specieism abhorrence medical research severely disabled moral community ethics prohibition animal rights human rights ethical debates moral philosophy bioethics capacity for suffering interests moral stance consistency specieist experimentation ethics disability ethics moral obligations animal welfare human welfare ethical theory moral agents moral patients moral status moral implications utilitarianism deontology virtue ethics ethical dilemmas moral relativism intrinsic value extrinsic value sentient beings animal experimentation moral consistency cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state specieism ethical treatment severely disabled medical research ethics moral community Fox's argument ethics in practice La Follette Blackwell Pub 2007 moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state medical research ethics animal experimentation human suffering capacity for suffering interests development moral stances severely disabled prohibition of experimentation ethical debate moral community moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering ethical experimentation medical research severely disabled moral community abhorrent practices animal experimentation human interests ethical dilemmas moral stances Fox's argument La Follette ethics Blackwell publication moral philosophy bioethics moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering interests medical research severely disabled ethical experimentation animals human persons moral debate prohibition of animal testing ethics in practice moral community La Follette Fox Blackwell Pub moral philosophy animal ethics human suffering cognitive impairment persistent vegetative state moral consistency speciesism medical research ethics experimentation on animals severely disabled moral community ethics in practice medical ethics human rights animal rights disability ethics philosophical ethics bioethics moral stance ethical debates suffering capacity interest capacity moral agents non-moral agents cognitive ability moral consideration disabled persons animal testing ethical dilemmas moral reasoning ethical theory human dignity moral status ethical principles utilitarianism deontology virtue ethics moral psychology ethical implications moral philosophy ethical treatment animal experimentation human rights cognitive impairment vegetative state moral consistency specieism medical research ethics disability rights moral community bioethics ethical dilemmas suffering capacity interest development moral stances experimental subjects ethical practice human experimentation animal welfare moral consistency specieism cognitive impairments persistent vegetative state capacity for suffering medical research ethics animal experimentation human experimentation severely disabled moral community ethics in practice La Follette Fox abhorrent practices moral stances prohibition of experimentation interests development human persons specieist stance
test-politics-cpegiepgh-pro04a	"Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Joining the Euro would reduce the cost of travel in Europe.  Before the arrival of the single currency, holiday makers would spend much money on preparing for the trip, before they had even bought a single souvenir or postcard; “travellers touring this fragmented continent could spend large amounts of their money simply changing it from one currency to another.”1 The loss incurred by currency conversion would be eliminated and accommodation abroad will also be cheaper and easier to book; “Joining the Euro will also make it cheaper to send money around Europe. Sending money to book a holiday cottage in another country with another currency can cost £40. Within Euroland, it would cost less than one Euro - much less than one pound.”2  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 102  2Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join"". page 103 Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation send money Euroland Britain joinEuro travel expenses financial benefits European travel currency exchange travel costs holiday costs booking costs travel preparation traveler's expenses Euro travel costs currency conversion holiday expenses accommodation booking sending money Euroland Britain joining Euro travel savings cross-border transactions Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking send money Euroland Britain join Browne 2001 The Euro Should Britain Join cost of travel currency conversion Euro adoption single currency benefits holiday expenses pre-trip costs fragmented currencies travel in Europe accommodation costs booking holidays sending money currency exchange fees Euroland travel economics financial savings European travel currency transaction costs travel financial impact Eurozone travel cost reduction travel Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking sending money holiday cottage Euroland Britain financial efficiency travel expenses currency exchange fees international transactions travel preparation Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join Euro single currency cost of travel Europe holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking send money Euroland Britain join Euro financial savings travel expenses currency exchange fees Euro travel costs currency conversion pre-trip expenses souvenir postcard holiday makers single currency fragmented continent accommodation costs booking currency exchange fees sending money holiday cottage Euroland financial transactions travel efficiency travel economy Britain Euro membership Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking send money Euroland Britain join economic benefits travel expenses financial transactions international travel currency exchange fees travel preparation reduced costs holiday budget economic integration European Union travel convenience financial efficiency cross-border payments travel bookings exchange rate travel economics financial savings eurozone currency stability travel industry consumer benefits travel planning currency management cost-effective travel travel expenditure currency fluctuation travel logistics monetary union travel costs currency conversion costs travel Euro cost of travel Europe single currency holiday makers currency conversion accommodation booking send money holiday cottage Euroland Britain join benefits travel expenses financial transactions currency exchange fees international payments economic integration travel costs currency fragmentation travel preparations financial costs currency exchange travel budget travel economy British economy European travel financial savings currency union tourist expenses European travel market travel industry currency policy economic policy travel expenditure international finance currency exchange rates travel costs reduction financial transactions costs travel convenience currency management travel booking Euro currency conversion travel cost holiday expenses accommodation booking sending money Euroland British perspective European travel financial savings"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-pro01a	"The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. The New START treaty will make for a safer world.  Reducing US and Russian nuclear weapons stockpiles makes for a safer world, as Dr. David Gushee states: ""The issue on the table is a nuclear arms reduction and verification treaty between the United States and Russia. The treaty, called New START, would reduce Russian and American deployed nuclear weapons to 1,550 and delivery vehicles to 700 each. This would be a 33 percent reduction in the existing arsenals, which is worth achieving and celebrating even as we know that countless cities and millions of precious human beings could be destroyed by the use of even part of the remaining arsenals. Still, these reductions would be a great step on the way to a safer world, as would the re-establishment of bilateral, intrusive verification measures for both sides, also part of the treaty."" [1]  The world is simply a much less secure place without New Start, and not just because New START means there are physically fewer nuclear weapons and thus a lesser chance of nuclear disasters (although this in itself is compelling). Rather, New START also has immense symbolic value, in demonstrating that the two greatest powers have enough in common and are interested enough in their mutual security that they can agree to deduce nuclear weapons together. It shows that these nations regard each other as partners for world peace, not as enemies.  The alternative world, without New START, would be one in which the mutual suspicion and animosity of the Cold War might continue. It is notable that Prime Minister Vladimir Putin said in an interview released in early December 2010 that Russia might be forced to build up its nuclear forces against the West if the United States fails to ratify the New START treaty. [2] The threat of Russia, or even the US, resuming nuclear build-ups is a frightening thought for both nations, for the world and for peace.  On top of its other benefits, New START is key to opening Russian nuclear weapons up for verification, which contributes to trust and peace. As former Secretaries of State Kissinger, Shultz, Eagleburger, Baker and Powell argue “the agreement emphasizes verification, providing a valuable window into Russia's nuclear arsenal. Since the original START expired last December, Russia has not been required to provide notifications about changes in its strategic nuclear arsenal, and the United States has been unable to conduct on-site inspections. Each day, America's understanding of Russia's arsenal has been degraded, and resources have been diverted from national security tasks to try to fill the gaps. Our military planners increasingly lack the best possible insight into Russia's activity with its strategic nuclear arsenal, making it more difficult to carry out their nuclear deterrent mission.” [3] Therefore New START should be supported as it represents a positive step for peace and cooperation in the world.  [1] Gushee, Dr David P. ""Security, Sin and Nuclear Weapons: A Christian Plea for the New START Treaty"". Huffington Post. 4 December 2010.   [2] Abdullaev, Nabi. “Putin Issues Warning on New START”. The Moscow Times. 2 December 2010.   [3] Kissinger, Henry A. ; Shultz, George P. ; Baker III, James A’ ; Eagleburger , Lawrence S. ; and Powell, Colin L. ""The Republican case for ratifying New START"". Washington Post. 2 December 2010. New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US-Russia relations nuclear weapons stockpiles global security bilateral cooperation Cold War mutual suspicion peace international diplomacy strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security mutual security Christian perspective political support treaty ratification nuclear deterrence military planning arms control non-proliferation disarmament international relations global stability political leadership public policy security studies international law nuclear policy strategic studies geopolitical analysis military strategy nuclear threat safety world peace international agreements diplomatic relations verification measures New START nuclear arms reduction verification treaty US Russia nuclear weapons deployed weapons delivery vehicles arsenals safer world mutual security bilateral intrusive verification Cold War mutual suspicion animosity nuclear build-ups world peace verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political support ratification bipartisan international relations nuclear policy global security disarmament arms control strategic stability non-proliferation New START nuclear weapons US Russia reduction verification treaty safer world Dr. David Gushee arsenals deployment security peace trust mutual suspicion Cold War Prime Minister Vladimir Putin nuclear build-ups former Secretaries of State military planners Washington Post Moscow Times Huffington Post New START treaty nuclear arms reduction verification treaty United States Russia deployed nuclear weapons delivery vehicles arsenals safer world mutual security bilateral verification symbolic value Cold War mutual suspicion nuclear build-ups global peace verification measures strategic nuclear arsenal national security Christian perspective political support Republican support international relations disarmament non-proliferation security policy diplomatic relations nuclear deterrence military planners 胰岛素抵抗 葡萄糖代谢 糖尿病风险 生活方式干预 健康饮食 体育活动 New START nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations verification measures mutual security Cold War nuclear build-up peace trust strategic nuclear arsenal on-site inspections national security military planning nuclear deterrent Christian perspective international cooperation global security disarmament non-proliferation bipartisan support treaty ratification New START nuclear arms reduction US-Russia relations bilateral verification global security peace treaty Cold War tensions mutual suspicion arms control strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear deterrence international cooperation non-proliferation nuclear weapons stockpiles verification measures world safety mutual security military planners national security Christian perspective political support treaty ratification disarmament strategic stability international peace nuclear safety verification inspections diplomatic relations global disarmament international treaties nuclear threat mutual distrust nuclear build-ups security assurance strategic insights treaty compliance peace advocacy political endorsement New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security verification measures bilateral trust Cold War tensions nuclear arms control international peace diplomatic cooperation strategic stability non-proliferation verification inspections nuclear deterrence national security military planning nuclear arsenal transparency arms reduction benefits global disarmament nuclear safety New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security verification measures mutual trust bilateral cooperation Cold War tensions peace initiatives military planners strategic nuclear arsenal Christian perspective political endorsement international stability arms control nuclear deterrent treaty ratification verification inspections national security global disarmament New START treaty nuclear weapons reduction US-Russian relations global security verification measures Cold War tensions mutual distrust bilateral agreements strategic nuclear arsenal verification inspections peace and cooperation nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political endorsements Putin warning Kissinger support New START nuclear weapons reduction US-Russia relations global security verification measures mutual trust peace Cold War tensions nuclear arms control international cooperation strategic stability non-proliferation military planners nuclear deterrent Christian perspective political support treaty ratification bilateral agreements nuclear arsenal transparency security policy international relations disarmament strategic nuclear forces verification inspections national security missile defense arms control treaty mutual security global peace nuclear threat treaty compliance international stability diplomatic relations nuclear strategy security studies political science public policy international law treaty negotiations"
test-law-ilppppghb-con01a	"What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. What matters are individual democratic rights, not necessarily collective self-determination.  Simply being a minority in a nation should not be enough to claim the right to self-determination. As long as people have democratic rights, such as the right to protest, to lobby and to vote , they enjoy the same rights and protections as those of the majority community in that country; there should be no obligation on the state to go further in granting them self-determination. For example, during the Franco era in Spain, minority nationalities such as Basques and Catalans were for a long time discriminated against and excluded from real political power, and backed political parties that explicitly represented their community. As their position in society has improved, however, so the hold of identity-based politics has loosened, and the pull of secession has weakened1.  1 Macko, Kalyna: ""The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation"", Salve Regina University, July 2011. democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights protest rights lobbying voting rights majority community state obligations secession identity-based politics minority nationalities Basques Catalans Franco era political power discrimination exclusion political representation social improvement secessionism Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University democratic rights minority rights self-determination collective rights individual rights political power secession identity-based politics Franco era Basques Catalans discrimination political representation voting rights protest rights lobbying rights majority community state obligations secession movements autonomy democratic protections social improvement political change regional identity national minorities Spain historical context political parties community representation political exclusion secessionist tendencies democratic guarantees regional nationalism political integration minority protections majority-minority relations democratic governance civic rights political participation ethnic groups minority political democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political power identity-based politics secession discrimination political representation social improvement secession weakening democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights majority community right to protest right to lobby right to vote political equality state obligations secession Basques Catalans Franco era Spain political discrimination identity-based politics secession movements democratic protections minority nationalities political representation historical context social improvement political power community identity secession weakening democratic governance minority protections political rights social change political dynamics national identity governance structures democratic participation political evolution minority inclusion political influence democratic freedoms political equality minority-majority relations democratic rights individual rights collective self-determination minority rights right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans discrimination political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights majority community right to protest right to vote political power identity-based politics secession Basques Catalans Franco era discrimination political representation societal improvement secession weakening democratic protections equality under law minority-majority relations democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights protest rights lobbying voting rights majority community state obligations self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights protest rights lobbying rights voting rights majority community state obligations self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans discrimination political power identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights nation-state right to protest right to lobby right to vote majority community state obligation self-determination Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political discrimination identity-based politics secession political power community representation social improvement political evolution democratic rights collective self-determination minority rights self-determination protest rights lobbying rights voting rights majority community state obligations Franco era Spain Basques Catalans political discrimination identity-based politics secession Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University"
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro01a	Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade is good for development and growth.  Free trade essentially removes barriers for companies to do business across countries and regions. This leads to competition between countries in those regions, and between companies and industries in those countries. It leads to the sharing of innovation, drives down the cost of production, and allows workers to move freely where their labour and skills are needed. This is good for all those involved in the transaction. It is good for companies, because they have more resources and markets at their disposal, good for consumers, because competition between companies drives down prices and drives the innovation that improves products, and it is good for workers, because they have greater opportunities to find employment for their labour and skills [1] .  [1] DanBen-David, Håkan Nordström, LAlanWinters. “Trade, Income Disparity and Poverty”. World Trade Organization. 1999. Free trade development growth barriers business competition countries regions innovation cost reduction labor mobility resources markets consumers prices product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty World Trade Organization Dan Ben-David Håkan Nordström L Alan Winters free trade development economic growth barrier removal international business company competition regional competition innovation sharing production cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefits price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization trade policies global economics international trade agreements economic integration trade liberalization workforce skills labor markets global competition economic welfare free trade barriers removal international business competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource expansion market access price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global economy trade benefits WTO Dan Ben-David Håkan Nordström LAlan Winters free trade economic development international commerce market access global competition innovation diffusion cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation market expansion consumer benefits price competition product improvement employment opportunities trade barriers income disparity poverty reduction World Trade Organization economic integration trade policies free trade development economic growth barriers removal international business competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource expansion market access consumer benefits price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global trade WTO DanBen-David Håkan Nordström LAlanWinters free trade economic development market expansion international competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility resource allocation consumer benefits price competition product improvement employment opportunities trade barriers economic growth income disparity poverty reduction free trade development economic growth barrier removal international business competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility consumer benefits price reduction product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction global markets resource access market expansion trade liberalization WTO DanBen-David Håkan Nordström LAlanWinters Trade Income Disparity and Poverty free trade development growth barriers competition innovation cost reduction labor mobility market expansion consumer benefits employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction international business economic integration trade policies global markets regulatory harmonization supply chain efficiency skill utilization free trade development growth barriers business competition countries regions innovation cost reduction labor mobility resources markets consumers prices product improvement employment opportunities income disparity poverty WTO DanBen-David Håkan Nordström LAlanWinters free trade development economic growth barriers removal international business competition innovation sharing cost reduction labor mobility consumer benefits employment opportunities income disparity poverty reduction market expansion global trade Dan Ben-David Håkan Nordström L Alan Winters World Trade Organization
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro03a	Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. Failure to reach global accord  The Kyoto Protocol failed to reduce global GHG emissions and in the midst of an economic crisis, world leaders were unable to even agree to a replacement treaty when it expired. There is no meaningful global emissions reduction treaty ready for ratification and no reason to be optimistic that one is forthcoming. The developing world believes it has a legitimate right to expand economically without emissions caps because the rich world is responsible for the vast majority of emissions over the last 200 years and per capita emissions in developing countries are still far lower than in the developed world. As such, developing countries will only agree to a global accord that pays for their emissions reductions/abatement. However, the developed world is unwilling to transfer wealth in exchange for a right to emit, particularly at a time when so many have large budget deficits 1. Given that the growth of annual emissions is being driven by developing countries, many developed countries (like the US) believe that any treaty that does not include developing countries (particularly China) would be fruitless.  1. The Economist, 'A bad climate for development', 17th September 2009. climate change global emissions Kyoto Protocol economic crisis world leaders emissions reduction treaty developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits US climate policy China emissions global accord climate development environmental policy global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps per capita emissions developed world wealth transfer emissions reductions abatement budget deficits annual emissions fruitless treaty US China The Economist climate development global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders emissions reduction treaty ratification optimism developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world emissions responsibility per capita emissions global accord conditions wealth transfer emissions reductions abatement developed world budget deficits annual emissions growth developed countries US China treaty inclusion global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis treaty replacement emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps per capita emissions wealth transfer emissions reductions budget deficits annual emissions growth developed countries US China climate policy international cooperation environmental agreements climate change mitigation global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps per capita emissions developed world emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits US treaty China global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world emissions caps rich world per capita emissions economic expansion emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless treaty failure global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders treaty emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world historical emissions per capita emissions emissions reductions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis treaty ratification emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions global emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless treaty global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis world leaders treaty replacement global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world emissions responsibility per capita emissions emissions reductions emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions growth developed countries US China climate development global accord Kyoto Protocol GHG emissions economic crisis replacement treaty global emissions reduction developing world economic expansion emissions caps rich world per capita emissions emissions reductions emissions abatement wealth transfer budget deficits annual emissions developed countries US China fruitless treaty climate change international cooperation environmental policy sustainable development economic development climate justice carbon footprint global warming environmental impact policy analysis international relations economic inequality environmental regulation climate negotiations global environmental governance climate finance green economy carbon pricing renewable energy emission trading pollution control climate
test-international-ehbfe-pro04a	The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. The federal model has proved to be a success previously  The success of federal states elsewhere in providing peace and prosperity for their citizens, alongside democratic safeguards, point to the advantages of pursuing this model in Europe. The USA, Australia and Canada provide standards of living for their citizens which most Europeans would envy, while federal India is the best example of a long-term democratic success in the developing world.  The application of the principles of federalism to the European social and environmental policy s the key to European success. The creation of the single market meant that much national regulation of social and environmental issues ceased to be effective: only a European approach at the same level as the regulation of business would be able to work. Otherwise, companies might simply transfer from one member state with a great deal of regulation in these areas to another member state with less. If what economists call “externalities” were not to go unaddressed altogether, European social and environmental policies became necessary. Therefore only federal unity can bring EU states closer together in order for them to work as successfully as others federal countries. federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities federal unity EU states work together federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India long-term democratic success developing world European social policy European environmental policy single market national regulation business regulation externalities EU states federal unity federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India long-term democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities federal unity EU states work successfully federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies transfer externalities EU states federal unity closer cooperation successful federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member states externalities federal unity EU states closer cooperation successful federal countries federal model success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India long-term democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation externalities federal unity EU states successful federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies member state externalities federal unity EU states work together federal countries federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation externalities EU states federal unity federal model success federal states peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation companies transfer member state externalities federal unity EU states work successfully federal countries federalism success peace prosperity democratic safeguards Europe USA Australia Canada standards of living federal India democratic success developing world European social policy environmental policy single market national regulation European approach business regulation externalities economic EU states federal unity cooperation effectiveness
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con02a	The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, The sort of information being kept and sold is legitimate for firms to utilize in this fashion  Personal information given to companies is dispersed into the public sphere in a limited fashion. Once placed into the hands of a firm it ceases to be any sort of absolutely protected private right (if it ever was), and is instead now within the sphere of the company with which the individual has opted to interact. It is the natural evolution of how people’s information informs the economic sphere. [1] With regard to selling that information on, it is clearly information the individual is willing to disclose in the realm of commerce so it should make little difference what commercial entity is in possession of the data, especially considering that the information is then only utilized to make their experience online more efficient and valuable. It is also important to consider the exact kinds of information conventionally revealed through the personal data mining efforts of firms. They rarely even access the true identity of the user, but rather make use of second-hand information gathered from search histories, cookies, etc. to generate a consumer profile the firm hopes reflects the preference map of the user. The individual's identity is not revealed in these most frequent cases and the information is usable through the impermeable intermediary of security settings, etc. Thus firms get information about users without ever being able to ascertain the actual identity of those individuals, protecting their individual privacy, if such is a concern. [2] For this reason it cannot be said that there is any true violation of privacy. All of these data-gathering efforts of companies reflect the continuation of firms’ age-old effort to better understand their clients in order to best cater to their desires.  [1] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010,   [2] Story, L. “AOL Brings Out the Penguins to Explain Ad Targeting”. New York Times. 3 September 2008, information personal firms utilized public sphere protected private right commerce commercial entity possession data efficient valuable true identity user second-hand search histories cookies consumer profile preference map security settings privacy violation data-gathering clients cater desires economics OECD ad targeting New York Times information personal firms utilization public sphere protected right commerce entity possession experience online efficient valuable identity user search histories cookies consumer profile preference map security settings privacy violation data gathering clients desires Acquisti OECD Story AOL Penguins Ad Targeting New York Times personal information data privacy consumer data information dispersal public sphere commercial entity data mining search histories cookies consumer profile preference map security settings privacy protection data gathering client understanding ad targeting economic sphere user identity firms' efforts information utilization online experience privacy violation personal data economic privacy Acquisti OECD Story New York Times AOL penguins age-old effort data privacy personal information commercial use information dispersal public sphere economic evolution consumer data online experience data mining consumer profiles search history cookies user identity security settings privacy protection data gathering client understanding economic data privacy economics ad targeting data privacy personal information commercial entities consumer profiling search histories cookies security settings privacy violation economic sphere user identity Acquisti OECD Story New York Times ad targeting economic privacy information dispersal public sphere consumer preferences data gathering client understanding information personal data privacy companies commerce data selling consumer profile economic sphere user experience security settings true identity data gathering client understanding Acquisti OECD AOL ad targeting New York Times information personal firms utilized public sphere protected private rights natural evolution economic selling commercial entity possession data experience online efficient valuable revealed personal data mining search histories cookies consumer profile preference map identity security settings violation privacy clients cater desires Acquisti economics privacy AOL ad targeting Story New York Times personal information companies public sphere privacy rights economic evolution commercial entities online experience personal data mining consumer profile user preferences identity protection security settings privacy violation client understanding ad targeting data gathering economic data privacy economics AOL New York Times information legitimate firms personal public protected privacy economic commerce data online efficient identity search histories cookies consumer profile preferences security settings violation understanding clients desires Acquisti OECD Story New York Times ad targeting legitimate information personal data public sphere protected privacy commercial entity online experience consumer profile search histories cookies security settings data gathering client understanding privacy economics ad targeting
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone countries negative domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland sudden nature capital outflow secure countries Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest payments rising interest rates budget deficit GDP increased fears financial support ECB Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investors cautious Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect investor caution capital flight secure Eurozone countries default speculation bond demand decrease interest rate rise budget deficit increase ECB financial support Germany support burden Eurozone financial stability Portugal default Spain default Italy default Ireland default Eurozone crisis economic shockwaves financial contagion Eurozone solidarity Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flow Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments interest rates budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone countries negative domino-effect shockwaves investor wariness Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flow Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland shockwaves investors capital flow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investors wary Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments interest rates budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con03a	“After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, “After three years, it is clear that President Obama’s budget-busting policies have not created jobs and have only added to our debt,”  The Obama administration has been profligate with taxpayers’ money, has failed to deal with the economic crisis and has increased the debt. His policies on health care show that he is more interested in controlling people’s lives than he is in encouraging enterprise and industry. It’s the same story that is always heard from Democrats; they say that they’re interested in encouraging business but instead all they really want to focus on is getting the government involved in as many areas of life as possible – especially in the running of the market. After three years in office Obama has done nothing to improve the life chances of the American people, growth and employment have stagnated, GDP growth has been under 1% per year while unemployment is up to 9.1% from 7.8%, [i] while regulation and taxation have blossomed.  [i] Kristol, William, ‘Weekly Standard: Obama No FDR ON Unemployment’, npr, 2 September 2011, President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis profligate spending healthcare policies government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement government involvement market regulation American life improvement GDP growth unemployment rate taxation regulation William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR FDR comparison 2011 economic conditions President Obama budget policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare reform government control enterprise encouragement market intervention GDP growth unemployment rates regulation increase taxation policies American economic stagnation political criticism Weekly Standard William Kristol NPR 2011 economic commentary President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policies government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement government involvement market regulation American people economic growth unemployment rate GDP growth taxation William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR unemployment statistics economic stagnation regulatory burden fiscal policy political commentary conservative criticism economic performance presidential administration public spending economic reform market intervention fiscal responsibility economic policy analysis political opposition economic indicators job market economic debate fiscal management government expenditure economic recovery public finance policy effectiveness Obama budget policies job creation failure increased national debt profligate spending economic crisis mismanagement healthcare policy control discouraging enterprise market intervention Democratic economic policies regulatory burden increase tax policy impact GDP growth stagnation unemployment rise American life chances decline Weekly Standard critique William Kristol commentary President Obama budget policies job creation national debt fiscal responsibility economic crisis healthcare reform government regulation market intervention economic growth unemployment rates GDP growth taxation William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR political commentary economic policy government spending enterprise encouragement market freedom Democratic policies life chances American people policy criticism economic stagnation regulation impact taxation impact political analysis fiscal conservatism economic ideology policy outcomes government role market dynamics economic performance employment statistics economic indicators political opposition fiscal policy economic philosophy government involvement market control business environment budget-busting policies job creation debt increase profligate spending economic crisis healthcare policies government control enterprise discouragement democratic policies market intervention life chances improvement GDP stagnation unemployment increase regulation expansion taxation increase Kristol criticism Obama-FDR comparison unemployment issues economic policy failure President Obama budget-busting policies job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare policy government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policy business encouragement government involvement market regulation American people economic growth unemployment GDP growth William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR policy criticism political commentary economic performance fiscal responsibility unemployment rate economic stagnation regulation taxation budget-busting job creation debt increase profligate spending economic crisis health care policy government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies market intervention life chances GDP growth unemployment rate regulation taxation Kristol Weekly Standard Obama FDR NPR budget jobs debt Obama administration economic crisis health care enterprise industry Democrats business government involvement market regulation taxation GDP growth unemployment policy weekly standard kristol npr 2011 budget-busting job creation national debt economic crisis healthcare reform government control enterprise encouragement Democratic policies business encouragement government involvement market regulation American people GDP growth unemployment rate regulation increase taxation increase political critique economic stagnation William Kristol Weekly Standard NPR
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro01a	Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality of opportunity between richer and poorer children  State education in some areas of the UK is continuing to fail, despite increased investment. This will allow those pupils who are currently locked into sub-standard state education access to the private schools enjoyed by their more privileged peers (because you can spend the vouchers anywhere). Even if private school fees can only be subsidised by the voucher scheme, most private schools are charitable organisations that do not run a profit, and so in the vast majority of circumstances the voucher will make private schools accessible to poorer families. Equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organisations profit accessible families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidized charitable organizations profit accessibility poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organisations profit accessible families equality of opportunity state education UK investment in education voucher scheme private schools poorer families charitable organizations education reform access to education social mobility educational vouchers funding for education public-private partnership in education equality opportunity children richer poorer state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidies charitable organizations profit accessibility poorer families equality of opportunity richer and poorer children state education UK increased investment sub-standard education private schools vouchers subsidised fees charitable organisations profit accessibility poorer families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidised charitable organizations profit accessible families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment pupils sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidized charitable organizations profit accessibility poor families equality opportunity richer poorer children state education UK investment sub-standard private schools vouchers subsidy charitable organisations profit accessibility families equality opportunity children richer poorer state education UK investment vouchers private schools access poverty charity subsidies education policy school funding social mobility equity in education educational vouchers public-private partnership
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con03a	The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, The state should not be allowed to intrude in such personal matters  Matters relating to how individuals conduct themselves in a private and consensual environment are arguably not the concern of the state. This extends to how people get married and within which tradition, religion or denomination. European states are increasingly allowing non-traditional marriages such as gay marriages [1] so not allowing arranged marriages for those who want them would be a perverse step backwards. Given that arranged marriages in themselves do not have any proven harms, and that, as it has already been asserted, the harmful side of arranged marriages, like forced marriages have already been outlawed, the state cannot keep regulating something with such an arbitrary and wide-ranging definition that includes so many consenting adults.  Were EU states to do this, the harm caused would risk infringing on the very rights of the people the proposition claims they are meant to be protecting in the first place.  [1] ‘Countries Where Gay Marriage Is Legal: Netherlands, Argentina & More, The Daily Beast, 9 May 2012, state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU regulations human rights consent tradition religion denomination legal marriage social norms personal freedom government intervention marital choice legal rights societal values cultural practices legislative impact individual rights public policy marriage laws European Union marital traditions legal recognition personal autonomy social regulation marital autonomy legal protection marital freedoms legislative boundaries cultural autonomy state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages legal rights EU states marital traditions religious denomination consensual relationships marriage laws individual freedoms government regulation human rights marriage equality legal protections cultural practices social norms marital choices legislative interference public policy civil liberties marital autonomy legal recognition marriage reform consent in marriage marriage diversity traditional values modern marriage legislative trends marriage rights societal acceptance marriage legislation legal marriage marriage definitions marriage policies marriage laws Europe marriage equity state intrusions personal matters private conduct individual rights marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU regulations consenting adults legal rights protection infringement human rights civil liberties marriage laws European Union Netherlands Argentina legal marriage cultural practices social norms personal freedoms state control personal choices marriage policies consent autonomy legislative interference individual autonomy legal protections marriage rights cultural traditions social policies legal definitions arbitrary regulations harm principle public policy personal relationships legal reforms marriage equality state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages arbitrary regulation consenting adults EU states infringement of rights legal protections marriage traditions religious denominations societal norms human rights legislative overreach marital autonomy cultural practices state personal matters individual conduct private environment consensual tradition religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages European states forced marriages outlawed harmful arbitrary wide-ranging definition consenting adults EU states rights infringement protection legal Netherlands Argentina state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment consensual activities marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages outlawed practices arbitrary regulation consenting adults EU states human rights legal protection gay marriage legality Netherlands Argentina state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages legal regulations consenting adults EU states human rights marriage traditions religion denomination social regulations public policy personal freedom privacy rights legal protection marital choices state intrusion personal matters individual conduct private environment non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages EU regulations individual rights consenting adults marriage traditions legal gay marriage European countries marriage laws personal freedom state regulation harmful practices arbitrary definitions human rights protection state intrusion personal matters private conduct consensual environment individual rights marriage traditions religion denomination non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages forced marriages legal regulation harm prevention EU states individual freedom human rights marriage laws societal norms cultural practices legal protections personal choice governmental overreach privacy rights marital autonomy legislative impact social evolution legal precedents international comparisons ethics morality public policy legal reform consent adult decision-making marital diversity cultural diversity legal standards human rights protections international law civil liberties democratic values state intrusion personal matters private conduct individual rights marriage traditions religion denomination European states non-traditional marriages gay marriages arranged marriages consensual relationships forced marriages legal regulation arbitrary definitions consenting adults EU policies human rights legal protection marriage laws social norms cultural practices personal freedoms legal reforms marriage equality
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con03a	Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, Nuclear waste should be reused to create more electricity.  There are new kinds of nuclear reactor such as ‘Integral Fast Reactors’, which can be powered by the waste from normal nuclear reactors (or from uranium the same as any other nuclear reactor). This means that the waste from other reactors or dismantled nuclear weapons could be used to power these new reactors. The Integral Fast Reactor extends the ability to produce energy roughly by a factor of 100. This would therefore be a very long term energy source. [1]  The waste at the end of the process is not nearly as much of a problem, as it is from current reactors. Because the IFR recycles the waste hundreds of times there is very much less waste remaining and what there is has a much shorter half-life, only tens of years rather than thousands. This makes storage for the remainder much more feasible, as there would be much less space required. [2]  [1] Till, Charles, ‘Nuclear Reaction Why DO Americans Fear Nuclear Power’, PBS,   [2] Monbiot, George, ‘We need to talk about Sellafield, and a nuclear solution that ticks all our boxes’, guardian.co.uk, 5 December 2011, nuclear waste electricity Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long term energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage space requirements Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power public perception energy solutions environmental impact radioactive waste management nuclear waste reused electricity Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactor uranium dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage space Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact sustainable energy advanced nuclear technology Nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactors uranium energy production long-term energy source waste recycling reduced waste shorter half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact advanced nuclear technology sustainable energy solutions waste management reactor efficiency public perception energy policy Nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage feasibility Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact sustainable energy solutions Nuclear waste electricity production Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power public perception energy efficiency environmental impact long-term sustainability recycled waste advanced reactor technology Nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste management half-life storage space nuclear power environmental impact sustainable energy Charles Till George Monbiot PBS guardian.co.uk Nuclear waste electricity Integral Fast Reactors nuclear reactors uranium energy production long-term energy reactor waste waste reduction half-life waste storage space requirement Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power public perception environmental impact sustainable energy advanced reactors recycled fuel safer waste shorter-lived isotopes energy efficiency nuclear technology future energy sources waste management solutions public opinion energy policy technological innovation environmental benefits safety improvements regulatory challenges economic viability climate change mitigation renewable energy complementarity Nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life waste storage Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power radiation environmental impact sustainable energy energy sustainability nuclear technology waste management IFR technology radioactivity energy efficiency recycling nuclear waste alternative energy sources nuclear safety public perception nuclear policy energy policy environmental policy carbon footprint climate change renewable energy energy security global energy crisis technological innovation advanced nuclear reactors nuclear proliferation nuclear Nuclear waste electricity generation Integral Fast Reactors uranium nuclear reactors dismantled nuclear weapons energy production long-term energy source waste reduction half-life storage feasibility Charles Till George Monbiot Sellafield nuclear power environmental impact sustainable energy radioactive waste management advanced reactor technology resource efficiency Nuclear waste Integral Fast Reactors uranium energy production long-term energy source radioactive waste half-life waste recycling nuclear power Sellafield environmental impact sustainability reactor technology advanced nuclear reactors nuclear materials energy efficiency waste management radiation non-proliferation nuclear policy
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro03a	It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, It harms the economies of developing world  The current model of CAP results in major oversupply of food and beverages. In 2008 the stockpiles of cereals rising to 717 810 tons while the surplus of wine was about 2.3 million hectolitres. [1] This excess of supply is then often sold to developing countries for prices so low that the local producers cannot cope with them. The low prices of European food can be attributed to the higher efficiency of producing food because of use of advanced technologies as well as the CAP. Agriculture makes a small fraction of GDP in Europe, but in developing countries of Africa or Asia it is entirely different with large numbers dependent on much smaller plots of land. Hence, the consequences of CAP and high production in the EU can be the rise of unemployment and decline of self-sufficiency of these affected countries.  [1] Castle, Stephen, ‘EU’s butter mountain is back’, The New York Times, 2 February 2009, CAP Common Agricultural Policy oversupply food beverages cereals wine stockpiles developing countries low prices European food advanced technologies GDP agriculture unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia economic impact food security exports subsidies trade agriculture efficiency small farmers market competition EU agriculture policy food surplus economic dependency rural development international trade farming economic harm agricultural production subsidies effect global food market food aid agricultural exports EU food policy developing world economies food imports local producers food prices trade imbalance agricultural CAP food surplus developing countries economic impact agricultural policy EU agriculture food prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency cereals wine surplus stockpiles advanced technologies GDP agriculture European Union trade subsidies market competition CAP Common Agricultural Policy developing countries economies food surplus cereals wine stockpiles low prices European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency EU butter mountain New York Times CAP Common Agricultural Policy oversupply food and beverages stockpiles cereals wine surplus developing countries low prices local producers European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia consequences EU production CAP developing countries food surplus cereals wine low prices European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency EU butter mountain New York Times 2008 Stephen Castle economic impact food and beverages stockpiles local producers trade agricultural policies global markets food security rural economy farm subsidies export dumping market distortion economic development poverty food aid policy reform international trade competitiveness agricultural production sustainability environmental impact resource allocation economic dependency food prices supply and demand market intervention CAP Common Agricultural Policy food surplus developing countries economic impact agricultural subsidies food prices local producers unemployment self-sufficiency cereal stockpiles wine surplus European agriculture GDP Africa Asia advanced technologies trade international markets food security policy reform EU production butter mountain New York Times Stephen Castle CAP Common Agricultural Policy food oversupply developing countries economy impact low prices European food exports local producers unemployment self-sufficiency agriculture GDP advanced technologies cereals wine stockpiles Africa Asia EU production butter mountain New York Times Stephen Castle CAP developing world economies oversupply food beverages cereals wine stockpiles low prices European food advanced technologies agriculture GDP unemployment self-sufficiency EU production subsistence farming trade impact food security export subsidies market distortion crop surpluses agricultural policy international development economic dependency rural poverty global trade food aid underdeveloped nations European Union agricultural efficiency developing countries economic harm food dumping trade competition agricultural exports economic development European agriculture food production developing economies agricultural subsidies food CAP agricultural policy food surplus developing countries economic impact cereal stockpiles wine surplus low prices local producers European agriculture advanced technologies GDP unemployment self-sufficiency Africa Asia butter mountain EU agriculture food security trade impact CAP food surplus developing countries agriculture economic impact oversupply cereals wine low prices European food advanced technologies unemployment self-sufficiency GDP Africa Asia land plots food security EU production trade effects
test-economy-egppphbcb-con01a	Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism leads to a more humane equal society  The gap between poor and rich countries has never been as great as it is today, Warren Buffet's wealth was estimated to be a net worth of approximately US$62 billion in 20081, this while one in seven people on earth goes to bed hungry every night and 6.54 million children die of starvation and malnutrition every year2. The absurd inequality between people's wages is because of the capitalist system, since the capitalist's only aim is to generate profit there is no reason to keep anything other than a minimum wage for the workers. In a globalized world, rich countries can outsource industries to poorer countries where workers will not expect so high a wage. The lower the wages a capitalist can pay to the labourers, the more profit he can generate. A capitalist does not care whether his labourers' living standards are good, acceptable or bad (although he does want to maintain a level where the labourers will not die or rebel), as long as they deliver the work for the lowest wage possible3. Therefore a company CEO can gain an absurd amount of money since he will reap all the profit made from all the labourers in his company while the lowest worker in the hierarchy will only earn enough to survive. The ordinary worker does not have a free choice whether he wants to work or not since he is at such an inferior bargaining position that he has to accept the capitalist's offer in order to survive. According to socialism this inequality is atrocious, it can by no means be justifiable that an ordinary labourer who works equally as hard, or harder than a CEO should struggle for his survival while the CEO lives in unimaginable luxury. In socialism, production and wages are directed to human needs, there is consequently no need to maximise profit and thus this gross inequality would be evened.4  1 The World?s Billionaires: #1 Warren Buffett. (2008, March). Forbes.  2 Hunger. (2011). World Food Programme. Retrieved June 7, 2011  3 Engels, Frederick. (2005). The principles of Communism. Marxist Internet Archive. Retrieved June 7, 2011  4 Marx, K. (n.d.). Critique of the Gotha Programme: I. Marxist Internet Archive. Socialism humane society wealth inequality capitalism profit maximization wage disparity global outsourcing labor exploitation CEO salaries worker's rights Marxist theory social justice economic equality human needs production distribution class struggle bargaining power survival wages communist principles Forbes billionaires World Food Programme Frederick Engels Karl Marx Critique of the Gotha Programme The principles of Communism Socialism humanitarianism economic equality wealth disparity global inequality capitalism profit maximization minimum wage labor exploitation globalization outsourcing CEO compensation worker rights social justice Marxist theory income inequality class struggle human needs production for use profit motive labor value capitalist system wealth distribution social reform economic systems fair wages worker exploitation economic philosophy social equity economic ethics worker conditions labor standards corporate responsibility economic fairness social welfare economic disparity income distribution economic inequality wealth concentration labor rights worker bargaining power economic exploitation social equality socialism equality capitalism wage gap global inequality poverty rich countries poor countries wealth distribution Warren Buffet hunger starvation malnutrition child mortality capitalist system profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing labor exploitation CEO salaries worker rights bargaining power human needs production Marx Engels Critique of the Gotha Programme The principles of Communism Forbes World Food Programme Marxist Internet Archive Socialism humane society wealth gap rich countries poor countries Warren Buffet net worth hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalist system profit minimum wage globalization outsourcing wage inequality living standards labor exploitation CEO salaries worker rights bargaining power social inequality Marxism human needs profit maximization economic justice Critique of the Gotha Programme The principles of Communism Socialism humane society wealth inequality global capitalism minimum wage outsourcing profit maximization worker exploitation capitalist system CEO compensation labor rights economic disparity social justice income inequality globalization worker conditions Marx Engels capitalist profit labor value socialist economics humane economy equitable distribution capitalist wages worker survival socio-economic inequality global wealth gap capitalist labor socialist production human needs profit motive economic exploitation social equality capitalist inequality socialist wage capitalist ethics worker bargaining power capitalist profits laborer survival capitalist luxury worker struggle income distribution socialism humane society wealth inequality global economic disparity Warren Buffet net worth poverty hunger child mortality capitalism profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing labor exploitation CEO compensation worker rights bargaining power social justice Marxist theory income distribution human needs profit motives economic equality labor conditions class struggle exploitation fair wages economic systems socio-economic inequality fair distribution economic ethics labor rights economic philosophy socioeconomic issues wealth distribution economic disparity welfare worker exploitation capitalist motives social equity economic fairness humane economics Capitalism socialism humane society equality wealth gap rich countries poor countries Warren Buffet net worth global hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalist system profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing wage inequality living standards labor exploitation CEO compensation worker survival bargaining power justifiable inequality human needs profit maximization Critique of the Gotha Programme The Principles of Communism Marxist theory socioeconomic inequality income distribution ethical economics worker rights economic justice class struggle capitalism critique wealth distribution social justice economic equality labor rights humanitarian issues Socialism humane society income inequality global wealth gap Warren Buffet net worth poverty hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalist system profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing wage disparity worker exploitation CEO compensation labor conditions bargaining power human needs production profit inequality communism Marxist theory Gotha Programme Engels Marx socialism humane society equality wealth gap rich countries poor countries Warren Buffet net worth global hunger child mortality malnutrition capitalism profit maximization minimum wage globalization outsourcing wage inequality CEO salaries worker exploitation bargaining power Marx Engels communist principles production for human needs social justice socialism capitalism inequality wealth distribution global economy worker rights corporate profits wage disparity poverty hunger child mortality economic systems labor conditions outsourcing worker exploitation humane society capitalist aims profit maximization living standards worker survival bargaining power Marxist theory social justice economic equality human needs production goals social welfare income inequality social critique capitalist system socialist principles wealth concentration economic disparity global capitalism labor market social policy economic philosophy worker benefits executive compensation social equity economic reforms fair wages economic growth income distribution
test-economy-fiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance health care access loans credit banking facilities poverty health education non-financial services income irregularities financial protection healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 household poverty microfinance schemes finance integration health services affordability microfinance health care access poverty loans banking facilities credit irregular income affordable health care microfinance institutions health education non-financial services healthcare systems Ghana Ofori-Adjei poverty protection financial inclusion health financing integrated healthcare microcredit public health economic empowerment microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking finance health education Ghana inaccessibility household non-financial services microfinance health care access poor communities financial inclusion banking facilities loans credit income irregularities health care affordability microfinance institutions healthcare integration Ghana poverty prevention non-financial services health education finance schemes Microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit health care services income irregularities finance affordability health education non-financial services health care loans microfinance institutions healthcare systems inaccessibility household poverty Ofori-Adjei 2007 financial protection integrated microfinance microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit microfinance institutions irregular income affordable health care health education non-financial services healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household poverty Ofori-Adjei 2007 financial protection integrated microfinance microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit income irregularities finance non-financial services health education Ghana Ofori-Adjei health care systems inaccessibility household poverty protection microfinance schemes microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit irregular income affordable health care microfinance institutions health education non-financial services healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility illness poverty protection Microfinance health care access loans credit banking facilities poverty affordability finance non-financial services health education integration healthcare systems protection inaccessibility Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 household ill health state of poverty schemes income irregularities microfinance health care loans credit banking facilities poverty income irregularities finance access health education Ghana inaccessibility household poverty non-financial services microfinance institutions health care services financial protection
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con02a	"Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. Returning to the 1967 borders would make war more likely.  The Foreign Minister of Israel, Avigdor Lieberman, said in 2009: “A return to the pre-1967 lines, with a Palestinian state in Judea and Samaria, would bring the conflict into Israel's borders. Establishing a Palestinian state will not bring an end to the conflict.” [1] This is why the American ambassador to the UN at the time of the 1967 war pointed out that “Israel's prior frontiers had proved to be notably insecure”, and American President Lyndon Johnson, shortly after the war, declared that Israel's return to its former lines would be “not a prescription for peace but for renewed hostilities.” Johnson advocated new 'recognized boundaries' that would provide ""security against terror, destruction, and war.” [2] An Israel that withdrew completely to the 1967 borders would offer a very tempting target, since it would be a narrow country with no strategic depth whose main population centres and strategic infrastructure would be within tactical range of forces deployed along the commanding heights of the West Bank. This would hurt Israel's ability to deter future attacks and thus make conflict in the region even more likely. This ability of Israel to deter aggressors is particularly important not only due to the region's history of aggression against Israel, but also due to the unpredictable future events in the highly volatile Middle East. There is no way, for example, to guarantee that Iraq will not evolve into a radical Shi'ite state that is dependent on Iran and hostile to Israel (indeed, King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of a hostile Shi'ite axis that could include Iran, Iraq, and Syria), nor that a Jordan's Palestinian majority might seize power in the state (leaving Israel to defend itself against a Palestinian state that stretches from Iraq to Kalkilya), nor that in the future, militant Islamic elements will not succeed in gaining control of the Egyptian regime. [3]  Given its narrow geographical dimensions, a future attack launched from the pre-1967 borders against Israel's nine-mile-wide waist could easily split the country in two. Especially seeing as Islamic militants throughout the Middle East are unlikely to be reconciled to Israel even by a withdrawal to the 1967 borders, such a withdrawal therefore would actually make peace in the region less likely and encourage war against Israel. [4]  [1] Lazaroff, Tovah. “Lieberman warns against '67 borders”. Jerusalem Post. 27 November 2009.   [2] Levin, Kenneth. “Peace Now: A 30-Year Fraud”. FrontPageMag.com. 5 September 2008.   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005.   [4] El-Khodary, Taghreed and Bronner, Ethan. “Hamas Fights Over Gaza’s Islamist Identity”. New York Times. 5 September 2009. 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict escalation American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility Iran Iraq Jordan Egypt Islamic militants geographical vulnerability Gaza Hamas 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict resolution American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility Iraq Iran Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt geographic dimensions Israel's waist peace Islamic militants Gaza Hamas 1967 borders Israel Palestinian state Avigdor Lieberman security Lyndon Johnson strategic depth Middle East King Abdullah Jordan Iran Egypt Islamic militants peace conflict deterrence Waist Defensible Borders Hamas Gaza Islamist Jerusalem Post FrontPageMag Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace New York Times 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security deterrence strategic depth narrow country volatile Middle East radical Shi'ite state Iran Jordan militant Islamic elements Egyptian regime geographical dimensions Israel's waist Islamic militants peace war defensible borders 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state pre-1967 lines conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security strategic depth deter aggressors Middle East volatility Iraq Iran Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt geographic dimensions Islamic militants peace Fraud Defensible Borders Lasting Peace Gaza Islamist Identity 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador to the UN Lyndon Johnson renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security strategic depth deter aggressors Middle East unpredictable future radical Shi'ite state King Abdullah Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt nine-mile-wide waist Islamic militants lasting peace defensible borders Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman pre-1967 lines Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security renewed hostilities strategic depth Israeli population centres strategic infrastructure tactical range West Bank deter aggressors Middle East volatility radical Shi'ite state Iran Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egyptian regime narrow geographical dimensions nine-mile-wide waist Islamic militants peace war Gaza Hamas 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria conflict resolution American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries security strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility Shi'ite axis Jordan militant Islam geographic vulnerability Hamas Gaza Islamist identity peace process defensible borders 1967 borders war likelihood Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state pre-1967 lines conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson renewed hostilities recognized boundaries security strategic depth deterrence Middle East volatility radical Shi'ite state Iran Jordan Palestinian majority militant Islamic elements Egypt geographical dimensions Israel Gaza Islamist identity 1967 borders Avigdor Lieberman Palestinian state Judea and Samaria pre-1967 lines conflict American ambassador UN Lyndon Johnson recognized boundaries strategic depth deter aggressors Middle East King Abdullah Jordan Shi'ite axis militant Islamic elements Egypt Israel security geographical dimensions Peace Now Defensible Borders Hamas Gaza Islamist identity"
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro04a	Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 Transparency prevents, or corrects, mistakes  Transparency is fundamental in making sure that mistakes don’t happen, or when they do that they are found and corrected quickly with appropriate accountability. This applies as much, if not more, to the security apparatus than other walks of life. In security mistakes are much more likely to be a matter of life and death than in most other walks of life. They are also likely to be costly; something the military and national security apparatus is particularly known for. [1] An audit of the Pentagon in 2011 found that the US Department of Defense wasted $70 billion over two years. [2] This kind of waste can only be corrected if it is found out about, and for that transparency is necessary.  [1] Schneier, Bruce, ‘Transparency and Accountability Don’t Hurt Security – They’re Crucial to It’, The Atlantic, 8 May 2012  [2] Schweizer, Peter, ‘Crony Capitalism Creeps Into the Defense Budget’, The Daily Beast, 22 May 2012 transparency accountability mistakes correction security life and death military national security waste Pentagon defense budget crony capitalism Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security life and death waste Pentagon audit Department of Defense Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security Pentagon waste audit life and death cost Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security waste Pentagon defense budget life and death Schneier Bruce The Atlantic Schweizer Peter The Daily Beast crony capitalism transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security Pentagon waste audit Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer life and death costly errors defense budget crony capitalism transparency accountability mistakes correction security life and death costly military national security waste Pentagon audit Department of Defense crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability security mistakes correction military national security waste Pentagon defense budget life and death audit Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism The Atlantic The Daily Beast transparency accountability mistakes correction security military national security waste Pentagon Department of Defense audit life and death costly errors Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability security mistakes corrections military national security Pentagon waste audit crony capitalism defense budget transparency accountability security mistakes correction military national security waste Pentagon defense budget life and death costly errors audit Bruce Schneier Peter Schweizer The Atlantic The Daily Beast
test-law-tahglcphsld-con02a	More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf More people will take drugs if they are legal  Considering that drug use has so many negative consequences, it would be disastrous to have it increase. However, the free availability of drugs once they are legal will make it far easier for individuals to buy and use them. In most cases, under 1% of the population of OECD countries regularly use illegal drugs; many more drink alcohol or smoke tobacco. [1] This must at least partly to do with the illegality. Indeed, in an Australian survey, 29% of those who had never used cannabis cited the illegality of the substance as their reason for never using the drug, while 19% of those who had ceased use of cannabis cited its illegality as their reason. [2]  [1] UN Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2009,   [2] NSW Bureau of Crime and Statistics, ‘Does Prohibition Deter Cannabis use?’, 23 August 2001,  $file/mr_cjb58.pdf drug legalization illegal drug use drug policy public health substance abuse social impact crime rates drug enforcement addiction rates economic impact youth drug use recreational drugs prescription drugs harm reduction drug regulation drug decriminalization societal attitudes legal consequences mental health physical health cultural norms drug availability user demographics legal substances prohibited substances legislative changes regulatory frameworks enforcement challenges public opinion survey data statistical analysis comparative studies international perspectives policy effectiveness unintended consequences legalized substances behavioral economics social psychology crime prevention health education substance misuse treatment drug legalization drug use consequences OECD drug statistics alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis illegality prohibition impact drug availability drug policy public health substance abuse illegal drugs legal drugs drug enforcement societal impact drug consumption trends substance use disorders harm reduction drug regulation mental health criminal justice system economic factors social factors cultural factors legal reform public opinion survey data research studies health risks addiction treatment options prevention strategies global drug trends policy analysis legislation ethics moral arguments public safety community well-being criminal behavior recreational drug use drug legalization drug use consequences illegal drug use drug availability OECD drug statistics alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use prohibition effects drug policy impact public health concerns drug enforcement effectiveness substance abuse prevention legal drug impact drug market dynamics user behavior analysis legislative impact on drug use drug regulation societal drug impact youth drug trends substance control measures health and social consequences drug-related crime addiction rates public opinion on drug laws drug education harm reduction strategies drug legalization drug use consequences free availability OECD drug statistics alcohol and tobacco comparison cannabis use reasons prohibition impact illegal drug deterrence drug policy impacts public health concerns drug legalization illegal drug use negative consequences increased drug availability population drug use statistics OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco smoking drug illegality impact cannabis use survey prohibition effects drug policy public health addiction rates legal regulation substance abuse social impact economic consequences crime rates health outcomes drug legalization illegal drug use negative consequences drug availability population usage rates OECD countries alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use prohibition effects survey responses drug policy legal repercussions substance abuse trends public health implications drug legalization drug use consequences OECD countries illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco smoking cannabis use drug prohibition survey statistics illegality impact drug availability public health substance abuse legal regulation drug policy social impact health economics addiction rates enforcement costs treatment accessibility drug legalization illegal drug use negative consequences drug availability OECD countries regular drug use alcohol consumption tobacco use cannabis illegality prohibition effects cannabis use survey findings drug policy public health substance abuse legal repercussions drug enforcement social impact legal drugs non-users reasoning drug legalization drug use consequences OECD drug statistics alcohol consumption tobacco use cannabis illegality drug survey prohibition impact cannabis use cessation legal drug availability drug use frequency population drug use illegal drug impact UNODC NSW BCSM drug legalization illicit drug use consequences of drug use OECD countries drug availability cannabis use illegal substance prohibition effectiveness drug policy public health concerns substance abuse legal drugs illegal drugs alcohol consumption tobacco use survey findings cannabis cessation drug laws societal impact health implications regulatory measures drug enforcement user behavior legal status substance control harm reduction recreational drug use policy implications drug trends population statistics substance regulation drug accessibility public opinion drug-related crimes addiction rates treatment options law enforcement drugeducation mental health issues socioeconomic factors international
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro01a	Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. Open source software is more adaptable to government needs.  Open source software starts from a completely different viewpoint of how products should be created. Rather than resembling a traditional hierarchical organisation (such as an early twentieth century business, an army or a monastic order) where everyone has their own clearly defined role and are told how to proceed by a top-down central authority, open-source software development is more like an open market where everyone is engaged in the same activity but come at it from different directions. [i]  Out of this cacophonous market, a more fluid product emerges. The basic advantage of open source software is that, as users can read, redistribute, and modify the source code for a piece of software, it evolves. This means that users and programmers can improve, adapt and fix the software at a much faster pace than Microsoft or another closed source developer can match. The highly collegiate culture in which contemporary approaches to coding evolved continues to create programmers who are naturally curious about the functions and features of new software. Open source software harnesses the wide range of ideas and methodologies that different coders use to writer software to refine and improve existing programmes. Open source software solicits a wide variety of solutions to particular coding problems; the more solutions that coders generate, the more likely it is that an optimal solution will be discovered.  Not only does the approach described above result in the creation of higher quality programmes, it also allows businesses and individual coders to easily adapt existing programmes to their needs. Monopolistic producers like Microsoft have an incentive to slow the pace of change, whereas the open source community will simply choose the best solution. In this way, open source software is more robust and more responsive to governments’ changing needs than closed source alternatives.  [i] Raymond, Eric. “The Cathedral and the Bazaar.” Cunningham & Cunningham. 18 February 2010. open source adaptable government needs software development hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code users programmers improve fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding refine coding problems optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change open source community robust responsive closed source alternatives open source adaptable government needs software development hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code redistribution modification evolve users programmers improve adapt fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change robust responsive closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software government needs adaptable product creation hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code redistribution modification evolve users programmers improvement adaptation fixing Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding software refinement coding problems optimal solutions higher quality programmes business adaptation individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change robustness responsiveness open source software adaptable government needs hierarchical organisation open market fluid product user modification source code rapid improvement programmer curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions high quality programmes business adaptation monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software closed source alternatives Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptable software development hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code users programmers improve adapt fix Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding methodologies solutions coding problems optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers pace of change robust responsive closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source software government needs adaptable product creation hierarchical organisation top-down central authority open market fluid product user engagement source code access rapid evolution Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding curiosity idea diversity optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programmes business adaptation individual coder monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software closed source alternatives cathedral and bazaar Eric Raymond open source software government needs adaptable product creation hierarchical organization open market fluid product source code read redistribute modify evolve users programmers improve adapt fix faster pace closed source collegiate culture coding functions features new software ideas methodologies coders write refine improve programmes solutions coding problems optimal solution higher quality programmes businesses individual coders monopolistic producers slow pace open source community robust responsive changing needs closed source alternatives cathedral and the bazaar Eric Raymond open source software government needs adaptable software hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code user modification programmer curiosity coding methodologies optimal solutions high quality programs business adaptation monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software closed source alternatives Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptable software product creation hierarchical organisation open market fluid product source code evolution user improvements programming culture coding methodologies optimal solutions coding problems higher quality programmes business adaptation monopolistic producers pace of change robust software closed source Eric Raymond Cathedral and the Bazaar open source government needs adaptable software product creation hierarchical organisation open market fluid product user modification source code faster evolution Microsoft closed source collegiate culture coding curiosity idea variety optimal solutions high quality programmes business adaptation monopolistic producers pace of change robust software responsive software cathedral and the bazaar
test-international-segiahbarr-con02a	Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 Majority of states are still undemocratic  While there is a lot of contention over government type, democracy is seen as an aspiration in Western eyes, and African dictators have a history of running brutal and corrupt regimes. In Africa the majority of states are still dictatorships. Only 25 of the 55 states are democratic, whilst the rest are authoritarian or hybrid regimes. These dictators are commonly associated with poor governance, which in turn can affect economic growth. Recent pictures of Robert Mugabe and his team of ministers asleep at an African-Arab economic summit demonstrate how little enthusiasm some of these leaders have for the progress of their country [1] .  [1] Moyo, ‘Mugabe and his ministers sleep through economic summit’, 2013 democracy authoritarian hybrid regimes African dictators poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab economic summit democracy aspiration Western perspective government types contention over governance brutal regimes corruption African states democratic states undemocratic states undemocratic states government types democracy aspiration Western perspective African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes African democracies authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic impact Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit leaders' disinterest economic progress democracy dictatorship African states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab economic summit undemocratic states government types democracy as aspiration Western perspective African dictatorships brutal regimes corrupt governance African states democratic countries authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers sleeping economic summit leadership enthusiasm country progress democracy undemocratic states African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab economic summit political aspiration Western perspective hybrid regimes authoritarian states economic summit political leaders country progress ministers sleep enthusiasm political inefficiency majority undemocratic states democracy aspiration Western African dictators brutal corrupt regimes dictatorships democratic authoritarian hybrid governance economic growth Robert Mugabe ministers asleep economic summit enthusiasm leaders progress country African politics democracy dictatorship governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit political apathy authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Western aspirations political contention state types African states democratic states undemocratic states poor governance political leadership economic progress African dictators brutal regimes corrupt regimes African dictators brutal regimes corrupt leadership democracy democratic states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes poor governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab economic summit political aspiration Western perspective state governance leadership enthusiasm country progress political systems governance impact economic summit attendance democracy dictatorship African states governance economic growth Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit democratic states authoritarian regimes hybrid regimes Western perspective government type political aspiration poor governance political leaders enthusiasm country progress political regimes contention political systems governmental structure leadership political development economic summit political behavior political apathy political representation governmental accountability political stability political reform international perception political freedom human rights civil liberties political participation electoral processes political transparency governmental corruption political accountability political leadership political engagement political responsiveness governmental efficiency democracy dictatorship authoritarian hybrid regimes African states government type Western perspective economic growth poor governance Robert Mugabe African-Arab summit political leadership corruption brutality democratic states undemocratic states political aspiration governance quality leadership enthusiasm summit attendance
test-politics-lghwdecm-con04a	Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors could split economic regions  The value of a mayor is dependent upon that mayor having a distinct area of control. However often this area is set too small. Cities are the hubs for neighbouring towns and countryside as well as the inner city. This could then end up splitting up economic regions. Birmingham and Coventry are very close to each other but at some point in the future could potentially have different city mayors. There would then be confusion; who runs regional transport policy or the West Midlands police that affects both cities? [1]  [1] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors economic regions area of control cities hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting up regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry executive mayor local governance urban planning regional cooperation policy coordination municipal boundaries political jurisdiction metropolitan areas city-regions governance structures administrative divisions intercity relations public services regional development mayoral authority local government urban sprawl integrated transport city management regional economics metropolitan governance city-state administrative regions political geography urban policy civic leadership regional administration city-state relations urban Mayors economic regions distinct area control cities hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors economic regions city control regional transport West Midlands urban governance metropolitan areas municipal leadership intercity cooperation local government regional development city mayors policy coordination urban-rural relationships metropolitan planning governance structures administrative boundaries regional collaboration public policy city management Mayors economic regions distinct area of control cities hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors economic regions distinct area control cities hubs neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors confusion regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor affordability governance urban planning political leadership regional cooperation metropolitan areas local government policy coordination administrative boundaries civic leadership municipal governance regional development public policy urban management regional integration governance structures metropolitan governance local politics city politics regional politics policy implementation administrative challenges urban economics metropolitan economics regional economics local governance metropolitan policy economic regions city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry executive mayor distinct area of control neighbouring towns countryside inner city split economic regions value of mayor confusion local governance regional coordination Mayors economic regions area of control cities neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting up regional transport policy West Midlands police Birmingham Coventry city mayors Steve McCabe executive mayor Birmingham Mail mayors economic regions city control regional transport west midlands birmingham coventry regional policy executive mayor urban governance local government metropolitan areas city mayors economic development political geography governance structures metropolitan planning inter-city cooperation regional coordination urban-rural relations Mayors economic regions city control regional transport West Midlands Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional policy police governance Mayors economic regions area of control cities neighbouring towns countryside inner city splitting economic regions Birmingham Coventry city mayors regional transport policy West Midlands police executive mayor Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con03a	Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. Even within the United States people speak English differently  Even within the United States people speak many different dialects. From Boston to New York to the rural South, accents and diversity within the English language express the exact same types of historical, cultural, and even political traditions that those pushing English find so horrifying if made in another language.  It would be hard to set a standard for what is English, and ignore the fact that Americans have long used linguistic differences as a sign of identity. It therefore makes no sense to try to paper over these linguistic differences by imposing English as an official language; rather the diversity of languages and dialects should be celebrated. United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions identity official language linguistic differences celebrate diversity United States English dialects accents cultural diversity linguistic identity official language language policy linguistic differences regional accents American English language diversity cultural traditions political traditions linguistic variation language celebration language imposition United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions identity official language language diversity celebration of languages American English regional accents regional dialects language imposition linguistic identity cultural identity political identity linguistic differences linguistic variation language standardization language policy multilingualism language and culture language and politics language and identity regional languages American dialectology sociolinguistics language and society linguistic sociology language variation language and history historical linguistics American linguistics language attitudes language and diversity linguistic nationalism linguistic plural United States English dialects regional accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions linguistic identity official language language variation celebrating diversity language policy American English dialectal differences linguistic standardization cultural heritage United States English dialects accents diversity linguistic differences cultural traditions political traditions identity official language language policy multilingualism language diversity celebration of languages English language complexity regional variations linguistic heritage American identity language and culture language and politics United States English dialects linguistic diversity cultural identity regional accents official language linguistic differences identity marker language standardization celebrate diversity United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions Boston New York rural South identity official language linguistic differences celebrate diversity United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions identity official language celebrate diversity language standards American English regional variations language policy multilingualism linguistic identity heritage languages language variation sociolinguistics language and culture language and politics linguistic diversity dialects accents cultural traditions political traditions official language identity linguistic differences celebration of languages American English regional accents language policy linguistic identity multilingualism language standardization language and culture language and politics United States English dialects accents linguistic diversity cultural traditions political traditions identity official language language policy linguistic differences multilingualism language celebration
test-law-tahglcphsld-con03a	Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. Drugs will either be too cheap or too expensive  Low prices for drugs will hugely increase consumption of drugs, amongst all groups - addicts, previously casual users, and those who were not previously users. If drug provision is strictly regulated, an illegal black market may remain. drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption drug regulation black market drug policy substance abuse pharmaceutical economics illicit drugs drug availability health economics addiction user behavior economic impact market dynamics drug control affordability crisis regulatory compliance substance misuse public health drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption price elasticity drug regulation black market substance abuse illicit drugs pharmacoeconomics drug policy public health addiction treatment drug pricing drug consumption drug regulation black market affordability addiction user behavior pharmaceutical economics controlled substances market dynamics substance abuse policy impact health economics illicit trade drug availability public health socioeconomic factors drug laws enforcement treatment options drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption low drug prices increased drug use drug regulation black market drug policy controlled substances addiction casual drug use new drug users drug pricing affordability consumption rates user groups addiction casual use non-users black market regulation illegal trade drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption drug regulation black market drug policy drug availability drug use recreational drug use addiction substance abuse public health economics of drugs controlled substances illegal drugs pharmaceuticals drug enforcement market regulation health economics substance control drug pricing drug consumption drug regulation black market price elasticity drug abuse substance use disorder public health policy economic impact of drugs illegal drug trade drug pricing drug consumption drug regulation black market affordability drug policy substance abuse pharmaceutical economics controlled substances addict behavior casual users non-users market dynamics illegal drugs prescription drugs drug availability public health economic impact policy impact drug enforcement drug pricing drug affordability drug consumption drug regulation black market drug policy substance abuse pharmaceutical economics public health drug enforcement drug pricing affordability drug consumption addiction casual users non-users black market regulation pharmaceutical economics drug policy public health substance abuse
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con01a	Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Source of trade  Natural resources are a source of economic revenue for Africa. If managed well then this can become a genuine source of prosperity. Africa does not currently have developed secondary and tertiary sectors yet [1] , most of the continent’s economics surrounds primary sector activity such as resource extraction and farming. The high commodity price of items such as gold, diamonds and uranium is therefore valuable for Africa’s trade. Profits from this trade have allowed countries to strengthen their economic position by reducing debt and accumulating external reserves, a prime example of this being Nigeria.  [1] Maritz,J. ‘Manufacturing: Can Africa become the next China?’ How We Made Africa 24 May 2011 Africa natural resources economic revenue prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming gold diamonds uranium commodity prices trade debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sector tertiary sector Maritz How We Made Africa Africa natural resources economic revenue prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing Maritz How We Made Africa Natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity price gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing secondary sectors tertiary sectors Africa natural resources economic revenue prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits debt reduction external reserves Nigeria manufacturing economic position Maritz How We Made Africa Africa natural resources economic revenue prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sector tertiary sector manufacturing economic development Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade reducing debt external reserves Nigeria manufacturing economic position Africa's trade Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade profits debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sector tertiary sector manufacturing economic development Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sectors tertiary sectors manufacturing Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sectors tertiary sectors manufacturing Maritz How We Made Africa natural resources economic revenue Africa prosperity primary sector resource extraction farming commodity prices gold diamonds uranium trade economic position debt reduction external reserves Nigeria secondary sectors tertiary sectors manufacturing China
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con03a	"Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 Any changes in advertising should come from businesses themselves rather than through banning.  Banning requires a legal framework and enforcement mechanism. External organizations interfere with the ability of business to conduct business. Should the social cultural environment change, businesses are likely to respond to the attitudes of their consumers. A recent change in the California Milk Board's website occurred due to public pressure.1 Social corporate responsibility is another possibility which business could embrace if changing social attitudes develop.2Banning is a repressive method which interferes with competition. Self determined methods should be allowed to competitors in the economic marketplace. Therefore, any changes in advertising should come from the business community rather than through banning. 1 Kumar, Sheila. ""Milk Board Alters Sexist PMS-Themed Ad Campaign."" The Huffington Post. 2011/July 22. 2 Skibola, Nicole. ""Gender and Ethics in Advertising: The New CSR."" Forbes.com. 2011/August 4 advertising businesses banning legal framework enforcement external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition self-determined methods economic marketplace sexist ads CSR advertising businesses self-regulation banning legal framework enforcement external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace repressive method self-determined methods Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola business self-regulation advertising ethics consumer influence social responsibility legal framework market competition corporate ethics public pressure banning advertising self-determined methods social attitudes economic marketplace gender ethics corporate social responsibility advertising changes business self-regulation legal enforcement social cultural impact consumer attitudes corporate social responsibility competition interference self-determined methods economic marketplace public pressure gender ethics advertising bans repressive methods economic competition business community regulatory alternatives self-regulation benefits external interference legal framework market response advertising business changes banning legal framework enforcement mechanism external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition self-determined methods economic marketplace sexist advertising PMS-themed ads gender ethics CSR advertising changes business initiative legal framework enforcement mechanism external interference consumer attitudes social cultural environment public pressure California Milk Board social corporate responsibility competition repressive methods self-determined methods economic marketplace Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola advertising ethics gender issues corporate ethics advertising businesses banning legal framework enforcement external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods sexist ads CSR gender ethics advertising businesses banning legal framework enforcement external organizations social cultural environment consumer attitudes California Milk Board website change public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods repressive method Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola gender ethics advertising changes advertising businesses self-regulation banning legal framework enforcement external organizations consumer attitudes social cultural environment California Milk Board public pressure social corporate responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods repressive methods Sheila Kumar Nicole Skibola business self-regulation legal framework enforcement mechanism social cultural environment consumer attitudes corporate social responsibility competition economic marketplace self-determined methods advertising standards public pressure sexist advertising gender ethics"
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro01a	Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, Personality politics is harmful to the democratic process  Celebrity involvement in the political process may increase the extent to which politicians need to court media attention in order to promote their policies.  Many people get their political information from ‘soft-news’ outlets [1] , i.e. entertainment channels and magazines that often focus on ‘celebrity gossip’. Shows such as Oprah Winfrey get millions of viewers many of whom don’t get news through other mediums and although soft news is the preferred format for a minority (10.2%) for a great many more it is in their top three. [2] The involvement of celebrities in the political sphere increases the power of “soft-news” over the political process: due to the wide reach of “soft-news” it is not possible to counter its effects using narrow-reach opinion pieces and policy analysis. Rather, politicians are forced either to package their ideas in a way acceptable to these magazines and talk shows (i.e. reduce the analysis; ‘dumb down’), for example Obama in 2009 became the first sitting president to appear on a late night comedy show; Tonight Show with Jay Leno, [3] or to counter attack by seeking celebrity endorsement of their own.  This makes political debate increasingly shallow, and voters’ decisions correspondingly less well-informed. The harmful impacts upon our democratic process are two-fold: first, voters being less informed means they are less likely to truly be voting in a way that is aligned with their best interests or political beliefs; second, the debate is skewed towards ideas that can be conveyed in short ‘sound-bites’ and away from ideas that require more complicated discussion.  [1] Drezner, Daniel W., ‘Foreign Policy Goes Glam’, The National Interest, Nov./Dec. 2007,   [2] Prior, Markus, ‘Any Good News in Soft News? The Impact of Soft News Preferences on Political Knowledge’, Political Communication, Vol. 20, 2003, pp.149-171, p.151   [3] Baum, Matthew A., and Jamison, Angela, ‘Soft News and the four Oprah effects’, November 2011, personality politics harmful democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey viewers political information news sources soft-news political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas late night comedy show Tonight Show Jay Leno Obama celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters decisions well-informed democratic process voter interests political beliefs sound-bites complicated discussion Drezner Foreign Policy National Interest Prior Markus Political Communication personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement media attention political policies soft news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information viewers late night comedy show narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis political debate shallow political debate voter decisions less informed voters sound-bites complicated discussion voting alignment political beliefs soft news preferences political knowledge Oprah Winfrey Tonight Show Jay Leno Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Daniel Drezner Markus Prior Personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news sources soft-news impact political process narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis political packaging dumb down late night comedy Tonight Show Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voter decisions well-informed democratic process voter interests political beliefs sound-bites complicated discussion Daniel W. Drezner Foreign Policy Glam Markus Prior Any Good News Soft News Matthew A. personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news mediums soft news minority top three political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters’ decisions less informed democratic process aligned interests political beliefs debate sound-bites complicated discussion Personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news mediums soft news political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis packaging ideas political debate shallow voters informed democratic process sound-bites complicated discussion Drezner Daniel W. Foreign Policy Goes Glam The National Interest Prior Markus Any Good News in Soft News Political Communication Baum Matthew A. Jamison Angela Soft News and the four Oprah effects personality politics harmful democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information soft news preferred format minority viewings opinion pieces policy analysis narrow reach wide reach late night comedy dumb down Obama Tonight Show Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters informed democratic process sound-bites complicated discussion voter alignment political beliefs Drezner Foreign Policy Goes Glam The National Interest Prior Any Good News in Soft News Political Communication Baum personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policy promotion soft news entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information soft news outlets viewership news consumption political sphere wide reach narrow-reach opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show political debate shallow debate voter decisions informed voting best interests political beliefs sound bites complicated discussion informed electorate media influence political engagement celebrity endorsement Oprah Winfrey Tonight Show Jay Leno Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Daniel Drezner Markus Prior personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policy promotion soft news entertainment channels celebrity gossip political information viewership political engagement late night comedy political debate sound bites informed voting political beliefs democratic impact media influence political knowledge soft news preferences late night shows political skew public opinion media packaging political soundbites celebrity endorsement political shallowness voter decision making democratic health media consumption political communication soft news impact political awareness entertainment media political influence media reach political messaging news formats political Personality politics democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policy promotion soft-news outlets entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip political information Oprah Winfrey viewers news mediums soft news minority opinion pieces policy analysis narrow-reach late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno celebrity endorsement political debate shallow voters informed decisions democratic process sound-bites complicated discussion foreign policy soft news political knowledge Matthew Baum Angela Jamison Daniel Drezner Markus Prior personality politics harmful democratic process celebrity involvement political process media attention policies soft-news entertainment channels magazines celebrity gossip Oprah Winfrey news consumption opinion pieces policy analysis late night comedy show Tonight Show with Jay Leno political debate sound-bites informed voting voter decision-making democratic impact media influence political information narrow-reach wide reach less informed voters political beliefs public interest political skew complex discussion entertainment media political engagement media packaging political campaigns celebrity endorsement voter education political communication soft news preferences political
test-international-gsciidffe-con01a	"The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 The international system is based on equality and non-interference  Relations between states are based upon “the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] Without such rules the bigger, richer, states would be able to pray on the weaker ones. This cannot simply be put aside because one state does not like how the other state runs its own internal affairs. The United Nations has gone so far as to explicitly state “all peoples have the right, freely and without external interference, to determine their political status and to pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” [3] Circumventing censorship would clearly be another power attempting to impose its own ideas of political cultural and social development.  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945,   [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),   [3] UN General Assembly, “Respect for the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of States in their electoral processes”, 18 December 1990, A/RES/45/151 international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory rules bigger states weaker states UN right self-determination political status economic development social development cultural development external interference censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas national sovereignty electoral processes respect principles international law state sovereignty intervention international relations non-intervention principle state autonomy governance international norms UN General Assembly international community global governance state integrity international security legal framework international cooperation state rights international international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory rules bigger states weaker states UN peoples rights political status economic development social development cultural development external interference censorship political cultural social sovereignty national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Article 2 Charter of the United Nations Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy A/RES/45/151 international system equality non-interference state relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory big states small states intervention external interference political status economic development social development cultural development censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas national sovereignty electoral processes sovereign equality non-interference UN Charter international law state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction legitimate authority international relations state autonomy political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Philpott Dan political philosophy legal principles international systems governance jurisdiction state rights international community global politics international norms UN resolutions moral rights state intervention domestic affairs international ethics global governance state duties international cooperation UN principles state responsibilities international security state borders political self-determination cultural sovereign equality non-intervention UN Charter state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction international law political independence economic development social development cultural development national sovereignty electoral processes international relations legitimacy government authority territorial integrity power imbalance state autonomy external interference political status human rights self-determination censorship political development cultural norms social norms international security global governance state rights international norms legal principles UN resolutions state responsibilities international community global stability peace non-interference principle state integrity internal affairs political autonomy social autonomy cultural autonomy international system equality non-interference relations between states sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory rules bigger states weaker states UN principles political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes circumventing censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas international system equality non-interference relations sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction government authority territory bigger states richer states weaker states political status economic development social development cultural development external interference electoral processes national sovereignty circumventing censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy sovereignty state intervention internal affairs member states UN principles legal norms international relations state autonomy self-determination human rights global governance international law state sovereignty non-intervention international community international system equality non-interference sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority state sovereignty political status economic development social development cultural development external interference national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Article 2 Charter of the United Nations Dan Philpott Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy A/RES/45/151 circumventing censorship international system equality non-interference relations states sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory bigger states weaker states political status economic development social development cultural development external interference censorship political ideas cultural ideas social ideas national sovereignty electoral processes UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy sovereignty international system equality non-interference sovereign equality UN Charter domestic jurisdiction supreme authority territory bigger states weaker states external interference political status economic development social development cultural development national sovereignty electoral processes circumventing censorship political affairs cultural affairs social affairs international relations state sovereignty non-intervention United Nations international law state rights international norms global governance international community state jurisdiction state power international cooperation state autonomy foreign intervention state integrity international stability state independence international security state control internal affairs external affairs international"
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con01a	Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio just gives a megaphone to extremists.  Experience suggests that the airwaves, unregulated, tend to attract pedagogues seeking followers more than democrats seeking the views of others. Particularly in areas of high sectarian divisions, technologies that propagate the views of every mullah with a mic are unlikely to help democracy in the middle east. Indeed the experience with the nearest equivalent in the US, talk radio, shows how fantastically divisive it can be. [i]  Community radio in areas that do not have a history of plurality and diversity of opinion would be likely to see the spread of radio stations pandering to the specific views of every shard and splinter of opinion, reinforcing that particular set of beliefs while ignoring all others – it is difficult to imagine a more toxic – and less democratic – option to encourage in the Arab world [ii] .  The difficulty, as shown in the reference given in the previous paragraph, is that exactly the same ease of access applies to fanatics as to democrats – who may, frequently, be the same people. In the instance of Rwanda, extremists inciting violence (almost entirely Hutus) had acquired small scale radio equipment. The government couldn’t afford the jamming equipment (the US jamming flights would cost $8500 per hour) and sought assistance from the Americans. The UN objected as such actions were clearly sectarian. However, the wide use of Radio – initially funded by the West – which, in part at least had lead to the genocide then left a toxic legacy of fanatics dominating the airwaves, those involved were eventually convicted in 2003. [iii]  [i] Noriega, Chin A, and Iribarren, Francisco Javier, ‘Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio’, Chicano Studies Research Center, November 2011.  [ii] Wisner, Frank G., ‘Memorandum for deputy assistant to the president for national security affairs, national security council, Department of Defense, 5 May 1994.  [iii] Smith, Russell, ‘The impact of hate media in Rwanda’, BBC News, 3 December 2003.  Dale, Alexander C., ‘Countering hate messages that lead to violence: The United Nations’s chapter VII authority to use radio jamming to halt incendiary broadcasts’, Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law, Vol 11. 2001. Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions Middle East democracy US talk radio divisive plurality diversity opinion marginalized views reinforcing beliefs toxic Arab world fanatics democrats Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio UN radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues democrats sectarian divisions mullah mic democracy Middle East US talk radio divisive plurality diversity of opinion radio stations splinter opinions toxic less democratic Arab world ease of access fanatics Rwanda small scale radio equipment government jamming equipment US jamming flights UN sectarian Radio genocide hate speech commercial talk radio hate media United Nations chapter VII radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs democracy middle east us talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion toxic rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio radio jamming un objection hate media incendiary broadcasts violence chapter VII authority united nations community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs democracy middle east US talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion shard and splinter opinions toxic legacy Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio UN objections radio jamming incendiary broadcasts chapter VII authority hate messages violence community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity toxic legacy fanatics Rwanda hate speech incitement violence radio jamming United Nations Chapter VII Duke Journal Comparative & International Law Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions middle east democracy US talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion radio stations specific views reinforcing beliefs toxic democracy Arab world ease of access fanatics democrats Rwanda violence incitement Hutus radio jamming US assistance UN objections genocide toxic legacy hate speech commercial talk radio Dale Alexander C. United Nations chapter VII incendiary broadcasts Smith Russell Wisner Frank G. Noriega Chin A Iribarren Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves sectarian divisions middle east talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity of opinion reinforcement of beliefs toxic influence less democratic Arab world ease of access fanatics democrats Rwanda violence incitement radio equipment government intervention UN objection hate media genocide convicted hate speech commercial talk radio national security radio jamming incendiary broadcasts United Nations chapter VII authority countering hate messages violence prevention Community radio extremism unregulated airwaves pedagogues democrats sectarian divisions Middle East US talk radio divisiveness Arab world plurality diversity of opinion radio stations specific views reinforcing beliefs toxic legacy Rwanda genocide hate speech commercial talk radio hate media United Nations radio jamming incendiary broadcasts violence community radio extremism sectarian divisions democracy Middle East US talk radio divisiveness Rwanda hate speech genocide radio jamming United Nations incendiary broadcasts hate media violence plurality diversity of opinion toxic legacy fanatics democrats Hutus Tutsis jamming equipment international law broadcasting regulation Community radio extremists unregulated airwaves pedagogues sectarian divisions mullahs democracy Middle East talk radio divisiveness plurality diversity Rwanda genocide hate speech incitement violence radio jamming UN chapter VII Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law BBC News Frank G. Wisner Alexander C. Dale Noriega Chin A Iribarren Francisco Javier
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con03a	Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: Exacerbation of poor conditions  Terrorism creates a perpetual situation of poverty and anxiety within the community. Terrorism creates an unsafe situation for the local community, which has several consequences: firstly, people are less able to continue their daily actions, such as going to work or school of they are afraid of attacks. Secondly, people are less likely to save or to take risks such as setting up a business when they are uncertain about the their future. Thirdly, international companies are less likely to set up business in a location which is seen as unstable, and with the local market which has little to spend. This all lead to a continuation of poor conditions where many people live in poverty and anxiety, and see little opportunity than continuing the violence themselves. In Northern Ireland, the political violence which is present, combined with the high rates of poverty, creates a vicious circle where the unstable situation is continued. [1]  [1] Horgan, G. (2011, July 12). Equality of misery? Poverty and political violence in Northern Ireland. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Politico: terrorism poverty anxiety unsafe situation daily actions work school attacks saving business risks international companies unstable location local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates of poverty vicious circle equality of misery Horgan 2011 Politico terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks save risks business future international companies local market poor conditions opportunity violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality misery Horgan Politico Terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks saving business risks uncertainty international companies local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high poverty rates vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan G Politico July 12 2011 August 3 2011 terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe situation daily actions work school attacks saving business risks uncertainty future international companies unstable location local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates of poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan poverty terrorism community anxiety work school attacks saving business international companies local market political violence Northern Ireland vicious circle equality of misery Horgan Terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe situation daily actions work school attacks saving risks business international companies unstable location local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence poverty rates vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery poverty anxiety community terrorism unsafe daily actions work school attacks uncertainty future save risks business international companies unstable local market poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery poverty and political violence terrorism poverty community anxiety unsafe conditions daily actions work school fear attacks savings business risks uncertainty future international companies unstable location local market violence vicious circle political violence high poverty rates Northern Ireland Equality of Misery Horgan terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks save risks business uncertainty future international companies unstable local market spend poor conditions violence Northern Ireland political violence high rates vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan 2011 politician retrieved Politico terrorism poverty anxiety community unsafe daily actions work school attacks savings business risks international companies local market poor conditions political violence Northern Ireland high rates of poverty vicious circle unstable situation equality of misery Horgan political violence consequences economic impact of terrorism social impact of terrorism continuous violence perpetuating poverty fear of attacks reduced economic activity investment reluctance community instability violence cycle poverty cycle
test-health-dhghhbampt-con03a	Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. Alternative medical practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and get a better understanding of them as a whole, as a result they are more likely to treat the person than the symptom  Modern medicine tends to treat an individual symptom without putting it in the context of the whole person and so will often fail to see it as part of a wider pathology.  Alternative practitioners tend to spend more time with their patients and so are better placed to asses individual symptoms as a part of the person as a whole rather than just dealing with symptoms one as a time as the crop up. alternative medicine holistic care patient-centered approach modern medicine symptom treatment comprehensive treatment individualized care holistic practitioners patient time whole-person care integrative medicine conventional medicine allopathic medicine medical approach healthcare philosophy holistic approach integrative medicine patient-centered care comprehensive treatment individualized care symptom-focused treatment conventional medicine allopathic medicine whole-person health therapeutic relationship extended consultation thorough assessment holistic healing preventative care root cause treatment systemic health comprehensive healthcare patient engagement traditional healing alternative therapies alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom treatment whole person care individualized treatment time spent with patients comprehensive understanding pathology context alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom treatment comprehensive care individualized treatment time with patients whole-person assessment integrative medicine traditional medicine allopathic medicine conventional medicine holistic practitioners naturopathy acupuncture chiropractic homeopathy mind-body connection preventative care wellness approach chronic conditions acute symptoms root cause therapeutic relationship patient satisfaction healthcare paradigm medical philosophy integrative health complementary therapies bio-individuality functional medicine allopathic treatment symptom management holistic therapies patient engagement clinical intuition therapeutic alliance alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care time with patients understanding the whole person treating the person not the symptom modern medicine symptom-focused treatment lack of context wider pathology individual symptoms holistic assessment comprehensive care integrative medicine holistic medicine integrative healthcare patient-centered care traditional medicine symptom-focused treatment comprehensive healthcare individualized treatment conventional medicine alternative therapies whole-person approach alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care modern medicine symptom-focused treatment comprehensive care individualized treatment time spent with patients whole person treatment pathology context symptom assessment integrative medicine conventional healthcare allopathic medicine holistic practitioners patient engagement therapeutic relationship medical philosophy health care paradigms symptom management root cause treatment alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care time spent with patients modern medicine symptom treatment whole person treatment individual symptoms wider pathology integrative medicine conventional medicine healthcare practices therapeutic approaches medical philosophy alternative medicine holistic approach patient-centered care time spent with patients individual symptoms whole person treatment modern medicine symptomatic treatment wider pathology integrative healthcare comprehensive patient assessment holistic practitioners Alternative medicine holistic treatment integrative healthcare patient-centered care comprehensive healthcare symptom-focused treatment modern medical practices individualized medicine whole-person approach holistic practitioners integrative doctors comprehensive health assessment holistic wellness traditional medicine allopathic medicine patient time healthcare philosophy therapeutic relationship medical consultation symptom management
test-economy-bepighbdb-con01a	Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy acts in the interest of the general population, which is good for development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Democracy economic development China free market government systems South Korea GNI per capita autocracy Spain economic miracle Franco EU membership World Bank GNI economic policies political systems free market policy dictatorship economic growth international economy isolationism economic success civil war economic liberalization market opening economic dividends post-dictatorship growth economic takeoff developmental economics governance economic theory policy analysis global economics political economy institutional change economic indicators international development trade policies economic reforms economic history European Union regional Democracy economic development China free market political systems South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spain Franco economic miracle isolationism European Union World Bank GNI economic policy dictatorship political regime international trade economic growth democracy economic development general population economic policy China free market political systems dictatorship South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco regime economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI data democracy general population development economic policy China free market political system dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff democratization GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI US$ democracy economic development free market dictatorship autocracy South Korea democratization GNI per capita Spain Franco regime economic miracle EU membership political systems economic policies China economic growth international economy World Bank Atlas method democracy economic development good governance China's economic policies free market political systems South Korea economic growth authoritarian regime GNI per capita Spain Franco regime economic miracle EU membership World Bank GNI data international economy market policies autocracy democratization democracy general population development economic policy China free market government dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 1960s economic miracle Franco international economy isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI per capita data democracy economic development general population economic policy China free market dictatorship political system South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 economic miracle Franco isolationist free market economy EU membership World Bank GNI Democracy economic development China free market political systems South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spain Franco regime economic miracle EU membership World Bank data GNI growth international economy political regime impact economic policies market openness isolationism economic success political transition economic takeoff development economics comparative politics governance economic reform international trade economic history statistical data economic indicators democracy economic development political systems free market dictatorship South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spain 1960s economic miracle Franco regime EU membership World Bank GNI data economic policies China economic takeoff political regime economic growth international trade isolationist policies market opening economic dividends political transition economic continuity
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con02a	The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, The liberal democratic paradigm is not the only legitimate model of government, a fact that democracies should accept and embrace  Ultimately, states’ laws have to be respected. Liberal democracy has not proven to be the end of history as Fukuyama suggested, but is rather one robust system of government among many. China has become the example of a state-led capitalist model that relies on a covenant with the people fundamentally different from that between democratic governments and their citizens. [1] Chinas ruling communist party has legitimacy as a result of its performance and its role in modernising the country. [2] China’s people have accepted a trade-off; economic growth and prosperity in exchange for their liberties. When dissidents challenge this paradigm, the government becomes aggrieved and seeks to re-establish its power and authority. If the dissidents are breaking that country’s laws then the state has every right to punish them. Singapore similarly has an authoritarian version of democracy that delivers an efficient, peaceful state at the expense of constraints on the ability to criticise the government. [3] This collective model of rights has no inherent value that is lesser to that of the civil liberties-centric model of liberal democracy. In the end, as the geopolitical map becomes complicated with different versions of governance, states must learn to live with one another. The problem of offering amnesty to bloggers is that democracies and the West seek to enforce their paradigm onto that of states that differ. This will engender resentment and conflict. The world economy and social system relies on cooperation, trade, and peace. The difference between systems and cultures should be celebrated rather than simply assuming that there is only one true model and all others are somehow inferior.  [1] Acemoglu, D. and Robinson, J. “Is State Capitalism Winning?”. Project Syndicate. 31 December 2012.   [2] Li, Eric X, “The Life of the Party”, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2013,   [3] Henderson, Drew, “Singapore suppresses dissident” Yale Daily News, 5 November 2010, liberal democracy state-led capitalism legitimacy performance modernisation trade-off economic growth prosperity liberties dissidents power authority authoritarian democracy efficiency peace civil liberties geopolitical map governance amnesty bloggers cooperation trade peace cultural differences inferiority pluralism coexistence international relations state sovereignty law respect global cooperation social systems governance models political paradigms human rights international norms democracy promotion geopolitical stability national sovereignty governance diversity political legitimacy economic development social order political systems cultural relativism universal values liberal democracy alternative governance models state-led capitalism China performance legitimacy economic growth civil liberties authoritarian democracy Singapore collective rights geopolitical diversity cooperation cultural relativism international relations state sovereignty law and order dissent amnesty West paradigm enforcement conflict peace trade social system Acemoglu Robinson Li Eric X Henderson Drew liberal democracy state-led capitalism China communist party economic growth political legitimacy performance-based legitimacy social contract civil liberties authoritarian democracy Singapore human rights geopolitical diversity international cooperation cultural relativism state sovereignty dissidents law enforcement amnesty Western influence global governance models Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson liberal democracy state-led capitalism China authoritarian democracy Singapore civil liberties state laws geopolitical diversity cultural differences economic cooperation social peace amnesty for bloggers governance models performance legitimacy modernization trade-off for prosperity dissident punishment collective rights Western paradigm enforcing democracy international resentment peaceful coexistence different versions of governance Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson liberal democracy state capitalism China communist party economic growth prosperity liberties dissidents laws punishment Singapore authoritarian democracy civil liberties geopolitical map governance cooperation trade peace cultural differences amnesty bloggers Western paradigm resentment conflict social system Acemoglu Robinson Li Eric X Henderson Drew liberal democracy alternative governance models state legitimacy China state-led capitalism social contract economic growth political stability Singapore authoritarian democracy civil liberties international cooperation cultural relativism geopolitical diversity law and order dissident suppression global peace trade economic interdependence human rights political performance modernization social covenant political authority legal compliance amnesty paradigm enforcement cultural celebration governance pluralism liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Communist Party economic growth social stability civil liberties authoritarian democracy Singapore geopolitical diversity international cooperation cultural relativism state sovereignty law enforcement human rights political legitimacy Fukuyama end of history Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson Yale Daily News Foreign Affairs Project Syndicate liberal democracy alternative governance models state legitimacy China state-led capitalism social contract economic growth civil liberties Singapore authoritarian democracy collective rights global cooperation cultural relativism geopolitical diversity legal respect international relations Fukuyama end of history state authority dissident punishment Amnesty Western intervention trade peace societal values governance paradigms Acemoglu Robinson Eric X Li Drew Henderson Project Syndicate Foreign Affairs Yale Daily News liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Singapore authoritarian democracy civil liberties state legitimacy economic growth social contract geopolitical diversity governance models international cooperation cultural relativism political paradigms legal authority state sovereignty human rights dissident punishment amnesty West state performance modernization collective rights individual freedoms global peace trade political conflict paradigm enforcement social stability efficient governance public criticism political authority international relations economic prosperity political legitimacy social contract political dissent state power global cooperation cultural celebration political inferiority political system liberal democracy state-led capitalism China Communist Party economic growth civil liberties Singapore authoritarian democracy international cooperation state sovereignty cultural relativism political legitimacy Fukuyama end of history Project Syndicate Foreign Affairs Yale Daily News
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency response hospital procedures advance notice survival rates medical transparency public health presidential security medical emergencies leadership mortality health communication medical ethics emergency ward protocols patient identity verification political health transparency transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions medical transparency presidential health emergency response hospital procedures advance notice survival rates medical ethics public health accountability crisis management healthcare communication patient information medical staff awareness presidential security medical emergencies hospital admission protocols transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions medical transparency presidential health advance notice emergency procedures timely intervention medical care presidential security healthcare transparency patient identity emergency response medical ethics informed consent public trust healthcare communication medical personnel awareness emergency ward protocols transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death president hospital prior warning doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival chances Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency procedures advance notice survival chances medical transparency public safety healthcare protocols presidential security emergency response medical ethics political transparency transparency leader prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills survival hospital doctors prior warning ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills hospital prior warning doctors ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency response hospital procedures advance notice survival chances medical transparency political transparency public information healthcare access emergency ward presidential security medical ethics informed treatment patient identity medical emergencies transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency in leadership emergency procedures presidential health medical transparency timely medical care patient identity medical response public awareness healthcare communication crisis management advance notice emergency protocols transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death prior warning hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival chances Daily Guide My Joy Online
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con03a	The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. The ICC has too much authority.  The ICC will lead to political prosecution. American service members and senior military and political strategists will be subject to charges for legitimate military action. Any State has the power to refer an issue for investigation to the Prosecutor and the Prosecutor also has the power to commence an investigation ex proprio motu. There is no UN Security Council veto over the discretion of the Prosecutor. Moreover, the phantom of political prosecution has already materialised in the preliminary investigation mounted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICTY into the NATO bombing of Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the course of 'Operation Allied Force'. The Prosecutor chose to investigate a campaign that had been undertaken with clinical precision, that had received the ex post facto support of the Security Council, and that had been directed against a military infrastructure effecting a brutal policy of ethnic cleansing. This grim precedent suggests that a Prosecutor will not hesitate to investigate any other good faith and successful military actions across the globe. ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor investigation UN Security Council veto discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force military campaign ethnic cleansing precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing good faith military actions grim precedent international law sovereignty judicial overreach human rights war crimes international justice tribunals prosecutor discretion military operations legal implications political influence investigative powers international relations Security Council resolution legal safeguards prosecutorial independence accountability justice system military ethics humanitarian intervention ICC authority political prosecution American service members military action state referral prosecutor power UN Security Council veto ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure good faith successful military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members senior military strategists UN Security Council veto Prosecutor discretion ICTY investigation NATO bombing Kosovo Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure good faith actions global military operations ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral investigation Prosecutor ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto discretion political prosecution preliminary investigation ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force military campaign Security Council support ethnic cleansing good faith military actions global implications ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor investigation UN Security Council veto ex proprio motu ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force Security Council support ethnic cleansing grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action state referral prosecutor investigation UN Security Council veto ex proprio motu ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing good faith military actions grim precedent ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor investigation ex proprio motu UN Security Council veto prosecutor discretion political prosecution ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing military infrastructure grim precedent good faith military actions ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists UN Security Council veto Prosecutor discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force military action ethnic cleansing good faith military infrastructure human rights international law judicial overreach state sovereignty ex proprio motu preliminary investigation legal precedent security council resolution international criminal court war crimes accountability jurisdiction prosecutorial power impunity justice conflict zones humanitarian intervention military campaign clinical precision ex post facto support brutal policy global investigation legal safeguards political influence judicial independence ICC authority political prosecution American service members military strategists charges legitimate military action State referral Prosecutor investigation UN Security Council veto discretion ICTY NATO bombing Kosovo Yugoslavia Operation Allied Force ethnic cleansing precedent global military actions
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro02a	Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. Multilateralism is preferable to bilateralism.  It is preferable for Latin American countries to band together when negotiating trade deals with the US and Canada, to better protect their interests. After FTAA negotiations failed, the US focused on bilateral strategies and trade deals where the imbalance of power was much greater in favour of the US, and it therefore could more easily dictate terms of the agreement that were detrimental to the interests of the developing country. For example, El Salvador, who is a member of CAFTA (Central America Free Trade Agreement), together with only five other Central American countries, has found itself under legal attacks by foreign investors when it refused to lower its environmental standards in the gold mining industry [1] . Having an emerging global power, like Brazil, be part of the agreement, would counterbalance US influence over the terms.  [1] Gallager, Kevin. “Stop private firms exploiting poor states.” The Guardian. 5 February 2010. multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence trade agreement terms Kevin Gallagher The Guardian 2010 multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies imbalance of power CAFTA El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining Brazil counterbalance US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian 2010 multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade negotiations US Canada FTAA CAFTA El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining Brazil US influence trade deals developing countries imbalance of power legal attacks Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power CAFTA El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil counterbalance US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations bilateral strategies imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power US influence trade agreement terms multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations bilateral strategies power imbalance developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil counterbalance US influence terms of agreement Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil counterbalance US influence Kevin Gallagher The Guardian Multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA bilateral strategies imbalance of power developing countries CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement El Salvador foreign investors environmental standards gold mining Brazil global power counterbalance US influence trade agreement terms Kevin Gallagher The Guardian legal attacks investor-state disputes regional integration economic diplomacy trade negotiations international trade development economics Latin American integration trade policy global trade dynamics power dynamics in trade trade agreements benefits protecting national interests international cooperation economic sovereignty multilateral trade multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA CAFTA El Salvador environmental standards gold mining Brazil US influence trade negotiations developing countries foreign investors legal attacks counterbalance Kevin Gallagher The Guardian multilateralism bilateralism Latin American countries trade deals US Canada FTAA negotiations imbalance of power developing country El Salvador CAFTA Central America Free Trade Agreement legal attacks foreign investors environmental standards gold mining industry Brazil global power counterbalance US influence trade agreement terms Kevin Gallagher The Guardian
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con03a	The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. The storing and sale of personal data aids companies by making marketing more efficient and allows niche markets to thrive  Businesses have been able to use consumers’ personal information to produce far better, more efficient, and more targeted advertising. Traditionally advertisement has been used to reach mass markets and has thus been used mostly as a blunt instrument, targeting the largest and wealthiest demographics in order to get the most efficient use of scarce advertising budgets. The focus on large markets has often left smaller, more niche, markets by the wayside. [1] Yet with the advent of the internet, targeted marketing, and data collection services, firms have been able to create whole new markets that cater to less homogenous needs and wants. The result has been a Renaissance of specialty manufacturers and service providers that could never arise if it were not for the collection of personal consumer data. By targeting their advertising, firms have been able to scale back on the broader advertising, making the whole endeavour less costly and more efficient. On the broader level, companies are able to utilize the vast amounts of individual data compiled to allow them to determine broader changes in society’s consumer desires, to establish aggregate trends. [2] E-commerce accounts for more than $300 billion in the US. This information gathering makes all businesses more responsive to consumer demands and to cause them to change their offered services and products far more swiftly, to the benefit of all consumers. Businesses have thus been able to flourish that might once have languished without access to a means of accessing their market or been unable to change with changing tastes. Because of the proliferation of personal information aggregation we can enjoy a far more efficient business world, with lots of producers that can compete with the larger mainstream on a more even footing, and a mainstream that is more able to meet the ever-changing demand structure of consumers.  [1] Columbus Metropolitan Library. “Using Demographics to Target Your Market”. 2012. personal data data storage marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data advertising costs consumer demands e-commerce demographics market targeting business competition changing tastes market access information aggregation data storage data sale personal information marketing efficiency niche markets consumer data targeted advertising internet marketing data collection specialty manufacturers service providers consumer demands e-commerce business competition market responsiveness consumer trends demographic targeting advertising costs societal changes consumer satisfaction storing personal data sale of personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet marketing data collection services specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data e-commerce data aggregation consumer demands business competition market access changing consumer tastes personal information aggregation efficient business world mainstream competition demand structure personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers e-commerce consumer demands business competition demographic targeting market responsiveness changing consumer tastes personal information aggregation mainstream markets advertising budgets aggregate trends societal consumer desires information gathering storing sale personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers service providers consumer desires aggregate trends e-commerce information gathering consumer demands business responsiveness changing tastes personal information aggregation market access competition demand structure data storage personal data sale marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet advertising data collection new markets specialty manufacturing service providers consumer data e-commerce business responsiveness consumer demands aggregate trends market access changing tastes competition mainstream businesses personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising internet data collection specialty manufacturers service providers e-commerce consumer demands aggregate trends business competition market access changing tastes demographics market targeting personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising data collection internet advertising specialty manufacturers consumer demands e-commerce aggregate trends business competition changing consumer tastes market targeting demographics advertising budgets mainstream markets data aggregation consumer privacy digital marketing online advertising market research business responsiveness consumer behavior targeted marketing strategies personalized advertising data analytics market segmentation consumer insights business innovation digital commerce data-driven marketing consumer preferences competitive advantage market dynamics advertising effectiveness consumer segmentation advertising strategies consumer data protection online consumer behavior market analysis business personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising traditional advertisement mass markets demographic targeting internet impact data collection services specialty manufacturers service providers personal consumer data advertising costs consumer desires aggregate trends e-commerce information gathering responsive businesses changing tastes personal information aggregation efficient business world market access competition demand structure personal data marketing efficiency niche markets consumer information targeted advertising data collection internet marketing specialty manufacturers service providers consumer data e-commerce business responsiveness consumer demands market trends demographic targeting advertising budgets consumer preferences personal information data aggregation market competition
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro02a	"Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world  Developing countries such as China and India are growing rapidly and causing massive increases in global GHG emissions through fossil fuel use and deforestation. It took developed countries 100s of years to create a standard of living high enough for an environmental movement to develop. It is more likely than not that developing countries will continue to increase their annual emissions for decades, greatly eclipsing any potential reductions in the developed world. According to Joseph Romm, former US assistant secretary for energy efficiency and renewable energy, ""China's growth in emissions could erode all other countries' efforts to stabilize the world's temperature"" 1. As a result, atmospheric GHGs will continue to increase, causing greater climate change.  1. Romm, Joseph, 'How Copenhagen can succeed where Kyoto failed', Foreign Policy, June 18, 2009. Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature erode efforts atmospheric GHGs Developing world Developing countries China India Rapid growth GHG emissions Fossil fuel use Deforestation Standard of living Environmental movement Annual emissions Climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary Energy efficiency Renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto Global temperature stabilization developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy China's emissions Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions developed countries climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature energy efficiency renewable energy developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto temperature stabilization atmospheric GHGs developed countries emission reductions Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions climate change Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy Copenhagen Kyoto stabilize temperature atmospheric GHGs Developing world developing countries China India rapid growth global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions developed countries climate change Joseph Romm Copenhagen Kyoto energy efficiency renewable energy world temperature developing world developing countries China India global GHG emissions fossil fuel use deforestation standard of living environmental movement annual emissions potential reductions developed world Joseph Romm US assistant secretary energy efficiency renewable energy China's emissions Copenhagen Kyoto climate change atmospheric GHGs"
test-international-ehbfe-pro05a	A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. A federal Europe will ensure that large, multinational businesses remain accountable for their actions  In a globalised economy, there is a need to tame multinational corporations, which would be otherwise capable of playing national governments off against each other in search for low wages, social costs and state protection. A federal Europe would be powerful enough to demand high standards of behaviour from such companies, because only a powerful and economically significant player can dictate restricting conditions. This would ensure fair wages, safe working conditions and - additionally - Europe would be able to force the multinational companies to implement correct and holistic policies and would also be in a position to make a greater difference on environmental issues such as global warming. Sovereignty becomes less relevant when effective independence is lost anyway as the economy and the problems faced by all nations are increasingly globalised. federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence globalised problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy tame corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions correct policies holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global economy global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection high standards behaviour powerful player fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence global economy international corporations regulatory power corporate responsibility economic significance dictating conditions global challenges policy enforcement environmental protection social standards economic integration political union corporate behavior international competition economic governance globalisation impact national sovereignty international regulation fair trade sustainable development corporate ethics global cooperation economic policy environmental sustainability social welfare federal Europe multinational businesses globalised economy national governments low wages social costs state protection high standards fair wages safe working conditions environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence globalised problems federal Europe multinational businesses accountability globalised economy multinational corporations national governments low wages social costs state protection powerful player high standards fair wages safe working conditions holistic policies environmental issues global warming sovereignty effective independence globalised problems economic significance restricting conditions
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Eurozone Greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation investment trade efficiency austerity measures long-term benefits single currency Greek economy economic growth short-term costs Eurozone members financial consequences economic sanctions political impact international relations fiscal policies monetary policies eurozone greece economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures single currency trade efficiency euro greek economy default transitory benefits permanent benefits economic growth european members currency collapse investment transactions eurozone crisis greek default economic consequences status quo short-term options leaving euro raoul ruparel mats persson ray barrell open europe the guardian greek trade european trade economic efficiency political economy financial stability economic policy european union economic integration Economic stability investment security hyperinflation risk long-term prosperity Eurozone benefits Greek economy currency collapse trade efficiency European trade austerity measures short-term costs permanent benefits transitory growth Euro adoption financial uncertainty economic sanctions inflation control monetary policy fiscal discipline economic integration political influence Leaving Eurozone Greece long-term detrimental economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation risk single currency benefits trade efficiency eurozone members austerity measures short-term costs long-term benefits eurozone crisis economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits investment stability transaction efficiency Greek economy European trade economic consequences Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Barrell Ray Open Europe The Guardian euro Greek default economic policies financial stability currency collapse capital invested eurozone membership economic efficiency eurozone exit Greek financial crisis eurozone greece long-term effects economic stability currency investor confidence hyperinflation trade efficiency eurozone members austerity measures short-term costs economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits default ray barrell raoul ruparel mats persson open europe the guardian Eurozone Greece economic stability long-term benefits short-term costs investor confidence hyperinflation currency collapse trade efficiency austerity measures economic growth single currency European trade transitory benefits permanent advantages Eurozone Greece long-term effects economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency benefits trade efficiency austerity measures short-term costs euro benefits economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits currency collapse capital investment European trade economic consequences Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Eurozone crisis Greek default Open Europe The Guardian Eurozone Greece economic stability investors currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures single currency Eurozone members trade economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro economic consequences Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Open Europe Ray Barrell The Guardian eurozone greece economic stability currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures eurozone membership investment efficiency trade with eurozone single currency advantages economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits default risks investor confidence economic consequences european trade financial stability Greece Eurozone economic stability investment currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs trade European members austerity measures economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe The Guardian Eurozone crisis single currency transaction efficiency Greek economy default economic outcomes speculative economics
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con02a	Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans more enthusiastically support market capitalism  A free market is at the core of many of the other freedoms we enjoy. When government gets too involved in the running of commerce – whether through taxation, regulation or the state ownership of companies, history has shown us that they start controlling other aspects of citizens lives in an effort to get the economic outcomes that they want. Corporations – along with organised religion – provide useful counter-balance to too much government power. As nice as it sounds that we should divert the wages of the rich to bring the poor up to middle class standards of living, it just doesn’t work [i] .  [i] “Why am I a Republican?” Early Riser. 7 February 2006. Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes government power corporations organized religion wealth redistribution social welfare political philosophy economic freedom individual liberties fiscal conservatism limited government economic incentives market efficiency public policy conservative values economic growth income inequality wealth transfer economic principles social equity economic debate political economy conservative ideology market-based solutions government intervention economic philosophy laissez-faire economic control personal responsibility government oversight economic outcomes political beliefs economic systems economic stability market mechanisms economic Republican market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes citizen control corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class Why am I a Republican Early Riser Republicans market capitalism free market government intervention taxation regulation state ownership economic freedom corporate power organized religion government power income redistribution economic outcomes political ideology conservative values fiscal policy economic philosophy capitalism socialism political economy wealth distribution public policy economic theory free market principles individual freedom economic growth political beliefs economic systems Republican values economic equity social policy economic justice market economy government role economic inequality economic control political platforms economic principles Republican platform economic theories economic debate economic models political economy economic strategy Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes government power corporations organized religion income redistribution rich poor middle class Republican values political economy individual freedom economic policy Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes government power corporations organized religion wealth redistribution middle class poverty Republican values political philosophy economic freedom economic control individual freedoms early riser why am i a republican Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power income redistribution middle class Republican values political beliefs economic freedom social freedoms conservative principles free enterprise limited government wealth distribution economic policy political economy capitalism socialism economic philosophy American politics fiscal conservatism economic growth individual liberty market economy conservative ideology economic control public policy economic theories political ideology American conservatism economic interventions government control market solutions economic prosperity political freedom economic justice American republicanism Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement taxation regulation state ownership corporations organized religion government power economic outcomes income redistribution middle class poverty ideological stance conservative values political beliefs fiscal policy economic freedom Republicans market capitalism free market freedoms government involvement taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class political beliefs conservative values economic philosophy libertarianism fiscal responsibility limited government Republicans market capitalism free market government involvement commerce taxation regulation state ownership economic outcomes corporations organized religion government power wealth redistribution middle class poverty Republican values fiscal policy economic freedom Republican market capitalism free market government intervention taxation regulation state ownership economic freedom corporate power organized religion wealth redistribution middle class poverty political philosophy conservatism economic policy fiscal responsibility individual liberty
test-law-ralhrilglv-con01a	Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. Criminal defendants don’t get to pick and choose trial dates  Irrespective of who they are, Kenyatta and Ruto are nothing special – they’re just another two criminal defendants.  A person who is on trial murder or any other offence, whoever they are, can’t pick and choose their trial date for their own convenience or for their own business interests – why should these two particular defendants get a special privilege? Silvio Berlusconi was prosecuted by the Italian courts; the slow speed was due to the glacial pace of the Italian legal system rather than him particularly agitating for a special hold-up. The court cases were not done at his convenience. criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privileges trial convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system pace court cases prosecution criminal defendants trial dates special privileges Kenyatta Ruto murder offence convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases prosecution judicial process fairness equality before law criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests Criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege trial convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system pace criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege trial convenience business interests Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases prosecution criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system court cases convenience business interests Criminal defendants trial dates Kenyatta Ruto special privilege murder offence Silvio Berlusconi Italian courts legal system convenience business interests
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con01a	Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. Making children military targets  The purpose of the ban on the use of child soldiers is to prevent the normalisation of such tactics in conflict zones. It is not an inflexible implementation of a lofty European ideal. The ban, and the role of the ICC in enforcing it, is designed to reduce the likelihood that civilians will be deliberately targeted in developing world war zones. Why is this necessary?  If the defence set out in the motion is used to reduce the number of war crimes convictions attendant on the use of child soldiers, not only will numbers of child soldiers rise, but children themselves will become military targets. Communities ravaged and depleted by war, under the status quo, may be seen as minimally threatening. Armies are not likely to target them as strategic objectives if it is thought that they will offer no resistance. However, if there is no condemnation and investigation of the use of child soldiers, they will become a much more common feature of the battlefield. The increasing militarisation of children will make those children who do not wish to participate in armed conflict- children pursuing some alternate survival strategy- automatic targets. All children will be treated as potential soldiers. The communities that children live in will become military targets.  The resolution, although seeking to enable children to protect themselves, will simply make them targets of the massacres, organised displacement and surprise attacks that characterise warfare in Africa and central Asia. child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones military targets civilian protection child recruitment militarisation of children community targeting armed conflict international law humanitarian law Geneva Conventions child rights UNICEF disarmament demobilization reintegration child soldier ban strategic objectives war tactics developing world Africa central Asia protection of civilians human rights violations international justice peacekeeping security council armed forces guerrilla warfare child protection international community legal frameworks warfare practices juvenile justice child exploitation violence against children armed groups recruitment prevention child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targeting militarisation of children armed conflict community targeting war strategy protection of children African warfare central Asian warfare child protection laws military tactics humanitarian law child recruitment juvenile combatants child rights international law war zones military ethics protection of civilians armed forces child soldier ban legal enforcement tactical targeting displacement surprise attacks child participation in war international justice armed conflicts child exploitation military operations war environment child soldier deployment legal frameworks child welfare conflict regions armed groups military engagement child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC role war crimes convictions community impacts militarisation of children conflict zones strategic objectives civilian protection displacement surprise attacks warfare characteristics African conflicts central Asian conflicts child soldiers conflict zones ban enforcement ICC role war crimes convictions militarisation of children community targeting protection paradox strategic objectives battlefield dynamics civilian threats armed conflict survival strategies massacre risk displacement surprise attacks warfare characteristics African conflicts central Asian conflicts military tactics humanitarian law international justice child protection armed groups recruitment practices civilian protection war zone safety child soldier prevention legal implications tactical shifts combat zones non-combatant status child rights international treaties military strategy conflict resolution peacekeeping humanitarian intervention ethical warfare child exploitation child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection militarisation of children strategic objectives community targeting African warfare central Asian conflicts child combatants legal enforcement humanitarian law violations child soldiers military targets war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian protection recruitment prevention community safety armed conflict militarisation of children strategic objectives protection of children resolution impact warfare tactics displacement surprise attacks child soldiers military targets conflict zones ban enforcement ICC role war crimes civilian protection militarisation of children community targeting displacement surprise attacks warfare strategies African conflicts central Asian conflicts child soldiers conflict zones war crimes ICC international criminal court civilian protection military targets community safety war strategies Africa central Asia child protection militarisation of children armed conflict protection of minors war tactics legal enforcement human rights child recruitment battlefield dynamics strategic objectives resistance capability displacement surprise attacks massacres humanitarian law child soldier ban defense motion conviction rates war zone realities developing world conflicts ethical warfare child exploitation tactical targeting community targeting alternate survival strategies armed forces militia groups child combatants juvenile soldiers recruitment prevention child soldiers military targets ban enforcement ICC role war crimes conflict zones civilian protection community impact militarisation of children armed conflict survival strategies warfare characteristics Africa central Asia child soldiers war crimes ICC conflict zones civilian targets militarisation of children protection of minors armed conflict African warfare central Asian conflicts community targeting strategic objectives military tactics international law human rights violations child protection policies armed forces recruitment youth exploitation humanitarian crisis displacement of civilians
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con02a	It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - It will cause resentment and make certain communities feel targeted.  Arranged marriages are seen as a very important aspect of the identity of lots of Euro-Asian communities. At a time when tensions between non-Muslims and Muslims in Europe are high enough, for example there were protests in London against the film innocence of Muslims, [1] targeting a practice carried out by many Muslim families could help extremist tendencies to flare up. It is important not try and cloak laws that are little more than blind intolerance with terms that make them seem like secular liberalism. Attempting to ban practices like wearing the veil in the name of inclusion have been proven to only inflame tensions, not improve integration. [2] Banning arranged marriages outright would therefore not only be intolerant, but potentially dangerous.  [1] Walker, Paul, ‘Anti-US protesters in London condemn controversial film’, guardian.co.uk, 16 September 2012,   [2] Younge, Gary, ‘Europe: Hotbed of Islampobic Extremism,’ 14 June 2012 - rescue amnesty inclusion secularism cultural sensitivity religious freedom community relations social cohesion extremism integration tolerance discrimination human rights European politics Islamophobia protest controversy media impact law and morality social policy identity politics arranged marriage banning practices veil religious practices public policy cultural practices European society interfaith dialogue social tensions legal intervention community identity religious communities social integration political discourse cultural preservation social harmony legislative impact community engagement religious tolerance cultural diversity legal reform social inclusion community welfare intercultural resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism veil ban inflation tensions integration intolerant dangerous arranged marriages banning practices religious freedom cultural sensitivity social harmony legal implications human rights multiculturalism societal impact public policy legislative considerations community relations interfaith dialogue cultural preservation social cohesion diversity inclusivity religious practices traditional customs family values legal ethics moral implications governmental interventions societal norms cultural respect religious tolerance resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies Muslim families intolerant laws secular liberalism banning veil inclusion integration Islampobic extremism arranged marriages dangerous Paul Walker Gary Younge resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity Muslim tensions London protests innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism veil ban inclusion integration arranged marriage ban intolerance danger Paul Walker Gary Younge Islamophobia Eurabia Muslim families cultural practices societal tensions religious freedom resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence Muslim families extremist tendencies secular liberalism blind intolerance banning practices wearing veil inclusion integration banning arranged marriages intolerant dangerous anti-US protesters controversial film Islamophobic extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity arranged marriages Muslim families non-Muslim tensions London protests film innocence extremist tendencies secular liberalism veil ban inclusion integration intolerant dangerous anti-US protesters controversial film Europe Islamophobia resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity arranged marriages tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism blind intolerance wearing the veil inclusion integration ban arranged marriages intolerant dangerous Islampobic extremism resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity Muslim tensions London protests Innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies secular liberalism veil ban integration arranged marriages intolerant laws potential danger islamophobia European context cultural sensitivity social cohesion religious practices community backlash resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe protests London film innocence of Muslims extremist tendencies Muslim families blind intolerance secular liberalism banning practices wearing the veil inclusion inflame tensions integration banning arranged marriages intolerant dangerous resentment targeted communities Euro-Asian communities identity tensions non-Muslims Muslims Europe London protests innocence of Muslims Muslim families extremist tendencies secular liberalism intolerance banning practices wearing the veil inclusion integration ban arranged marriages dangerous intolerant Paul Walker guardian.co.uk Gary Younge Islampobic extremism
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro02a	It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, It is unfair to new members of EU  Not only are the largest recipients of CAP western countries – France, Spain and Germany - also the payments per hectare of arable lands differ significantly between new and old members of EU. The new members of EU with their economies often struggling and more dependent on agriculture (as is the case of Poland, Bulgaria or Romania) need more monetary support compared to their western counterparts to produce food of same quality and be competitive in EU market. However, the payments for hectare of land vary from 500€ in Greece to less than 100 € in Latvia. [1] These different conditions undermine the EU’s ethos of fairness and equality of countries.  [1] EurActive, ‘Eastern EU states call for ‘bolder, speedier’ farm reforms’, 14 July 2011, EU CAP Common Agricultural Policy new members old members payments per hectare arable lands fairness equality economic struggle agriculture dependency monetary support food quality competitiveness EU market Greece Latvia Poland Bulgaria Romania farm reforms Eastern EU states EU CAP new members old members payments hectare arable land fairness equality agriculture monetary support competitiveness food quality Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia Eastern EU states farm reforms EU new members CAP Western countries payments per hectare arable lands Poland Bulgaria Romania economies agriculture monetary support food quality competitiveness EU market Greece Latvia fairness equality farm reforms Eastern EU states unfair new EU members CAP payments western countries payments per hectare arable land economic struggle agriculture dependency Poland Bulgaria Romania monetary support food quality competitiveness EU market payment disparity Greece Latvia EU ethos fairness equality farm reforms eastern EU states EU CAP Common Agricultural Policy new members old members payments per hectare arable land agricultural support economic struggle Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia fairness equality EU market food production competitiveness farm reforms Eastern EU states EU CAP agricultural policy new members old members payments per hectare economic disparity agricultural dependency food quality competitiveness market fairness equality farm reforms Eastern EU states Western countries monetary support arable land Greece Latvia Poland Bulgaria Romania France Spain Germany EurActive EU CAP Common Agricultural Policy new members old members fairness equality payments per hectare arable land agricultural support economy Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia competitiveness food production EU market reforms Eastern EU states monetary support quality ethos EurActive EU CAP new members old members agricultural payments per hectare fairness equality western countries eastern countries Poland Bulgaria Romania Greece Latvia monetary support competitiveness EU market food quality farm reforms EurActive eastern EU states bolder speedier reforms EU CAP new members western countries payments per hectare arable lands Poland Bulgaria Romania monetary support agriculture competitiveness EU market fairness equality 希腊 Latvia farm reforms EU CAP new members western countries payments per hectare arable lands Poland Bulgaria Romania monetary support food quality competitiveness EU market payments variation Greece Latvia fairness equality farm reforms
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-pro01a	Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion simply justifies reactionary views which many find offensive. There is no reason for vitriol to be tolerated just because it presents a mask of religion.  Views on issues such as abortion, women, and what constitutes an acceptable family expressed by those who are extremely religious are simply bigoted views which are given credibility by being wrapped in a cassock.  It is in the nature of religious belief that any set of views can adopt a religious justification and there is no objective measure against which to hold the views. For example the homophobic views which have common currency in many churches can be contrasted with a gay liberation trend discernible in others. In the light of this, it makes sense to judge the views on their own basis, regardless of the religiosity surrounding them.  The views expressed by Harry Hammond, and others [1] , need to be stripped of their religious veneer and shown that at their heart they are simply offensive. There is absolutely no reason why LGBT people should have to endure vitriol and condemnation as they go about their daily lives. It is a useful exercise to consider how we would respond to a secular speaker saying that the actions of two people who were in love with each other should condemn them to torment and suffering. Oddly however, the moment this is done in the name of God, it somehow becomes acceptable.  [1] Blake, Heidi. “Christian Preacher Arrested for Saying Homosexuality is a Sin”. The Daily Telegraph, 2 May 2010. Religion reactionary views offensive tolerance vitriol abortion women family bigoted views religious justification objectivity homophobia churches gay liberation Harry Hammond LGBT secular condemnation daily lives God Christian homosexuality sin arrest Telegraph religion reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance abortion women family bigoted views credibility religious justification objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation judgement religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT condemnation secular love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest The Daily Telegraph religion justification reactionary offensive vitriol tolerance mask abortion women family extremism bigotry credibility cassock belief objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation judgement religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT endurance condemnation secular love torment suffering God Telegraph christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest Religion reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance abortion women family bigoted religiosity homophobia religious justification objective measure LGBT Harry Hammond secular condemnation Daily Telegraph Christian preacher homosexuality sin Religion reactionary views offensive tolerance vitriol mask abortion women family bigoted credibility cassock objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation Harry Hammond LGBT vitriol condemnation secular love torment suffering God Christian homosexuality sin arrest Telegraph May 2010 religion justifies reactionary offensive tolerance vitriol mask abortion women acceptable family bigoted credibility cassock religious belief justification objective measure views homophobia churches gay liberation judgement religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT endure condemnation secular love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest religion reactionary views offensive vitriol abortion women family bigoted views religiosity homophobia churches gay liberation objective measure Harry Hammond LGBT secular condemnation love God Blake Heidi Christian Preacher homosexuality sin Daily Telegraph arrest religion reactionary views offensive vitriol tolerance abortion women family bigoted views religiosity homophobia churches gay liberation objective measure Harry Hammond LGBT secular speaker condemnation torment God Christian Preacher homosexuality sin arrest Daily Telegraph religion reactionary views offensive tolerance vitriol abortion women family bigoted views religiosity objective measure homophobia churches gay liberation Harry Hammond LGBT secular love torment suffering God Christian preacher homosexuality sin arrest Daily Telegraph Religion Justification Reactionary Views Offensive Vitriol Tolerance Mask of Religion Abortion Women Family Bigoted Views Credibility Cassock Religious Belief Views Objective Measure Homophobia Churches Gay Liberation Judgment Religiosity Harry Hammond LGBT Vitriol Condemnation Secular Speaker Love Torment Suffering God Acceptability
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con02a	There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. There Are Better Alternatives to Underground Nuclear Waste Storage  France is the largest nuclear energy producer in the world. It generates 80% of its electricity from nuclear power. [1] It is very important to note, therefore, that it does not rely on underground nuclear waste storage. Instead, it relies on above ground, on-site storage. This kind of storage combined with heavy reprocessing and recycling of nuclear waste, makes underground storage unnecessary. [2]  As such it seems logical that in most western liberal democracies that are able to reach the same level of technological progress as France, it makes more sense to store nuclear waste above ground. Above ground, checks and balances can be put into place that allow the maintenance of these nuclear storage facilities to be monitored more closely. Furthermore, reprocessing and recycling leads to less wasted Uranium overall. This is important as Uranium, whilst being plentiful in the earth, is often difficult to mine and mill. As such, savings here often significantly benefit things such as the environment and lower the economic cost of the entire operation.  [1] BBC News, ‘France nuclear power funding gets 1bn euro boost’, 27 June 2011,   [2] Palfreman, Jon. “Why the French Like Nuclear Energy.” PBS. above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste Uranium environment economic cost checks and balances France nuclear power technology liberal democracies underground storage alternatives sustainability nuclear energy production waste management nuclear fuel cycle resource conservation underground nuclear waste storage above ground storage on-site storage nuclear waste reprocessing nuclear waste recycling France nuclear energy nuclear power generation environmental impact of nuclear waste economic cost of nuclear operations uranium mining uranium milling nuclear storage facilities monitoring western liberal democracies technological progress in nuclear energy checks and balances in nuclear storage nuclear energy funding French nuclear policy public perception of nuclear energy above ground storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste uranium environmental impact economic cost France nuclear power checks and balances technological progress western liberal democracies underground storage mining milling nuclear energy producer electricity generation nuclear storage facilities monitoring safety policy energy policy waste management renewables carbon footprint public health risk management international standards waste reduction energy security sustainable development regulatory frameworks public opinion energy transition technological innovation infrastructure environmental sustainability resource efficiency nuclear safety global energy trends climate change energy diversification long-term storage solutions Above ground storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste management uranium conservation environmental impact economic efficiency France nuclear policy checks and balances technological progress nuclear energy sustainability liberal democracies nuclear power alternatives underground storage challenges safety monitoring waste reduction energy production methods reprocessing benefits recycling nuclear materials nuclear facility maintenance uranium mining difficulties nuclear power funding French nuclear success international nuclear strategies nuclear waste above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling uranium environmental impact economic cost mining milling nuclear energy France technological progress checks and balances monitoring nuclear power Western democracies underground storage alternatives energy production waste management above ground storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste management environmental benefits economic efficiency France nuclear energy checks and balances technological progress Uranium conservation mining difficulties nuclear power alternatives liberal democracies nuclear facility monitoring France nuclear energy electricity generation underground nuclear waste storage above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste technological progress western liberal democracies checks and balances facility maintenance Uranium mining milling environmental impact economic cost Nuclear waste management France nuclear program above-ground storage nuclear waste reprocessing uranium recycling environmental impact nuclear safety economic efficiency nuclear energy policy European nuclear strategies radioactive waste disposal sustainable nuclear practices technological advancement in nuclear nuclear power benefits uranium mining challenges France nuclear energy electricity generation underground storage above ground storage on-site storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste uranium environmental impact economic cost checks and balances technological progress western democracies mining milling nuclear power funding PBS BBC News above ground storage reprocessing recycling nuclear waste France nuclear energy uranium environmental impact economic cost technological progress checks and balances monitoring liberal democracies nuclear power underground storage renewable resources mining milling safety standards waste reduction
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con03a	Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Many Israelis now live in the occupied territories.  Israel has more than just national security at stake in the occupied territory of the West Bank -hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens now live there, many in areas which are not strategically essential (the areas described above). Between the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights (all outside of Israel's 1967 borders), over 400,000 Israelis live in settlements in the occupied territories. [1] These ever-expanding settlements represent a barrier to Israeli withdrawing to its 1967 borders. In 1993, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat famously shook hands on the White House lawn, there were only 109,000 Israelis living in settlements across the West Bank (not including Jerusalem). Today there are more than 230 settlements and strategically placed 'outposts' designed to cement a permanent Jewish presence on Palestinian land. [2] Forcibly removing these settlers would be too difficult, could foment a kind of Jewish civil war, and would create a level of resentment among fundamentalist Jews that would likely inflame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Furthermore it should be remembered that these settlers are Israeli citizens, with families, who moved to these areas because the Israeli government told them it was safe and that they would be allowed to stay, and thus Israel has a moral duty to live up to these promises by not withdrawing. Israel cannot afford this sort of internal turmoil, and should not neglect its duty to protect the rights of these citizens, and so it should not withdraw to its 1967 borders.  [1] Levinson, Chaim. “IDF: More than 300,000 settlers live in West Bank”. Haaretz.com. 27 July 2009.   [2] Tolan, Sandy. “George Mitchell and the end of the two-state solution”. The Christian Science Monitor. 4 February 2009. Israelis occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights settlements Israeli citizens national security Palestinian land Jewish presence Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war moral duty internal turmoil 1967 borders Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat White House outposts strategically placed forcible removal fundamentalist Jews rights of citizens IDF Haaretz The Christian Science Monitor George Mitchell two-state solution Israeli settlements occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli citizens Palestinian land Jewish presence Israeli-Palestinian conflict Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat White House 1993 Israeli government moral duty internal turmoil two-state solution IDF George Mitchell Sandy Tolan Haaretz The Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlements outposts Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil two-state solution Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat peace process Palestinian land strategic importance Israeli security demographic changes land disputes Middle East politics international law human rights Israeli government policy Jewish population Palestinian rights Israeli withdrawal civil unrest fundamentalist Jews peace negotiations settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian relations geopolitical issues territorial Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Oslo Accords Jewish civil war Israeli-Palestinian conflict moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil two-state solution IDF George Mitchell strategic essential non-strategic areas expansion barrier to withdrawal Haaretz Christian Science Monitor Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Israeli withdrawal moral duty internal turmoil Israeli citizens protection rights two-state solution Israeli security demographic changes strategic areas non-essential settlements Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews government assurances geopolitical stakes peace process Israeli policies Palestinian rights international law Middle East politics Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land 1967 borders Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil national security strategically essential withdrawal Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews forced removal protection rights two-state solution IDF Sandy Tolan George Mitchell Israelis occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights settlements Israeli citizens national security strategic importance Israeli-Palestinian conflict 1967 borders Jewish civil war moral duty internal turmoil two-state solution Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Sandy Tolan George Mitchell Haaretz Chaim Levinson IDF outposts Palestinian land fundamentalist Jews -resettlement protection of citizens Jewish presence government assurances Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights 1967 borders Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlements outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land moral duty Israeli citizens internal turmoil national security strategic areas Israeli government protection of rights two-state solution Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat White House peace accord Jewish civil war fundamentalist Jews forced removal Israeli-Palestinian peace process Israelis occupied territories West Bank national security Israeli citizens settlements 1967 borders East Jerusalem Golan Heights population expansion barrier withdrawing 1993 Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat Oslo Accords settlements growth outposts Jewish presence Palestinian land forcibly removing Jewish civil war resentment fundamentalist Jews Israeli-Palestinian conflict moral duty government promises internal turmoil citizen rights protection two-state solution George Mitchell Israeli settlers occupied territories West Bank East Jerusalem Golan Heights Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish civil war moral duty 1967 borders two-state solution Yitzhak Rabin Yasser Arafat settlements outposts Palestinian land fundamentalist Jews internal turmoil Israeli citizens IDF George Mitchell
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro03a	Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 Transparency helps reduce international tension  Transparency is necessary in international relations. States need to know what each other are doing to assess their actions. Without any transparency the hole is filled by suspicion and threat inflation that can easily lead to miscalculation and even war.  The Cuban missile crisis is a clear example where a lack of transparency on either side about what they were willing to accept and what they were doing almost lead to nuclear war. [1] It is notable that one of the responses to prevent a similar crisis was to install a hotline between the White House and Kremlin. A very small, but vital, step in terms of openness.  Today this is still a problem; China currently worries about the US ‘pivot’ towards Asia complaining it “has aroused a great deal of suspicion in China.” “A huge deficit of strategic trust lies at the bottom of all problems between China and the United States.” The result would be an inevitable arms race and possible conflict. [2]  [1] Frohwein, Ashley, ‘Embassy Moscow: A Diplomatic Perspective of the Cuban Missile Crisis’, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, 7 May 2013  [2] Yafei, He, ‘The Trust Deficit’, Foreign Policy, 13 May 2013 transparency international relations tension reduction state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit foreign policy Transparency international tension international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis White House Kremlin hotline openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit nuclear war communication cooperation Cold War policy security geopolitical diplomacy crisis management strategic communication international security military transparency foreign relations peace misunderstanding historical examples contemporary issues global politics diplomatic tensions military strategies security studies international policy geopolitical stability strategic dialogue trust building foreign affairs Transparency international relations tension reduction state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomacy foreign policy trust deficit international communication crisis management diplomatic relations military transparency global security strategic dialogue international cooperation nuclear deterrence cold war bilateral relations Asia-Pacific security military transparency strategic stability international conflict resolution transparency international tension international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis hotline White House Kremlin China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit Foreign Policy Georgetown University School of Foreign Service Transparency international relations trust miscalculation nuclear war Cuban missile crisis Cold War diplomacy communication strategic trust arms race China United States Asia pivot suspicion threat inflation White House Kremlin hotline conflict prevention diplomacy foreign policy transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict transparency international relations mutual understanding suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomacy trust deficit communication crisis management global security foreign policy transparency international relations reduce tension miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war White House Kremlin hotline openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict trust deficit international transparency diplomatic communication crisis management global stability geopolitical tensions security studies international security foreign policy strategic dialogue transparency in diplomacy trust-building measures international cooperation military transparency diplomatic transparency strategic clarity tension reduction strategies international conflict prevention diplomatic relations arms control nuclear deterrence strategic confidence international trust geopolitical strategies transparency benefits international policy trust Transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit nuclear war international tension communication channels geopolitical stability strategic transparency Cold War foreign policy crisis management diplomatic communication international security strategic dialogue military transparency political transparency informational openness strategic reassurance bilateral relations strategic cooperation international treaties strategic clarity diplomatic initiatives global security strategic intentions trust-building measures international politics transparency international relations state actions suspicion threat inflation miscalculation war Cuban missile crisis nuclear war hotline White House Kremlin openness China US pivot Asia strategic trust arms race conflict diplomatic perspective trust deficit foreign policy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-con01a	Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . Rehabilitation Does Not Serve The Needs of Society  The primary goal of our criminal justice system is to remove offenders from general society and protect law abiding citizens. Many criminals are repeat offenders and rehabilitation can be a long and expensive process. In Jamaica, police claim repeat offenders are responsible for over 80% of local crime despite rehabilitation programmes in prisons. [1] Ideally therefore, retribution and rehabilitation should work hand in hand to protect citizens in the short and long term. There are some successful examples of this happening, where prisons encourage inmates to take part in group activities such as football. Some prisons have started cooking programmes where inmates learn to cook in a professional environment and leave with a qualification. However the first priority is the removal of the convicted criminal from society in order to protect the innocent. Rehabilitation should be a secondary concern. The primary concern of the criminal justice system should be the protection of the non-guilty parties. The needs of society are therefore met by the immediate removal of the offender.  In addition a more retributive approach serves society through the message it conveys. Most modern defences of retribution would emphasize its role in reinforcing the moral values of society and expressing the public's outrage at certain crimes. Rehabilitation therefore weakens the strong message of disgust as to the offender’s actions that a traditional prison sentence symbolises and the deterrent that it thus provides.  [1] Chang, K. O. ‘Lock up repeat offenders for life’. Jamaica Gleaner, 17 September 2006 . rehabilitation society criminal justice system retribution repeat offenders protection law abiding citizens rehabilitation programmes Jamaica police crime football cooking programmes qualifications moral values public outrage deterrent immediate removal non-guilty parties traditional prison sentence symbolizes disgust offender actions criminal justice retribution rehabilitation society protection offenders repeat offenders Jamaica prison programmes retributive justice moral values public outrage deterrence non-guilty parties immediate removal long-term solutions group activities football cooking programmes professional qualification secondary concern primary goal crime prevention societal needs penal reform incarceration public safety rehabilitation criminal justice system society needs retribution offender removal public protection repeat offenders long-term solution short-term safety moral values public outrage crime deterrence rehabilitation effectiveness prison programmes group activities vocational training inmate reintegration societal message punitive measures crime prevention rehabilitation criminal justice system protection of society repeat offenders retribution societal needs immediate removal of offenders moral values public outrage deterrent prison programmes football activities cooking qualifications long-term solutions short-term safety Jamaica crime statistics rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law-abiding citizens repeat offenders retribution deterrence moral values public outrage crime prevention Jamaica prison programs football cooking qualifications offender removal non-guilty parties retributive approach moral reinforcement traditional prison sentence deterrence effect rehabilitation criminal justice system retribution protection of society repeat offenders Jamaica prison programmes football cooking programmes moral values public outrage deterrent immediate removal of offender non-guilty parties long term solutions short term protection societal needs crime prevention punishment social message offender reintegration community safety law enforcement judicial philosophy crime rates offender rehabilitation societal protection public safety penal system crime deterrence legal system social control inmate reform correctional facilities penal reform criminal behavior legal penalties societal values crime prevention strategies criminal rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law-abiding citizens repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes retribution deterrence moral values public outrage immediate removal secondary concern non-guilty parties strong message traditional prison sentence deterrent effect offender actions rehabilitation retribution criminal justice system society protection repeat offenders Jamaica crime prison programmes football activities cooking qualifications moral values public outrage crime deterrent non-guilty protection immediate removal offender punishment societal needs long-term solutions short-term security prison efficacy crime prevention rehabilitation criminal justice retribution society protection repeat offenders Jamaica prison programmes football cooking qualifications non-guilty parties moral values public outrage crime deterrent traditional prison sentence rehabilitation criminal justice system society protection law-abiding citizens repeat offenders retribution Jamaica prison programmes cooking qualifications moral values public outrage deterrent immediate removal secondary concern non-guilty parties retributive approach strong message traditional prison sentence
test-international-segiahbarr-con01a	Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals have not yet been reached  While the majority of African governments have made efforts to reach the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), the deadlines for achieving them are fast approaching with little sign of complete success. The MDGs were established in 2000, and laid out a set of criteria which each country should aspire to in order to become developed. These development goals are essential for Africa to be able to effectively grow. The United Nations Development Programme readily recognises that the eradication of hunger, reduction of child mortality, improvement of maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability are all off track in Africa [1] . Observing the causes of this failure, the inequality existing in Africa is blamed as a fundamental roadblock.  [1] UNDP, ‘MDG Progress Reports – Africa’, 2013 Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG progress reports development goals Africa's growth off track MDGs fundamental roadblock 2000 MDG establishment development aspirations deadlines approaching complete success UNDP recognition Africa's development challenges Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality development progress Africa UNDP MDG Progress Reports goals achievement developmental roadblocks poverty healthcare sustainability governance economic growth social development international aid policy reform gender equality education health services infrastructure nutritional status rural development urban planning economic policies political stability conflict resolution international cooperation technological advancement climate change resource management public health poverty reduction sustainable development goal tracking Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality progress reports Africa development challenges goal achievement poverty reduction sustainable development health improvement educational attainment gender equality economic growth international aid policy implementation regional disparities social development governance infrastructure healthcare education economic policies environmental policies sustainable practices MDG targets global partnerships international cooperation development assistance goal tracking development progress poverty eradication healthcare systems educational systems gender equity Millennium Development Goals African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger reduction of child mortality improvement of maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG progress reports Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality development progress Africa MDG progress reports goals off track development challenges sub-Saharan Africa poverty reduction sustainable development health improvement education advancement gender equality economic growth social development international support aid effectiveness policy implementation governance infrastructure resource allocation poverty health services education quality gender disparity economic policies social policies international cooperation development assistance regional disparities rural development urban development Millennium Development Goals African governments MDG deadlines development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality in Africa MDG progress reports UNDP Africa development aspirations poverty reduction sustainable development health improvement environmental protection economic growth social development policy efforts international support goal achievement regional disparities economic inequality social inequality political instability conflict humanitarian aid global partnership development assistance Millennium Development Goals progress African development challenges health outcomes environmental outcomes economic outcomes social outcomes goal tracking development indicators Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality Africa development progress MDG deadlines UNDP reports goal achievement roadblocks to development Millennium Development Goals MDG African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality Africa development progress MDG deadlines development goals poverty reduction health care sustainable development economic growth social inequality political instability resource allocation international aid poverty alleviation health improvement environmental protection progress reports development indicators goal achievement regional disparities socioeconomic factors governance issues public policy development strategies community engagement international cooperation global partnerships target fulfillment sustainable practices health outcomes educational Africa MDGs Millennium Development Goals UNDP United Nations Development Programme development criteria child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality progress reports eradication of hunger development goals African governments deadlines success growth roadblocks off track 2000 aspirations criteria essential established efforts sign complete approaching fundamental failure existing blamed fast majority recognised laid out set criteria aspire country developed essential effectively grow observes causes fundamental roadblock Millennium Development Goals MDGs African governments development criteria United Nations Development Programme UNDP eradication of hunger child mortality maternal health environmental sustainability inequality development progress Africa MDG Progress Reports 2013
test-politics-lghwdecm-con03a	Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. Mayors will come at a cost  Having Mayors is costly. First of all there is the referendum and the election of the Mayor himself which Bristol council has said could cost up to £400,000. [1] This is then followed by the extra administrative cost created by having a Mayor who will of course have to have deputies, staff, offices, cars and a publicity budget, which could mean up to £3 million a year. [2] This is money that at a time where councils are facing budget cuts could be better spent on shoring up the services councils provide.  [1] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012.  [2] McCabe, Steve, ‘An executive mayor – can we afford it?, Birmingham Mail, 17 April 2012. cost mayors referendum election Bristol council administrative deputies staff offices cars publicity budget cuts services Affordable expense financial impact governance local politics campaign expenditure municipal leadership fiscal responsibility taxpayer funds efficiency alternatives decision-making public investment community benefit value scrutiny transparency accountability mayors cost referendum election administrative deputies staff offices cars publicity budget cuts services councils executive afford Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative expenses deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail The Economist cost referendum election mayor Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative expenses deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail mayors cost referendum election administrative expenses deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts council services mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative expenses deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts service provision The Economist Steve McCabe Birmingham Mail elected mayors executive mayor affordability Mayors cost referendum election Bristol council administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors affordability cost referendum election administrative cost deputies staff offices cars publicity budget budget cuts services councils elected mayors Bristol Birmingham
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con04a	The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, The US has a long tradition of multiple languages  There is a long historical tradition in the United States to which different languages contributed. Most Americans do not have ancestors who arrived from England prior to 1776, and even among the colonists before independence there were Frenchman, Dutch, Swedes, Scots and Irish. [1] The languages of these early immigrants remain, for example Cajun, an offshoot of French remains a de facto official language in Louisiana. [2]  The historical importance of Native American languages or of the immigrants who came in and contributed so much is also ignored. All of these groups are stigmatized and their contributions ignored.  The descendants of most of the groups listed above speak English today, so the issue is not an ease of access one. It is however one of historical justice and giving full recognition to the full-range of contributors to American history.  [1] ‘Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies, 1750’, teacher’s Brunch,   [2] Melancon, Megan, ‘Cajun English’, PBS, US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice contributions American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Megan Melancon Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice American history linguistic diversity ethnic composition 1750 1776 immigration cultural contributions stigmatization recognition language preservation colonial period linguistic heritage teacher’s brunch Megan Melancon Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS US language diversity historical language contributions American linguistic heritage colonial language influence Native American languages immigrant linguistic contributions Cajun French Louisiana language history historical linguistic justice American ethnic composition pre-1776 immigration colonial settlers linguistic recognition US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS Megan Melancon US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice contributors to American history Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS teacher’s Brunch US multiple languages historical tradition immigrant languages ancestors colonists French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition American history Ethnic Composition of the Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS Megan Melancon US multiple languages historical tradition immigrant languages ancestors England 1776 French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Cajun English PBS Megan Melancon US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants ancestors England 1776 French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies 1750 Cajun English PBS US multiple languages historical tradition early immigrants French Dutch Swedes Scots Irish Cajun Louisiana Native American languages historical justice recognition contributors American history Ethnic Composition Thirteen Colonies Cajun English PBS Megan Melancon
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con02a	Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. Sexist advertising is subjective so would be too difficult to codify.  Effective advertising appeals to the social, cultural, and personal values of consumers. Through the connection of values to products, services and ideas, advertising is able to accomplish its goal of adoption. Failure to make meaningful appeals to audience members seriously diminishes the outcomes of marketing. Since differing beliefs about beauty, body types, sexuality, and gender roles exist across societies and cultures, universal definitions of sexist advertising are too difficult to determine. As an example, biological differences exist between women and what may be considered excessively thin in one society may not be so in another. Any type of censoring calls into questions such as who will censor and how will such censorship be applied. The development of standards could favour cultural imperialism. Therefore, sexist advertising is too difficult to codify. sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values product adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences censorship cultural imperialism advertising standards sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product adoption service adoption idea adoption meaningful appeals audience connection marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions censoring censorship questions who censors how to censor cultural imperialism standards development sexist advertising codification sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product adoption service adoption idea adoption meaningful appeals audience members marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societies cultures universal definitions censorship censors censorship application cultural imperialism standards development codification difficulty sexist advertising subjective codification difficulty effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer connection product appeal service appeal idea appeal marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions censorship questions who censors censorship application standards development cultural imperialism sexist advertising subjectivity codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product adoption meaningful appeals audience outcomes marketing success beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions excessive thinness censorship censoring authority censorship application cultural imperialism advertising standards codification challenges sexist advertising subjective codify social values cultural values personal values consumer connection product adoption marketing outcomes beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles cultural differences censorship who will censor how to apply censorship cultural imperialism standards development sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer connection product marketing service marketing idea marketing adoption meaningful appeals audience engagement marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions censorship who censors censorship application cultural imperialism standard development advertising regulation sexist advertising subjective codify effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer connection product adoption meaningful appeals audience outcomes marketing success differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal variations universal definitions biological differences women excessive thinness societal perspectives censorship who censors censorship application cultural imperialism standards development advertising regulation gender sensitivity cultural sensitivity sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values consumer values product appeal service appeal idea appeal marketing outcomes beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions censorship who censors how to censor cultural imperialism standards development difficulty in codifying sexist advertising subjective codification effective advertising social values cultural values personal values product appeal service appeal idea appeal advertising goals consumer adoption meaningful appeals audience engagement marketing outcomes differing beliefs beauty standards body types sexuality gender roles societal differences cultural differences universal definitions censorship cultural imperialism standards development advertising regulation consumer values market strategies advertising ethics
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con04a	Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: Corrupt states  States or institutions created in concession to terror are often corrupt, dominated by men of violence with links to organised crime. Nothing is achieved to improve the lives of the people in whose name terror has been used. Terrorist organisations have often a military and violent character. The sort of people who attracted to committing acts of terror often glorify illegitimate acts of violence and justify the possible harm done to civilians by proving their complicity or the outcome of the actions. More precisely, they have only the interest of their ideology or the minority they are supporting. When these people are put in a position of power, they are likely to follow the same lines as before, especially when they do not have a political background. They are likely to be ignorant of how political processes work, and will appoint people that have the ideology in other powerful positions. This will make the whole political system inefficient and biased towards a minority or a fringe interest. As a result, level of corruption could rise, and in extreme cases people with other opinions can be persecuted. Iran went from a Westernizing state to an Islamic one, and is now hostile to dissidents. [1]  [1] BBC News. (2012). Iran Profile, Retrieved 17 February 2012 from BBC News: corruption terror states institutions violence organised crime terrorist organisations military character illegitimate acts civilian harm ideology minority interests political power ignorance political processes inefficiency bias persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents corruption terrorist states political inefficiency violence organized crime ideological governance minority rule persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents Westernization political processes civilian harm illegitimate violence complicity fringe interests military character terror concessions power abuse corruption terror institutions violence organised crime terrorism military illegitimate acts civilians ideology minority power political ignorance inefficiency bias persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents corrupt states institutions created in concession terror dominated by violence organised crime improve lives terrorist organisations military character glorify illegitimate violence harm to civilians complicity ideology minority position of power ignorance of political processes inefficient system biased persecution Iran Westernizing state Islamic state hostile to dissidents corruption states institutions terror violence organised crime civilian harm ideology minority interests political inefficiency ignorance persecution Iran Islamic state dissidents BBC News corrupt states institutions created in concession terror men of violence organised crime improve lives terror used in name terrorist organisations military character violent character illegitimate acts of violence justify harm civilian complicity ideology minority interests power position political background ignorance of political processes appoint ideology followers political system inefficiency bias towards minority rise in corruption persecution of dissidents Iran Westernizing state Islamic state hostile to dissidents BBC News Iran Profile corrupt states institutions created in concession terror men of violence organised crime improve lives terrorist organisations military character violent character glorify illegitimate acts justify harm civilian complicity ideology minority support position of power political background ignorance of political processes appoint ideology supporters inefficient political system biased minority corruption persecution Iran Westernizing state Islamic state hostile to dissidents BBC News Iran Profile corruption states terror institutions violence organised crime improvement people ideology minority power political processes inefficiency bias persecution Iran Westernizing Islamic dissidents BBC News corruption terror states institutions violence organised crime terrorist organisations military character illegitimate violence civilian harm ideology minority interests political power ignorance political processes inefficiency bias persecution Iran Westernizing state Islamic state dissidents corruption terrorism violence organized crime ideology political processes inefficiency bias persecution dissidents Iran Islamic state Westernization
test-international-aghwrem-con04a	Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested international interest are harming Myanmar  Certain members of the international community, especially regional players like China and India, have tended to ignore questions of legitimacy of the regime for economic and political benefits. While this may be beneficial to them in the short term, it is very harmful for Myanmar as a democracy in the future. Politically, a blind eye is being turned to a culture of violating human rights. If and when Myanmar becomes a real democracy, it is unlikely that it will magically transform into a model democratic state, unless enough emphasis is provided to fundamental principles of good governance at the outset. Economically, investment is being provided in a highly monopolistic and imperfect environment, without addressing problems of corruption and inadequacy of legal processes. In the long run, even if a democratic constitutional framework exists, the country is likely to continue to have high economic disparity and corrupt markets due to these reasons (in a manner comparable to how Russian markets have evolved since the 1990s). Reengagement should not be setting the stage for a shift from a military-controlled government to a poor democracy, which would also be harmful for stability in the region as a whole. Vested interests international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime Myanmar democracy human rights good governance investment monopolistic environment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability reengagement military-controlled government regional stability Russian markets 1990s transformation Vested interests international community regional players China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy Myanmar good governance investment monopolistic environment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets 1990s vested interests international community China India legitimacy regime economic benefits political benefits democracy human rights good governance investment corruption legal processes democratic constitutional framework economic disparity market corruption military-controlled government regional stability Russian markets reengagement poor democracy Myanmar international interest China India economic benefits political legitimacy human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets Vested interests international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy human rights democracy good governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability military-controlled government reengagement Russian markets 1990s Vested interests international community Myanmar China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment monopolistic corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets Myanmar international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment monopolistic environment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy stability reengagement military-controlled government regional stability Russian markets 1990s political legitimacy economic disparity corrupt markets democratic constitutional framework Vested international interest Myanmar China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy good governance investment monopolistic environment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets 1990s Vested interests international community regional players China India legitimacy regime economic benefits political benefits democracy human rights governance investment monopoly corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets evolution Vested interests international community China India economic benefits political benefits legitimacy regime human rights democracy Myanmar governance investment corruption legal processes economic disparity poor democracy regional stability reengagement military-controlled government Russian markets 1990s transformation democratic constitutional framework high economic disparity corrupt markets
test-international-gsciidffe-con02a	Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, Governments enable censorship to protect their citizens  What censorship is it legitimate to undermine? Censorship is often created in order to protect the people not to strip them of freedoms. This is most obvious when we consider that filters to prevent hate speech or child pornography are forms of censorship that may be enabled with the intention of protecting citizens not repressing them. Iceland for example has recently decided to ban pornography and it would be enabled in a similar way to censorship by regimes like China or Iran. [1] Even harsher censorship that naturally looks more repressive to us may be considered a legitimate means of protecting the people and their values. When a government is using censorship to ensure stability is that censorship not justified when compared to the alternative? While there may be divisions internally about the legitimacy of this censorship it is certainly not legitimate for outside actors to impose their own idea of how much censorship there should be.  [1] Kiss, Jemima, “Iceland’s porn ban ‘conflicts with the idea of a free society’, say critics”, guardian.co.uk, 28 February 2013, governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermine forms hate speech child pornography filters Iceland ban pornography stability justified repressive values external interference free society debate legitimacy repression freedoms internet regulation control human rights speech activism digital policy governance international norms standards cybersecurity surveillance privacy ethics legal framework jurisdiction enforcement public opinion media society cultural context technology impact consequences balance oversight accountability transparency democratic process participation engagement censorship legitimacy protection citizens freedom hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban government stability external interference free society China Iran repression values internal divisions justification censorship government protection citizens legitimacy undermining hate speech child pornography filters repression Iceland pornography ban stability external interference values free society divisions justification repression human rights freedom of expression Governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermining hate speech child pornography filters Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability justified free society external actors legitimacy repression values freedom divisions imposed ideas amount control speech public safety moral values societal norms political stability national security human rights democratic principles media freedom information access government authority citizen rights privacy surveillance internet regulation content moderation ethical considerations legal frameworks international standards cultural sensitivity social cohesion extremism propaganda misinformation governments censorship protect citizens legitimate undermine hate speech child pornography filters Iceland ban pornography China Iran stability justified free society external interference values censorship legitimacy government protection citizens freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban stability external interference free society repression values government censorship legitimate censorship hate speech child pornography Iceland porn ban protective measures stability repression external interference free society citizen protection values internal divisions repressive regimes China Iran censorship legitimacy protection citizens freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban stability government external interference free society values repressive legitimacy debate free speech human rights ethical considerations digital rights content control societal norms legal frameworks international perspectives cultural differences moral arguments public safety privacy surveillance authoritarianism democracy legislative measures internet regulation press freedom information control cyber laws political control social media regulation media ethics free expression online safety moral panic technological solutions digital literacy legal challenges policy-making censorship legitimate protection citizens freedoms hate speech child pornography Iceland porn ban stability government repression values external interference free society Censorship legitimacy protection freedom hate speech child pornography Iceland pornography ban government control stability repression external interference free society values internal divisions repression
test-international-amehbuaisji-con01a	Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification of the International Criminal Court would be a violation of national sovereignty  Any state ratifying the Rome Statute, is placing its citizens at the mercy of a court that operates outside of national control. This is an unacceptable ceding of national sovereignty – thus no state other than the US has the power to deal with American criminals, and no one but Israel should deal with Israeli criminals. International criminal law and national sovereignty are inevitably enemies  Not only does the ICC threaten American sovereignty, it threatens the sovereignty of all nations – the ICC can, in some cases, prosecute citizens of nations that are not state parties. Authority for justice within one’s territory is however at the heart of the concept of sovereignty. As a matter of principle the US should not be supporting measures that affect the sovereignty of any nation, let alone the US itself. Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens court national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law sovereignty ICC American sovereignty state parties prosecution non-state parties justice territory principle US supporting measures sovereignty impact ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens court national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israel Israeli international criminal law enemies ICC threatens sovereignty nations state parties justice territory principle measures US supporting sovereignty nation Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute ICC American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law sovereignty US justice territory principle state parties prosecution non-state parties authority control ratification international criminal court violation national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens outside control unacceptable ceding sovereignty US power American criminals Israel Israeli criminals international criminal law enemies ICC threat American sovereignty sovereignty nations prosecute non-state parties justice authority territory sovereignty concept US principle supporting measures sovereignty impact ratification international criminal court national sovereignty rome statute citizens outside control ceding sovereignty state parties non-state parties prosecute territory justice principle us sovereignty supporting measures sovereignty threats icc american sovereignty israeli sovereignty international criminal law ICC international criminal court national sovereignty Rome Statute US American criminals Israel Israeli criminals international criminal law state parties sovereignty justice territory principle support measures nation ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law enemies ICC American sovereignty state parties prosecute non-state parties justice territorial authority sovereignty principle US measures nation ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens outside national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC American sovereignty sovereignty of all nations non-state parties authority for justice territorial sovereignty US principle sovereignty measures Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty American criminals Israeli criminals international criminal law ICC sovereignty state parties territorial authority justice principle US measures sovereignty impact Ratification International Criminal Court national sovereignty Rome Statute citizens national control ceding sovereignty state parties ICC prosecute non-state parties authority justice territory sovereignty US principle measures supporting sovereignty nation
test-health-dhghhbampt-con02a	The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. The pharmaceutical and medical industries are worth billions of dollars annually. They have an interest in ignoring the efficacy of remedies that are, for the most part, free or considerably cheaper  It’s understandable that the medical establishment has an interest in ignoring treatments that are freely available. Pharmaceutical companies make billions each year selling drugs that cost pennies to manufacture.  There is an enormous vested interest in insuring that the world in general- and the West in particular-remain tied to the idea that the only solution to disease is to swallow a pill provided by a man in a white coat. There are other solutions that have been used for thousands of years before anybody worked out how to make a buck out of it. For much of the world these therapies continue to be the ones people rely on and the rush of pharmaceutical companies to issue patents on genes of some of these traditional remedies suggests that there must be at least some truth in them. pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests efficacy of remedies free treatments cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interests disease solutions traditional therapies patenting genes traditional remedies healthcare alternatives pharmaceutical patents natural treatments cost of drugs healthcare industry medical treatments drug manufacturing costs pharmaceutical profits medical practices traditional medicine healthcare economics pharmaceutical research drug efficacy medical ethics pharmaceutical industry medical industry economic value drug companies profit margins free remedies cheaper treatments traditional medicine natural remedies vested interests healthcare establishment patenting genes traditional therapies pharmaceutical patents medical solutions drug manufacturing costs Western medicine non-pharmaceutical treatments alternative medicine health care industry pharmaceutical industry medical industry economic interests free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment drug manufacturing vested interests disease treatment traditional therapies patenting genes natural remedies healthcare economics alternative medicine pharmaceutical patents traditional medicine healthcare industry drug pricing medical profitability health solutions pharmaceutical industry medical industry economic interests free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interests traditional therapies pharmaceutical patents gene patents natural treatments healthcare costs drug manufacturing profit-driven healthcare alternative medicine traditional medicine patenting natural substances efficacy of natural remedies dependency on pharmaceuticals global healthcare practices pharmaceutical medical industries billions dollars annually interest ignoring efficacy remedies free cheaper medical establishment treatments freely available companies billions year drugs pennies manufacture vested interest world West disease solution pill man white coat solutions thousands years therapies rely rush issue patents genes traditional remedies truth pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests drug companies cost of drugs traditional remedies free treatments cheaper treatments medical establishment vested interests disease solutions pills healthcare providers patenting genes traditional therapies effectiveness of remedies medical skepticism profit-driven healthcare alternative medicine natural treatments pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper treatments medical establishment pharmaceutical companies drug manufacturing costs vested interests disease solutions traditional therapies patented genes traditional remedies healthcare economics medical patents natural treatments alternative medicine healthcare industry profits drug pricing medical innovation healthcare traditions pharmaceutical industry medical industry free remedies cheaper remedies medical establishment vested interest drug manufacturing costs traditional remedies patenting genes alternative therapies disease treatment pill culture Western medicine healthcare economics natural medicine complementary medicine indigenous treatments herbal remedies medical patents pharmaceutical profits pharmaceutical industry medical industry financial interests drug costs manufacturing costs profit margins vested interests traditional remedies natural treatments healthcare establishment patenting genes alternative medicine free remedies cheaper treatments disease solutions pills medical practitioners healthcare alternatives historical treatments global healthcare practices pharmaceutical industry medical industry economic value drug profitability cost of production vested interests healthcare establishment alternative treatments traditional medicine free remedies cheaper treatments patenting genes pharmaceutical patents traditional remedies natural solutions disease treatment healthcare practices Western medicine non-pharmaceutical therapies
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con02a	It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. It may be in the best interests of victims and their state for war criminals not to be brought to trial.  The ICC may well lead to the political prosecution of war criminals, but that is not necessarily the most effective means to peace, or lasting peace for victims. As U.S. policy papers have pointed out, despots like Pol Pot and Saddam Hussein did not consult lawyers over potential legal ramifications before they committed their respective human rights violations1. Furthermore, the impact on an oppressed population of a long, protracted trial of their fallen dictator is not always therapeutic for it can dredge up events of particularly melancholic qualities and grants the dictator a platform to continue his psychological control over his population.  1 Elsea, J. K. (2006). U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court. Congressional Research Service, p. 22. war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications war criminals ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials psychological control therapeutic impact protracted trial fallen dictator legal ramifications Congressional Research Service international criminal court judicial process conflict resolution transitional justice post-conflict healing legal retributions societal recovery rule of law international law human rights genocide war crimes crimes against humanity accountability impunity national reconciliation peacebuilding victim empowerment historical trauma judicial mechanisms Prosecutorial discretion international war criminals ICC political prosecution lasting peace victims U.S. policy International Criminal Court despots human rights violations long trials psychological control oppressed population therapeutic impact legal ramifications war criminals ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy International Criminal Court despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications war criminals trial ICC political prosecution peace victims U.S. policy Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trial dictator psychological control therapeutic melancholic events war criminals trial ICC political prosecution peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trials psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications war crimes international criminal court ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population protracted trial dictator psychological control therapeuticimpact legal ramifications war criminals ICC International Criminal Court political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population fallen dictator protracted trial psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications war criminals trial ICC political prosecution peace lasting peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed population long trial fallen dictator psychological control therapeutic dredge up melancholic qualities ICC war criminals trials political prosecution peace victims U.S. policy despots Pol Pot Saddam Hussein human rights violations oppressed populations long trials psychological control therapeutic impact legal ramifications fallen dictator melancholic events
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con01a	It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. It is impossible to frame a structure which respects the right to die for the individual but that cannot be abused by others.  In terms of moral absolutes, killing people is wrong sets the bar fairly low. Pretty much all societies have accepted this as a line that cannot be crossed without the explicit and specific agreement of the state which only happens in very rare circumstances such as in times of war.  There is a simple reason for a blanket ban. It allows for no caveats, no misunderstandings, no fudging of the issue, and no shades of grey. Again, the reason for this approach is equally simple; anything other than such a clear cut approach will inevitably be abused [i] . As things stand guilt in the case of murder is determined entirely on the basis that it is proven that someone took another life. Their reasons for doing so may be reflected in sentencing but the court is not required to consider whether someone was justified in killing another.  It is in the nature of a court case that it happens after the event and nobody other than the murderer and the deceased know what actually took place between them. If we take shaken baby syndrome cases as an example the parent still loves the child, they have acted in the madness of a moment out of frustration. It’s still murder. Supporting a dying relative can be no less frustrating but killing them would still be murder, even where that comes after a prolonged period of coercion to fill in forms and achieve the appearance of consent. It would, however, be very hard to prove. At least with a baby we can assume consent was not given, that would not be the case here.  [i] Stephen Drake and Diane Coleman. ‘Second Thoughts’ Grow on Assisted Suicide. The Wall Street Journal. 5 August 2012. right to die moral absolutes killing people ethical boundaries societal norms blanket ban legal absolutes murder guilt court sentencing justifications for killing shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide coercion consent ethical dilemmas legal standards moral reasoning end-of-life decisions euthanasia judicial process criminal justice legal ethics moral philosophy human rights bioethics healthcare policy public opinion legislative reform moral psychology legal reform ethical guidelines patient rights physician-assisted suicide palliative care terminal illness ethical responsibilities moral controversies legal gray areas abuse right to die moral absolutes killing people society norms state permission war circumstances blanket ban moral clarity abuse prevention murder definition court sentencing justifiable killing shaken baby syndrome parental frustration assisted suicide coercion consent forms proof of consent Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Wall Street Journal ethical dilemmas legal grey areas euthanasia palliative care terminal illness patient rights healthcare ethics legislative challenges public opinion moral relativism legal absolutes judicial process crime justification voluntary euthanasia non-voluntary euthanasia legal reform right to die moral absolutes killing people blanket ban caveats misunderstandings fudging shades of grey murder guilt sentencing justification shaken baby syndrome parent frustration dying relative coercion forms appearance of consent proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman Second Thoughts Assisted Suicide Wall Street Journal right to die moral absolutes killing people societal acceptance state agreement war circumstances blanket ban moral clarity legal abuse murder determination court sentencing justified killing shaken baby syndrome murder intent dying relative prolonged coercion consent appearance legal proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman assisted suicide Wall Street Journal right to die moral absolutes killing state authority war blanket ban legal ambiguity moral clarity murder guilt court sentencing justification shaken baby syndrome parental frustration assisted suicide coercion consent proof ethical dilemmas terminal illness legal standards moral reasoning public policy Stephen Drake Diane Coleman The Wall Street Journal 2012 right to die moral absolutes killing people state agreement war blanket ban caveats misunderstandings shades of grey murder sentencing court shaken baby syndrome parent frustration dying relative coercion forms consent proof Stephen Drake Diane Coleman assisted suicide Wall Street Journal right to die moral absolutes killing people state agreement moral absolutes moral clarity blanket ban murder court case shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide Second Thoughts Diane Coleman Stephen Drake explicit consent coercion euthanasia legal grey areas moral justification posthumous evidence ethical boundaries societal norms legal proof murder sentencing abusive potential ethical considerations legislative clarity criminal justice medical ethics end-of-life decisions legal reform ethical dilemmas judicial discretion legal absolutes prosecutorial standards ethical standards legal precedents societal consensus moral relativ right to die moral absolutes killing people ethical considerations legal standards murder guilt sentencing court cases shaken baby syndrome assisted suicide euthanasia coercion consent proof of intent moral justification legal loopholes abuse of laws ethical dilemmas end-of-life decisions palliative care moral philosophy legal ethics societal norms blanket ban caveats misunderstandings clarity in law shades of grey legal abuse explicit agreement state authority rare circumstances war legal boundaries moral boundaries ethical frameworks human rights dignity in dying patient autonomy right to die moral absolutes killing people societal acceptance moral line blanket ban caveats misunderstandings fudging shades of grey clear cut approach murder guilt sentencing court shaken baby syndrome parental frustration dying relative prolonged coercion forms appearance of consent proof assisted suicide second thoughts Wall Street Journal Stephen Drake Diane Coleman right to die moral absolutes killing societal norms state permission war moral clarity legal absolutes abuse prevention court determinations murder sentencing justification post-incident considerations shaken baby syndrome parental actions frustration assisted suicide coercion consent proof of intent ethical dilemmas legal challenges moral reasoning end-of-life decisions ethical boundaries legal standards public policy assisted dying euthanasia moral philosophy legal ethics healthcare ethics human rights legal reform public opinion ethical debates medical law criminal law moral psychology terminal illness compassionate
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con03a	The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. The offer of amnesty allows home governments to discredit bloggers and paint them as foreign agents of disruption  When Western states and democracies offer amnesty to bloggers under threat from their home governments, the blogger’s views and comments immediately become coloured in the eyes of the public. The government is able to point to the Western powers offering this amnesty and can easily claim that their offers are the result of collusion between bloggers and their foreign patrons to spread propaganda, so the blogger is therefore guilty of treason. As unfortunate as it may be in individual cases, the result is that offering amnesty will only weaken the cause of democracy. Being sent to prison for their beliefs will do far more to serve their cause than seeking succour in the arms of another state, one that has demonstrated antagonism toward their homeland. The ability for governments to stoke nationalist fires has been thoroughly demonstrated in recent months by China’s reaction toward territorial disputes with Japan. [1] It is very easy to rile the public against a perceived external aggressor, especially given that these states often control much of the mainstream media outlets, and those who offer amnesty give themselves up on a platter as an adversary to be exploited in the public consciousness. The better plan for democracies in pursuit of their goals is to condemn acts of oppression and to seek diplomatic redress, but direct interference in the course of states’ justice will doing nothing but harm relations with regimes and turn the people against the proponents of reform.  [1] The Economist. “Barren Rocks, Barren Nationalism”. 25 August 2012. amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies public perception government propaganda treason democracy prison beliefs nationalist fires China Japan territorial disputes mainstream media diplomatic redress oppression state justice relations regimes reform proponents amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents disruption public perception treason prison democratic cause international relations nationalism media control diplomatic redress oppression state justice reform proponents territorial disputes China Japan nationalism exploitation amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception collusion propaganda treason prison beliefs democracies goals oppression diplomatic redress interference justice nationalism media control external aggressor state relations reform proponents amnesty bloggers home governments discrediting foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception government claims collusion propaganda treason democracy prison beliefs nationalist fires China territorial disputes Japan external aggressor mainstream media diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes people reform proponents direct interference justice harm amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies propaganda treason prison beliefs nationalism China Japan territorial disputes media outlets diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes reform amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents disruption propaganda treason nationalist fires territorial disputes diplomatic redress oppression justice public consciousness reform prison beliefs succour antagonism media outlets public opinion external aggressor international relations human rights political asylum freedom of expression state control public perception condemnation diplomatic pressure legal interference regime relations blogger support nationalistic sentiment political prisoners international community democracy promotion state-sponsored propaganda bloggers' safety digital activism political asylum controversy nationalism exploitation diplomatic tension amnesty bloggers home governments Western states democracies foreign agents disruption propaganda treason prisoner beliefs nationalist fires external aggressor mainstream media diplomatic redress oppression relations regimes reform Barren Rocks Barren Nationalism The Economist territorial disputes China Japan amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies public perception government propaganda treason prison individual sacrifices nationalist sentiment mainstream media external aggression diplomatic redress international relations human rights reform proponents state justice public consciousness amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents Western states democracies propaganda treason nationalism public consciousness human rights diplomatic redress media control territorial disputes international relations reform oppression prisoner support cause of democracy public perception direct interference state justice antagonism extradition territorial conflicts indoctrination freedom of speech international law geopolitical tensions blogger support digital activism political asylum nationalist rhetoric media manipulation geopolitical strategy diplomatic relations protest support regime change global politics international solidarity amnesty bloggers home governments foreign agents disruption Western states democracies public perception nationalism territorial disputes media control diplomatic redress oppression regime relations reform proponents prison beliefs succour antagonism propaganda treason
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con02a	Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, Punishing objectively harmful conduct  Of the tens of thousands of children exposed to armed conflict throughout the world, most are recruited into armed political groups. Quite contrary to the image of child soldiers constructed by the proposition, these youngsters are not de-facto adults, nor are they seeking to defend communities who will be in some way grateful for their contributions and sacrifices. Child soldiers join groups with defined political and military objectives.  Children may volunteer for military units after encountering propaganda. Many children join up to escape social disintegration within their communities. Several female child soldiers have revealed that they joined because to escape domestic violence or forced marriage. Many children who do not volunteer can be forcibly abducted by military organisations. One former child soldier from Congo reported that “they gave me a uniform and told me that now I was in the army. They said that they would come back and kill my parents if I didn’t do as they said.” [i]  Once inducted into the army, children are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. They are usually viewed as expendable, employed as minesweepers or spies. The inexperience and gullibility of children is used to convince them that they are immune to bullets, or will be financially rewarded for committing atrocities. Many children are controlled through the use of drugs, to which they inevitably become addicted [ii] .  For every account the proposition can provide of a child who took up arms to defend his family, there are many more children who were coerced or threatened into becoming soldiers. Whatever standard of relativist morality side proposition may choose to employ, actions and abuses of the type described above are object4ively harmful to children.  Moreover, the process of turning a child into a soldier is irreversible and often more brutal and dehumanising than combat itself. Proposition concedes that child soldiers will be in need of care and treatment after demobilising, but they underestimate the difficulty of healing damage this horrific.  The use of child soldiers is an unpardonable crime, which creates suffering of a type universally understood to be unnecessary and destructive. It should not be diluted or justified by relativist arguments.  It would undermine the ICC’s role in promoting universal values if officers and politicians complicit in the abuses described above were allowed to publicly argue cultural relativism as their defence. Moreover, it would give an unacceptable air of legitimacy to warlords and brigands seeking to operate under the pretence of leading legitimate resistance movements  [i] Child Soldiers International,   [ii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p299, child soldiers armed conflict recruited armed political groups de-facto adults defend communities political objectives volunteer propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility immune to bullets financial rewards drugs addiction coerced threatened irreversible brutal dehumanising care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements unpardonable crime unnecessary suffering destructive child soldiers armed conflict recruited armed political groups not de-facto adults volunteer propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform kill parents vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility immune to bullets financial rewards drugs addicted coerced threatened objectively harmful irreversible dehumanising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forced recruitment abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies drugs irreversible damage dehumanising ICC warlords cultural relativism universal values legitimate resistance movements armed conflict child soldiers recruited armed political groups not de-facto adults escape social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addicted coerced threatened objectively harmful irreversible dehumanising unpardonable crime universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements Child Soldiers International Global Report 2008 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups military objectives propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats abuse exploitation minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversibility dehumanization International Criminal Court universal values warlords resistance movements humanitarian law child protection exploitation armed groups combat demobilization care treatment cultural relativism legal defense global report child rights international standards military units communities contributions sacrifices child soldiers armed conflict armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction military organizations uniform threats abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion moral harm irreversible damage dehumanization ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements care treatment demobilization Child Soldiers International global report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers child soldiers armed conflict recruited political groups not de-facto adults escape social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted uniform threats parents vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies gullibility immune to bullets financial rewards drugs addicted coerced threatened objectively harmful irreversible dehumanising care treatment demobilising unpardonable crime suffering ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements child soldiers armed conflict recruitment armed political groups propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage abduction uniform threats family inexperience gullibility minesweepers spies drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible dehumanising care treatment demobilising ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords brigands legitimate resistance movements Child Soldiers International Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers global report 2008 2007 p299 child soldiers armed conflict recruitment political groups de-facto adults community defense propaganda social disintegration domestic violence forced marriage forced abduction abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility drugs addiction coercion threats relativist morality irreversible damage dehumanization care treatment ICC universal values cultural relativism warlords legitimacy resistance movements Punishing objectively harmful conduct children armed conflict recruited armed political groups not de-facto adults defending communities defined political military objectives volunteer military units propaganda social disintegration female child soldiers domestic violence forced marriage forcibly abducted military organizations uniform army kill parents inducted vulnerable abuse exploitation expendable minesweepers spies inexperience gullibility convinced immune bullets financially rewarded atrocities controlled drugs
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con01a	Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership is an integral aspect of the right to self defence  Law-abiding citizens deserve the right to protect their families in their own homes, especially if the police are judged incapable of dealing with the threat of attack. Would-be rapists and armed burglars will think twice before attempting to break into any house where the owners may keep firearms for self-defence. (This can also be applied to the right to carry concealed weapons, deterring potential rapists, muggers, etc.) Gun ownership self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police incapability threat of attack rapists armed burglars deterrence concealed weapons muggers personal security second amendment firearm rights civilian protection crime prevention legal firearms defensive gun use gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens family protection police inefficiency threat of attack firearms self-defence concealed weapons deterrence potential criminals home safety personal security second amendment gun rights crime prevention public safety self-protection legal firearms defensive gun use gun ownership right to self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police response threat of attack deterrence would-be criminals rapists armed burglars concealed weapons muggers personal security firearm possession self-protection legal rights defensive gun use crime prevention gun ownership right to self-defense law-abiding citizens protect families home security police inability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars firearms for self-defense concealed weapons deterring criminals muggers personal safety home protection concealed carry rights gun rights self-defense laws public safety crime prevention gun ownership self-defence law-abiding citizens family protection home security police response threat of attack deterrence would-be criminals rapists armed burglars break-ins firearms concealed carry muggers public safety Second Amendment legal rights personal security crime prevention gun ownership self-defence law-abiding citizens family protection police capability threat of attack would-be rapists armed burglars home safety firearms for self-defence concealed weapons deterrence potential rapists muggers public safety personal security constitutional rights gun rights second amendment crime prevention defensive gun use Gun ownership self defence law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police inefficiency threat of attack deterrence would-be rapists armed burglars concealed weapons muggers firearm possession personal security legal rights homeowner protection criminal deterrence defensive gun use concealed carry laws Second Amendment constitutional rights gun rights advocacy public safety crime prevention personal safety measures self-protection homeowner responsibility security concerns armed defense legal firearms concealed carry permits self-defense training gun control debate firearm ethics responsible gun ownership protecting loved ones property gun ownership self-defense law-abiding citizens protect families home safety police inefficiency threat deterrence armed burglars rapists concealed carry muggers firearm rights homeowner protection defense mechanisms legal firearm possession personal security community safety potential attackers self-protection laws legal defense tools gun ownership right to self-defense law-abiding citizens protect families home protection police response threat of attack would-be criminals deterrence firearms self-defense concealed weapons rapists muggers break-ins home security gun rights crime prevention personal safety right to bear arms concealed carry laws self-defense legislation home protection deterrence of crime gun control debate Second Amendment rights personal safety legal firearm ownership citizen's duty to self-protect police response time crime prevention strategies armed self-defense defensive gun use domestic security individual liberty law enforcement limitations violence prevention civilian disarmament concerns legal responsibility of gun owners
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro01a	"450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). 450 PPM  The IPCC's Fourth Assessment Report determined that atmospheric GHG emissions needed to stabilize at 450ppm in order to avoid a temperature rise of more than 2-2.4C. Atmospheric ppm are currently at 393 and are rising at a rate of about 2 ppm per year. In order to stabilize at 450 ppm, the developed world would need to reduce its emissions by 25-40% by 2020 and 80-90% by 2050 along with significant reductions in the emissions growth rate of developing countries 1. Only a handful of countries (all of them in Europe) have achieved any reduction in annual GHG emissions despite promises to do so going back to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol.2 As a result, there is no evidence on which to reasonably conclude that atmospheric GHGs will be stabilized at 450ppm.  1. IPCC (2007). ""IPCC Fourth Assessment Report: Climate Change 2007 (AR4)"". Cambridge, United Kingdom and New York, NY, USA.: Cambridge University Press.  2 The Guardian, World carbon dioxide emissions data by country: China speeds ahead of the rest. (31/1/11). climate change greenhouse gases carbon dioxide IPCC emissions reduction Kyoto Protocol stabilization temperature rise developed countries developing countries Europe China annual emissions emission targets 2020 2050 atmospheric ppm global warming environmental policy international agreements 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report climate change GHG emissions stabilization temperature rise atmospheric ppm emissions reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions global warming environmental policy international agreements climate science COP UNFCCC emissions targets 2020 goals 2050 goals European reductions China emissions global environmental challenges climate action mitigation strategies emissions trends climate impact sustainable development green policies carbon footprint climate justice COP26 net-zero carbon neutrality renewable energy fossil fuels IPCC Fourth Assessment Report 450ppm GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm emissions reduction developed countries developing countries Kyoto Protocol climate change carbon dioxide emissions global warming environmental policy international agreements emission targets climate science pollution control sustainable development greenhouse gases climate mitigation CO2 levels environmental sustainability climate action emission scenarios climate impact climate negotiations renewable energy fossil fuels climate goals carbon footprint climate resilience carbon capture climate models climate projections environmental research climate data carbon neutrality climate finance environmental governance 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions climate change atmospheric stabilization emission reduction developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions global warming environmental policy climate mitigation scientific consensus climate science environmental impact emission targets climate action international agreements climate goals carbon reduction environmental sustainability climate crisis global emissions climate research temperature rise climate scenarios carbon footprint pollution control greenhouse gases climate justice environmental regulation climate strategies renewable energy fossil fuels carbon intensity climate adaptation sustainable development climate finance global environmental governance atmospheric GHG emissions stabilization IPCC Fourth Assessment Report temperature rise ppm levels emissions reduction developed countries developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions climate change global warming environmental policy international agreements emissions targets climate science atmospheric science environmental sustainability renewable energy carbon footprint greenhouse gases CO2 emissions climate mitigation adaptation strategies climate action environmental impact global emissions climate goals carbon neutrality IPCC Fourth Assessment Report 450ppm atmospheric GHG emissions stabilize temperature rise 2-2.4C emissions reduction developed world 2020 2050 developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions China The Guardian global warming climate change environmental policy international agreements emissions growth rate 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report atmospheric GHG emissions stabilize temperature rise 2-2.4C current atmospheric ppm rising rate developed world emissions reduction 2020 2050 developing countries emissions Kyoto Protocol global carbon dioxide emissions China climate change environmental policy international agreements emissions targets scientific assessments climate science greenhouse gases carbon footprint global warming environmental impact mitigation strategies climate action policy analysis Paris Agreement emission scenarios carbon neutrality sustainable development climate resilience environmental governance renewable energy 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions temperature rise atmospheric ppm emissions reduction developed world 2020 targets 2050 targets developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions China global climate change environmental policy climate science emission stabilization climate targets international agreements climate action European countries emission reduction success climate research climate impact mitigation strategies 450 PPM IPCC Fourth Assessment Report GHG emissions stabilize temperature rise atmospheric ppm emissions reduction developed world emissions growth rate developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions climate change global warming environmental policy international agreements emission targets climate science environmental impact industrial emissions renewable energy carbon footprint sustainable development environmental activism climate resilience mitigation strategies adaptation measures green technology carbon capture renewable resources energy efficiency ecological footprint carbon trading global environmental governance climate justice environmental sustainability climate action sustainable practices environmental conservation carbon neutrality IPCC Fourth Assessment Report climate change GHG emissions atmospheric ppm temperature rise emission reductions developed world developing countries Kyoto Protocol carbon dioxide emissions stabilization global warming environmental policy international agreements climate targets emission scenarios climate impacts mitigation strategies"
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizen choice healthy leader leader fitness vital issue electorate knowledge health conditions hidden information serve term control of country voter choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness election precondition democracy leader accountability electorate information transparency citizen choice healthy leader leader fitness health conditions electorate knowledge serving term voter information leader accountability democratic process clear information accurate information up-to-date information leader fitness criteria election precondition transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election unable serve control country voters choice necessary information judge fitness democracy accountability vital information transparency citizens choose healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue electorate know serve term health conditions hidden mistaken election unable serve control country voting choice problem clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information transparency health fitness leader electorate accountability democracy term control information precondition voting conditions vital up-to-date accurate choose functioning hidden problem serve leader's health public knowledge leadership fitness transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue leader selection electorate knowledge hidden health conditions electing leader serving term country control voter decision accurate information up-to-date information leader fitness election precondition democracy leader accountability vital information transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election serve full term control country voters choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choose leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election unable serve not in control voting vital information clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness democracy accountability electorate knowledge leader accountability informed voting health disclosure leadership health public right to know political transparency election integrity candidate health voter decision-making leadership capability health transparency democratic process leader fitness health status informed electorate political accountability health reporting leadership evaluation voter awareness health scrutiny transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue leader election electorate knowledge health conditions hidden health unable to serve full term in control voter choice up-to-date information fitness assessment necessary precondition democracy leader accountability vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader leader fitness health disclosure hidden health conditions electorate information leader accountability democracy voter rights leadership fitness public health awareness electoral transparency informed voting leader health issues democratic accountability voter education term completion leadership capability country control accurate information up-to-date health data vital information political fitness governance transparency democratic precondition health transparency leadership evaluation voting importance leadership term public trust health and leadership clear information health disclosure laws leader accountability measures voter decision-making leader health transparency leadership health public right to know
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro04a	As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 As an extensive form of media, the Internet should be subject to regulation just as other forms of media are.  Under the status quo, states already regulate other forms of media that could be used malevolently. Newspapers and books are subject to censorship [1] , and mediums such as television, film and video receive a higher degree of regulation [2] because it is widely recognised that moving pictures and sound can be more emotive and powerful than text and photographs or illustrations. The internet has many means of portraying information and opinion, including film clips and sound, and almost all the information found on television or in newspapers can be found somewhere on the internet [3] , alongside the millions of uploads from internet users themselves [4] .  [1] Foerstel, Herbert N., ‘Banned in the Media’, Publishing Central,  on 09/09/11  [2] CityTVweb.com, ‘Television censorship’, 27 August 2007,  on 09/09/11.  [3] Online Newspapers Directory for the World, ‘Thousands of Newspapers Listed by Country & Region’,  on 09/09/11  [4] Boris, Cynthia, ’17 Percent of Photobucket Users Upload Video’s Once a Day’, Marketing Pilgrim, 9 September 2011,  on 09/09/11 Internet regulation media censorship state control television regulation film control online content user-generated content digital media laws information portrayal media comparability web censorship online media oversight internet governance digital content regulation multimedia content control online video regulation social media oversight cyber laws web content standards digital rights management media regulation internet regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content emotive media powerful media online newspapers photobucket videos media comparison status quo government regulation media forms communication mediums public opinion media influence information dissemination digital media Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content media forms emotive power information portrayal moving pictures sound text photographs illustrations newspapers books online newspapers video uploads Photobucket user behavior Internet regulation media regulation censorship online content digital media television regulation film regulation newspaper censorship online newspapers user-generated content video uploads photobucket marketing pilgrim emotive media powerful media information portrayal media forms status quo state regulation malevolent use media control information access digital rights online freedom content moderation media laws telecommunications policy internet governance media studies communication studies media ethics public interest media impact societal influence technological advancements content distribution media convergence regulatory frameworks free speech privacy concerns digital age information Internet regulation media regulation censorship television censorship film regulation online content user-generated content news media print media media forms information portrayal emotive media powerful media media comparison media standards content control digital media online videos photo uploads media upload frequency Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content media comparison information portrayal emotive media powerful media text regulation image regulation sound regulation video regulation news regulation media standards media oversight content control digital media media forms regulatory frameworks media policy internet oversight online media regulation user uploads digital content regulation media censorship online censorship media law media ethics regulatory bodies internet governance digital governance media governance content moderation digital moderation user content regulation media studies communication studies information studies digital Internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content media forms emotive power media control digital media information portrayal online newspapers video uploads media standards content moderation internet governance media laws online film sound content media impact regulatory frameworks online expression digital censorship media diversity information dissemination media content online videos internet monitoring Internet regulation media regulation censorship newspapers books television film video moving pictures sound text photographs illustrations information portrayal opinion film clips sound clips user uploads online content media forms regulatory standards content moderation digital media media comparison media influence public policy media control information dissemination user-generated content media impact emotive content powerful media regulatory environment media legislation media guidelines content regulation digital rights media freedom internet governance media ethics media responsibility media laws media restrictions media supervision media oversight content policy internet regulation media regulation censorship television regulation film regulation online content user-generated content emotive media powerful media online newspapers photobucket uploads media comparison status quo media forms regulatory standards internet media information portrayal opinion portrayal video uploads daily uploads Internet regulation media regulation censorship newspapers books television film video emotive content powerful media information portrayal opinion sharing user uploads online newspapers Photobucket video uploads media forms regulatory measures content control digital media state intervention media standards public safety online content internet safety media environment digital communication regulatory frameworks media governance online governance media policy content moderation digital rights user-generated content media ethics internet ethics free speech media law online law digital law information ethics media freedom internet freedom content regulation
test-politics-oapghwliva-con02a	"The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX The constitution should not be amended  We should always be cautious of altering the United States’ Constitution. Once an amendment is passed, it is extremely hard to overturn, even if its consequences are clearly negative (as the experience of constitutionally-mandated prohibition of alcohol should make clear). It would be both difficult and unnecessary. There are problems of wording and interpretation. The 1996 Act covered 22 pages and went into great detail to define the extent and limits of Presidential authority under the legislation, including the exact meanings of “single item of appropriation”, ''direct spending'' and ''limited tax benefit'', as well as the means by which Congress could override his decisions.1 It is hard to believe that a one-paragraph amendment to the Constitution could achieve such precision, opening the budgetary process up to confusion, shifting interpretation and constant legal challenge. It is also unnecessary. Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia argues ""The short of the matter is this: Had the Line Item Veto Act authorized the president to 'decline to spend' any item of spending ... there is not the slightest doubt that authorization would have been constitutional… What the Line Item Veto Act does instead -- authorizing the president to 'cancel' an item of spending -- is technically different.""2 Thus the act could simply have been worded differently in order to make it constitutional. This would not change the substance of the ability of the ‘veto’ to cut spending.  1 One hundred fourth Congress of the United States of America at the second session, “Line Item Veto Act”, 3/1/1996, The Library of Congress, accessed 6/5/11  2 Supreme Court Justice Scalia quoted in Michael Kirkland, ‘Under the U.S. Supreme Court: Like the South, will line item veto rise again?’, upi.com, 17/4/11 accessed 6/5/11  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  ""I do not take these matters lightly in amending the Constitution. However, I am convinced in this case it is the only way to provide the President with the same authority that 44 Governors already have to influence spending.""1It would in general be preferable to make such a change through normal legislation, but that was attempted in 1996 and found unconstitutional. Supreme Court Justice Stevens in his majority opinion for the Supreme Court argued that it was necessary for there to be an amendment to make it constitutional, ""If there is to be a new procedure in which the president will play a different role in determining the text of what may ""become a law"", such change must come not by legislation but through the amendment procedures set forth in Article V of the Constitution.""2  1 Item veto constitutional amendment hearing before the subcommittee on the constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary House of Representatives, 23/3/00, accessed 5/5/11  2 Clinton, President of the United States, et al. v. City of New York et al. No.97-1374, United States Supreme Court, 1998,accessed 5/5/11  improve this  APPENDIX constitution amendment caution United States overturn negative consequences prohibition alcohol difficulty necessity wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority legislation Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutionality spending legal challenge confusion shifting interpretation governors authority influence Spending constitutional amendment Article V Clinton v. City of New York Supreme Court Justice Stevens new procedure presidential role law constitution amendment cautious altering United States overturn consequences prohibition alcohol wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit Congress Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional spending cut amendment procedures Article V President Governors unconstitutional majority opinion judicial review legislative process budgetary process legal challenge constitutional law governance political science public administration fiscal policy executive power judicial power legislative power constitutional amendment line item veto government reform policy analysis constitutional interpretation constitution amendment caution United States oversight reversal consequences prohibition difficulty necessity wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit Congress legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional authorization budgetary process precision confusion shifting interpretation line item veto governor authority legislation constitutionality Supreme Court Justice Stevens new procedure Article V Clinton v. City of New York presidential role law subcommittee on the constitution judiciary house of representatives hearing 199 constitution amendment caution altering United States Constitution overturn negative consequences prohibition difficulty unnecessary wording interpretation 1996 Act Line Item Veto Act Presidential authority appropriation direct spending limited tax benefit Congressional override legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto constitutional change Governors authority spending legislation unconstitutional Article V amendment procedures Clinton v. City of New York majority opinion Supreme Court Justice Stevens constitution amendments cautious United States altering negative consequences prohibition alcohol difficulty unnecessary wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority Congress Line Item Veto Act Supreme Court Antonin Scalia constitutional change legislation governors spending authority Article V amendment procedures presidential role Clinton v. City of New York majority opinion Justice Stevens constitution amendment cautious altering United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol problems wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority legislation Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional spending veto legal challenge unnecessary technical difference constitutional authority governors spending influence legislative change unconstitutional Supreme Court Justice Stevens Article V Clinton v. City of New York Constitution amendment caution United States consequences prohibition alcohol difficulty necessity problems wording interpretation 1996 Act Presidential authority legislation Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional precision budgetary process confusion legal challenge unnecessary technical difference constitutional change legislation 44 Governors spending authority Supreme Court Justice Stevens Article V new procedure presidential role law amendment procedures President Clinton City of New York Supreme Court decision constitutional amendment subcommittee hearing Judiciary Committee House of Representatives constitution amendment caution United States overturn negative consequences prohibition difficulty unnecessary wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority appropriation direct spending limited tax benefit Congress override precision confusion legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act constitutional authority technical difference constitutional change legislation 44 Governors spending influence unconstitutional Article V Clinton v. City of New York majority opinion new procedure presidential role law subcommittee Judiciary House of Representatives hearing appendix constitution amendment cautious altering United States consequences negative prohibition alcohol problems wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority legislation Congress constitutional precision budgetary process confusion shifting interpretation legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act technical difference constitutional change normal legislation unconstitutional Supreme Court Justice Stevens new procedure Article V amendment procedures presidency spending authority governors judicial review legislative process constitutional law legal precedent government spending executive power constitutional balance political system American democracy constitution amendment cautious alter United States overturn consequences prohibition alcohol problems wording interpretation 1996 Act presidential authority appropriation spending tax benefit Congress override precision confusion legal challenge Supreme Court Antonin Scalia Line Item Veto Act decline unconstitutional Governors authority influence spending legislation unconstitutional Justice Stevens Article V Clinton City of New York veto constitutional amendment subcommittee Judiciary House of Representatives"
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-con01a	It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) It’s impossible to police such a law.  There is simply no feasible way of enforcing laws against arranged marriages, particularly as it is almost guaranteed that many communities will continue to practice them regardless. It will be impossible to tell whether a marriage has been started by arrangement if the community and the couple are unwilling to go to the police and most will be unwilling to report their own families when practicing a cultural tradition. Those who are deeply dissatisfied and beaten may do so but in this instance the law already allows divorce and abuse is punishable by the full force of the law.  Given that forced marriages have already been outlawed and that it has been established that arranged marriages in themselves cause few provable harms, the resources of any police force would arguably be wasted on enforcing such a law; investigations would be very intrusive and labour intensive.  Furthermore, given the continuation of practices like honour killings, [1] as well as rape and domestic violence, law enforcement personnel would be better placed targeting far more heinous crimes than arranged marriages. A tangible harm could arise from the police being made to direct their energies towards such minor misdemeanours, in that there could be fewer resources available for more serious crimes.  [1] ‘Europe Grapples with “Honour Killings,” DW.de -  (accessed 17 September 2012) law enforcement arranged marriages community practices cultural traditions police resources forced marriages provable harms investigations police force honour killings rape domestic violence serious crimes minor misdemeanours resource allocation social norms legal effectiveness cultural sensitivity public policy enforcement challenges human rights family law legal reform community engagement police priorities crime prevention societal impact legal enforcement cultural practices legal limitations human rights violations law and order societal norms cultural diversity legal complexity enforcement strategies legal feasibility community policing police intervention legal sanctions cultural values legal implications enforcement challenges community resistance cultural practices police resource allocation minor misdemeanors serious crimes honor killings domestic violence forced marriages arrange marriage harms legal intrusiveness divorce laws abuse prosecution arranged marriages law enforcement cultural practices police resources community practices forced marriages legal enforcement cultural traditions divorce abuse honor killings domestic violence rape serious crimes minor misdemeanors tangible harm resource allocation intrusive investigations labor intensive provable harms legal prohibitions societal norms tradition vs. law enforcement challenges community resistance reporting reluctance police priorities public policy crime prevention legal effectiveness cultural sensitivity legal ethics human rights social change legal reform community policing ethical dilemmas legal consequences cultural preservation social norms legal boundaries crime impossible to police unenforceable laws arranged marriages cultural practices community resistance unwilling to report forced marriages proven harms resource waste police investigations intrusive enforcement honour killings serious crimes minor misdemeanours resource allocation law enforcement priorities arranged marriages law enforcement cultural tradition community secrecy police resources forced marriages provable harms intrusive investigations honour killings rape domestic violence resource allocation minor misdemeanours serious crimes arranged marriages law enforcement policing cultural tradition community resistance reporting family loyalty divorce abuse forced marriages provable harms police resources investigations intrusion labour intensive honour killings heinous crimes resource allocation serious crimes minor misdemeanours tangible harm public policy societal norms legal reform human rights domestic violence rape cultural sensitivity law effectiveness ethical considerations community engagement social change legal enforcement crime prioritization judicial efficiency cultural practices legal challenges societal impact police priorities crime prevention cultural diversity legal intervention social issues criminal arranged marriages law enforcement policing difficulty cultural traditions community practices unwilling reporting family loyalty forced marriages provable harms police resources investigative challenges honor killings rape domestic violence serious crimes resource allocation societal impact legal effectiveness cultural sensitivity traditional practices legal intrusion community relations enforcement feasibility police prioritization societal harm legislative impact cultural preservation legal enforcement community enforcement minor misdemeanors serious offenses police investigations resource diversion legal intervention community resistance legal framework cultural conflict legal precedence societal norms police duties community safety legal ethics arranged marriages enforcement challenges community resistance cultural traditions underreporting police resources minor misdemeanours serious crimes harm assessment legal efficacy societal impact honor killings domestic violence forced marriages divorce laws abuse prosecution investigative burden law prioritization public safety cultural sensitivity arranged marriages law enforcement cultural practices community compliance police resources forced marriages provable harms investigative intrusiveness honour killings domestic violence rape serious crimes minor misdemeanours resource allocation arranged marriages enforceability cultural traditions police resources minor misdemeanors serious crimes honor killings domestic violence rape forced marriages legal enforcement community practices law effectiveness societal norms investigative challenges legal impact resource allocation cultural sensitivity legal intervention crime prioritization
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro02a	Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule in South Ossetia is historically illegitimate and oppressive  Modern Georgia never really controlled S. Ossetia. South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia shortly after Georgia gained independence from the disintegrating USSR in 1991. South Ossetia has maintained de facto independence ever since. [1] Georgia, therefore, cannot really claim to have had sustained, legitimate sovereign control over South Ossetia in modern times. Even the USSR recognised S. Ossetia as distinct from Georgia, with the Kremlin stating in 1920 that “we consider that Ossetia should have the power it prefers. Georgian intrusion into affairs of Ossetia would be an unjustified intervention into foreign internal affairs”. [2] S. Ossetia was an autonomous region within the USSR. It was not considered part of the same region that is now Georgia, and thus during its years under the USSR, S. Ossetia built up a significant degree of autonomy and independence in its internal functioning. Therefore, Georgia's only real claim to South Ossetia must extend back nearly a century, before the time of the Soviet Union.  This significantly weakens Georgia's claim over South Ossetia, but moreover Georgia's historical claim on South Ossetia is quite weak even in isolation. This is because S. Ossetia has its own distinct language and history to that of Georgia. Ossetian or Ossetic is a member of the Northeastern Iranian branch of Indo-European languages. About 500,000 people speak Ossetian in Ossetia. [3] , [4] That Ossetia has this distinct language is an important fact in favour of its status as a nation-state and in favor of its independence. Georgia, however, has been accused of committing genocide against the South Ossetians in 1920, 1993, and 2008, with tens of thousands of S. Ossetians dying over the course of these conflicts. [5] The Georgian government has also attempted to suppress S. Ossetian culture and identity, for example banning the use of the Ossetian language in official documents and abolishing S. Ossetian autonomy within Georgia. [6] Georgian rule in S. Ossetia is therefore both ahistorical, due to S. Ossetia's long and recognised history of independence and cultural and linguistic distinctness, and illegitimate, as the Georgian government has waged war upon the very lives and identity of the S. Ossetian people.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Bzarov, Ruslan. “Independence of the Republic of South Ossetia – a guarantee of safety and reliable future of the Ossetian people”. Speech of Doctor of historical sciences, Professor Ruslan Bzarov at the VI congress of the Ossetian people. September 2007.   [3] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [4] Omniglot. “Ossetian”. Omniglot.   [5] Portyakova, Natalya and Sysoyev, Gennady. “Measuring South Ossetia by Kosovo”. Kommersant. 15 November 2006.   [6] Makarkin, Alexei. “How is South Ossetia different from Kosovo?”. RIA Novosti. 9 March 2006. Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive Modern Georgia control independence USSR Soviet Union de facto independence sustained sovereign control distinct autonomy internal functioning Northeastern Iranian branch Indo-European languages Ossetian genocide cultural suppression linguistic distinctness historical claim war identity BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Portyakova Natalya Sysoyev Gennady Kommersant Makarkin Alexei RIA Novosti Kosovo Georgian rule South Ossetia historical illegitimacy oppression modern Georgia control independence USSR Soviet Union de facto independence sovereignty distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European cultural distinctness genocide suppression Ossetian culture identity conflicts war historical claim nation-state BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Kommersant Makarkin RIA Novosti Kosovo Georgian rule South Ossetia historical illegitimacy oppression modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control USSR recognition autonomy distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state genocide cultural suppression linguistic identity conflicts historical independence ethnic distinctness political autonomy Russian influence international recognition conflict resolution ethnic relations regional stability Caucasus ethnic cleansing Moscow's support Georgian-Abkhaz conflict Russian annexation international law self-determination European Union United Nations humanitarian issues security Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR 1991 sustained legitimate sovereign control distinct USSR recognition autonomy internal functioning historical claim century Soviet Union distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural suppression identity war lives people BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Omniglot Portyakova Natalya Sysoy Georgian rule South Ossetia historical illegitimacy oppression modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereignty distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European culture identity genocide 1920 1993 2008 banning Ossetian suppression Ossetian autonomy BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Portyakova Sysoyev Kommersant Makarkin RIA Novosti Kosovo Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive Modern Georgia control S. Ossetia independence USSR 1991 de facto independence sustained legitimate sovereign control USSR recognition Kremlin 1920 autonomous region Northeastern Iranian Indo-European languages Ossetian Ossetic distinct language nation-state genocide 1920 1993 2008 cultural identity Georgian government S. Ossetian war identity BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control USSR recognition autonomous region Northeastern Iranian Indo-European languages Ossetian language distinct language distinct history nation-state independence genocide Ossetian culture identity banning war safety reliable future Kosovo measurement differences Georgian rule South Ossetia historically illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR de facto independence sovereign control distinct language Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European cultural distinctness genocide 1920 1993 2008 suppression Ossetian culture identity autonomy BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Kommersant RIA Novosti Georgian rule South Ossetia illegitimate oppressive modern Georgia control independence USSR sustained sovereign distinct language history autonomy internal functioning claim century Soviet Union Ossetian Northeastern Iranian Indo-European nation-state genocide conflicts culture identity banning Ossetian language official documents abolishing autonomy ahistorical Ossetian people BBC News Bzarov Ruslan Omniglot Portyakova Natalya Sysoyev Gennady Kommersant Makarkin Georgian rule South Ossetia historical legitimacy modern control independence declaration Soviet era de facto independence USSR recognition autonomous region cultural distinctness Ossetian language genocide accusations cultural suppression linguistic identity historical claims sovereignty nation-state conflicts Georgian intrusion internal affairs Northeastern Iranian Indo-European population distinct history wars identity BBC News Bzarov Omniglot Kommersant RIA Novosti Kosovo analogy legal arguments international recognition self-determination historical autonomy regional administration political status ethnic conflicts Russian
test-economy-epegiahsc-pro03a	Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. Trade is good for democracy.  Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez has been making sustained efforts to boost his influence in Latin America, with regional tours and substantial investments in neighbouring economies, fuelled by Venezuela’s oil money [1] . He is staunchly anti-American and a supporter of Iran. Meanwhile, he has been restricting freedom of speech in his own country, has done away with presidential term limits, and has essentially proven himself as yet another Latin American dictator in the making. If the US hopes to counterbalance his influence, it needs to become more economically connected to Latin America. Showing that the United States is willing to trade fairly with Latin America would undermine his message. This would not only be the case for the United States as it would also allow Brazil and other successful democratic Latin American states to boost their influence.  [1] Carroll, Rory. “Chavez Opens His Wallet Wider to Boost Latin American Influence.” The Guardian. 9 August 2007. trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influenceboosting trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictatorship United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator US counterbalance economic connection trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting fair trade undermining message political economy international relations Latin American politics US foreign policy Chavez's policies democratic values trade policies economic influence regional investments political stability economic development Latin American democracy US-Latin America relations economic sanctions diplomatic relations trade agreements international trade economic sanctions effectiveness Latin American economies oil-funded influence trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator United States counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil successful democratic states undermines message Rory Carroll The Guardian 2007 Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boosting regional tours substantial investments neighboring economies message undermining Rory Carroll The Guardian trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American supporter of Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator United States counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influence The Guardian Rory Carroll Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American supporter of Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states democratic influence Rory Carroll The Guardian trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictatorship United States counterbalance economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America oil money anti-American Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits Latin American dictator United States economic connection fair trade Brazil democratic states influence counterbalance regional tours investments neighbouring economies undermines message Carroll Rory The Guardian 2007 Trade democracy Venezuela Hugo Chavez Latin America influence regional tours investments oil money anti-American supporter of Iran freedom of speech presidential term limits dictator United States counterbalance economically connected fair trade Brazil democratic states influence boost
test-law-ralhrilglv-con02a	Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya needs the trial now  Without justice, there cannot be peace. Following the total failure of the Kenyan justice system to take action, exemplified by the Parliament’s complete and utter rejection of the Waki Commission, the ICC, which Kenya voluntarily signed up to, has to step in.  Ethnic violence still goes on in Kenya [1] , and if there is impunity in this case, no message will be sent out: justice must be done and seen to be done to prevent similar abuses and prevent justice being taken outside of the courts.  [1] Wachira, Muchemi, “Cattle raids and tribal rivalries to blame for perennial conflict”, Daily Nation, November 18 2012, Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira November 18 2012 abuses courts Kenya justice peace trial ICC Waki Commission Parliament ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict abuses courts international criminal court Kenyan justice system legal reform human rights security tribalism political stability law enforcement prosecution judicial system accountability rule of law African Union regional stability international law victim support reconciliation mediation peacekeeping governance democracy civil society human development economic development education health infrastructure technology environment sustainability gender equality youth empowerment social inclusion poverty reduction Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira November 18 2012 Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity abuses courts cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Wachira Muchemi November 18 2012 Kenya justice peace ICC Waki Commission Parliament ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict human rights international law crime prevention legal system tribalism prosecution human security rule of law Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity abuses courts Wachira Muchemi cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict abuses courts Muchemi Wachira Daily Nation Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity tribal rivalries cattle raids conflict prevention legal accountability human rights international law war crimes crimes against humanity prosecution Nairobi African Union judicial reform constitutional reform reconciliation security forces civil society international community legal precedents humanitarian intervention victim support rule of law democratic governance political instability regional stability peacebuilding transitional justice post-conflict recovery global south development aid legal empowerment Kenya trial justice peace Kenyan justice system Waki Commission ICC ethnic violence impunity cattle raids tribal rivalries conflict Daily Nation Muchemi Wachira Kenya justice peace ICC Waki Commission ethnic violence impunity tribal rivalries cattle raids conflict resolution legal reform international law human rights political instability parliament rejection judicial failure prevention of abuses court system legal accountability
test-economy-eptpghdtre-con01a	Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republicans are the best at stimulating economic growth  The tax cuts proposed by President Bush and passed by a Republican Congress ensured that real, after-tax income was up 15% by 2006. The Dow Jones hit record Highs during his time in office.  These tax cuts were responsible for the creation of 6.6 million jobs, primarily in the private sector – real jobs producing real goods and providing real services not tax-payer funded sinecures to mask the reality of the economic situation. [i]  [i] The White House, “Fact Sheet: Job Creation Continues – More than 6.6 Million Jobs Created Since August 2003”, 6 October 2006, Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector economic stimulation White House facts job statistics tax cuts impact economic recovery fiscal policy Republican Congress economic performance GDP growth unemployment rates business expansion investment incentives Republican economic policy tax cuts economic growth President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones job creation private sector White House fact sheet economic statistics 2006 financial performance economic expansion fiscal policy economic stimulus job market employment growth economic indicators 2003-2006 period U.S. economy conservative economics supply-side economics trickle-down economics legislative achievements economic achievements economic data economic analysis financial records economic recovery economic prosperity Bush administration economic policy effects economic growth drivers economic forecasts Republican economic policies Bush tax cuts economic growth income increase Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector jobs economic stimulation White House facts job creation statistics tax cuts impact economic performance under Bush Republican Congress achievements real income growth market performance 2006 Republican economic policies tax cuts economic growth Bush administration job creation Dow Jones private sector real income economic stimulation White House fact sheet job creation statistics economic recovery fiscal policy economic performance Republican Congress Republican economic policy tax cuts economic growth President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector White House fact sheet August 2003 6.6 million jobs Republican economic policy Bush tax cuts economic growth job creation private sector employment Dow Jones record highs real income increase tax-payer funded jobs economic stimulation Republican Congress economic facts White House reports job creation statistics economic performance fiscal policy impact Republicans economic growth tax cuts President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector White House fact sheet August 2003 6.6 million jobs real goods real services tax-payer funded jobs economic situation economic growth tax cuts President Bush Republican Congress after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector employment growth economic policy fiscal policy White House job statistics economic expansion conservative economics supply-side economics economic impact tax reduction policy impact Republican economic achievements economic growth tax cuts Republican Congress President Bush after-tax income Dow Jones record highs job creation private sector employment economic policy White House fiscal policy economic expansion GDP growth business investment consumer spending market performance financial markets economic indicators job market labor statistics economic growth tax cuts Republican Congress President Bush after-tax income Dow Jones job creation private sector White House fact sheet August 2003 2006 real jobs goods services tax-payer funded sinecures economic situation
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con04a	No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 No mechanism to prevent crises and war exists  Within countries it is the state that ensures that conflict does not occur: the state has a monopoly on the use of force so ensures law and order. There is no such hierarchy between states. African nations, as with most other states in the world, believe in the sovereign right of states to manage their own affairs. In the same document as there is a pledge to end war “respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each of its [AU’s] Member States” is reaffirmed. [1] While states are considered sovereign there is no possible way to create a mechanism to ensure that conflicts do not happen. The AU cannot dictate to its members to ensure they avoid internal conflicts even if the AU knows a conflict is coming as those members are the stakeholders. [2] All that the AU can do is react to ongoing conflicts when it is already spilling out of control and encourage good practice.  [1] African Union, 2013, p.1  [2] Williams, 2011, p.9 state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union territorial integrity law and order international hierarchy reactive measures preventive mechanisms state autonomy good practice encouragement internal conflict management spillover control stakeholder autonomy diplomatic measures regional security conflict resolution peacekeeping state monopoly on force non-interference crisis management mechanism prevent crises war state law order hierarchy states sovereignty territorial integrity African nations AU Member pledge end conflict reaction spillover encourage good practice stakeholders internal dictation reaction control state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union sovereignty territorial integrity member states internal conflicts law and order monopoly on force crisis management international hierarchy reaction to conflicts encouragement of good practice state sovereignty conflict prevention African Union international relations law and order territorial integrity internal conflicts global governance state monopoly on force inter-state hierarchy AU member states reactive conflict management good practice encouragement sovereign rights crisis prevention mechanisms /reactive intervention African Union sovereignty territorial integrity state monopoly force law and order conflict prevention international hierarchy state affairs management end war react to conflicts encourage good practice internal conflicts stakeholders spilling out of control dictatorships international law peacekeeping regional security governance crisis management cooperation diplomatic relations state sovereignty conflict resolution AU member states international relations global governance preventive measures reactive measures state autonomy security policies conflict anticipation intervention external intervention human rights regional stability war prevention peace maintenance state responsibilities international community reaction strategies state sovereignty conflict prevention international hierarchy African Union sovereignty reaffirmation internal conflicts stakeholder states AU limitations reactive measures conflict management African Union sovereignty territorial integrity states conflict prevention law and order monopoly on force internal conflicts stakeholders react to conflicts encourage good practice no mechanism crisis management international relations state autonomy AU's role peacekeeping global governance regional organizations intervention non-interference state sovereignty territorial boundaries conflict resolution international law state authority political stability regional security peace and security architecture collective security state cooperation regional integration conflict anticipation proactive measures reactive measures state responsibilities inter-state relations African governance state-centric approach international community conflict sovereignty territorial integrity state monopoly force law and order African Union member states conflict prevention crisis management international hierarchy sovereign rights good practice conflict reaction internal conflicts stakeholders spilling out of control pledge to end war AU limitations diplomatic efforts reactive measures state sovereignty monopoly of force law and order inter-state hierarchy African nations AU member states sovereignty reaffirmation conflict prevention internal conflicts stakeholder autonomy AU limitations reactive measures good practice encouragement African Union sovereignty territorial integrity state monopoly force law and order internal conflicts international relations conflict prevention peacekeeping state affairs AU members stakeholders conflict reaction good practice crisis management war global governance state rights inter-state hierarchy reactive measures proactive strategies regional security diplomatic efforts international law state autonomy conflict resolution peacebuilding security studies political science international organizations state sovereignty territorial disputes AU principles state responsibilities regional cooperation conflict anticipation humanitarian intervention state compliance governance challenges African politics international community legal frameworks
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con02a	Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. Alternative- and more efficient- methods of funding universities are available  There are a number of viable alternatives to a graduate tax as a means of paying for Higher Education: Full state funding operates in many EU countries as part of an extensive and popular welfare state paid for out of general taxation; the value the state clearly places upon Higher Education has made it a common aspiration across all social classes. Other countries make individual students pay for all or most of the cost of their university education, which is widely seen as an investment in increased future earning potential. In the USA this has produced very high levels of enrollment and broad access to higher education as motivated students readily work to pay their way through college. Most also take out commercial loans, which are later paid off once the student is in employment; unlike a graduate tax these repayments are not open-ended and will one day be completed. The cost of educating a student to degree level varies widely both between and within countries, showing clear room for efficiency savings to be made in many institutions, perhaps through some focusing solely upon teaching rather than research, or by academic specialization. alternative funding efficient methods higher education graduate tax state funding EU countries welfare state social classes student payments future earnings USA education enrollment rates broad access commercial loans repayments efficiency savings teaching focus research focus academic specialization alternative funding efficient funding funding universities graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation value of higher education social classes student pays future earning potential USA enrollment access to higher education motivated students working during college commercial loans employment repayment open-ended repayments education cost degree level efficiency savings academic institutions teaching focus research focus academic specialization graduate tax full state funding general taxation student loans commercial loans increased future earnings college enrollment academic specialization teaching-focused institutions research-focused institutions higher education funding efficiency savings social classes welfare state motivated students working through college open-ended repayments degree level costs international comparisons education investment alternative funding efficient methods university finance graduate tax alternatives higher education funding full state funding EU welfare state individual student payment investment in education high enrollment broad access commercial loans repayments efficiency savings teaching focus academic specialization alternative funding efficient methods graduate tax higher education full state funding general taxation welfare state social aspiration student payment investment future earnings high enrollment broad access commercial loans repayment efficiency savings academic specialization teaching focus research separation Alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state general taxation social classes student payments investment future earnings USA high enrollment broad access motivated students work-study commercial loans repayment employment cost of education efficiency savings institutional focus teaching research academic specialization alternative funding methods efficient funding graduate tax higher education full state funding welfare state general taxation individual student payment future earning potential USA education system high enrollment broad access commercial loans efficiency savings academic specialization teaching-focused institutions research-focused institutions alternative funding efficient methods university funding graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state social classes individual funding future earnings USA education college enrollment motivated students work during college commercial loans repayments cost efficiency institutional savings teaching focus academic specialization alternative funding efficient methods graduate tax higher education full state funding EU countries welfare state social classes individual student payments future earning potential USA enrollment access to education motivated students work to pay commercial loans repayments employment efficiency savings academic specialization teaching focused institutions research separation Alternative funding efficient methods university financing graduate tax higher education state funding EU countries welfare state social aspiration student fees future earnings USA enrollment broad access commercial loans employment repayment education cost efficiency savings teaching focus research specialization
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro03a	Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. Governments can re-define industry standards by choosing open source software.  Economists use the term ‘network effect’ to describe the phenomenon whereby, as several people use the same communication platform (be it a specific device, such as a telephone, or a complicated service, such as Facebook), it becomes more valuable for others to use because they can share and collaborate on work with a wider range of individuals.  Network effects explain why Microsoft’s monopoly of around 90% of the desktop market with its Windows and Office software has been so hard to challenge [i] .  Governments are one of the few organisations which can define industry standards because citizens and businesses increasingly have to interact with governments electronically. Brazil’s Digital Inclusion Program, for example, has selected open source software for 58 government units rather than Windows or Microsoft Office [ii] . The result is that businesses and Brazilian citizens can use the same open source software at home, knowing they will be able to interact with their government. As open source software is often either free or cheaper than closed source alternatives, this approach enables local authorities, private businesses and individual citizens to interact more easily with the state, removing many of the obstacles and objections to the wider adoption of information technology.  [i] Lie, Hakon Wium. “Microsoft’s forgotten monopoly.” CNET News. 19 June 2006.  [ii] Fried, Ina. “Brazil: Digital inclusion, but how?” CNET News. 27 August 2008. open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Microsoft monopoly Brazil case cost-effective IT software adoption public sector technology collaborative platforms open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil Microsoft Windows Office software monopoly IT adoption economic barriers public sector technology collaboration platforms communication platforms software alternatives free software cheaper software interaction with government technology obstacles private businesses local authorities individual citizens digital transformation technological sovereignty software policy economic impact of software software industry technological dependency software interoperability digital citizenship government technology initiatives technological innovation in government software cost reduction technology accessibility technology affordability government technology standards technology policy digital divide technology adoption barriers technology integration open source software government standards network effect Microsoft monopoly digital inclusion Brazil government software adoption information technology desktop market Windows Office communication platform economic value software cost technology obstacles government adoption open source software industry standards network effect Microsoft monopoly digital inclusion Brazil example cost reduction information technology adoption citizen-gov interaction software choice impact economic value collaborative work technology barriers public sector technology open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil Windows Microsoft Office monopoly information technology citizen interaction cost-effective solutions software adoption electronic interaction public sector technology software freedom technological barriers collaborative work communication platforms software market proprietary software open standards government technology policy software choice digital divide technology accessibility software value technology integration economic impact software ecosystems technology adoption drivers software interoperability technology affordability government technology initiatives software innovation technology diffusion technology governance software competition digital transformation open software movement technology policy software diversity open source software government standards network effect Microsoft monopoly digital inclusion Brazil case study economic value technological adoption information technology software cost interoperability public sector IT software alternatives collaboration communication platforms software monopoly challenges policy impact technology policy digital transformation software procurement governments redefine industry standards open source software network effect communication platform Microsoft monopoly desktop market Windows Office Brazil Digital Inclusion Program free software cheaper software digital interaction information technology adoption CNET News open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil Microsoft Windows Office economic value technology adoption cost efficiency information technology digital interaction market monopoly telecommunications software alternatives collaboration communication platforms policy impact software interoperability open source software government standards network effect digital inclusion Brazil Microsoft Windows Office free software cheaper alternatives information technology public interaction software adoption digital monopoly economic value communication platforms collaboration desktop market challenge to dominance citizen engagement business interaction technology obstacles policy making technological diffusion software policy IT adoption barriers Governments industry standards open source software network effect communication platform Microsoft monopoly Windows Office Digital Inclusion Program Brazil free software cheaper software information technology adoption digital interaction government-citizen interaction business-governance collaboration Hakon Wium Lie Ina Fried
test-international-gsciidffe-con03a	This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, This policy is not necessary and may be counterproductive  Unless a state wishes to pull the plug on the internet entirely state censorship on the internet is never complete. Dissidents and those who are interested in getting around censorship will manage with or without help from other governments, they will use privately developed software, or proxies to get around censors and protect themselves. Having help from foreign governments to bypass censorship may even put the people this policy is trying to empower in an even worse position. The use of software that is meant to undermine censorship helps to prove that the dissident’s intent is hostile towards the government and the state’s policies – otherwise they would not need to software, and would not resort to using methods developed by foreign countries. Russia is increasingly cracking down on those who have contact or receive help from ‘foreign agents’ particularly foreign NGOs, such a policy could be as easily applied to online help as financial aid. [1]  [1] Earle, Jonathan, “Hundreds of NGOs Checked for Foreign Agents, Extremism”, The Moscow Times, 19 March 2013, policy censorship internet state dissidents foreign governments software proxies protection empowerment hostile intent government policies Russia foreign agents NGOs crackdown financial aid online help extremism state censorship internet freedom dissident protection foreign government intervention software for censorship circumvention proxy servers online privacy Russia foreign agent laws NGO restrictions digital rights online activism government surveillance cyber security international law human rights online state censorship internet regulation online freedom dissident support foreign government intervention privately developed software proxies online privacy government policy Russia foreign agents NGO restrictions digital rights cybersecurity internet governance policy effectiveness counterproductive measures online activism digital surveillance international relations information control human rights online state censorship internet restrictions dissident communication foreign government assistance censorship bypass methods private software development proxy usage government policy critique Russia foreign agents NGO scrutiny online privacy digital activism cyber dissent international support online security policy effectiveness counterproductive measures tech solutions state surveillance digital rights state censorship internet freedom dissident communication foreign government intervention censorship evasion proxy usage software development privacy protection government hostility foreign agent laws NGO regulations online aid financial assistance Russian policies extremism charges foreign influence state censorship internet freedom dissident protection foreign government assistance censorship bypass software proxy usage government policy impact Russia NGO restrictions foreign agent laws online aid consequences state censorship internet regulation dissidents private software proxies foreign government intervention online security Russia foreign agents NGOs extremism policy impact counterproductive measures digital rights online freedom government surveillance privacy protection citizen empowerment international relations technology ethics state censorship internet regulation dissident communication foreign intervention online privacy government surveillance Russia foreign agents NGO restrictions digital activism proxy usage cybersecurity policies internet freedom counterproductive policies online dissident support state censorship internet regulation dissident protection foreign government assistance privately developed software proxy usage censorship bypass hostile intent government policy foreign agents Russian crackdown NGOs financial aid online help extremism Moscow Times state censorship internet freedom dissident protection foreign government assistance privately developed software proxy usage counterproductive policies government hostility foreign agent crackdown NGO regulation online aid financial aid state policies Russia internet control privacy tools digital rights cybersecurity international support policy impact
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con03a	Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 Natural resources create employment  The extraction of natural resources creates the possibility of job creation which can strengthen African economies. Both domestic and foreign firms require man power for their operations, and they will often draw from the local labour force. Employment ensures a better standard of living for the workers and injects money in to the home economy leading to greater regional economic stability. In Nigeria, for example, the company Shell hires 6000 employees and contractors, with 90% being Nigerian and at higher wages than the GDP per capita [1] . This would indicate that the presence of natural resources is economically strengthening Africa.  [1] Shell Nigeria ‘Shell at a glance’ date accessed 16 December 2013 natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors wages GDP per capita economic strengthening resource extraction manpower regional development foreign investment domestic investment labor market economic impact oil industry mineral resources human capital workforce development economic growth sustainable development environmental impact community development corporate social responsibility economic diversification job opportunities skill development income generation poverty reduction rural development urban development economic policy government intervention private sector public sector economic natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living regional economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors wages GDP per capita economic strengthening African economic impact natural resource extraction manpower requirements local employment foreign investment domestic investment economic growth labor market resource industry job opportunities wage levels economic indicators company operations regional development workforce composition economic contribution resource-based employment labor force participation industrial employment economic benefits natural resource industries employment generation resource extraction industries economic development labor economics resource Natural resources employment creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita natural resources employment creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms manpower local labor force better standard of living economic stability Shell Nigeria employee hiring Nigerian workforce wages GDP per capita Natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita Natural resources employment extraction job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms manpower local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living regional economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors wages GDP per capita economic strengthening Africa natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita economic strengthening manpower operations wages regional economy natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita natural resources employment job creation African economies domestic firms foreign firms local labour force standard of living economic stability Nigeria Shell employees contractors GDP per capita
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con03a	A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. A graduate tax would reduce teh autonomy of universities  If a graduate tax were introduced the money would go to the national treasury which would result in universities competing for the same money as colleges. At the moment the money generated from tuition fees goes straight to where it should go, straight to the universities bank accounts who provide the education. Under graduate tax proposals from the UK’s National Union of Students, raised revenue from the tax would go into a centralized higher education fund which could be distributed by the government through various means which could result in some universities getting unfair levels of funding relative to both their standing and student bodies. (Barr, N. 2009) This is impractical for universities to plan investments as they will never be entirely sure what funding they will have and furthermore and for many arguably most importantly universities will ultimately lose their independence from the state. graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees university funding centralized higher education fund government distribution funding fairness university investment planning state independence Barr 2009 graduate tax university autonomy national treasury university funding tuition fees education finance higher education funding distribution government role university independence state control Barr 2009 National Union of Students centralized funding investment planning unfair funding college competition education policy financial autonomy higher education finance graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees education funding centralized higher education fund government distribution university investment planning state independence Barr 2009 NUS proposals funding fairness student bodies university standing graduate tax university autonomy national treasury tuition fees centralized higher education fund government funding university investments state independence Barr 2009 NUS proposals unfair funding competition for funds education finance higher education policy university funding models financial planning for universities state control over education tuition fee system centralized funding distribution education investment uncertainty graduate tax university autonomy national treasury tuition fees higher education fund government funding university investments state independence Barr 2009 National Union of Students graduate tax university autonomy national treasury competing for funding tuition fees centralized higher education fund government distribution university investments state independence funding uncertainty Barr 2009 National Union of Students graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees university funding centralized education fund government distribution funding fairness university investment planning state independence Barr 2009 National Union of Students higher education finance education policy university governance public funding academic independence financial stability education reform graduate tax university autonomy funding distribution national treasury tuition fees centralized higher education fund government funding university investments state independence education finance Barr 2009 NUS proposals higher education policy fiscal autonomy institutional funding educational investment financial planning public higher education revenue allocation equitable funding graduate tax university autonomy national treasury tuition fees university funding centralized higher education fund government distribution investment planning state independence Barr 2009 graduate tax university autonomy national treasury college competition tuition fees education funding centralized higher education fund government distribution university investments state independence Barr 2009 NUS proposals funding uncertainty institutional independence higher education finance public funding mechanisms educational institution governance financial autonomy universities tax-funded education UK education policy
test-international-segiahbarr-con04a	War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War and Civil unrest disrupt development and economic growth  Another major barrier to economic development in Africa is the regional instability caused by the 23 wars and episodes of civil unrest. War is naturally a costly affair; the 2001 conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea cost the former $2.9 billion with extensive damage to its economic and social infrastructure. A BBC report noted that extra funding had to be diverted away from development in order to meet the rising demands of the war [1] . What makes Africa’s situation far worse is the tendency of many armed groups to become bandits rather than armies with political objectives [2] . The inclination for these armed groups to forsake any ideal of governing in favour of banditry and rape makes them harder to negotiate as ‘legitimate grievances in these failed or failing African states deteriorate into rapacious, profit-orientated bloodshed’ [3] . The constant disruption to the lives of civilians in these 23 wars has led to poor levels of human development, which has further destabilised the region.  [1] Bhalla, ‘War ‘devastated’ Ethiopian economy’, 2001  [2] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010  [3] Gettleman, ‘Africa’s Forever Wars’, 2010 War Civil unrest Economic growth Development Regional instability Africa Conflicts Costly Ethiopia Eritrea Economic damage Social infrastructure Funding BBC Armed groups Bandits Political objectives Banditry Rape Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit-orientated Bloodshed Human development Disruption civilians War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Conflict costs Ethiopia Eritrea Economic infrastructure Social infrastructure Development funding Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Failed states Failing states Legitimate grievances Profit-oriented conflict Human development Civilian disruption War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Conflict Ethiopia Eritrea Cost Social infrastructure Funding Development Armed groups Bandits Political objectives Banditry Rape Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit Bloodshed Human development Destabilisation War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Armed conflicts Cost of war Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict Funding diversion Development funding Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit-oriented violence Human development Regional destabilization War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Ethiopia Eritrea Conflict cost Social infrastructure BBC report Funding diversion Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Profit-oriented Bloodshed Human development Displacement Stability Violence Governance Peace Development funding Conflict zones Economic impact Social impact International aid Post-conflict reconstruction Security Political violence Economic growth African states War economics Development challenges Armed conflict Societal disruption Economic disruption Humanitarian aid Conflict resolution Peacebuilding War Civil Unrest Economic Development Regional Instability Armed Groups Bandits Political Objectives Legitimate Grievances Failed States Human Development Ethiopia Eritrea Conflict Costs Social Infrastructure Development Funding Profit-Orientated Bloodshed Africa War civil unrest economic disruption development barriers regional instability armed conflicts cost of war economic damage social infrastructure funding diversion banditry political objectives failed states failing states legitimate grievances profit-oriented violence human development constant civilian disruption Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict African wars Gettleman Bhalla BBC report War Civil unrest Economic development Africa Regional instability Costly conflicts Ethiopia Eritrea Funding diversion Armed groups Banditry Political objectives Legitimate grievances Failed states Failing states Human development Disruption Social infrastructure Economic infrastructure Forever wars war civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability conflict Ethiopia Eritrea cost infrastructure damage BBC funding development diversion armed groups bandits political objectives banditry rape negotiation legitimate grievances failed states failing states profit-orientated bloodshed human development destabilisation War civil unrest economic development Africa regional instability cost of conflict Ethiopia Eritrea development funding armed groups banditry political objectives legitimate grievances failing states human development disruption bloodshed social infrastructure economic impact Forever Wars African conflicts Gettleman Bhalla
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con01a	Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm to others is never legitimate  Even in cases of suppression and deprivation of human rights, it is not justified to harm others outside the law. Considering acts of terror, there are three possible targets: civilians, political, military or other powerful authorities and their representatives, and structures such as (government) buildings, cars etc. without any causalities. In the case of the first, it is illegitimate to kill innocent civilians because not only have these people not contributed to the terrorists' marginalization, which means that hurting them will not undo the cause of harm, but this also perpetuates the harm that was the cause for violence in the first place. In the case of the second target, the attack on authorities responsible for the marginalization might be removed in some cases (if there is one), but it more often results in backlash where supporters of the authorities act against the insurgents, resulting in more harm. This happened with the Kurdish revolt against the Turkish authorities, which led to a guerilla war with over 30.000 causalities. [1] Thirdly, attacking the infrastructure of a country means disabling the population for accessing their basic capacities such as accessing healthcare by destroying roads or hospitals. Regarding the fact that the population is innocent in the crimes of the government, this is unnecessary and harmful for the whole population.  [1] Washington Post. (1999). Who Are the Kurds? Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Washington Post: Harm legitimacy suppression human rights justification acts of terror civilians political authorities military targets structures casualties innocent civilians marginalization violence retaliation Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war casualties infrastructure population healthcare roads hospitals government crimes legitimacy harm human rights suppression deprivation terror civilians political authorities military structures innocence marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war casualties infrastructure healthcare population government crimes terror civilians political authorities military targets innocents suppression human rights justification violence backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities infrastructure healthcare hospitals roads population government crimes illegitimacy causality marginalization insurgents guerilla war casualties Washington Post harm legitimacy suppression deprivation human rights acts of terror civilians political authorities military powerful representatives government buildings cars casualties innocent civilians marginalization violence backlash supporters authorities insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war causalities infrastructure population basic capacities healthcare roads hospitals unnecessary harmful government crimes Harm legitimacy human rights suppression deprivation terror targets civilians political authorities military structures casualties innocent violence marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure population healthcare roads hospitals unnecessary harmful harm legitimacy suppression human rights acts of terror civilians political targets military targets infrastructure causalities terrorism insurgents backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war healthcare population government crimes legitimacy harm human rights suppression deprivation terrorism civilians political targets military targets infrastructure causalities innocent backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war healthcare roads hospitals population government crimes harm legitimacy human rights suppression deprivation terror targets civilians political military authorities representatives infrastructure government buildings cars casualties innocent marginalization backlash insurgents Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war causalities population basic capacities healthcare roads hospitals unnecessary harmful legitimacy harm suppression human rights terror civilians political authorities military structures casualties marginalization backlash Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war infrastructure healthcare population government crimes Harm legitimacy suppression human rights terror civilians political targets military targets infrastructure casualties revenge marginalization Kurdish revolt Turkish authorities guerilla war healthcare population government crimes
test-politics-lghwdecm-con02a	Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors provide opportunities for populists.  The position of elected mayor is likely to attract populist and maverick candidates, who will seek to capitalise on the unpopularity of party politics with “single issue sloganising, glib promises and headline grabbing” (Ken Walker, Labour leader of Middlesbrough council). [1] A good example is Paul Massey, who has had 25 convictions in the past and yet is running to be Mayor of Salford and could even have a chance of winning. [2] In office such candidates are likely to alienate elected councillors and other crucial local partners, to disappoint voters as their promises run up against the actual limitations of their power, and to neglect many aspects of local government in favour of their own pet issue. This danger is even greater if a far-right candidate were to exploit local concerns about immigration and asylum-seekers to inflame racial tensions. Again Lutfur Rahman of Tower Hamlets is a good example of how this could happen, he has links to a Muslim extremist group, and only needed a mere 23,000 votes, 13% of the electorate because there was such low turnout. [3]  [1] Hetherington, Peter, ‘Vote for US-style mayors exposes deep Labour rifts’, The Guardian, 20 October 2001.  [2] Gilligan, Andrew, ;The town hall dictator taking over near you’, The Telegraph, 22 April 2012.  [3] ibid Directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford criminal convictions alienate councillors local partners voter disappointment power limitations neglected local government pet issues far-right candidates racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout directly elected mayors populists party politics single issue sloganising maverick candidates Paul Massey Mayor of Salford populist candidates elected councillors local government far-right candidate immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout local concerns glib promises headline grabbing alienate councillors neglect duties pet issues populist exploitation local politics mayoral elections political opportunism disenfranchisement civic engagement electoral reform governance challenges municipal leadership extremist links political directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate councillors disappoint voters neglect local government far-right candidate immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout local concerns US-style mayors Labour rifts town hall dictators directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates unpopularity of party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford criminal convictions alienate elected councillors disappoint voters neglect local government pet issue far-right candidate Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout racial tensions local concerns immigration asylum-seekers directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions populist tactics alienate councillors disappoint voters neglect local government pet issues far-right candidates immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low voter turnout directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate councillors local partners disappoint voters neglect local government far-right candidate immigration racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout electoral politics local government challenges populist mayors political rifts town hall dictators unpopularity of parties opportunistic politics electoral reform democratic accountability directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate councillors local partners disappoint voters pet issue far-right candidate local concerns immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout electoral strategy political opportunism local government challenges directly elected mayors populists maverick candidates party politics Paul Massey Mayor of Salford unpopularity single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing elected councillors local partners voter disappointment local government pet issues far-right candidates immigration asylum-seekers racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout electoral issues populist tactics municipal governance political alienation populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford alienate councillors local partners disappoint voters neglect local government far-right candidate racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout US-style mayors Labour rifts town hall dictators populists maverick candidates party politics single issue sloganising glib promises headline grabbing Paul Massey Mayor of Salford convictions alienate councillors disappoint voters neglect local government far-right candidate racial tensions Lutfur Rahman Tower Hamlets Muslim extremist group low turnout electorate
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro04a	Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 Tourism causes pollution  The tourism industry in Tunisia results in notable damage to the environment. Without sustainability, economic growth will only last in the short term. This is especially pertinent for tourism, where environmental beauty is of particular importance. From the construction of infrastructure and travel, to the general waste produced, tourism is problematic in the sense that it can often cause pollution; which in turn damages the country’s reputation1. Most tourists to the region are from Europe, although there are an increasing number of Russians which means travel becomes a major source of pollution. A return journey via plane from London to Tunis creates around 310 kg of CO2 (standard passenger jets create around 0.17kg of CO2 per km) 2. This is disproportionately damaging compared to other vehicles, but is the most practical way of reaching Tunisia. Other impacts such as overuse of water, land degradation and littering can all cause problems as well3.  1) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Environmental Impacts’ data accessed 28 January 2014  2) BBC, ‘Pollution warning on holiday flights’, 1 May 2000  3) United Nations Environment Programme ‘Tourism’s Three Main Impact Areas’ data accessed 28 January 2014 pollution tourism Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure construction travel pollution waste environmental beauty European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions flight pollution water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme holiday flights BBC Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure construction travel waste production CO2 emissions European tourists Russian tourists air travel London to Tunis overuse of water land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC Pollution Warning holiday flights Tourism's Three Main Impact Areas Tourism pollution Tunisia environment sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure travel waste country’s reputation tourists Europe Russians air travel CO2 emissions London Tunis water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC Tunisia tourism pollution environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure waste CO2 emissions air travel London Tunis water usage land degradation litter United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights impact areas environmental impacts Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure construction travel waste reputation European tourists Russian tourists air travel CO2 emissions water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights Tourism pollution Tunisia environment sustainability economic growth infrastructure waste CO2 emissions aircraft water usage land degradation littering European tourists Russian tourists environmental impacts UNEP BBC Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure construction travel waste production country reputation European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions London to Tunis flight air travel pollution water usage land degradation littering Tourism pollution Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth environmental beauty infrastructure construction travel waste production reputation European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions flights London Tunis water overuse land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC Tunisia tourism pollution environmental damage sustainability economic growth infrastructure waste CO2 air travel European tourists Russian tourists water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC Tunisia environmental damage sustainability economic growth construction infrastructure travel waste pollution reputation European tourists Russian tourists CO2 emissions air travel London to Tunis carbon footprint water usage land degradation littering United Nations Environment Programme BBC holiday flights environmental impacts tourism impact areas
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con04a	Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, Democracies should be wary of meddling in the internal affairs of other countries  Authoritarian countries tend to guard their sovereignty jealously and will not take kindly to what they would consider to be interference in their internal affairs. In many cases this is exactly what the government offering an amnesty would be doing. Should foreign countries really be deciding that the justice system of a country was wrong in this or that case so amnesty should be provided? Where there are legal proceedings against a blogger that end up with the blogger being sent to jail those outside the country may think the sentences unjust but as countries that publically support the rule of law they should accept the result. It may well be the case that sometimes the judicial system has been used to persecute a blogger but it is difficult to see why an outside power with little interest in the case should believe they have the right to provide an alternative verdict through an amnesty. Where a country disapproves of the treatment of an individual this should be done by negotiating with the government in question and providing any alternative evidence they have. Cuba for example has released dissidents before as a result of negotiations with outside actors; the release 80 dissidents for the visit by Pope John Paul II in 1998 being merely the most successful example. [1]  [1] Human Rights Watch, “Cuba: Release of Dissidents Still Leaves Scores in Prison”, 8 July 2012, democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference foreign policy amnesty justice system legal proceedings bloggers judicial persecution rule of law negotiation dissidents human rights international relations Cuba Pope John Paul II prisoner release democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference foreign countries justice system amnesty legal proceedings blogger judicial system rule of law persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment individual government negotiating alternative evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracy authoritarianism sovereignty interference internal affairs amnesty justice system blogger legal proceedings rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individuals negotiation government dissidents release Cuba Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty foreign interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings bloggers unjust sentences rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment of individuals negotiation government alternative evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II human rights prison democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference amnesty justice system legal proceedings blogger jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment negotiating government Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracy authoritarianism sovereignty foreign interference amnesty legal proceedings bloggers judicial system rule of law human rights dissidents negotiations Cuba Pope John Paul II democracies authoritarian countries sovereignty interference internal affairs amnesty justice system foreign intervention legal proceedings bloggers rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict negotiation dissidents Cuba Pope John Paul II human rights prison democracies meddling internal affairs authoritarian countries sovereignty interference amnesty justice system foreign countries legal proceedings blogger jail rule of law judicial system persecution outside power alternative verdict treatment individual negotiating government evidence Cuba dissidents Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch democracies authoritarian countries sovereignty interference internal affairs foreign countries justice system amnesty judicial system persecution bloggers rule of law negotiating dissidents Cuba Pope John Paul II human rights international relations legal proceedings external intervention diplomatic negotiations political prisoners international law state sovereignty judicial independence human rights violations freedom of speech political amnesty international justice global governance state sovereignty diplomatic pressure international advocacy legal reforms international community government interference judicial oversight political asylum international treaties human rights organizations peaceful resolution diplomatic solutions legal evidence democracy foreign interference sovereignty authoritarianism amnesty judicial system international relations human rights rule of law dissidents negotiation diplomacy Cuba Pope John Paul II Human Rights Watch
test-health-dhghhbampt-con01a	A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. A huge number of fully accepted medical practices started being seen as something a bit off the wall, it’s wrong to deny sick people access to a treatment that may be mainstream in 20 years  There is a fine line between what is considered alternative and what is thought of as mainstream. Techniques do move across that line and when they do so, they are seen as mainstream. However, this process of reform, refinement and acceptance takes time.  In the meantime it is simply unfair to deny treatment to patients who want it because the medical establishment is beholden to a conservative academic orthodoxy and drug and treatment providers with vested interests in ensuring that particular cures and techniques will continue to be purchased and utilised. alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access patient rights medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment refinement medical reform healthcare equity patient choice medical ethics healthcare policy therapeutic innovation medical mainstreaming health equity pharmaceutical industry medical paradigm shift alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access patient rights medical orthodoxy conservative practices drug providers vested interests medical reform treatment refinement healthcare innovation patient choice medical ethics healthcare equity alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access sick people medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment reform medical refinement medical acceptance patient rights healthcare innovation medical traditions orthodox medicine unconventional treatments medical ethics patient choice healthcare providers alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access patient rights medical establishment conservative orthodoxy vested interests drug providers treatment providers reform refinement acceptance unfair denial medical innovation healthcare evolution patient choice medical ethics health policy research bias treatment efficacy clinical trials evidence-based medicine holistic approaches integrative medicine complementary therapies health reform medical paradigm shift medical practices alternative treatments mainstream medicine patient access treatment denial medical establishment conservative orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment refinement medical reform patient rights healthcare innovation medical ethics treatment acceptance alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access sick people healthcare reform medical establishment academic orthodoxy drug providers vested interests treatment refinement medical ethics patient rights conservative medicine healthcare innovation medical acceptance time for change fair treatment medical denial health equity medical practices fully accepted seen as off the wall deny sick people treatment access mainstream in 20 years fine line alternative mainstream reform refinement acceptance conservative academic orthodoxy vested interests drug providers treatment providers cures techniques unfair denial patient want medical establishment alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access healthcare reform medical orthodoxy drug providers vested interests patient rights medical ethics healthcare innovation treatment efficacy medical conservatism academic orthodoxy healthcare equity alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access patient rights medical establishment conservative orthodoxy vested interests drug providers treatment providers reform refinement acceptance time unfair denial cures techniques orthodoxy medical orthodoxy academic orthodoxy purchased utilised sick people mainstream in 20 years fine line move across line seen as mainstream alternative medicine mainstream medicine medical practices treatment access conservative orthodoxy vested interests reform refinement acceptance patient rights healthcare innovation medical establishment drug providers treatment providers medical ethics healthcare equity medical research therapeutic options health policy
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-con03a	Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights and collective compromises  Cultural relativism is the philosophical belief that all cultures and cultural beliefs are of equal value and that right and wrong are relative and dependant on cultural contexts. Accordingly, relativists hold that universal human rights cannot exist, as there are no truly universal human values. If rights are relative, the laws that protect them must also be relative.  If we accept proposition’s contention that culturally relative values can evolve in response to conflicts and crises, then any perverse or destructive behaviour given the force of ritual and regularity by a group’s conduct can be taken to be relative. If the group believes that a practice is right, if it ties into that group’s conception of what is just and good or beneficial to their survival, then there can be no counter argument against it – whether that practice has been continuous for a hundred years or a hundred days.  Systems of law, however, reflect the opinions, practices and values of everyone within a state’s territory, no matter how plural its population may be. Similarly, objections to specific aspects of the universal human rights doctrine are fragmentary, not collective. While a handful of communities in Yemen may object to a ban on the use of child soldiers, many more throughout the world would find this a sensible and morally valuable principle. It is necessary for both the international community and individual nation states to adjust their laws to reconcile the competing demands of plural value systems. Occasionally, a value common among a majority of cultures must overrule the objections of the minority.  It is perverse to give charismatic leaders who convince impoverished communities to send their sons and daughters into combat an opportunity to use cultural relativism to excuse their culpability for what would otherwise be a war crime. Officers, politicians or dissident commanders are much more likely than Yemeni tribesmen or orphaned Sudanese boys to understand the intricacies of such a defence, and much more likely to abuse it. The commanders of child soldiers are the only class of individuals who should fear the ICC. Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural values legal relativism cultural evolution conflicts crises group beliefs justice survival plural populations state laws value systems majority rule minority objections international community nation states legal adjustments pluralism charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crimes ICC moral responsibility human rights doctrine cultural practices legal accountability ethical relativism societal norms international law human rights protection cultural diversity legal standards ethical values cultural perspectives moral relativism Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism human rights relativists universal values cultural contexts laws cultural evolution conflicts crises perverse behavior group conduct cultural practices law systems state territory plural population universal human rights ethical objections international community national laws plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC child soldiers command responsibility moral principles cultural beliefs legal accountability human dignity global justice cultural diversity ethical relativism international law human rights law cultural practices moral relativism ethical standards Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism human rights relativism cultural contexts universal human values laws conflicts crises cultural evolution ethical practices legal systems pluralism international community nation states value reconciliation majority rule minority objections war crimes charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers ICC legal accountability moral principles cultural beliefs ethical standards human dignity international justice legal protections cultural diversity ethical relativism moral relativism universal principles cultural practices legal pluralism human rights violations cultural justification ethical absolutism international law moral responsibility Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative morality human rights legal relativism cultural evolution conflict adaptation ritual practices group justice legal systems plural values international law majority rule minority objections war crimes charismatic leaders child soldiers ICC jurisdiction legal adjustment pluralism moral principles international community national laws cultural diversity ethical relativism universal values moral relativism human dignity international justice cultural practices legal ethics humanitarian law child protection human rights violations legal reforms cultural imperialism moral absolutism legal universalism Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights universal human values culturally relative values conflicts crises relativism laws protection perverse behavior ritual regularity group beliefs just good survival state territory plural population universal human rights doctrine fragmentary objections collective objections international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime ICC officers politicians dissident commanders Yemeni tribesmen Sudanese boys defence abuse Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value right and wrong cultural contexts relativists universal human rights universal human values relative rights laws conflicts crises culturally relative values perverse behavior ritual regularity group beliefs just and good survival counter argument systems of law opinions practices values state's territory plural population fragmentary objections collective objections universal human rights doctrine Yemen child soldiers international community nation states competing demands plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat cultural relativism Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value relative right and wrong universal human rights cultural contexts relativists evolved values conflicts crises destructive behavior cultural practices justice survival systems of law plural populations state territory international community nation states plural value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities child soldiers war crime ICC abuse of defence moral values legal adjustments cultural beliefs ethical considerations human dignity international standards cultural diversity legal pluralism humanitarian law child protection warrior traditions societal norms global Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal cultural value right and wrong cultural contexts universal human rights relativists cultural values laws conflicts crises destructive behavior rituals group conduct justice moral values survival legal systems population plurality objections specific aspects human rights international community nation states value systems majority cultures minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities war crimes ICC commanders child soldiers legal defense moral responsibility Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism human rights moral values legal systems pluralism international law minority rights war crimes child soldiers ICC ethical relativism cultural contexts legal relativism moral philosophy human value systems cultural practices legal adjustments minority overruling charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat roles moral culpability legal defenses international justice Universal rights collective compromises cultural relativism equal value cultural contexts human rights universal values laws conflicts crises evolved values group beliefs just practices survival systems of law opinions plural population fragmentary objections international community nation states plural value systems majority rule minority objections charismatic leaders impoverished communities combat cultural relativism defence war crime ICC child soldiers commanders politicians dissident commanders Yemeni tribesmen Sudanese boys defence abuse
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con05a	The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. The ICC fails to prevent atrocities.  The ICC will not deter the commission of war crimes or genocide. The Third Reich augmented the crimes of the Holocaust when it became clear that the Allies would defeat them in Europe. The only expectation of the Nazi leadership was immediate execution, rather than trial in a judicial forum. Similarly, Slobodan Milosevic and the Bosnian Serb army conducted a campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo whilst the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was sitting in the Hague. The calculation of whether to commit gross human rights violations is not that of the reasonable and rational individual. The existence of a court, however well intentioned, will have no effect on the commission of these crimes. ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution trial judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY gross human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations court effectiveness rational decision-making criminal deterrence international justice war criminals legal consequences judicial punishment conflict regions human rights law international law tribunal impact prosecution military conflicts European history Balkans World War II genocide prevention legal mechanisms justice systems criminal justice international relations humanitarian law war crime ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations court effectiveness rational decision-making crime deterrence ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY gross human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazis Allied victory judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations rational decision-making court effectiveness deterrence judicial prosecution historical context criminal accountability international law humanitarian law conflict studies genocide prevention war crime trials judicial mechanisms international justice crime prevention legal history military history political violence ethnic conflict international relations legal accountability human rights war crime prevention judicial systems ICC atrocities war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Nazi leadership execution trial judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations rational decision-making court effectiveness ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness ICC atrocities deterrence war crimes genocide Third Reich Holocaust Allies Nazi leadership execution judicial forum Slobodan Milosevic Bosnian Serb army ethnic cleansing Kosovo International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ICTY human rights violations reasonable individual court effectiveness
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro03a	Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. Even sites that appeared innocent have had a devastating effect on society.  Some governments, such as the Vietnamese government [1] , have already seen sufficient cause to ban social networking sites such as Facebook. Recently in the UK, many major cities witnessed devastation and destruction as social networking sites were used to co-ordinate wide-scale riots which rampaged over London, Manchester, Birmingham, Worcestershire, Gloucester, Croydon, Bristol, Liverpool and Nottingham [2] . Rioters contacted each other through Facebook and blackberry instant messenger to ensure that they could cause maximum damage [3] , which resulted in the destruction of property [4] , physical violence towards others [5] , and even the deaths of three young men [6] . These events prove that seemingly innocent Internet sites can be used by anybody, even apparently normal citizens, to a devastating effect which has caused harm to thousands [7] . To protect the population and maintain order, it is essential that the government is able to act to censor sites that can be used as a forum and a tool for this kind of behaviour when such disruption is occurring.  [1] AsiaNews.it, ‘Internet censorship tightening in Vietnam’, 22 June 2010,  09/09/11  [2] BBC News, ‘England Riots’, 8 February 2012,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 09/09/11  [4] Hawkes, Alex, Garside, Juliette and Kollewe, Julia, ‘UK riots could cost taxpayer £100m’, guardian.co.uk, 9 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [5] Allen, Emily, ‘We will use water cannons on them: At last Cameron orders police to come down hard on the looters (some aged as young as NINE)’, Mail Online, 11 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [6] Orr, James, ‘Birmingham riots: three men killed ‘protecting homes’’, The Telegraph, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11.  [7] Huffington Post, ‘UK Riots: What Long-Term Effects Could They Have?’, 10 August 2011,  on 09/09/11. social networking government censorship vietnamese government facebook ban uk riots coordination through social media property destruction physical violence deaths internet sites normal citizens government action censorship forum for disruption order maintenance water cannons looters long-term effects internet censorship government intervention social media impact online behavior public safety social networking regulation digital communication risks cyber governance riot coordination technology misuse online forums civic unrest technology and society digital ethics internet policy social media dangers cyber activism government control online community digital policing social media impact government regulation internet censorship vietnamese government facebook ban UK riots social networking sites riot coordination property destruction physical violence deaths internet sites normal citizens harm to population government censorship forum for disruption public order maintenance social networking sites Facebook government censorship internet regulation riots coordination property destruction physical violence deaths public harm normal citizens internet sites misuse maintaining public order government intervention censorship necessity Vietnam government UK riots social media impact law enforcement riot prevention societal impact social media government censorship Facebook riots UK property destruction violence deaths internet regulation public safety social networking sites 协调犯罪 BlackBerry Messenger 舆论控制 社会危害 信息传播工具 网络治理 信息自由 网络安全 治安维护 公民隐私 技术监控 social media impact government censorship Facebook ban UK riots social networking dangers internet regulation riot coordination property destruction public safety social media influence online behavior cyber governance digital activism social unrest technology misuse legal response community harm digital ethics social responsibility cyber laws Internet censorship social networking Facebook government regulation UK riots instant messaging property destruction violence fatalities public safety civic disorder media influence security measures civil unrest communication tools legal actions community impact riot coordination technological misuse societal harm governance challenges digital communication law enforcement response social media impact public policy riot suppression social control emergency management cyber governance information dissemination youth crime technological ethics societal norms digital privacy protest organization criminal behavior tech governance social impact information technology public order societal disruption government intervention technological regulation social networking government censorship Vietnam Facebook ban UK riots 2011 riot coordination Facebook BlackBerry Messenger property destruction physical violence deaths citizen behavior internet regulation public safety order maintenance censorship necessity social media impact societal harm online forums inciting disorder taxpayer costs police response long-term effects communal protection social networking government censorship Facebook ban Vietnamese government UK riots blackberry messenger property destruction physical violence riot coordination internet sites citizen behavior government intervention internet regulation public safety social media impact societal harm legal actions riot consequences community protection online behavior monitoring internet censorship social media impact government intervention online coordination public disorder rioting property damage violence deaths civil unrest social networking regulation security measures public safety digital communication tools law enforcement response societal harm government control digital platforms civic disruption cyber governance
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US influence international relations foreign affairs policy effectiveness political integration defense dependency EU foreign policy Iraq War Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US influence international relations political independence European Union world politics diplomatic capability military dependency international influence policy effectiveness political unity strategic autonomy EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests NATO US military power international scene military dependency economic power world politics foreign policy compromises EU lines player independent voice military presence diverse opposed test breakup failure commitment umbrella politics effectiveness expansion terms query improvement notable failures range extent claim approach particular pointed out unwilling continue ability create common foreign policy tests previous notable dealt former excellent turn major lack continues voice under lies EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power international scene military power NATO US military dependency independent voice world politics EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US influence international relations political independence compromises world politics EU foreign policy common European approach War in Iraq Yugoslavia conflict national interests EU economic power military power NATO US military dependency European political influence international relations European unity world politics foreign affairs policy effectiveness international security European defense political integration strategic autonomy collective security EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power international influence military power NATO US military independence in world politics EU foreign policy common European approach international relations Iraq War Yugoslavia conflict national interests public opinion economic power military capability NATO US influence international diplomacy European security political integration global politics EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power military power NATO US military independent voice international scene compromises EU commitment military dependency EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power international influence military power NATO US military independence political constraints diplomatic challenges regional security global affairs strategic autonomy European integration defense policy international relations collective action decision-making sovereignty alliance dynamics global governance security policy geopolitical landscape institutional capacity crisis management peacekeeping diplomatic coordination strategic planning international cooperation security challenges political will military capability defense spending operational capacity strategic autonomy EU institutions member state coordination foreign affairs"
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-pro04a	"Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. Consequences of increased GHGs  Increased GHGs in the atmosphere have numerous significant consequences:  -glaciers, ice sheets, and perma frost will continue to melt. This will increase water levels, release more GHGs (methane, which is twenty times more powerful as a greenhouse gas than CO2 and CO2), and reflect less heat back into the atmosphere exacerbating climate change1.  -the oceans (which are a natural carbon sink) are becoming increasingly acidic which will significantly damage ecosystems such as coral reefs. Additionally, changes in the chemistry of the ocean could affect the amount of CO2 it can absorb and process annually.  -there will be increasing incidents of extreme weather such as hurricanes, floods, and record high/low temperatures. Extreme weather can destroy ecosystems that capture CO2 such as forests and peat bogs leading to less natural CO2 absorption.  These events will accelerate climate change making it more difficult for humans to reduce GHG ppms to a sustainable level. Once average temperatures are above 2.5C, events will be triggered that will be irreversible and it will take 1000s of years of lower GHG emissions for the earth to return to normal 2.  1. Connor, Steve, 'Exclusive: The methane time bomb', The Independent, 23rd September 2008,  2. Wikipedia, ""Climate Change Feedback"". Retrieved 2011-08-08. glacier melting ice sheet melting permafrost thawing sea level rise methane release carbon dioxide release ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bog destruction climate change feedback irreversible climate change temperature threshold long-term climate recovery greenhouse gas emissions CO2 absorption natural carbon sinks methane greenhouse effect climate system environmental impact global warming Glaciers ice sheets permafrost melt sea level rise methane release CO2 release reduced albedo ocean acidification coral reef damage carbon sink reduction extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bog destruction natural CO2 absorption climate change acceleration irreversible climate events GHG ppm reduction temperature threshold climate feedback loops climate change greenhouse gases global warming methane carbon dioxide glaciers melting ice sheets permafrost sea level rise ocean acidification carbon sinks coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs natural CO2 absorption climate feedback irreversible climate change temperature thresholds methane hydrates environmental impact ecological damage carbon cycle atmospheric chemistry climate models IPCC renewable energy carbon emissions mitigation strategies adaptation measures climate policy international agreements global environment earth systems sustainability environmental science climate science weather patterns climate glacier melting ice sheet melting permafrost melting sea level rise methane release enhanced greenhouse effect ocean acidification coral reef damage carbon sink reduction extreme weather events climate change acceleration temperature rise irreversible climate change long-term recovery CO2 absorption reduction forest destruction peat bog destruction glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise methane greenhouse gases ocean acidification coral reefs carbon sink extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs climate change feedback global warming irreversible climate change CO2 absorption temperature thresholds methane hydrates climate tipping points Consequences GHGs atmosphere glaciers ice sheets permafrost melting sea levels methane CO2 greenhouse effect heat reflection climate change oceans carbon sink acidification coral reefs ecosystem damage carbon absorption extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs natural CO2 absorption climate change acceleration temperature increase irreversible changes long-term recovery methane time bomb climate change feedback glacial melt ice sheet dissolution permafrost thaw sea level rise methane release carbon dioxide emissions ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather events hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bog degradation climate feedback loops global warming irreversible climate change temperature thresholds long-term climate recovery methane time bomb climate change feedback climate change greenhouse gases GHGs global warming methane carbon dioxide CO2 permafrost melting glacier retreat sea level rise ocean acidification coral reef damage extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs natural carbon sinks irreversible climate change climate feedback loops methane hydrates climate tipping points atmospheric CO2 environmental degradation sustainable GHG levels climate change global warming greenhouse gases GHGs methane carbon dioxide CO2 glaciers ice sheets permafrost sea level rise ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs natural carbon sinks climate feedback irreversible climate change temperature thresholds environmental impact climate science Steve Connor methane release Wikipedia climate change feedback glaciers ice sheets permafrost melting sea level rise methane greenhouse gases CO2 carbon dioxide ocean acidification coral reefs extreme weather hurricanes floods temperature extremes forest destruction peat bogs climate change acceleration irreversible climate events temperature thresholds long-term climate recovery methane time bomb climate change feedback"
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-pro03a	South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetian independence will help prevent future conflict  The status quo in the region is one of militarized clashes and tensions. It is important to recognize that South Ossetia has been de facto independent for some time. If it does not achieve independence, the proposed alternative is that it re-integrate into Georgia. Yet, of South Ossetians have made it clear that they will not accept this. The only possible course of action, therefore, would be to force over 100,000 South Ossetians to live under the tyranny of the majority of the Georgian state. This would not only be a clear violation of self-determination and basic democratic principles, but it would also risk a protracted war or insurgency in S. Ossetia against any re-assertion of Georgian authority. S. Ossetia and Georgia have been battling each other for over a century. Georgia has been accused of ethnic cleansing there, and of launching a 'war of aggression' which killed a large number of S. Ossetian civilians in 2008. [1] This war, as the culmination of Georgian aggression against S. Osstia, has made finally made any sort of reconciliation between the two impossible, and hardened S. Ossetian desires for independence. Keeping S. Ossetia within Georgia will simply prolong this ethic struggle, which has demonstrated itself to be irreconcilable in the foreseeable future. This conflict could easily draw in other powers (such as Russia) and cause a wider war once again. Granting S. Ossetian independence, therefore, would help avoid future conflicts and their awful humanitarian consequences.  [1] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006. South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences Shaun Walker Open Democracy South Ossetian independence prevent conflict status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independent re-integrate into Georgia South Ossetian self-determination Georgian authority ethnic cleansing 2008 war Georgian aggression Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetian independence conflict prevention militarized clashes status quo de facto independence re-integration into Georgia self-determination democratic principles ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement irreconcilable ethnic struggle humanitarian consequences Georgian authority insurgency protracted war regional stability international relations S. Ossetia-Georgia relations external powers ceasefire peace talks autonomy sovereignty territorial integrity minority rights Caucasian politics geopolitical tensions South Caucasus security dynamics ethnic tensions political aspirations international law conflict resolution peace South Ossetian independence prevent future conflict militarized clashes tensions de facto independence re-integrate into Georgia South Ossetian self-determination Georgian authority ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetia independence conflict prevention Georgia militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression Russian involvement humanitarian consequences regional stability international relations separatism sovereignty peace security ethnic conflict Caucasus geopolitical tensions minority rights statehood autonomy referendum international law United Nations recognition diplomatic relations Georgia-South Ossetia relations historical context 2008 war ceasefire peacekeeping territorial integrity security guarantees economic development South Ossetian independence prevent conflict militarized clashes de facto independent re-integrate Georgia violate self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Georgian aggression reconciliation ethnic struggle wider war humanitarian consequences Russian involvement Georgian involvement South Ossetia independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes de facto independence re-integration Georgia self-determination democratic principles war insurgency ethnic cleansing 2008 war aggression Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences South Ossetian independence prevent future conflict militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegrate into Georgia South Ossetian self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 war Georgian authority irreconcilable ethnic struggle wider war Russian involvement Georgian state humanitarian consequences South Ossetia independence conflict prevention militarized clashes tensions de facto independence re-integration Georgia self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic struggle Russian involvement humanitarian consequences Open Democracy Shaun Walker 2008 war ethnic cleansing Georgian aggression South Ossetian independence conflict prevention status quo militarized clashes tensions de facto independence reintegration Georgia self-determination democratic principles protracted war insurgency ethnic cleansing war of aggression 2008 conflict Russian involvement wider war humanitarian consequences
test-politics-oapghwliva-con01a	"A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 A President would be able to abuse the power given to them in a line-item veto authority, leveraging it into undue influence over other elements of the legislative process. By threatening to veto items dear to particular Congressmen, they could obtain assent to bills, treaties and appointments that otherwise would not be forthcoming. Such intimidation would be subtle and hard to prove, but it would erode checks on the executive and fundamentally alter the balance of power within the constitution. This means that budgets are politicised even more than is currently the case. When the line item veto was previously used by Clinton republicans such as Rick Santorum argued that every decision ""has political overtones, but that's fine, it comes with the territory,"" Senator Ted Stevens went further ""We're dealing with a raw abuse of political power by a president who doesn't have to run again"".1  1 Hugliotta, Guy and Pianin, Eric, 'Line-Item Veto Tips Traditional Balance of Power', Washington Post, 24/10/97,accessed 5/5/11 abuse power line-item veto undue influence legislative process threatening vetoing items congressmen obtain assent bills treaties appointments intimidation subtle hard prove erode checks executive alter balance constitution politicised budgets previously clinton republicans rick santorum political overtones fine territory ted stevens raw abuse political power president run presidential power line-item veto legislative influence undue influence executive checks constitutional balance political intimidation budget politicization Clinton Rick Santorum Ted Stevens political overtones abuse of power executive-legislative relations constitutional law veto authority checks and balances legislative process presidential authority political power constitution legislative tactics veto threats congressional politics executive-legislative dynamics government accountability veto usage political strategy constitutional reform legislative history presidential veto political influence government balance executive authority legislative approval political impact veto powers political dynamics constitutional implications line-item veto presidential authority legislative influence veto power congressional politics executive checks constitutional balance budget politicization political intimidation presidential abuse Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Clinton administration veto threats legislative process executive-legislative relations power dynamics political power raw abuse traditional balance Washington Post abuse of power line-item veto executive influence legislative process political intimidation checks and balances constitutional power budget politicisation presidential authority legislative negotiations political overtones executive-legislative relations Clinton presidency Republican criticism Ted Stevens Rick Santorum veto threats bill assent treaty approval appointment confirmation subtle coercion constitutional balance power dynamics executive-legislative conflict veto power political leverage government checks constitutional issues presidential overreach legislative strategy political abuse government accountability constitutional law political science executive authority legislative oversight veto controversies political influence president line-item veto executive power legislative process undue influence Congress veto threats bills treaties appointments checks and balances constitution balance of power budget politicization political overtones abuse of power Clinton Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Washington Post line-item veto executive power legislative influence political intimidation congressional dynamics budget politics checks and balances constitutional concerns presidential authority legislative process political power Clinton presidency Republican opposition political abuse executive-legislative relations veto threats assent to bills treaties and appointments subtle coercion erosion of checks constitutional balance politicized budgets political overtones abuse of power executive-legislative balance Washington Post 1997 political territory Senator Ted Stevens Rick Santorum governmentvetoes legislative strategies executive-legislative tensions veto powers political influence presidential power line-item veto legislative process undue influence political intimidation checks and balances executive authority constitutional balance budget politics political overtones abuse of power Clinton administration congressional relationships veto threats legislative assent treaties appointments political power raw abuse governance structures presidential power line-item veto executive influence legislative process congressional assent political intimidation constitutional checks balance of power budget politicization political overtones abuse of power Clinton administration Republican criticism executive-legislative relations veto authority subtle coercion legislative bargaining presidential authority constitutional governance legislative autonomy line-item veto executive power presidential influence legislative process congressional assent veto threats budget politicization checks and balances constitutional balance political power abuse of power presidential appointments treaties political overtones Rick Santorum Ted Stevens Clinton presidency Washington Post line-item veto executive power legislative process undue influence presidential authority checks and balances constitutional balance political intimidation budget politicisation congressional assent Clinton administration Republican opposition political overtones abuse of power governmental checks legislative balance executive-legislative relations constitutional law political science governmental studies"
test-law-ralhrilglv-con03a	Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya would be better off without them  Kenya does not need or want government by those who hand out illegal title deeds [1] and threaten the freedom of the press [2] as Kenyatta’s government does.  In addition to that, the allegations that the president used a banned occult gang, the Mungiki, in order to perform acts of mass murder is enough to end his credibility as a leader in the country – the best interests of good governance in Kenya mean that Kenyatta should go.  [1] Chanji, Tobias, “Raila Odinga says title deeds issued by President Uhuru Kenyatta illegal”, Standard Digital, November 25th 2013,   [2] Shiundu, Alphonce, “President retains punitive fines against media in new law”, Standard Digital, November 27th 2013, Kenya governance illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder Raila Odinga punitive fines media law Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki governance leadership credibility media laws punitive fines Raila Odinga Uhuru Kenyatta political issues corruption press freedom land issues occult involvement mass murder allegations Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga media law punitive fines Standard Digital Tobias Chanji Alphonce Shiundu Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki good governance Raila Odinga media law punitive fines leadership credibility mass murder allegations Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga media law punitive fines Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of the press Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder good governance Raila Odinga media law punitive fines Kenya governance illegal title deeds press freedom Uhuru Kenyatta Mungiki mass murder credibility leadership Raila Odinga punitive fines media law Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki good governance leadership credibility Raila Odinga media law punitive fines Chanji Tobias Alphonce Shiundu Kenya government illegal title deeds freedom of press Kenyatta Mungiki good governance political corruption media fines Raila Odinga Uhuru Kenyatta leadership credibility mass murder allegations Kenya government illegal title deeds press freedom Kenyatta Mungiki governance Raila Odinga media law punitive fines
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro05a	Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 Transparency prevents public relations disasters  Transparency is necessary to avoid public relations disasters; particularly in countries where the media has some freedom to investigate for themselves. It is clearly the best policy for the military to make sure all the information is released along with the reasons behind actions rather than having the media finding individual pieces of a whole and speculating to fill the gaps.  A good example would be a collision on 16th January 1966 between a B-52 bomber and a KC-135 tanker while attempting to refuel that destroyed both planes. Accidents happen, and this one cost 11 lives, but could have been much worse as the B-52 had four nuclear bombs on board were not armed and did not detonate. In this case an initial lack of information rapidly turned into a public relations disaster that was stemmed by much more openness by the military and the US Ambassador in Spain. The release of the information reduces the room for the press to fill in the gaps with harmful speculation. [1] In this case there was never much chance of national security implications or a break with Spain as the country was ruled by the dictator Franco, someone who would hardly pay attention to public opinion. But in a democracy a slow and closed response could seriously damage relations.  [1] Stiles, David, ‘A Fusion Bomb over Andalucia: U.S. Information Policy and the 1966 Palomares Incident’, Journal of War Studies, Vol.8, No.1, Winter 2006, pp.49-67, p.65 transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information nuclear accidents B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker Spain Palomares incident US Ambassador public opinion democracy information policy David Stiles Journal of War Studies transparency public relations disasters media freedom information release military actions B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs public opinion national security democracy press speculation Palomares Incident US Ambassador Spain Franco information policy military openness accident response harmful speculation damage control communication strategy crisis management transparency benefits media investigation government accountability public trust information gap speculation prevention nuclear accident military transparency international relations public relations crisis media relations crisis communication accident reporting transparency importance freedom of press military accidents information Transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs public opinion national security democratic response information policy Palomares incident Spain US Ambassador harmful speculation Franco democracy public relations strategy crisis management information release media speculation military accidents nuclear safety international relations communication strategy transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information nuclear accident 1966 B-52 collision Palomares incident information release press speculation national security democratic relations military openness information policy public opinion Franco dictatorship US Ambassador Spain war studies information control communication strategy crisis management Transparency Public Relations Disasters Media Freedom Military Information B-52 Bomber KC-135 Tanker Nuclear Bombs Public Relations Disaster US Ambassador Spain National Security Democracy Palomares Incident Information Policy David Stiles Andalucia Franco Public Opinion Harmful Speculation Information Release Military Actions Media Investigation Communication Strategy Crisis Management Nuclear Safety transparency public relations disaster prevention military information media freedom openness information release accident reports nuclear incidents press speculation public opinion democratic response information policy Palomares incident US military Spain Franco dictatorship national security diplomatic relations media investigation communication strategies crisis management journalism ethics government transparency information gaps harmful speculation democratic governance military accidents nuclear weapons public trust media relations information control transparency benefits crisis communication media speculation public relations strategy accident disclosure government secrecy media freedom impact transparency importance democratic countries information dissemination Transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker collision nuclear bombs Spain Palomares Incident US Ambassador public opinion democracy information policy national security Franco harmful speculation democratic relations military openness press speculation information release public trust crisis management military accidents nuclear safety international relations media investigation government communication public relations military disasters nuclear weapons accident response military transparency information control media relations dictatorship democratic governance public relations strategy media coverage military accidents nuclear accidents transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs Spain 1966 Palomares Incident US Ambassador public opinion democracy national security harmful speculation information release Franco dictatorship democracy relations closed response information policy military actions accident investigation press speculation crisis management communication strategy nuclear safety international relations media relations transparency benefits controlled information flow military accidents public trust nuclear weapons government transparency media investigation public disclosure military communications disaster prevention factual reporting Transparency public relations disasters media freedom military information B-52 bomber KC-135 tanker nuclear bombs Palomares Incident US Ambassador Spain Franco democracy information policy public opinion national security speculation open communication accident response military accidents nuclear safety press relations government transparency crisis management international relations media speculation information control public trust military accidents nuclear incidents diplomatic relations communication strategy information release harmful speculation public relations management media investigation military transparency nuclear weapons accident reporting crisis communication media coverage public transparency public relations disaster prevention media freedom military information accident reporting nuclear safety public speculation crisis communication government openness media investigation information policy national security democratic relations military accidents nuclear weapons public opinion information control communication strategy crisis management
test-international-apwhbaucmip-con03a	Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains may be reversed; events can’t be foreseen  Africa still has many fragile states. The Institute of Strategic Studies Africa identified 26 ‘fragile’ states (meaning they have weak governance, conflict and violence, inequality and poverty) including DR Congo and Ethiopia and forecasts that there will still be 11 fragile states by 2050. [1] This rather implies that war will not be ended by 2050, let alone 2020.  Even in countries that are considered stable events can quickly spiral into conflict. Mali was considered to be democratic and reasonably stable before a coup in 2012: there were multiparty elections in 1992, it held regular elections that passed international inspections, its first president Konaré willingly stood down, there was comparatively good freedom of speech and media. [2] Yet after a coup in 2012 it went downhill to the point of requiring intervention by French troops in early 2013.  [1] Cilliers, Jakkie, and Sick, Timothy D., ‘Prospects for Africa’s 26 fragile countries’, ISS Africa, p.7,   [2] Whitehouse, Bruce, ‘What went wrong in Mali?’, London Review of Books, Vol.34, No.16, 20 August 2012,  , p.17 Gains Reversed Events Unforeseen Africa Fragile States Weak Governance Conflict Violence Inequality Poverty Institute Strategic Studies DR Congo Ethiopia Forecast War Ended Countries Stable Spiral Conflict Mali Democratic Coup 2012 Elections International Inspections President Konaré Freedom Speech Media French Troops Intervention 2013 Cilliers Jakkie Sick Timothy D Prospects 26 Fragile Countries African fragile states governance issues conflict and violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast war Mali 2012 coup French intervention democracy stability political instability international intervention state fragility strategic studies Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books fragile states weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast stable countries Mali coup 2012 French intervention democracy multiparty elections international inspections freedom of speech media Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick ISS Africa Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books African fragile states DR Congo Ethiopia Institute of Strategic Studies Africa conflict forecast war in Africa Mali coup 2012 Mali stability French intervention Mali African governance African democracy African conflict African inequality African poverty African violence African political instability African multiparty elections African freedom of speech African media freedom African presidential terms African political transitions African international inspections African coups African military interventions African security prospects African state fragility African peace efforts African development challenges Gains reversed unforeseen events Africa fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast war prediction stable countries conflict escalation Mali democratic stable coup 2012 French intervention Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books Gains reversal unforeseen events Africa fragile states Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast war conflict stable countries Mali democracy coup 2012 French intervention Bruce Whitehouse Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick ISS Africa London Review of Books Gains reversed events unforeseen Africa fragile states weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia forecasts fragile states 2050 war 2020 stable countries conflict Mali democratic stable coup 2012 multiparty elections international inspections freedom of speech media French troops 2013 Cilliers Jakkie Sick Timothy D. ISS Africa Whitehouse Bruce London Review of Books Gains Reversed Unforeseen Events Africa Fragile States Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 Forecast War 2020 Stable Countries Mali Democratic Coup 2012 French Intervention Jakkie Cilliers Timothy D. Sick Bruce Whitehouse London Review of Books fragile states weak governance conflict violence inequality poverty DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 forecast war prediction Mali coup democratic stability international inspections freedom of speech media French intervention Cilliers Jakkie Sick Timothy D. ISS Africa Whitehouse Bruce London Review of Books fragile states Africa Institute of Strategic Studies Africa DR Congo Ethiopia 2050 war conflict Mali coup 2012 French intervention democracy stability governance violence inequality poverty prospects political instability international intervention peace security development challenges future trends state fragility regional security international relations conflict resolution human rights economic challenges social issues political reforms governance structures security studies political science international affairs Africa studies democracy in Africa conflict in Africa state failure coup d'état military
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con01a	Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. Setting up a graduate tax system would be damagingly expensive  A graduate tax would be a very expensive scheme to put into effect, as it would require high levels of government spending on student grants before the first graduates began to repay anything through taxation. If all the 2011 English applications for university we’re accepted at the new top price of £9,000 it would cost the Government in the first year just over £3 million, and this figure does not take into account all the other grants universities receive and as time goes on and more years enter the system the figure will grow greatly. (Guardian, 2011.) It is likely then to be two decades of investment or more before the system begins properly to pay for itself. Furthermore a costly increase in government bureaucracy would be necessitated by the need to keep track of so many graduates and by the complications the system introduces to the general taxation system. With many Governments taking up austerity measures it is simply impractical to setup a new funding system which is not needed. graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden public expenditure bureaucracy taxation system fiscal impact economic feasibility austerity measures funding system long-term costs implementation challenges graduate tax expensive government spending student grants university funding tuition fees repayment taxation bureaucracy tracking graduates general taxation system austerity measures impractical new funding system graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden public finance taxation system bureaucracy austerity measures funding system education policy economic impact long-term costs administrative expenses fiscal responsibility student finance higher education funding tax collection budget constraints graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden government bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures impractical funding system long-term investment damaged economy higher education finance administrative costs fiscal policy educational reform public expenditure economic impact student financing policy analysis graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden public expenditure taxation system bureaucratic costs austerity measures long-term investment education funding economic impact system implementation repayment delays administrative complexity fiscal policy higher education finance policy alternatives public sector efficiency graduate tax government spending student grants university applications austerity measures government bureaucracy taxation system funding system expensive scheme initial costs long-term investment impractical implementation graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees financial burden long-term investment bureaucratic costs taxation system austerity measures funding system impracticality graduate tax expensive scheme government spending student grants initial costs repayment delay long-term investment bureaucracy increase taxation complications austerity measures impractical funding system graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees fiscal impact bureaucratic costs taxation system austerity measures funding system graduate tax government spending student grants university applications tuition fees government investment bureaucracy taxation system austerity measures funding system
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro04a	It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, It doesn’t serve its purpose (subsidies to larger farmers)  The CAP as originally proposed was aimed to support small, local, family farmers which have difficulties with sustaining their business in competitive environment. The conference in Stresa in 1958 that helped define CAP’s objectives stated “Given the importance of family structures in European agriculture… all means should be taken in order to strengthen the economic and competitive capacity of the family enterprise.” [1] However, the current model of CAP gives direct payments to farmers according to area of their farms. That means that the major recipients of CAP are actually the biggest players in agricultural industry. According to Economist, 80 % of the subsidies go to 20 % of the richest farmers. [2] Therefore, the money is spent to support large companies and wealthy landowners who could easily compete in EU market even without such abhorrent support from EU taxpayers.  [1] Knudsen, Ann-Christina, ‘Romanticising Europe? Rural Images in European Union Policies’, Kontur, no.12, 2005,  p.52  [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP subsidies larger farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry 80-20 rule wealthy landowners EU taxpayers European Union Policies rural images farm follies CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers family farmers Stresa Conference 1958 economic support competitive environment direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry subsidies distribution EU market EU taxpayers rural policies European Union farm subsidies agricultural reform policy criticism economic inequality farming industry small farmers wealth distribution agricultural support policy objectives family farm enterprise European agriculture rural development agricultural economics farm policy EU subsidies farm support agricultural subsidies policy implementation agricultural legislation farm payments agricultural finance farm economics European farming farming CAP subsidies large farmers small family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments area-based payments EU subsidies agricultural policy European Union farm support rural images economic capacity family enterprise major recipients richest farmers EU market taxpayer support agricultural industry policy effectiveness farm subsidies distribution CAP Common Agricultural Policy farm subsidies large farmers small family farmers competitive environment Stresa Conference 1958 economic capacity family enterprise direct payments agricultural industry subsidies distribution EU taxpayers European Union policies rural images farm follies agricultural support competitive market wealth distribution European agriculture policy objectives EU market farm payments subsidy recipients agricultural reforms family farming rural development sustainable agriculture agricultural economics policy analysis agricultural policy farm support agricultural subsidies European farming family farm agricultural inequality farm economics EU agriculture farm policy agricultural CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments farm area wealth distribution EU market European Union taxpayer support agricultural industry policy objectives rural images European policies farm subsidies inefficient distribution economic capacity family enterprise agricultural structures European agriculture market competition policy critique wealth inequality agricultural support public spending economic sustainability farmer support policy effectiveness subsidy distribution agricultural reform EU policies rural development farmer income agricultural economics policy impact economic policy agricultural policy European Union policies farm CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers Stresa Conference 1958 economic capacity competitive environment direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry subsidies distribution 80-20 rule wealthy landowners EU market taxpayer support European Union policies rural images Ann-Christina Knudsen The Economist Europe’s farm follies subsidies large farmers CAP original purpose small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference 1958 family enterprise direct payments area-based payments major recipients agricultural industry subsidies distribution 80-20 rule richest farmers large companies wealthy landowners EU market EU taxpayers rural policies European Union farm policy agricultural subsidies CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farms competitive environment Stresa 1958 direct payments agricultural industry EU subsidies wealthy landowners EU market EU taxpayers rural images European Union policies farm support agricultural reform economic capacity CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa Conference 1958 European agriculture direct payments farm area major recipients agricultural industry subsidies distribution wealthy landowners EU market EU taxpayers European Union policies rural images Europe's farm follies CAP Common Agricultural Policy subsidies large farmers small farmers family farmers competitive environment Stresa conference direct payments land area wealth distribution EU market taxpayer money agricultural industry European Union policies rural images economic support competitive capacity family enterprise European agriculture farm subsidies policy objectives wealth inequality agricultural support EU subsidies farm payments landowners agricultural reform policy analysis agriculture economics
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-pro02a	Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts can change the software industry for the better.  Even when governments do not ultimately select an open source program, by simply including them in the competitive bidding process, they have been able to radically change the approach that Microsoft and other closed source companies take to producing IT solutions.  Under threat from Linux, Microsoft has launched the Open Source Initiative through which it shares elements of some of its programs’ source code with key partners to enable the development of software for platforms like Windows Mobile [i] . More dramatically, in 2002, Real Networks opened up the source code for its world renowned RealPlayer media and music software package and, in 2005, IBM offered 500 key patents (out of 40,000) to the open source community. Sun Microsystems released its Solaris server operating system to the open source community under the Common Development and Distribution licence in 2005. If you accept that the open source software industry is a positive force, then simply by considering open source software, governments are doing well.  [i] Ed Hansberry. “Open Source WebOS: A Win For Windows Phone?” Information Week. 12 December 2011. Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding Microsoft closed source companies IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source software Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution License positive force Ed Hansberry Information Week Windows Phone Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution Licence positive force considering open source software Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative shared source code Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer source code IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force considering open source government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding Microsoft closed source companies Linux Open Source Initiative Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force Information Week Ed Hansberry Windows Mobile Open Source WebOS Government contracts software industry open source programs competitive bidding process Microsoft closed source companies IT solutions threat from Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Real Networks RealPlayer media software IBM open source patents Sun Microsystems Solaris operating system Common Development and Distribution licence positive force Ed Hansberry Open Source WebOS Windows Phone government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source threat Linux Open Source Initiative source code key partners software development Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution license positive force considering open source Information Week Ed Hansberry government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris Common Development and Distribution licence positive force Ed Hansberry Information Week Government contracts software industry open source competitive bidding Microsoft closed source IT solutions Linux Open Source Initiative source code sharing Windows Mobile Real Networks RealPlayer media software IBM patents open source community Sun Microsystems Solaris server operating system Common Development and Distribution License positive force Ed Hansberry Information Week Windows Phone
test-international-gsciidffe-con04a	Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. Aggressive foreign policy is not legitimate foreign policy  Foreign policy is legitimate when it is peaceful and based upon mutual respect. It is no surprise that the most controversial foreign policy actions are those that are aggressive whether this is invading another state such as the Iraq war, attempting humanitarian intervention as in Kosovo, or engaging in clandestine actions such as Iran-Contra. This is because there is a powerful norm against aggressive action in international relations in order to maintain stability.  Undermining states by circumventing censorship is simply a new method of engaging in aggressive actions against another state. NATO has accepted that cyber operations can be considered to constitute an armed conflict, [1] so it is increasingly accepted that actions on the internet can be aggressive action. Indeed “If such cyber operations are intended to coerce the government… the operation may constitute a prohibited ‘intervention’”. [2] While no one would argue that this policy will create a war it is not a very big step from considering cyber attacks to be armed conflict to considering undermining states through circumventing censorship to be an aggressive action.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, “Rules of cyberwar: don't target nuclear plants or hospitals, says Nato manual”, The Guardian, 18 March 2013,   [2] Schmitt, Michael N., ed., “The Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare”, Cambridge University Press, 2013, p.17. aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect international stability controversial foreign policy Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggression cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyber warfare international law prohibited intervention circumventing censorship coercion state sovereignty Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful mutual respect controversial actions invading Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine Iran-Contra norm stability undermining states censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO international relations law prohibited intervention cyberwarfare Tallinn Manual coercion government internet actions war attacks nuclear plants hospitals aggressive foreign policy legitimate foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks coercion government intervention prohibited intervention cyber warfare international law Tallinn Manual nuclear plants hospitals cyber security state sovereignty digital intervention policy legitimacy international norms cyber ethics state interference digital aggression peaceful cyber operations cyber policy cyber stability aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo Iran-Contra norm against aggression international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks coercion prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual Aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggressive action international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship cyber operations armed conflict NATO internet coercion prohibited intervention cyber attacks war Tallinn Manual international law cyber warfare aggressive foreign policy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra norm against aggression international stability undermining states censorship circumvention cyber operations armed conflict NATO cyberwar rules prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual Aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy actions Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggressive action international relations stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks coercion prohibited intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual nuclear plants hospitals Owen Bowcott The Guardian Michael N. Schmitt Cambridge University Press aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect controversial foreign policy Iraq war humanitarian intervention Kosovo clandestine actions Iran-Contra norm against aggression international stability undermining states circumventing censorship aggressive actions NATO cyber operations armed conflict cyber attacks intervention international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual legitimacy foreign policy aggression peaceful relations mutual respect controversial actions Iraq war Kosovo intervention Iran-Contra international norms stability cyber operations armed conflict NATO coercion intervention cyber attacks undermining states censorship international law cyber warfare Tallinn Manual aggressive foreign policy legitimacy peaceful foreign policy mutual respect Iraq war Kosovo humanitarian intervention Iran-Contra international norms stability cyber operations armed conflict NATO coercion intervention cyber attacks undermining states circumventing censorship
test-international-sepiahbaaw-con02a	Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Bring Africa out of poverty  The African continent has the highest rate of poverty in the world, with 40% of sub-Saharan Africans living below the poverty line. Natural resources are a means of increasing the quality of life and the standard of living as long as revenues are reinvested into the poorest areas of society. There are 35 countries in Africa which already conduct direct transfers of resource dividends to the poor through technology or in person [1] . In Malawi, £650,192.22 was given out in dividends to the poorest in society ensuring that they were given $14 a month in 2013 [2] . This ensures that there is a large base of citizens profiting from natural resources which increases their income and, in turn, their Human Development Index scores [3] .  [1] Devarajan, S. ‘How Africa can extract big benefits for everyone from natural resources’ in The Guardian 29/06/13   [2] Dzuwa,J. ‘Malawi: Zomba Rolls out Scial Cash Transfer Programme’ Malawi News Agency 11 June 2013   [3] Ibid Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources quality of life standard of living revenue reinvestment poorest areas direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi cash transfer programme Human Development Index social welfare economic development natural resource management income distribution poverty reduction strategies Africa poverty sub-Saharan Africa natural resources quality of life standard of living revenue reinvestment poorest areas resource dividends direct transfers technology Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index Devarajan Malawi News Agency Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index economic development sustainable growth poverty reduction strategies natural resource management income distribution public policy development economics African poverty reduction natural resource management resource dividend distribution direct transfers social cash transfer programmes human development index improvement sub-Saharan Africa economic development Malawi social initiatives poverty alleviation strategies sustainable resource exploitation economic empowerment through dividends community reinvestment practices poverty line reduction methods African economic growth strategies resource revenue utilization Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources revenue reinvestment resource dividends direct transfers technology Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index economic development sustainable growth community investment financial inclusion public policy resource management economic empowerment poverty alleviation strategies Africa poverty sub-Saharan Africa natural resources quality of life standard of living resource dividends technology direct transfers Malawi social cash transfer human development index economic benefits natural resource management development economics poverty alleviation strategies Africa's economy resource wealth redistribution Africa poverty sub-Saharan natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index economic development social welfare income distribution resource governance sustainable development poverty alleviation economic growth community investment financial inclusion public policy social impact fiscal transparency citizen empowerment regional development humanitarian aid international cooperation economic reforms poverty reduction strategies sustainable resource management equitable distribution socio-economic indicators quality of life standard of living developmental economics resource-rich countries fiscal policies microfinance livelihood improvement health services educational Africa poverty sub-Saharan Africa natural resources revenue reinvestment direct transfers resource dividends technology Malawi cash transfer programme Human Development Index social welfare economic development sustainable growth community investment fiscal policy government intervention international aid economic empowerment Africa poverty natural resources revenue reinvestment sub-Saharan Africa poverty line resource dividends technology transfers Malawi social cash transfer Human Development Index economic development natural resource management poverty alleviation income distribution Africa poverty natural resources resource dividends direct transfers Human Development Index Malawi social cash transfer sub-Saharan Africa economic development reinvestment poverty reduction quality of life standard of living growth sustainable development revenue management resource wealth citizen welfare economic empowerment
test-international-segiahbarr-con03a	The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 The Continent is still vulnerable to natural disasters  A major road block to development and economic growth in Africa is the prevalence of natural disasters. These disasters commonly affect the poorest and most vulnerable in society, as they are often the ones living in the ‘most exposed areas’, thus preventing development [1] . In Somalia, for example, the 2013 cyclone left tens of thousands homeless in an already impoverished area, worsening their economic situation [2] . Dr Tom Mitchell from the Overseas Development Institute has claimed that economic growth cannot occur until disaster risk management becomes central to social and economic policy [3] . Disaster management could cost too much however. In November 2013, a United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report demonstrated that 2070 a total $350 billion per annum would be required to deal with the threats presented by clime change such as increased Arid areas and higher risks of flooding [4] .  [1] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [2] Migiro, ‘Somalia Reels From Cyclone, Floods and Hunger – ICRC’, 2013  [3] Decapua, ‘Natural Disasters Worsen Poverty’, 2013  [4] Rowling, ‘Africa Faces Sharp Rise in Climate Adaption Costs – Unep’, 2013 natural disasters economic growth Africa poverty vulnerable populations disaster risk management climate change adaptation costs United Nations Environment Programme Somalia cyclone homelessness social policy economic policy arid areas flooding climate adaptation development roadblocks exposed areas research reports United Nations environmental impact economic impact policy integration disaster prevention resilience sustainable development international aid recovery humanitarian assistance climate resilience environmental management poverty alleviation socio-economic challenges global warming extreme weather disaster response long-term planning financial resources government intervention community resilience infrastructure development natural disasters economic growth Africa vulnerability poverty disaster risk management social policy economic policy climate change adaptation costs UNEP Somalia cyclone floods arid areas homelessness development poorest exposed areas United Nations Environment Programme Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute 2013 2070 $350 billion natural disasters Africa development economic growth vulnerable populations exposed areas Somalia cyclone homelessness poverty disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs natural disasters vulnerability Africa development economic growth poverty exposed areas Somalia 2013 cyclone disaster risk management social policy economic policy cost of disaster management climate change arid areas flooding UNEP report climate adaptation costs natural disasters development economic growth Africa poorest vulnerable exposed areas Somalia 2013 cyclone economic situation Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme UNEP climate change arid areas flooding climate adaptation costs natural disasters economic growth Africa vulnerable populations disaster risk management poverty Somalia cyclone United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaption costs natural disasters development economic growth Africa poorest vulnerable exposed areas Somalia cyclone homeless economic situation Dr Tom Mitchell Overseas Development Institute disaster risk management social policy economic policy United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs climate adaptation poverty ICRC environmental threats financial burden resilience sustainable development natural disasters development economic growth Africa vulnerable poorest exposed areas Somalia cyclone homeless economic situation disaster risk management social policy economic policy disaster management cost United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding adaptation costs natural disasters economic growth development vulnerability poverty disaster risk management climate change adaptation costs affected communities infrastructure policy integration cyclical poverty environmental resilience social policy financial investment resilience building climate adaptation disaster mitigation sustainable development environmental threats economic resilience community preparedness extreme weather events disaster recovery funding mechanisms international aid local governance climate impacts public health ecological sustainability natural disasters economic growth poverty vulnerable areas disaster risk management United Nations Environment Programme climate change arid areas flooding Somalia cyclone development social policy economic policy climate adaptation costs
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con04a	"Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September Individuals have a choice and right to respond to ads and their meaning.  Consumers have a choice to expose themselves to advertising through their own personal behaviour. Advertisements can be ignored by the consumer and deleted at will. Interpretation of the ad depends on the attitudes of the receiver. The purchase and consumption of beauty products is the personal choice of a buyer. How ads attract and influence is determined by individual beliefs and values of the audience member. Some feminists believe that institutional power structures set up a ""victim"" mentality in women and fail to empower them by placing dependence upon power structures to make choices for women.1 If consumers wish to embrace the ideals or values represented in ads, this should be their choice. Therefore the right to self determine one's consumer behaviour should be left to the individual. 1 Thomas, Christine. ""The New Sexism."" Socialism Today, Issue #77. 2003/September consumer choice advertising response personal behavior ad interpretation individual attitudes purchase decision beauty products ad influence personal beliefs audience values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights individual empowerment ad ideals consumer behavior Christine Thomas The New Sexism Socialism Today individual choice right to respond consumer behavior advertising exposure ad interpretation personal attitudes beauty product consumption ad influence individual beliefs audience values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality consumer ideals self-determination consumer rights advertising ethics personal empowerment societal influence consumer activism individual choice right to respond ad meaning consumer behavior advertising exposure ad interpretation personal attitudes beauty product purchase consumer influence individual beliefs audience values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights personal choice ad ideals value representation consumer empowerment individual choice right to respond ad interpretation consumer behavior personal decision advertisement exposure beauty product purchase consumer influence individual values feminist critique institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights personal beliefs ad ideals choice empowerment socialism today christine thomas consumer choice ad response personal behavior ad interpretation individual attitudes beauty product purchase consumer influence personal values feminist critique institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer rights advertisement impact personal beliefs consumer empowerment individual choice right to respond consumer behavior advertising exposure ad interpretation personal attitudes beauty product purchase consumer influence individual beliefs feminist perspective victim mentality empowerment consumer ideals self-determination personal values ad attraction consumer rights individual empowerment Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today individual choice right to respond consumer behavior exposure to advertising ad interpretation consumer attitudes purchase decision beauty products ad influence personal beliefs values feminism institutional power victim mentality empowerment consumer self-determination ideals in ads Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today choice right respond ads meaning consumers expose advertising personal behaviour ignore delete interpretation attitudes receiver purchase consumption beauty products attract influence beliefs values audience feminism institutional power structures victim mentality women empower dependence ideals values represented self-determination consumer behaviour individual Thomas Christine New Sexism Socialism Today 2003/September consumer choice advertising influence personal behavior ad interpretation individual beliefs feminist perspective institutional power consumer empowerment self-determination beauty products advertisement reception values represented consumer rights social structures marketing impact individual attitudes consumerism media influence personal values advertising ethics consumer choice advertising response personal behavior ad interpretation consumer rights beauty product consumption individual beliefs audience values feminist perspective institutional power victim mentality self-determination consumer behavior ad influence personal choice Christine Thomas The New Sexism Socialism Today"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-con02a	Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Terrorism creates a negative abusable portrayal  Acts of terror will not lead to a deeper mutual understanding, but to alienation from the international community. People see acts of violence as a threat, and especially in the context of international terrorists attacks, the fear of escalation prevails. Even more, acts of violence are open to multiple interpretations, which can be used in favour of the oppressing state, that has much more resources to spread its message. Not only can it say it uses violence against these terrorists groups to defend itself, but it can also paint an image of the terrorists as irrational, violent creatures. This plays easily into existing stereotypes of non-Westeners as being violent. In order to counter this scenario, it is wiser to resort to non-violent actions. This has the benefit of conveying a very clear message to the outside world that the people protesting are the victims, and not the perpetrators. For instance, the actions of Mahatma Ghandi were known for their civil disobedience and their political messages that went against the norm, but because of the peaceful nature of his protest, he was able to attract a lot of positive attention and followers. [1]  [1] BBC News. (1998, January 29). The life and death of Mahatma Gandhi. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message spreading self-defense irrational stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News life death terrorism negative portrayal alienation international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources spread message defend irrational violent non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message outside world victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message irrational violent creatures stereotypes non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi civil disobedience political messages BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message spreading self-defense irrational violent non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News life death India colonial rule independence non-violence impact strategy effectiveness historical context social movements activism peace conflict resolution global perspective cultural stereotypes media terrorism negative portrayal alienation international community acts of violence threat fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message spreading defend irrational violent non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message self-defense irrational stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal abusable mutual understanding alienation international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message defend irrational violent non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal abusable acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat international terrorist attacks fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message self-defense irrational violent non-Westerners stereotypes non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal acts of terror mutual understanding alienation international community violence threat fear escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources spread message defend terrorists irrational violent stereotypes non-Westeners non-violent actions clear message victims perpetrators civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers Mahatma Gandhi BBC News terrorism negative portrayal mutual understanding alienation international community acts of violence threat international terrorist attacks fear of escalation multiple interpretations oppressing state resources message spreading self-defense irrational violent non-Westerners non-violent actions clear message protest victims perpetrators Mahatma Gandhi civil disobedience political messages peaceful protest positive attention followers
test-politics-lghwdecm-con01a	Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? Mayors would result in too much centralisation of power.  An elected mayor would have too much power, making the prospect of its misuse alarming. If the mayor has the power to choose their own cabinet of councillors, this could be as small as three members, all of whom could be sacked at will for opposing the wishes of the mayor. If the mayor has the right to delegate powers to his cabinet members, they equally have the authority to reserve all the real powers to themselves. And those councillors outside the cabinet would have little to do other than to monitor broken streetlights and the standard of refuse collection in their ward. Why would talented and ambitious people stand for council in these circumstances, and what would the absence of such people do for the council’s oversight of the mayor? mayors centralisation power elected misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority reserve powers councillors monitor broken streetlights refuse collection ward talented ambitious stand council oversight absence centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority reserve talented ambitious council oversight broken streetlights refuse collection ward stand absence impact mayors centralisation power elected misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority oversight talent ambition council broken streetlights refuse collection ward stand absence impact governance democracy local government political structure accountability decision-making representation community engagement public service leadership policy administration urban management civic roles elected officials governmental reform institutional design democratic processes citizen participation municipal affairs governance challenges power dynamics political science local politics governmental systems leadership roles civic duties public administration metropolitan governance urban governance Mayors centralisation of power elected mayor misuse of power cabinet of councillors sacked councillors delegation of powers real powers councillors outside cabinet talented and ambitious people council oversight mayor supervision local governance democratic accountability political structure municipal government executive mayor council functions public services management local politics civic engagement electoral reform governance issues political representation community leadership administrative control policy implementation local democracy citizen participation governmental checks and balances centralization power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition council responsibilities influence democracy local government accountability governance representation mayor centralisation power misuse elected cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority real powers talented ambitious stand council oversight broken streetlights refuse collection ward circumstances absence people do for mayor's governance local politics democratic accountability town city administration leadership decision-making community representation public service urban management policy making centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority reserve real powers talented ambitious council oversight broken streetlights refuse collection ward centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors sacked delegate authority reserve real powers talented ambitious stand council oversight broken streetlights refuse collection ward centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition governance local politics democratic accountability municipal management community representation political power distribution civic engagement local government structure policy implementation administrative efficiency public service electoral reform political science governance models leadership decision-making municipal affairs political dynamics governance challenges public administration civic leadership urban politics government accountability policy-making local democracy political representation municipal governance community governance political responsibility local leadership democratic processes civic participation government transparency political influence municipal reforms centralisation power elected mayor misuse cabinet councillors delegation authority oversight talent ambition local government democracy accountability governance public service administrative efficiency political influence community representation
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro02a	The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 The government here may legitimately limit ‘free speech’.  We already set boundaries on what constitutes ‘free speech’ within our society. For example, we often endorse a ‘balancing act’ [1] an individual may express their beliefs or opinions, but only up to the point where it does not impede the ‘protection of other human rights’ [2] – other peoples’ right not to be abused. In this case, if an individual expresses abuse towards another – especially racism - they may be deemed to be outside of the boundaries or free speech and can be punished for it. This motion is simply an extension of this principle; the kinds of sites which would be banned are those which perpetuate hatred or attack other groups in society, an so already fall outside of the protection of free speech. The harms that stem from these kinds of sites outweigh any potential harm from limiting speech in a small number of cases.  [1] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11  [2] Hera.org, ‘Freedom of Expression’, Human Rights Education Association,  on 09/09/11 government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual beliefs opinions protection human rights abuse racism punishment sites hatred attack groups harms limiting cases Hera.org Freedom of Expression Human Rights Education Association government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hate speech online hate societal harm legal limits expression beliefs opinions punishment human rights education association freedom of expression social media regulation censorship digital ethics moral philosophy public policy legislative measures constitutional law first amendment international law civil liberties cyber harassment defamation misinformation propaganda extremist content content moderation platform responsibility digital citizenship ethical communication social responsibility cultural sensitivity racial discrimination legal precedents judicial review democratic values community standards freedom of the press government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hate speech online hate harm societal impact digital rights censorship 言论自由 人权保护 网络仇恨 社会危害 数字权利 审查 government limits free speech balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hatred attack groups in society harms limiting speech freedom of expression human rights education association government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hatred harmful content societal impact legal limits expression beliefs opinions human rights societal harm online content censorship regulation digital speech hate speech public safety moral responsibility ethical considerations government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism banned sites hatred societal harm limitation on speech human rights education association freedom of expression government free speech boundaries balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism punishment hate sites societal harm limitation of speech human rights education association freedom of expression legal boundaries ethical considerations public safety democratic values online content regulation digital ethics free speech government regulation balancing act protection of human rights abuse racism hatred societal harm online content censorship human rights education association freedom of expression free speech government regulation human rights protection of rights balancing act expression boundaries racism abuse hate speech harmful content societal harm online hate free speech limitations legal restrictions human rights education association freedom of expression public safety ethical speech digital ethics content moderation government free speech boundaries society balancing act individual rights protection human rights abuse racism punishment principle sites perpetuate hatred attack groups harms limiting speech potential harm extension Hera.org Freedom of Expression Human Rights Education Association
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources member states common position foreign affairs agenda Brussels pretensions dictatorship policy development EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council inefficiency consolidation complexity expense foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication resources common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy dictatorship external affairs policy development EU institutions political integration decision-making process foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative consolidation complexity expense spokesmen rivalry duplication resources member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign affairs pretensions dictate EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council consolidation complexity expense foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy role policy development institutional reform EU governance diplomatic efficiency foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign affairs foreign policy centers consolidation complexity greater expense EU High Representative foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states agreement Commission role Brussels foreign policy agenda EU High Representative foreign policy centers Commission Council complexity expense foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy dictatorship foreign policy EU High Representative consolidation inefficiency complexity expense Commission Council spokesmen rivalry duplication external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda dictatorship limitation foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs spokesmen pretensions external affairs single office-holder inefficiency stronger policy position agreement limitation development dictatorship European Union institutional structure policy coordination international representation political integration governance decision-making bureaucratic overlap strategic alignment diplomatic representation leadership authority autonomy cooperation sovereignty institutional reform European diplomacy political unity administrative streamlining intergovernmental relations European external action institutional dynamics
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con04a	The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. The novel crime of aggression leads to the prosecution of those seeking to protect human rights.  The likelihood of political prosecution is only augmented by the creation of the novel crime of 'aggression' under the Rome Statute. Any intervention in a State for the protection of human rights of some or all of its people might constitute a crime. The US or any NATO State could be prosecuted, at the request of the genocidaires, for successfully preventing genocide. Moreover, by a quirk of the drafting of the Statute, States that refuse to accept the jurisdiction of the ICC can nevertheless request the prosecution of individuals of other States for crimes alleged committed on its territory. Thus Milosevic could have demanded the investigation of NATO forces for the events of Operation Allied Force, but have precluded any investigation of the actions of the Bosnian Serb army on the same territory. crime of aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection genocide prevention ICC jurisdiction NATO Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army Milosevic international law humanitarian intervention state sovereignty legal accountability war crimes novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection people US NATO genocide genocidaires jurisdiction ICC drafting Statute investigation individuals territory Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army crime of aggression political prosecution human rights protection Rome Statute intervention state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction NATO genocide prevention Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime of aggression prosecution of human rights protectors political prosecution Rome Statute intervention for human rights US NATO prosecution genocidaires request ICC jurisdiction state refusal Milosevic NATO investigation Bosnian Serb army actions Operation Allied Force novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State ICC jurisdiction genocidaires NATO Milosevic Bosnian Serb army Operation Allied Force crime of aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction genocide prevention NATO Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army Milosevic international law state responsibility humanitarian intervention legal accountability war crimes international criminal court crime of aggression prosecution human rights protection political prosecution Rome Statute intervention state sovereignty ICC jurisdiction genocide prevention NATO Milosevic Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army crime of aggression human rights protection political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State prosecution ICC jurisdiction NATO genocide prevention Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army Milosevic legal accountability international law human rights violations state sovereignty international criminal court genocidaires legal quirks prosecution request crime of aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention genocide US NATO jurisdiction ICC Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army novel crime aggression prosecution human rights political prosecution Rome Statute intervention State protection genocidaires US NATO ICC jurisdiction prosecution request Milosevic NATO forces Operation Allied Force Bosnian Serb army
test-law-ralhrilglv-con04a	Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, Just hold the trial by videolink  It has already been agreed that defendants can appear at the court by videolink [1] for parts of the trial. This is not problematic, unless the defendants want to start representing themselves.  Bearing in mind that Ruto and Kenyatta have been continuing to co-operate with the trial throughout the process, there is no reason to think that they would flee the international criminal court. Either way, if they change their mind, they could simply not travel to The Hague for the trial.  [1] Corder, Mike, “International court changes trial attendance rule”, The Wichita Eagle, November 28th 2013, videolink court trial defendants representing themselves co-operate flee international criminal court The Hague trial attendance rule Mike Corder The Wichita Eagle videolink trial defendants represent themselves co-operate flee international criminal court Hague travel attendance rule Corder Mike International court changes Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial defendants court represent themselves Ruto Kenyatta co-operate flee international criminal court Hague travel change mind attendance rule The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 trial by videolink defendants appear by videolink representing themselves fleeing international criminal court co-operating with the trial not traveling to The Hague trial attendance rule change trial videolink defendants co-operate international criminal court flee The Hague trial attendance rule videolink trial attendance defendants represent themselves co-operate flee international criminal court The Hague Corder Mike The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial defendants appearance co-operation flee international criminal court The Hague trial attendance rule self-representation videolink trial defendants representing themselves co-operate flee international criminal court Hague attendance rule Corder Mike Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 just hold trial videolink defendants appear court problematic represent themselves Ruto Kenyatta co-operate process reason flee international criminal court change mind travel Hague Corder Mike changes attendance rule Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013 videolink trial defendants international criminal court represent themselves co-operate flee The Hague Corder Mike International court changes trial attendance rule The Wichita Eagle November 28th 2013
test-economy-thsptr-con02a	Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: Progressive taxes place an unfair and disproportionate burden on the wealthy  The revenues the state acquires through taxation are used to pay for various services and benefices. Lower income individuals consume these services to a disproportionate degree. It is they who require income supplements and child benefits when they lack the wherewithal to provide for themselves, and they avail more readily than the wealthy of such things as public healthcare and transport services. There is thus clearly no correlation between the amount people pays in taxes and amount of benefits they receive from them. [1] The rich make less use of such services, often preferring to use of privately provided services, yet they are expected to pay a greater proportion of their wealth to the public services they do not use under a progressive system of taxation. As a matter of fairness it is only just that everyone contribute to the provision of public services equally, in accordance with their wherewithal to do so. Wealthier people thus can pay more units of wealth to the system than poor people justly, but when they are expected to pay a disproportionate percentage of wealth, through a system that levies contributions according to a progressive rather than proportional scale, they are being used unfairly and being stripped of their rightful possessions to the use of others.  [1] Mayer, David. “Wealthy Americans Deserve Real Tax Relief”. On Principle 7(5). 1999. Available: progressive taxes wealth distribution tax fairness public services income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services private services proportional taxation tax burden wealthy individuals low-income individuals tax relief economic justice fiscal policy taxation system government spending social welfare equitable contribution tax equity redistributive policies tax reform economic inequality tax rates public benefits tax payments societal services tax equity debates fiscal responsibility tax justice societal impact tax policy analysis wealth redistribution tax burden analysis economic research tax contribution fair taxation progressive vs proportional tax income disparity progressive taxation unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport correlation between taxes and benefits private services proportional taxation tax fairness wealth distribution economic justice tax relief wealthy Americans tax policy public finance social welfare economic inequality tax contribution fiscal policy government spending tax equity socioeconomic status tax system economic principles political economy fiscal justice tax philosophy economic reforms fiscal reforms tax legislation tax laws tax brackets marginal tax rates tax progression tax regressivity fiscal progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax contribution fairness proportional taxation tax relief wealth distribution socioeconomic inequality tax policy government spending fiscal justice economic equity tax reform progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax contributions tax fairness proportional taxation wealth redistribution tax relief economic inequality tax policy social services tax justice fiscal responsibility progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services tax contributions proportional scale fairness equal contribution wealth distribution tax relief Mayer David On Principle progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals taxation revenue public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax fairness proportional taxation wealth redistribution tax relief fiscal policy equitable contribution tax justice economic inequality tax system critique Mayer David On Principle journal progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy individuals state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport private services tax fairness proportional taxation wealth distribution economic justice tax equity Mayer Wealthy Americans tax relief On Principle Progressive taxes wealth burden state revenues public services income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services fair taxation wealth distribution tax equity proportional taxation tax fairness wealthy Americans tax relief public vs private services tax contribution social welfare economic justice progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare transport services correlation tax contributions fairness equal contribution proportional taxation tax relief wealthy americans rightful possessions On Principle David Mayer progressive taxes unfair burden wealthy state revenues public services lower income individuals income supplements child benefits public healthcare public transport tax fairness proportional taxation wealthy Americans tax relief
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con04a	The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, The international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities  Stanley Hoffman used a Neo-Realist view of International relations to build the theory of intergovernmentalism. In a neo-realist understanding the international system is characterised by anarchy and the distribution of economic and military capabilities is of primary importance. States will not trust each other but can still reach agreement, but the agreement will be characterised by bargaining and negotiation (not an automatic process!) ‘Nations prefer the certainty, or the self-controlled uncertainty, of national self-reliance, to the uncontrolled uncertainty of the untested blender’. [1]  [1] Wikipedia, ‘Intergovernmentalism’, en.wikipedia.org, Neo-Realism Anarchy Economic Capabilities Military Capabilities Intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffman International Relations State Trust Bargaining Negotiation National Self-Reliance Uncertainty Agreement Process international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism international relations state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty tested blender Wikipedia Intergovernmentalism international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance untested blender political trust power distribution security dilemma sovereignty state behavior international cooperation realism state interactions international agreements diplomatic negotiations state preferences uncertainty control self-reliance international politics policy making governmentalism neo-realism state-centric power politics international relations theory interstate relations state sovereignty global politics strategic behavior state autonomy international security state power international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism states trust agreement bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty intergovernmentalism theory political realism security dilemma power distribution state sovereignty international cooperation strategic autonomy multilateralism international organizations diplomatic relations global governance security studies political science international politics neo-realism realism international anarchy power politics strategic interactions state behavior international agreements geopolitical competition state-centric approach security policies international institutions international system anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities Stanley Hoffman Neo-Realism intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty neo-realism international relations anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities intergovernmentalism state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance untested blender stanley hoffman wikipedia political theory security studies european integration governance power distribution realism international systems state behavior cooperation uncertainty self-help sovereignty alliances security dilemma power politics state-centric international order conflict peace international law norms institutions global affairs foreign policy diplomacy strategic studies defense policy war deterrence security communities regionalism global anarchy distribution economic capabilities military capabilities Neo-Realist International relations intergovernmentalism states trust agreement bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncertainty untested blender anarchy distribution economic military capabilities neo-realist intergovernmentalism international relations states trust agreement bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncertainty untested blender stanley hoffman neo-realism intergovernmentalism anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance uncontrolled uncertainty international relations Stanley Hoffman theory of intergovernmentalism primary importance agreement process Wikipedia Intergovernmentalism neo-realism international relations anarchy economic capabilities military capabilities state trust bargaining negotiation national self-reliance intergovernmentalism Stanley Hoffman theoretical framework power distribution security dilemma sovereignty international agreements cooperation realism political science
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro05a	Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Public acknowledgement of the right to nuclear deterrence will benefit the public regulation of nuclear weapons generally  When nuclear deterrence is an acknowledged right of states, they will necessarily be less concealing of their capability, as the deterrent effect works only because it is visible and widely known. Knowledge of states’ nuclear capability allows greater regulation and cooperation in development of nuclear programs from developed countries with more advanced nuclear programs. [1] Developed countries can help construct and maintain the nuclear weapons of other countries, helping to guarantee the safety protocols of countries’ programs are suitably robust. This will cause a diminution in clandestine nuclear weapons programs, and will reduce the chances of weapons-grade material falling into the hands of terrorists. Thus, greater openness and freedom in the development of nuclear weapons will increase the security of nuclear stockpiles.  [1] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights transparency nuclear capability international cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine programs nuclear security weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear development Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility international cooperation nuclear programs developed countries safety protocols nuclear security clandestine programs terrorists weapons-grade material nuclear stockpiles security nuclear development Sagan Limits of Safety organizations accidents nuclear safety nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons states' rights nuclear capability visibility cooperation nuclear programs developed countries safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism security nuclear stockpiles Sagan Limits of Safety organizations accidents nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability transparency nuclear program development international cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs non-proliferation security of nuclear stockpiles nuclear terrorism Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety nuclear accidents organizational safety nuclear security nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility deterrence effect nuclear program development international cooperation nuclear safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear security stockpile safety Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state acknowledgment nuclear capability deterrent visibility nuclear program regulation international cooperation nuclear development advanced nuclear programs nuclear safety protocols clandestine nuclear programs weapons-grade material nuclear terrorism nuclear security Sagan Limits of Safety nuclear accidents organizational safety public acknowledgement nuclear deterrence right public regulation nuclear weapons visibility state capability cooperation developed countries nuclear programs safety protocols clandestine programs terrorists weapons-grade material security stockpiles Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety organizations accidents robustness international cooperation nuclear safety non-proliferation strategic transparency nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility international cooperation nuclear development safety protocols clandestine programs nuclear security terrorism weapons-grade material nuclear stockpiles Scott D. Sagan Limits of Safety organizational accidents nuclear safety nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility international cooperation nuclear development safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear security nuclear stockpiles Scott D. Sagan organizational safety nuclear accidents Princeton University Press nuclear deterrence public regulation nuclear weapons state rights nuclear capability visibility development cooperation advanced nuclear programs safety protocols clandestine programs weapons-grade material terrorism nuclear security stockpile management international cooperation nuclear safety transparency non-proliferation Scott D. Sagan The Limits of Safety
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro03a	"Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. Promoting democracy promotes peace.  By most accounts, there has not been a war between two democracies in the past 200 years. Immanuel Kant argued in Perpetual Peace (1795) that a) democratic governments are more constrained by their people's opposition to war and b) that a democratic culture of negotiation, as well as the checks and balances inherent in such a system, make war less likely. Thus by promoting democracy through imposing it, we increase the chance of a peaceful world. Furthermore, terrorism may be less likely to arise in democratic countries, where people are allowed to air their views and human rights norms prevent feelings of marginalization. This is good for human rights worldwide, including the rights and safety of individuals in our own country.1  1 ""Do Democracies Fight Each Other?"" BBC. democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy imposing democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries airing views human rights marginalization human rights norms individual rights safety BBC democracies fighting international relations political science security studies democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace checks and balances democratic culture negotiation human rights terrorism marginalization political systems international relations conflict resolution government accountability civic engagement global stability security freedom of expression democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition to war democratic culture checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms safety do democracies fight each other BBC Promoting democracy peace war between democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition to war democratic culture of negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights norms feelings of marginalization human rights rights and safety Do Democracies Fight Each Other BBC democracy peace war democratic governments people's opposition war constraints negotiation culture checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism human rights marginalization democratic countries human rights norms safety individuals BBC democracies fight Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace 1795 democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition to war democratic culture checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism human rights marginalization rights and safety BBC democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism human rights marginalization human rights norms safety BBC democracies fight political systems international relations governance conflict prevention global security civil liberties political stability democratic peace theory state violence non-democracies peacebuilding security studies international law political participation non-violent conflict resolution democratic institutions societal values political empowerment governance mechanisms political representation democracy peace war democratic governments people's opposition war likelihood democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms safety BBC democracies fight each other democracy peace war Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition to war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms rights and safety BBC democracies fight each other democracy peace war democracies Immanuel Kant Perpetual Peace democratic governments people's opposition war democratic culture negotiation checks and balances promoting democracy peaceful world terrorism democratic countries human rights marginalization human rights norms safety individuals BBC democracies fight each other"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con02a	The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. The bidding process is too long, tying up funds and land  The bidding process takes too long. Bidding officially takes only two years (unless a city fails to make the shortlist), but most cities spend nearly a decade working on their bids. Obviously the bidding process costs money but it also ties up the land needed for any future Olympic Village or stadia from being developed until the bid outcome is known, as well as diverting government funds away from other sporting events and activities. Furthermore, the way the IOC works with each member deciding which city they wish to vote for means that personal relationships and international tension can count for more than the quality of the bid. For example, American foreign policy is thought to be disadvantaging New York in the 2012 bidding process. Given that the Olympics are 'rotated' between continents, if a city fails to be selected it will be 12 years before it has another chance. bidding process funds tying land restriction development delay government funds sporting events IOC voting member influence personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection bid outcome decade-long preparation New York 2012 bid American foreign policy impact bidding process funds land Olympic Village stadia costs government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality American foreign policy New York 2012 bid continent rotation selection chance bidding process long duration funds tied up land development delay government funding diversion IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection New York 2012 bid American foreign policy impact bidding process too long tying up funds land development cost of bidding government funds sporting events IOC decision-making personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection New York 2012 bid American foreign policy bidding process long duration funds tied up land development government funds IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality Olympic rotation city selection disadvantage New York 2012 bid bidding process too long ties up funds ties up land decade working costs money delays development diverts funds IOC voting personal relationships international tension quality of bid American foreign policy Olympic rotation 12-year wait bidding process funds land development Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC personal relationships international tension bid quality New York 2012 Olympics continental rotation selection chance bidding process long duration funds tied up land immobilization Olympic Village stadia development government funds sporting events IOC voting personal relationships international tension bid quality New York 2012 Olympic rotation continent selection future opportunities bidding process funds land development Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality foreign policy New York 2012 bidding continental rotation selection chance bidding process long duration funds tied up land development Olympic Village stadia government funds sporting events IOC member voting personal relationships international tension bid quality American foreign policy New York 2012 Olympic rotation continents bid outcome shortlist decade-long effort
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro03a	The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. The right to individual self determination is a fundamental human right, equal to that of life itself  It is a fundamental principle of the human being is that every human is born autonomous. Therefore, we believe that every person has a right to his or her own body and is thus competent to make decisions about it. This is because we recognise that whatever decisions we might make about our bodies, stem from the knowledge that we have about our own preferences. Nobody can tell us how to value different goods and therefore what matters to one person might matter less to another. If we were to undermine this right, nobody would be able to live their life to its fullest as they would be living their life to someone else’s fullest. The extension of this right is that if someone values another person’s life over their own it is their informed decision to sacrifice themselves for that person. It is not for others to decide, and in particular not for the State. self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity personal freedom individual choice informed decision-making state intervention life valuation self-sacrifice personal preferences fundamental principles human dignity legal autonomy moral autonomy personal agency decisional capacity state non-interference individual sovereignty consent bioethics human value personal goods life quality self-fulfillment intrinsic value extrinsic value moral relativism personal identity autonomous action coerced decision-making personal rights bodily rights legal rights moral rights philosophical rights ethical rights human rights philosophy self determination human rights autonomy personal freedom bodily integrity informed decision individual preferences state interference human dignity personal values legal autonomy self-governance individual sovereignty human agency personal choice moral autonomy self-mastery self-ownership personal rights individual liberty voluntary action personal responsibility intrinsic value human respect self-identity personal sacrifice state control moral rights personal empowerment self-fulfillment individual empowerment personal growth self-realization personal independence human independence self-expression personal integrity self-respect self-esteem personal worth self-determination fundamental human right bodily autonomy informed decision personal preferences individual values state interference self-sacrifice intrinsic worth human autonomy decision-making rights personal freedom life fulfillment external imposition moral agency individual sovereignty personal dignity self-ownership human rights individual liberty self determination fundamental human right right to life human autonomy personal body rights decision-making individual preferences value judgement personal fulfillment informed decision state intervention self-sacrifice self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity personal preferences informed decision state interference individual freedom fundamental principles human dignity self determination fundamental human right right to life human autonomy personal body rights informed decision making individual preferences personal values living to one's fullest state interference individual sacrifice personal choice human principles human dignity personal freedom body sovereignty self-governance self-worth moral autonomy individual agency intrinsic value personal responsibility human rights self-ownership bodily integrity autonomy in healthcare personal empowerment human rights advocacy individualism personal decision-making self-determination theory freedom of choice human agency personal integrity body autonomy self-directed life moral rights self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity informed consent personal preferences individual values state interference right to life self-sacrifice living one's life personal fulfillment decision-making rights human dignity moral agency legal autonomy personal choice individual freedom bodily sovereignty intrinsic value personal worth self-governance non-coercion respectful governance human principles fundamental freedoms personal rights self-ownership moral autonomy legal rights personal ethics human value individualism collective decision-making self-identity personal responsibility human rights law ethical self-d self-determination human rights autonomy personal freedom individual choice body rights informed decision-making personal values state interference self-sacrifice life fulfillment individual preferences human dignity legal rights personal agency moral autonomy self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity informed decision personal values state interference individual freedom life fulfillment sacrificial choice self-determination human rights autonomy bodily integrity personal preferences informed decision sacrifice state interference individualism human dignity freedom of choice personal values self-ownership moral agency legal autonomy bioethics personal freedom human-centric governance individual rights voluntary action
test-international-epvhwhranet-con03a	Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 Referendums are more about PR than politics.  Referendum votes always end up being about something other than the issue on the ballot paper. In many referendum campaigns the real issue becomes one of confidence in the government of the day and its management of the economy, law and order, public scandals, etc. So when people vote they are expressing their unhappiness at their national government rather than making a considered judgment about the future of the EU. This is exactly what happened in the French and Dutch votes on the EU Constitution in 2005. When asked what influenced their decision, most voters said that they disliked aspects of EU enlargement, especially the arrival of Eastern European workers who might take local jobs, and the proposed entry negotiations with Turkey – but none of this was anything to do with the Constitution [1]. Furthermore a referendum would be pray to media distortion, which could have swayed the votes with biased coverage. Referendums are too often about government confidence rather than the issue at hand, people may have voted to express other grievances with their current government and not the future of the EU.  [1] The Further Enlargement of the EU: threat or opportunity?’ House of Lords European Union Committee (23 November 2006) viewed on 13 June 2011  , p.10 referendums PR politics government confidence economy law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion voter grievances House of Lords European Union Committee referendums PR politics voter decision government confidence economic management law and order public scandals national government EU future considered judgment EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers job market Turkey entry media influence biased coverage voter grievances EU threat opportunity House of Lords European Union Committee PR politics referendum voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances House of Lords European Union Committee referendums PR politics ballot paper government confidence economy law and order public scandals voter unhappiness national government EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage government grievances EU future PR politics referendum voter behavior government confidence media influence EU Constitution 2005 French vote 2005 Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry public opinion economic issues law and order public scandals media distortion biased coverage voter grievances national government EU future referendums PR politics ballot government confidence economy law and order public scandals national government EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage grievances current government EU future referendums public relations politics voter behavior government confidence economic management law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances EU future referendums PR politics voter decisions government confidence economy law and order public scandals EU Constitution 2005 French Dutch EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey media distortion biased coverage grievances national government future of EU PR politics referendum ballot government confidence economy law and order public scandals voter dissatisfaction EU European Union Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage voter grievances future of the EU PR politics referendum voter behavior government confidence economy law and order public scandals EU Constitution French vote Dutch vote EU enlargement Eastern European workers Turkey entry media distortion biased coverage grievances current government EU future
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro02a	Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. Protection of Minors  We need to protect minors (those under the age of majority) from exposure to obscene, offensive or potentially damaging materials. While this would be a restriction on the freedom of speech it should be something that the government is responsible for and we would all agree needs some kind of restriction or regulation. protection minors under-age censorship freedom-of-speech government-regulation obscenity offensive-material child-safety age-restriction content-filtering parental-control legislation youth-protection digital-safety indoctrination-prevention education-protection public-morality rights-balance societal-norms Protection of Minors Child Protection Minor Safety Age-Restricted Content Obscene Material Regulation Offensive Content Control 未成年保护 儿童安全 青少年防护 不雅内容限制 有害信息管制 Freedom of Speech Boundaries Government Responsibility Content Regulation Public Morality Youth Welfare Online Safety Digital Content Control Media Regulation Parental Control Legislation for Minors protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation protection of minors age of majority exposure to obscene materials offensive content potentially damaging materials freedom of speech government responsibility restrictions on free speech regulation of content minor safety content regulation age-appropriate content legal protections for minors censorship concerns public policy youth protection online safety media regulation parental controls legislative measures community standards protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation child safety youth protection minor safeguarding online content regulation government oversight freedom of speech limitations age-appropriate content digital welfare parental control legislative measures protection minors under age majority obscene offensive damaging materials freedom of speech government responsibility regulation restriction child safety youth protection content control legal measures age-appropriate online safety parental controls digital age media regulation public policy youth welfare community standards censorship ethical considerations mental health development safeguarding internet safety legislation age verification harmful content societal norms rights liberties balanced approach stakeholder involvement education awareness prevention intervention support services juvenile protection legal framework regulatory bodies advocacy child exploitation Protection of Minors Child Safety Freedom of Speech Government Regulation Obscene Materials Offensive Content Minor Exposure Age of Majority Content Restriction Legal Responsibility Public Agreement Regulatory Measures Youth Protection Digital Safety Parental Controls Media Regulation Ethical Broadcasting Child Rights Online Safety Youth Internet Protection protection minors age majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom speech government responsibility restriction regulation protection minors age of majority exposure obscene offensive damaging materials freedom of speech government responsibility regulation censorship child safety internet safety content filtering parental controls legal restrictions public policy youth protection media regulation First Amendment constitutional rights societal norms ethical considerations digital literacy education awareness harmful content online safety youth welfare legal framework policy-making advocacy child welfare community standards legislative measures age-appropriate content content moderation safe browsing technology solutions parental guidance safeguarding risk assessment safety measures internet governance digital
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro02a	The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 The House of Lords has an inbuilt conservative majority.  The traditional provenance of the House of Lords translates to an in-built Conservative majority. Even so called Liberal and Labour peers are usually conservative in their opinions. They represent a social and economic elite and seem to flaunt diversity monitoring in a house with only 181 female peers and a staggeringly low 31 peers from ethnic minorities. [1] This unfair skew in the favour of the conservative has the power to slow down and revise legislation and is a gross misrepresentation of the British population. The House of Lords should be reformed in order to better reflect the British people so that their actions and decisions benefit the whole of society and not just their own.  [1] Smith, Ben, ‘Ethnic Minorities in Politics, Government and Public Life’, House of Commons Library (18 November 2008) and see  viewed 1 June 2011 House of Lords conservative majority liberal peers labour peers social elite economic elite diversity female representation ethnic minorities legislation revising British population representation political reform social reform gender equality ethnic representation political elite public life government representation legislative power social skew economic skew political misrepresentation UK politics Ben Smith House of Commons Library political demographics legislative influence social justice political inclusivity institutional bias democratic deficit reform advocacy political participation minority representation elite dominance legislative impact social change political transformation democratic representation public policy institutional reform House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite female peers ethnic minority peers diversity legislation revision British population political reform social representation economic representation ethnic minorities in politics gender representation House of Commons Library political elites social misrepresentation legislative power political diversity Ben Smith House of Commons public life British society political representation social justice economic justice political equality institutional reform parliamentary reform democratic reform peer appointment peer diversity political system conservative bias legislative process British democracy political accountability social inclusion economic House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population political reform social representation economic representation political equity peer composition House of Commons Library Ben Smith Ethnic Minorities in Politics Government and Public Life House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities unfair skew legislative power misrepresentation British population House of Lords reform societal benefit political representation ethnic minorities in politics House of Commons Library House of Lords conservative majority social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislative revision British population reform representation political equality social inclusivity economic inclusivity legislative fairness democratic representation political diversity social demographics ethnic representation gender representation political reform governance improvement public life diversity House of Lords Conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision misrepresentation British population House of Lords reform reflect society public benefit Ben Smith House of Commons Library ethnic minorities politics government public life House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal peers Labour peers conservative opinions social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population reform society representation Ben Smith Ethnic Minorities in Politics Government and Public Life House of Commons Library House of Lords Conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population representation House of Lords reform societal benefit political representation demographic mismatch parliamentary reform legislative influence conservative bias institutional change public governance social representation democratic legitimacy political diversity minority representation gender balance political elites institutional fairness social equity legislative process political accountability reform advocacy egalitarian governance parliamentary tradition conservative dominance progressive reform legislative impact democratic reform political inclusivity demographic representation institutional critique political transformation House of Lords conservative majority Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation revision British population representation House of Lords reform societal benefit House of Lords conservative majority traditional provenance Liberal peers Labour peers social elite economic elite diversity monitoring female peers ethnic minorities legislation British population political reform social representation economic representation public life political elite legislative power demographic representation British society governmental reform political demographics societal benefit parliamentary reform democratic representation political skew legislative revision social equity economic equity political inclusivity legislative impact demographic skew political transformation social change economic change political diversity legislative delay political representation social justice economic justice political equality legislative obstructiveness
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas academic exchange critical thinking academic lingua franca student studies academic traditions cultural interaction economic interaction academic integration academic arrogance academic ethics intellectual exchange academic presence academic approaches academic response university exchange idea sharing academic openness Confucian Socratic integration academic state relationship cross-cultural academic interactions intellectual tradition clash academic lingua franca critical thinking approaches student study methods universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian approach Socratic approach academia state relationship Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic ethics critical thinking English academic lingua franca student studies educational traditions cultural interaction academic openness university exchange idea imposition academic openness Confucian Socratic interaction academic state relationship intellectual tradition clash cultural academic integration western asian academic presence academic idea acceptance academic uni-directional exchange student study approaches academic tradition response critical thinking Asian students academic lingua franca universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas academic approaches critical thinking English academic lingua franca student studies Paton Michael universities idea exchange intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state critical thinking academic lingua franca cultural interaction educational approaches Western institutions Asian students academic dialogue intellectual openness academic diversity educational philosophy interdisciplinary studies global education universities exchange ideas impose intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new attitudes critical thinking English academic lingua franca students studies Paton Michael Analytic teaching philosophical praxis universities exchange ideas impose ideas academic openness Confucian approach Socratic approach intellectual traditions Western institutions Asian presence academic state relationship critical thinking academic lingua franca educational traditions student approaches international academic dialogue cultural integration academic arrogance intellectual exchange university ethics academic integration economic interaction intellectual clashes academic diversity educational methodology academic freedom academic integration academic cooperation universities exchange ideas impose academic freedom Confucian Socratic intellectual traditions cultural integration academic-state relationship critical thinking academic lingua franca Asian students Western institutions educational approaches academic openness intellectual arrogance student studies academic interaction economic interaction educational clash academic ethics idea exchange academic presence intellectual exchange academic attitudes academic integration educationalmethods cultural exchange academic diversity universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas academic approach students critical thinking English academic lingua franca
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro02a	Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 Women provide a platform for economic development  Where women in Africa are treated more as equals and are being given political power there are benefits for the economy. Africa is already surging economically with 6 out of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade being a part of sub-Saharan Africa [1] .  While some of the fastest growing economies are simply as a result of natural resource exploitation some are also countries that have given much more influence to women. 56% of Rwanda’s parliamentarians are women. The country’s economy is growing; its poverty rate has dropped from 59% to 45% in 2011 and economic growth is expected to reach up to 10% by 2018. Women become the driving force of the socio-economic development after the 1994 genocide with many taking on leadership roles in their communities. [2]  In Liberia, since Ellen Johnson Sirleaf took the presidency seat on January 2006, notable reforms have been implemented in the country to boot the economy, and with visible results. Liberia’s GDP has grown from 4.6% in 2009 to 7.7% by the end of 2013.  Men in Africa on the other hand have often lead their countries into war, conflict, discord, and the resulting slower economic growth. Men fight leaving women behind to tend the household and care for the family. Giving women a greater voice helps encourage longer term thinking and discourages conflict, one of the main reasons for Africa’s plight in the second half of the 20th century. The feminisation of politics has been identified by Stephen Pinker as one of the causes for a decline in conflict. [3] When peace brings economic growth women will deserve an outsize share of the credit.  [1] Baobab, ‘Growth and other things’, The Economist, May 1st 2013   [2] Izabiliza, Jeanne, ‘The role of women in reconstruction: Experience of Rwanda’, UNESCO,   [3] Pinker, S., The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, 2011 women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict war household feminisation of politics peace Stephen Pinker violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict war household care long-term thinking peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker decline in conflict reconstruction UNESCO The Economist The Better Angels of Our Nature Women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty reduction socio-economic development genocide Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP growth men conflict war household family care long-term thinking peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline economic growth women economic development Africa women equality political power women Africa sub-Saharan Africa economic growth natural resource exploitation Rwanda women parliamentarians Rwanda economic growth Rwanda poverty reduction post-genocide Rwanda Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia GDP growth men-led conflict Africa women peace promotion feminisation of politics decline in conflict Stephen Pinker peace economic growth women leadership impact women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate socio-economic development genocide Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP growth men conflict war feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker peace violence decline women economic development Africa political power sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate socio-economic development genocide leadership roles Ellen Johnson Sirleaf Liberia GDP conflict men war long-term thinking feminisation of politics peace Stephen Pinker violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa growth natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty reduction socio-economic development genocide leadership Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms conflict men war peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate genocide leadership roles Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict men war feminisation of politics decline in conflict peace economic growth women economic development Africa political power equality sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty rate socio-economic development genocide Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP reforms men conflict Stephen Pinker feminisation of politics peace Baobab The Economist UNESCO The Better Angels of Our Nature women economic development Africa equality political power sub-Saharan Africa natural resources Rwanda parliamentarians poverty reduction economic growth 1994 genocide leadership roles Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf GDP conflict peace feminisation of politics Stephen Pinker violence decline
test-education-egtuscpih-con03a	Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. Online courses undermine live communication with professors and other students  Online courses impair live communication between students and professors and among students. For instance, Coursera professors ask students not to email them because due to high numbers of students taking the course meaning they cannot reply [22]. Moreover, due to pre-recorded lectures, there is no option of asking professors questions. There are no live class discussions. Sure students could email each other, but it is more difficult to freely communicate with people you do not know and never met. It is also difficult to imagine that, given their numbers, students could get personal feedback on their progress from professors themselves, and not, say, teaching assistants (as Coursera does) or even from computers. Lack of personal feedback and engagement with professors and other students in discussions of the material decreases the quality of education. online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants education quality engagement student interaction professor availability virtual learning remote education academic communication peer interaction course structure feedback mechanisms online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures questions live discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality engagement interaction online learning drawbacks communication barriers personal connection feedback limitations discussion limitations online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality engagement interaction virtual learning academic communication student-professor relationship peer interaction feedback mechanisms online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures questions class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers engagement education quality online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants quality of education engagement student interaction online learning academic communication educational experience online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants education quality engagement interaction virtual learning academic performance student-professor relationship peer interaction communication barriers feedback mechanisms Online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures live discussions personal feedback teaching assistants computers education quality interaction engagement peer communication virtual learning academic experience online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures live discussions personal feedback teaching assistants education quality engagement interaction virtual learning student professor interaction academic discussion online learning challenges community building peer interaction instructor availability educational technology remote learning student support academic performance learning experience online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants education quality student interaction professor engagement educational experience feedback digital learning remote education academic communication student-professor relationship virtual classrooms peer interaction course structure educational technology learner engagement academic support online learning challenges online courses live communication professors students Coursera email pre-recorded lectures class discussions personal feedback teaching assistants quality of education engagement interaction virtual learning education quality student interaction professor accessibility
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro02a	Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Profit margins are too small  A major problem for Tunisia’s tourism sector is the small profit margin. The industry’s main targets are European, middle class income visitors on package holidays to sea-side resorts. This has resulted in a low per-capita spending rate as food, drink and travel are all usually included in sea-side holiday resorts. Average per-capita spending for tourists in Tunisia amounted to around $385 in 2012 which is low when compared to Egypt’s $890 and Greece’s $10001. This reliance on a low-profit niche in the tourism industry is a systematic flaw which will not provide the economic growth which the country needs.  1) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues systematic flaw profit margins small Tunisia tourism sector European middle class income visitors package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel included average per-capita spending 2012 Egypt Greece economic growth systematic flaw tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor Achy L. Tunisia tourism profit margins small economic growth European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel included 2012 Egypt Greece comparison low-profit niche systematic flaw security issues Al Monitor profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth systematic flaw tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor Tunisia tourism profit margins European visitors middle class package holidays seaside resorts low per-capita spending economic growth tourism crisis security issues Achy Al Monitor Tunisia tourism sector profit margins European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues Achy Al Monitor profit margins small Tunisia tourism sector European middle class income visitors package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel included 2012 Egypt Greece economic growth systematic flaw low-profit niche tourism industry security issues Al Monitor Achy L. profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays seaside resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor Tunisia tourism profit margins economic growth European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel Egypt Greece economic sectors tourism crisis security issues Al Monitor profit margins Tunisia tourism sector European visitors middle class package holidays sea-side resorts low per-capita spending food drink travel economic growth tourism crisis security issues
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con04a	"The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , The death of one individual has implications for others, which by definition, do not affect the suicide herself.  Even setting aside the religious concerns of many in this situation [i] , there are solid secular reasons for accepting the sanctity of life. First among them is the impact it has on the survivors. The relative who does not want a loved one to take their own life, or to die in the case of euthanasia. It is simply untrue that others are not affect by the death of the individual – someone needs to support that person emotionally and someone has to administer the injection. Because of the ties of love involved for relatives, they are, in effect, left with no choice but to agree regardless of their own views, the law should respect their position as well.  It further gives protection to doctors and others who would be involved in the procedure. Campaigners are keen to stress that doctors should be involved in the process whilst ignoring that, pretty much whenever they’re asked doctors say they have no desire to have any part of it [ii] . Indeed it would be against the Hippocratic oath which while it is no longer always taken still sums up the duties of a doctor which includes doing no harm and includes ""And I will not give a drug that is deadly to anyone if asked, nor will I suggest the way to such a counsel."" So ruling out euthanasia. [iii] Presumably, the very case that is so keen on the voluntary principle would also observe this compelling rejection by a group critical to the plan.  [i] Joint letter to the Telegraph. The terminally ill need care and protection – not help in committing suicide. The Most Rev Rowan Williams, Archbishop of Canterbury. The Most Rev Vincent Nichols, Archbishop of Westminster. Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi.  [ii] Ella Pickover. Doctors Reject Assisted Suicide. The Independent. 28 June 2012 .  [iii] Sokol, Dr Daniel, ‘A guide to the Hippocratic Oath’, BBC News, 26 October 2008 , death individual implications others suicide religious secular sanctity life impact survivors loved euthanasia emotional support injection ties love relatives choice views law protection doctors procedure Hippocratic oath harm deadly drug counsel voluntary principle care rejection critical plan terminally ill protection assisted Ella Pickover Daniel Sokol BBC News death individual implications suicide euthanasia survivors emotional support legal protection doctors Hippocratic Oath harm voluntary principle terminally ill care protection religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life relatives campaigner views medical ethics assisted suicide rejection professional duties death individual implications others suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity of life impact survivors relatives choice law protection doctors Hippocratic oath harm assistance rejection care protection voluntary principle death implications suicide impact secular reasons sanctity of life survivors' emotional support euthanasia administration relatives' consent legal respect doctors' involvement Hippocratic oath medical ethics voluntary principle assisted suicide rejection terminally ill protection death individual implications suicide euthanasia survivors emotional support administration relatives choice law protection doctors involvement Hippocratic Oath duties harm voluntary principle terminally ill care protection assisted suicide religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life impact campaigners rejection critical views telegraph letter archbishop rabbi independent article BBC News Dr Daniel Sokol death individual implications others suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity life survivors loved relative support emotional administer injection choice views law respect position protection doctors procedure campaigners stress involved ignore desire part Hippocratic oath duties harm deadly drug counsel voluntary principle rejection critical Ella Pickover reject assisted Sokol Daniel guide BBC News suicide euthanasia impact survivors emotional support administration relatives choice law protection doctors involvement Hippocratic oath duties no harm voluntary principle care protection assisted suicide rejection terminally ill religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life emotional impact legal considerations medical ethics patient rights family impact societal values professional reluctance ethical guidelines moral obligations death individual implications others suicide euthanasia religious secular sanctity of life impact survivors relatives emotional support legal protection doctors Hippocratic Oath voluntary principle rejection assisted suicide terminally ill care protection Archbishop of Canterbury Archbishop of Westminster Chief Rabbi Independent BBC News suicide euthanasia impact survivors religious secular sanctity of life relatives emotional support legal protection doctors Hippocratic Oath voluntary principle assisted suicide terminally ill care protection suicide euthanasia religious concerns secular reasons sanctity of life impact on survivors emotional support legal considerations doctor's role Hippocratic oath voluntary principle assisted suicide palliative care ethical implications patient autonomy medical ethics terminal illness caregiver burden societal impact moral duty"
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity school policies government offices religious symbols secular identity equality focus Sharia courts UK law Western societies secular values state sponsorship of religion British society separation of religion and state National Secular Society religious expression in public citizen equality religious dress state institutions schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts one law for all Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress state unity school regulations government office policies religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts legal uniformity secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression citizen equality religious dress state institutions schools government offices religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts one law for all Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress unity state institutions schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts secular societies religious neutrality state and religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public secularism citizen equality religious symbols secular identity Western society institutional neutrality school secularity government office secularity religious dress religious identity state unity Sharia law UK secularism Western societies secular values state neutrality religion state separation National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity institutions schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts legal uniformity secularism religious neutrality state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public place restrictions citizen equality religious dress societal unity institutional integrity school policies government office regulations religious symbols secular identity Western society Sharia courts legal uniformity secularism religious neutrality state-religion separation equality religious symbols public dress codes cultural integration secular values religious freedom state institutions education policy government offices religious expression National Secular Society Sharia courts legal secularism citizenship equality religious identity societal unity Western culture public place regulations religious symbols in schools government neutrality religious accommodation secular ethos Western societies secular values separation of religion and state National Secular Society religious expression public places equality religious symbols secular identity unity schools government offices Sharia courts UK one law for all
test-economy-thsptr-con03a	The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: The ability to orchestrate a progressive taxation regime gives undue and dangerous power to the state  The power to tax is power to destroy. A state with power over a progressive taxation system can put the wealthy in effective thrall, and use them to benefit its own ends. This is exacerbated by such phenomena as the tyranny of the majority which can lead the majority of less wealthy and have-nots to demand more and more services and paying for them by inflicting ever more onerous taxes on the wealthy while diminishing their own burdens. Furthermore, so long as the tax burden is disproportionately leveled on the few, no one can see the growing size of the state. [1] With flat or regressive consumption tax everyone can feel the growth of the state. They can also understand the costs associated with it, driving them to have more realistic preferences and to make more rational demands of the state rather than treating the rich as a perpetual piggy bank.  [1] Dorn, James. “Ending Tax Socialism”. Cato Institute. 1996. Available: progressive taxation state power tax authority wealth distribution majority tyranny flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth fiscal policy tax reform economic inequality public finance government control tax socialism cato institute james dorn progressive taxation state power taxation regime power to tax power to destroy wealth redistribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn economic policy fiscal policy tax policy government finance public finance wealth inequality tax fairness social equity political economy public choice theory tax reform libertarian perspective progressive taxation state power taxation power wealth distribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth economic freedom tax policy wealth inequality public services fiscal policy tax reform economic impact social welfare government control taxpayer burden wealth redistribution economic efficiency fiscal responsibility Dorn James Cato Institute tax socialism economic principles political economy government spending tax fairness economic justice public finance tax incidence economic theory tax systems economic equity fiscal sustainability tax equity economic governance tax structure tax administration economic progressive taxation state power power to tax tax system wealthy individuals state control majority rule tyranny of the majority public services tax burden flat tax regressive consumption tax tax perception state growth realistic preferences rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute taxation progressive state power wealth distribution tyranny of majority flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden government growth fiscal policy economic inequality public finance tax policy societal impact Dorn Cato Institute tax socialism progressive taxation state power wealth distribution tax burden flat tax regressive tax tyranny of majority tax socialization government growth public services economic fairness tax policy fiscal responsibility wealth inequality Cato Institute James Dorn progressive taxation state power power to tax power to destroy wealth redistribution tyranny of the majority regressive consumption tax flat tax tax burden state growth realistic preferences rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn progressive taxation state power tax to destroy wealth redistribution tyranny of majority regressive taxes flat tax tax burden state growth rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute James Dorn economic policy fiscal policy public finance income inequality tax fairness government control economic freedom taxpayer rights social welfare tax reform public spending economic impact tax equity democratic process fiscal responsibility tax implications wealth concentration economic justice government intervention fiscal transparency tax awareness economic efficiency wealth distribution tax rate structure economic incentives fiscal policy analysis tax system critique progressive taxation state power tax socialism tyranny of majority wealth distribution flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth economic fairness tax policy public finance Cato Institute James Dorn fiscal policy income inequality tax reform economic justice government power progressive taxation state power tax to destroy wealth redistribution majority tyranny flat tax regressive consumption tax tax burden state growth rational demands tax socialism Cato Institute
test-economy-bepighbdb-con04a	Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. Democratic rule of law is the best ground for political stability and growth  In order for a society to develop economically, it needs a stable political framework and dictatorships are often less stable. A dictator will have to prioritize the retention of power. As repression is inevitable, a dictator will not necessarily be entirely popular. There will regularly be a doubt about the future and sustainability of a dictatorship. Bearing in mind the messy collapses of some dictatorships, a democracy may be a more stable form of government over the long term [1] .  Only democracies can create a stable legal framework. The rule of law ensures all of society has access to justice and the government acts within the law. Free and fair elections act as a bulwark against social unrest and violence. Economic freedoms and human rights protection also have positive effects on economies. Private property rights, for example, encourage productivity and innovation so that one has control of the fruits of their labour.  It has been argued by Acemolgu and Robinson in their book Why Nations Fail? The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty that inclusive political institutions and pluralistic systems that protect individual rights are necessary preconditions for economic development [2] . If these political institutions exist then the economic institutions necessary for growth will be created, as a result economic growth will be more likely.  [1] See for example the work of Huntington, S, P., (1991), The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century, University of Oklahoma Press,   [2] Acemolgu, D., and Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. London: Profile Books. democracy rule of law political stability economic growth dictatorships stability of dictatorships social unrest free elections economic freedoms human rights private property rights inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems economic development Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The Third Wave democratization legal framework justice productivity innovation preconditions for growth economic institutions sustainable governance political framework repressive regimes power retention popular support future uncertainty messy collapses long-term stability economic effects societal access government accountability political inclusivity economic prosperity poverty democratic rule political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships power retention repression social unrest legal framework rule of law free elections economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The Third Wave democratization democracy rule of law political stability economic growth dictatorships repression social unrest free elections economic freedoms human rights private property rights inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems economic development Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The third wave democratization University of Oklahoma Press Profile Books democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships retention of power repression popularity sustainability collapses democracy stable legal framework justice government accountability free and fair elections social unrest violence economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington The third wave democratization late twentieth century University of Oklahoma Press Profile Books Democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships retention of power repression popular support future sustainability dictatorship collapse legal framework justice access government accountability free and fair elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington The third wave democratization democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships instability dictator power retention repression inevitability dictatorship sustainability democracy legal framework rule of law access to justice government accountability free elections social unrest prevention economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity encouragement innovation stimulation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights protection economic development economic institutions Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The third wave democratization democracy rule of law political stability economic growth dictatorship repression power retention legal framework human rights free elections economic freedoms private property rights innovation inclusive institutions pluralistic systems political institutions economic institutions economic development social unrest violence productivity Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail Huntington The Third Wave democratization late twentieth century democratic rule of law political stability economic development stable political framework dictatorships stability power retention repression popular support sustainability dictatorship collapse democracy stable legal framework access to justice free and fair elections social unrest economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic growth democratization Huntington Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail democratic rule of law political stability economic growth stable political framework dictatorships dictatorship stability power retention repression dictatorship sustainability democracy stability legal framework access to justice free and fair elections social unrest violence economic freedoms human rights protection private property rights productivity innovation Acemolgu and Robinson Why Nations Fail inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems individual rights economic institutions economic development Huntington The third wave democratization democracy rule of law political stability economic growth dictatorships stable political framework repression social unrest economic freedoms human rights private property rights productivity innovation inclusive political institutions pluralistic systems economic development Acemolgu Robinson Why Nations Fail democratization Huntington third wave
test-international-ehbfe-pro01a	"A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ A federal Europe will benefit the citizens of its member states  A federal Europe would build upon the success of the EU and its predecessors in taming the nationalism that caused so much conflict in the twentieth century. The EU is drawing nearer to realising the vision of its founders for an “ever-closer union”. Despite the EU’s relative success in this regard, while national governments still exist they will regard policy-making within Europe as a competitive business, abusing vetoes and damaging the potential prosperity of all of Europe’s citizens. Such is the case with Britain's veto over the carbon tax, which the EU wants to implement - “The British government is ""highly likely"" to block European Commission proposals for a carbon tax contained in a widely-circulated draft version of the Energy Taxation Directive, EU diplomatic sources said yesterday”. [1]  A federal European state can build on the shared history and culture of its members to further the common good, while accommodating regional differences.  [1] EurActiv.com, ‘Britain set to veto EU carbon tax plans’ federal Europe citizens member states EU nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competitive vetoes potential prosperity Britain carbon tax European Commission Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe citizens benefits EU success nationalism reduction ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto abuse European prosperity Britain veto carbon tax shared history regional differences common good federal Europe citizens member states EU nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe EU success nationalism reduction ever-closer union competitive policy-making national vetoes European prosperity carbon tax veto shared history regional differences common good federal Europe EU success nationalism reduction ever-closer union national governments policy-making competition veto abuse European prosperity shared history regional differences carbon tax British veto Energy Taxation Directive federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism reduction conflict prevention ever-closer union national governments policy competition veto abuse European prosperity Britain veto carbon tax Energy Taxation Directive shared history cultural accommodation common good federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism reduction twentieth century conflict ever-closer union national governments policy competition European vetoes carbon tax British veto shared history cultural accommodation common good regional differences EU proposals Energy Taxation Directive European Commission prosperity policy-making nationalism conflict regionalism federalism integration European Union member states cooperation governance democracy sovereignty environmental policy energy policy taxation economic integration political union supranationalism international relations European integration policy harmonization legislative process environmental protection climate federal Europe EU success nationalism conflict prevention ever-closer union national governments policy-making veto abuse prosperity carbon tax shared history regional differences common good federal Europe EU member states nationalism conflict twentieth century ever-closer union national governments policy-making competitive vetoes prosperity Britain carbon tax European Commission Energy Taxation Directive shared history culture common good regional differences federal Europe citizen benefits EU success nationalism reduction ever-closer union national governments policy competition EU vetoes prosperity impact Britain veto carbon tax shared history cultural differences common good"
test-science-dssghsdmd-con01a	Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction breaks down when national missile defense systems are introduced, destabilizing world security:  Nuclear weapons create stability, as described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war (Waltz, 1981). If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place. Furthermore, armed with a nuclear deterrent, all states become equal in terms of ability to do harm to one another (Jervis, 2001). If a large state attempts to intimidate or to invade a smaller neighbor, it will be unable to effectively subdue it, since the small state will have the power to seriously injure, or even destroy, the would-be invader with a few well-placed nuclear missiles (Mearsheimer, 1993). The dynamics created by MAD are entirely lost when national missile defense systems are brought into the equation. Anti-ballistic missile missiles effectively eliminate the surety of MAD; it becomes a gamble of whether one’s nuclear arsenal will be able to penetrate the missile shield of the enemy. This increases the chance of a nuclear war, since an aggressor state can count on its missile shield to deflect the second-strike attempted by its opponent. Furthermore, in the case where both states in a conflict have missile defense arrays, as will likely occur as the technology is disseminated, the outbreak of war is also more likely, since each will try to race the other to the ability to counter each other’s offensive and defensive missiles. Clearly, the technology will only destabilize world relations, not offer greater security. Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons stability national missile defense systems destabilization world security nuclear deterrence Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer anti-ballistic missile second-strike capability missile shield offensive missiles defensive missiles technology dissemination war likelihood international relations security paradox Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense nuclear weapons stability world security doctrine MAD military conflict nuclear deterrent equality anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike technology destabilize world relations Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons stability national missile defense destabilization world security nuclear deterrence anti-ballistic missiles missile shields second-strike capability arms race international relations nuclear conflict Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons stability military conflict Waltz 1981 fighting costs conflict defusion world peace nuclear deterrence Jervis 2001 state equality Mearsheimer 1993 national missile defense systems destabilization anti-ballistic missile second-strike capability nuclear war missile shield defensive missiles offensive missiles technological dissemination world relations security dynamics MAD doctrine missile defense impact international stability security paradox war likelihood defensive technologies strategic balance military doctrines nuclear strategy security studies strategic Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear weapons stability national missile defense systems world security military conflict nuclear deterrence anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike capability technology dissemination international relations war likelihood security destabilization Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense systems world security nuclear weapons stability military conflict cost of war conflict defusion nuclear deterrence state equality harm potential large state intimidation small state defense anti-ballistic missile nuclear arsenal penetration second-strike capability nuclear war probability missile shield reliability defensive missile technology offensive missile counter international relations destabilization security paradox Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons stability world security national missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile second-strike capability deterrence Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer arms race destabilization missile shield defensive missiles offensive missiles international relations nuclear strategy security studies geopolitical tensions conflict prevention peace through strength technological dissemination military conflict state equality nuclear deterrence strategic stability security dilemma nuclear proliferation disarmament nuclear warfare military doctrine political science security studies strategic studies international security defense policy war and peace Mutually Assured Destruction national missile defense nuclear weapons stability open military conflict Waltz deterrence world security nuclear arsenal anti-ballistic missile missile shield second-strike Jervis Mearsheimer defensive missiles offensive missiles world relations destabilization Mutually Assured Destruction MAD nuclear weapons world security national missile defense systems anti-ballistic missile nuclear deterrence global stability nuclear conflict defensive technology military strategy international relations Waltz Jervis Mearsheimer nuclear equality missile shield second-strike capability technological race arms race war likelihood peace through strength defensive missile technology offensive nuclear weapons strategic stability security dilemma deterrence theory military doctrine international security nuclear proliferation ballistic missile defense war prevention security studies political science strategic studies nuclear strategy missile defense impact Nuclear deterrence second-strike capability arms race strategic stability ballistic missile defense nuclear proliferation security dilemma defensive realism offensive realism international security war prevention peace through strength technological escalation strategic imbalance deterrence theory military strategy global security architecture nuclear strategy defensive technologies MAD effectiveness conflict prevention military doctrines nuclear disarmament international relations theory deterrence breakdown missile technology nuclear arsenal management security studies strategic studies international politics geopolitical stability defense policy strategic weapons nuclear security arms control missile defense impact peace studies military innovation strategic
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro04a	"Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. Because democracy is the best form of government, it is not wrong-- and indeed may even be our obligation-- to bring it to those who do not have it.  Democratic regimes are the best form of government, and it is our obligation to try and provide that to others. Democracy is the only form of government which upholds the value of political self-determination: that each individual has a right to form his/her government, and to vote out governments s/he does not like. To deny this right is to deny the inherent worth and freedom of the individual. Political autonomy also has instrumental value insofar as it allows individuals to check abusive governments which may seek to violate other human rights. Thus it is certainly not wrong -- and may even be our humanitarian obligation -- to bring democracy to those who do not have it, just as we would intervene in other situations in which serious rights were being abused1.  1 Fish, Stanley. ""Why Democracy?"" The New York Times. democracy government political self-determination voting human rights political autonomy humanitarian obligation democracy promotion democratic governance individual rights political participation self-government abusive governments democratic values democratic transition international intervention democracy support political freedom democratic peace democracy best form of government obligation bring democracy political self-determination individual rights political autonomy human rights humanitarian obligation intervene abusive governments Stanley Fish New York Times democracy government political self-determination human rights political autonomy humanitarian obligation intervention abusive governments voting freedom governance democracy promotion state sovereignty international relations moral obligation political rights civic engagement democratic values state legitimacy public policy political stability social contract individual rights political participation democratic transition civil liberties governance structures political philosophy democracy export international ethics global democracy political reform democratic governance human dignity political representation democratic norms political accountability political empowerment democratic ideals political education democratic institutions international law political freedom democracy support democracy best form of government political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy individual rights democratic regimes abusive governments freedom inherent worth voting rights government accountability democracy promotion international intervention humanitarian intervention political freedom democratic values state sovereignty global democracy democratic transition political participation civic engagement democratic peace governance human dignity civil liberties democratic institutions electoral systems political representation minority rights political stability rule of law social justice global governance democracy assistance international relations political reform democratic governance human security political education democratic culture democracy government political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy voting rights abusive governments democracy promotion international intervention individual freedom Stanley Fish New York Times democratic regimes democratic values self-governance right to vote political rights government accountability human dignity democratic obligation democratic principles democratic governance political participation democratic society democratic ideals democratic institutions democratic reforms democratic transition democratic stability democratic culture democratic education democratic citizenship democratic leadership democratic discourse democratic stability democratic resilience democratic legitimacy democratic representation democratic transparency democratic accountability democracy best form of government obligation bring democracy democratic regimes political self-determination right to form government vote out governments deny inherent worth political autonomy check abusive governments human rights humanitarian obligation intervene serious rights abused Stanley Fish Why Democracy New York Times democracy best form of government obligation bring democracy political self-determination individual rights vote remove unwanted governments inherent worth freedom political autonomy check abusive governments human rights humanitarian obligation Stanley Fish Why Democracy New York Times democracy best form of government obligation political self-determination individual rights political autonomy human rights humanitarian obligation democratic regimes abusive governments political freedom self-governance democratic intervention human rights violations Stanley Fish Why Democracy New York Times democracy best form of government obligation political self-determination individual rights political autonomy human rights humanitarian obligation democratic regimes government Stanley Fish New York Times intervention abusive governments vote freedom inherent worth instrumental value democracy government political self-determination human rights humanitarian obligation political autonomy democracy promotion governance democratic values individual rights freedom political participation voting democratic regimes abusive governments humanitarian intervention democracy export political freedom government accountability citizen empowerment democratic transition state sovereignty international relations moral obligation political philosophy democratic peace theory civil liberties human dignity democratic institutions political representation democracy support international law democracy advocacy political change democratic governance democratic society democratic principles political equality democratic reforms democracy building democratic consolidation political rights democratic legitimacy"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro03a	Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. Defending hip hop artists’ right to free speech  The intervention of the state is necessary in order to ensure that aggressive forms of hip hop remain accessible only to adults, especially in neighbourhoods and home environments that are not part of a cohesive, caring community. Some degree of public control over the content of hip hop will also help to preserve the diversity, accessibility of the genre in the face of commercial dominance by violent forms of rap.  Mainstream success in hip hop has become synonymous with gangsta rap, and with artists who have backgrounds that lend veracity to their lurid verses. However, many of these supposedly “authentic” experiences consist of little more than exaggeration and invented personas. When being interviewed about the controversial content of her son’s single “Fuck tha’ police”, the mother of rapper Ice Cube commented that “I don’t see [him] saying those curse words. I see him like an actor.”  The existence of pornography attests to the market for forms of media that fulfil base and simplistic human fantasies. Much the same can be said for the violent and cynical content of rap singles. Unlike the relationship between cinema and pornography, however, many commentators appear to regard gangsta rap as being synonymous with hip hop – a position as deceptive as a film critic claiming that all movies are inevitably tied to pornography.  The significant public profile and poor regulation of hip hop have meant that gangsta rap fans have become the genre’s dominant class of consumer. The amount of money that fans are willing to spend on singles, albums, concert tickets and associated branded goods means that labels that cultivate relationships with gangsta rappers have become the gatekeepers of the hip hop genre in general. “Conscious” rappers, who do not glorify violence, along with musicians working in other hip hop genres must work with labels that promote acts containing violent lyrics in order to publish their own music.  Either consciously, or by design, the terrain of contemporary hip hop is hostile to musicians who are not prepared to discuss “guns, bitches and bling” in their work. This constitutes a significant barrier to rappers ability to communicate novel messages and listeners’ ability to receive them. It could be called a market failure – the pervasive public presence of gangsta rap has effectively denied an audience to other rappers.  Classification has the potential to maximise the freedom and effectiveness of musical expression by hip hop artists who choose not to trade in brutality and misogyny.  The alternative is to allow hip hop to continue to be dominated by businesses such as Death Row Records, Low Life Records and Machete Music. This will lead to hip hop as a medium becoming inextricably linked with violent lyrics and the dubious businesses practices of gangsta labels’ bosses. Popular disengagement is much more likely under these circumstances, and will actively deny a voice, and opportunities, to musicians with a different perspective on hip hop. free speech hip hop state intervention adult access community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap artist authenticity Ice Cube contentious lyrics pornography simplification market dynamics conscious rappers market failure music classification violent lyrics dubious business practices industry dominance popular disengagement musical expression hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity Ice Cube pornography media market violence censorship conscious rap market failure classification music industry Death Row Records artist expression 机会 diversity accessibility public profile regulation branded goods conscious rappers music labels violent lyrics misogyny business practices popular disengagement music perspective artistic voice opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention aggressive forms adult accessibility public control genre diversity commercial dominance mainstream success gangsta rap authentic experiences exaggerated personas pornography media fantasies violent content public profile poor regulation record labels conscious rappers market failure musical expression classification business practices popular disengagement musical opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success authenticity exaggeration personas public profile poor regulation consumer dominance market failure musical expression classification violent lyrics business practices popular disengagement alternative perspectives hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community impact public control diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration personas pornography human fantasies violent content public profile poor regulation labels gatekeepers conscious rappers market failure classification musical expression violence misogyny business practices popular disengagement opportunities alternative perspectives Defending hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community standards public control content regulation genre diversity mainstream success gangsta rap artist authenticity Ice Cube censorship pornography media fantasy hip hop regulation conscious rap market failure musical expression classification violent lyrics business practices popular disengagement artist opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult accessibility community impact public control content diversity commercial dominance gangsta rap mainstream success authenticity exaggeration invented personas Ice Cube controversial content pornography media market violence cynicism public profile poor regulation conscious rap non-violent lyrics market failure classification musical expression business practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music disengagement opportunities alternative perspectives hip hop free speech state intervention adult access community impact public control content regulation commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap authenticity exaggeration invented personas Ice Cube controversial content pornography media fantasies violent content rap singles cinema pornography comparison gangsta rap dominance consumer behavior poor regulation record labels gatekeepers conscious rap non-violent lyrics market failure expression barriers classification musical freedom Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music business practices popular disengagement diverse perspectives hip hop voice opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance violent rap mainstream success gangsta rap artist authenticity exaggerated personas pornography media fantasies violent content cinematic comparison public profile poor regulation conscious rap market failure musical expression classification business practices Death Row Records Low Life Records Machete Music popular disengagement artistic opportunities hip hop free speech state intervention adult content community standards public control genre diversity commercial dominance mainstream success gangsta rap artist authenticity violent lyrics excessive fantasy market demand pornography comparison music regulation industry control conscious rap market failure music classification violent businesses popular disengagement artistic voice label practices music distribution youth protection cultural impact
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con01a	Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Hosting only affects one city  In large countries like the United States or China, the benefits of the Olympics are almost entirely focused on the host city. Even in smaller countries, the benefits of a event played outside the host city or a training camp are negligible. Capital cities are often chosen (after failed bids from Birmingham in 1992 and Manchester in 1996 and 2000 the IOC told the United Kingdom that only a bid from London was likely to win), which concentrates growth and development where it is least needed. 90% of the economic impact of London 2012 is expected to come to London1; not surprising given that 'seventy-five pence in every pound on the Games is going towards the regeneration of East London.'2Furthermore, house prices have been seen to rise in host cities like Barcelona and Sydney around the time of their Olympics, without comparable rises elsewhere in Spain and Australia respectively2. As such, hosting only serves to entrench geographical economic divides.  1 Grobel, W. (2010, April 15). What are the London 2012 Olympics 2012 worth? Retrieved May 13, 2011, from Intangible Business:  2 Ormsby, A. (2010, May 21). Benefits of hosting Olympics unproven. Retrieved June 29, 2011 from Reuters: Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries capital cities IOC United Kingdom London economic impact East London regeneration house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides 2012 Olympics Intangible Business Reuters benefits unproven Olympics host city large countries United States China benefits economic impact smaller countries event training camp capital cities growth development London Birmingham Manchester IOC bid regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event location training camp capital cities IOC United Kingdom Birmingham Manchester London economic impact London 2012 regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympic benefits host city focus economic impact concentration capital city preference IOC bid guidelines urban regeneration London 2012 East London regeneration house price increases Barcelona Olympics Sydney Olympics geographical economic divides Olympics host city economic impact large countries United States China benefits smaller countries event training camp capital cities Birmingham Manchester IOC United Kingdom London growth development regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympic benefits host city economic impact large countries small countries capital cities failed bids IOC preferences economic regeneration London 2012 house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides Olympic Games economic concentration development impact urban regeneration Olympic legacy economic growth Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event training camp capital cities Birmingham Manchester IOC London economic impact London 2012 East London regeneration house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides economic growth development regenerate urban infrastructure investment local economy tourism employment urban regeneration property values real estate Olympic Games benefits economic social infrastructure sport legacy international metropolitan urban planning city planning regional disparities economic inequality host nation national benefits Olympics hosting city economic impact large countries United States China smaller countries event benefits training camp capital cities London IOC Birmingham Manchester growth concentration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries event impact training camp capital cities IOC United Kingdom Birmingham Manchester London economic impact regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney Spain Australia geographical economic divides Olympics host city economic benefits large countries United States China smaller countries capital cities London Birmingham Manchester IOC growth development economic impact London 2012 regeneration East London house prices Barcelona Sydney geographical economic divides Intangible Business Reuters
test-international-epvhwhranet-con04a	Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 Voters do not understand or care about EU reforms.  They would have found the legal jargon off-putting and a detailed knowledge of the existing EU Treaties is necessary to understand the amendments proposed 1. They have limited understanding of the current system and therefore cannot evaluate how reform treaties would benefit or harm the EU and their nation's interest. Due to this lack of understanding citizens are too likely to be swayed by media bias and anti Europe campaigners. All this is shown by the low turnout in European parliament elections. Elected representatives on the other hand, do understand the impact of the treaties and therefore can make an informed decision on the behalf of their people and in the nation's interest.  1 'An unloved Parliament', The Economist (7 May 2009), viewed on 13 June 2011 'Elections 2009', eu4journalists viewed on 13 June 2011 EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments understanding of the system benefits of reform treaties harm to EU national interest media bias anti-Europe campaigns low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives impact of treaties informed decisions voter apathy public opinion political engagement citizen knowledge electoral participation representative democracy direct democracy democratic legitimacy governance institutional reforms European Union public information policy comprehension voter education political literacy media influence referendum democratic deficit civic engagement political representation voter turnout electoral behavior public attitudes political communication European politics Voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments understanding system benefits harm media bias anti-Europe low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision nation's interest The Economist Elections 2009 eu4journalists voter engagement EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendment understanding media bias anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections low voter turnout elected representatives informed decision making national interest public opinion EU governance democratic participation civic education electoral apathy political awareness European citizenship institutional knowledge Voter understanding EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments citizen knowledge system evaluation reform benefits national interest media influence anti-Europe campaign election turnout European Parliament representative decision-making informed choices public opinion political engagement democratic process governance complexity legislative impact voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties EU benefits nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European parliament elections elected representatives informed decision 'An unloved Parliament' The Economist Elections 2009 eu4journalists Voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments current system reform treaties EU interest nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European parliament elections elected representatives informed decision The Economist eu4journalists 2009 elections voter apathy political engagement civic knowledge democratic process EU governance parliamentary representation public opinion electoral participation political literacy EU policy citizen understanding legal complexity democratic legitimacy representative democracy direct democracy media influence political campaigning electoral turnout voter education civic education EU institutions voter comprehension EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendment understanding current system knowledge reform evaluation national interest media influence anti-EU campaigns election turnout European Parliament representative decision-making public opinion EU governance democratic engagement electoral participation informed voting governance complexity citizen engagement political representation reform communication public understanding institutional reform European politics media bias electoral behavior political literacy democratic legitimacy EU institutions civic education political awareness voter apathy reform impact treaty amendments political representation public policy EU citizens electoral systems political engagement voters EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendments system understanding reform benefits nation's interest media bias anti-Europe campaigners low turnout European Parliament elections elected representatives informed decision unloved Parliament The Economist 2009 elections eu4journalists voter education EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties public understanding media influence anti-Europe sentiment European Parliament elections turnout elected representatives informed decision-making national interest EU governance democratic participation political engagement electoral behavior civic knowledge legislative amendments public policy European integration political communication voter apathy political representation EU institutions citizen engagement electoral systems democratic accountability political literacy EU politics political participation media bias political campaigns voter turnout European democracy political attitudes public opinion EU law political reform electoral processes political representation democratic voter comprehension EU reforms legal jargon EU Treaties amendment understanding current system knowledge reform benefits national interests media influence anti-EU campaigns European Parliament elections voter turnout elected representatives treaty impact informed decision-making public understanding political engagement EU policy legislative changes citizen awareness representative democracy
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro03a	It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, It may be necessary in the interests of national security  The Government must protect its citizens from foreign enemies and internal enemies - thus freedom of speech can be acceptably curtailed during times of war in order to prevent propaganda and spying which might undermine the national interest. This has happened in almost all states during times of war, during the second world war the United States even had a government department dedicated to it; The Office of Censorship. [1]  [1] Hanyok, Robert J., ‘Secrets of Victory: The Office of Censorship and The American Press and Radio in World War II’, Studies in Intelligence, Vol 46, No. 3, national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech curtailment times of war propaganda prevention spying prevention national interest state actions war times United States World War II Office of Censorship government departments censorship American press radio intelligence studies historical context legal precedents civil liberties wartime measures public information control media regulation espionage wartime propaganda national defense constitutional rights legislative measures executive powers judicial review international comparison historical significance democratic principles security measures informational warfare strategic communication government oversight national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech curtailment times of war propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American Press radio Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war prevent propaganda spying undermine national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship government department censorship American Press radio intelligence Secrets of Victory Hanyok Robert J. national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal threats freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda prevention spying deterrence national interest historical precedence World War II United States Office of Censorship media regulation radio control press censorship intelligence studies Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory national security government citizens protection foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech curtailment times of war propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship government department censorship American press radio historical context Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory Studies in Intelligence national security government responsibility citizen protection foreign threats internal threats freedom of speech restrictions wartime measures propaganda control spying prevention national interest historical precedents World War II United States Office of Censorship media regulation intelligence studies Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American press radio censorship national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech wartime curtailment propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship government department censorship press radio historical context Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory Studies in Intelligence national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war prevent propaganda spying national interest states World War II United States Office of Censorship censorship American press radio Intelligence studies Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war prevent propaganda spying undermine national interest states during war United States Office of Censorship World War II American Press Radio Studies in Intelligence Robert J. Hanyok Secrets of Victory national security government protection citizens foreign enemies internal enemies freedom of speech times of war propaganda spying national interest World War II United States Office of Censorship Hanyok Robert J. Secrets of Victory American Press Radio Studies in Intelligence
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro01a	The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 The House of Lords is out of touch with the electorate.  The 19th century US President Abraham Lincoln stated that democracy should be ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ [1] Therefore peers who sit in the house based on noble birth right or their membership of the Church of England, that is itself largely ignored by the people, do not represent the people of Britain.  [1] A' Short Definition of Democracy’, Democracy-building.info, 2005, viewed on 1 June 2011 House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation people of Britain House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation people of Britain democracy definition Democracy-building.info democracy representation voter disconnect aristocracy religious influence political reform public opinion governance equality heritage constitutional change democratic principles legislative body civil rights political participation social contract legal reforms institutional trust political legitimacy citizenship elected officials non-elected officials modern democracy historical context political debate social representation political engagement civic duty government accountability public sphere political ethics civic education social values political spectrum citizen rights political empowerment voter engagement democratic values political transparency electoral reform political inclusion social justice democratic governance political representation democracy representation House of Lords noble birth Church of England Abraham Lincoln government of the people by the people for the people electorate outdated institutions modern governance political reform democratic principles British politics aristocracy religious influence secular society political representation public opinion House of Lords electorate out of touch Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic representation hereditary peers religious representation political reform democratic legitimacy House of Lords out of touch electorate Abraham Lincoln democracy Government of the people by the people for the people noble birth right Church of England represent the people Britain House of Lords out of touch electorate 19th century Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic principles aristocracy modern governance citizen representation hereditary privilege religious influence political reform House of Lords out of touch electorate Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people peers noble birth right Church of England representation British people democratic principles aristocracy modern democracy political reform hereditary peers religious representation constitutional debate legislative process public opinion democratic legitimacy political accountability electoral representation civic engagement governance political participation social contract political equality representative government democratic values reform movement political system democratic governance political representation civil rights political rights democratic institutions political institutions democratic processes political House of Lords electorate out of touch Abraham Lincoln democracy government of the people by the people for the people noble birth right Church of England representation British people political reform hereditary peers religious representation democratic legitimacy modern governance parliamentary system constitutional debate citizen representation historical context political inclusivity societal change democratic principles public opinion institutional critique political accountability electoral reform representative government legislative assembly democratic governance political participation civic engagement political equality social contract government accountability political representation legislative process public trust political institutions democratic democracy representation hereditary peers Church of England Abraham Lincoln government accountability British political reform electoral disconnect noble birthright public opinion democratic principles parliamentary sovereignty
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro04a	We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid We should preserve the person with greater quality of life  We have to be able to measure quality of life relatively. There might be many cases where a relative is terminally ill, yet not dead yet. This person, with a survival prospect of maybe half a year of suffering and medication, might have a perfectly functional organ. [1] It is very rational, both for this person and for society as a whole to allow him or her to undergo euthanasia at an early stage to save the other person. [2]  Furthermore, a person might sacrifice his or her life to provide an organ for a specific individual, yet their other organs can still be used to save others, of whom the donor might not have been aware. It is sad that a person has to die, but as this is the only option [3] , it is a good thing that several people might live when one sacrifices their life.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C. and M.V. Roqué. “The organ donation process: A humanist perspective based on the experience of nursing care.” Nursing Philosophy 13.4 (2012): 295-301.  [2] Wilkinson, Dominc and Julian Savalescu. “SHOULD WE ALLOW ORGAN DONATION EUTHANASIA? ALTERNATIVES FOR MAXIMIZING THE NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ORGANS FOR TRANSPLANTATION.” Bioethics 26.1 (2012): 32-48.  [3] ibid quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia society benefit organ donation humanist perspective nursing care organ donation euthanasia maximize organs transplantation bioethics life sacrifice multiple recipients end-of-life decisions ethical considerations medical ethics patient autonomy dignity in dying palliative care quality vs quantity of life healthcare resources moral philosophy organ availability donor awareness altruism medical futility compassionate care healthcare policy terminal illness management euthanasia ethics organ transplantation ethics living quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect functional organ euthanasia rational decision societal benefit organ donation life sacrifice multiple recipients organ transplantation bioethics humanist perspective nursing care ethical considerations maximizing organs transplantation quality end-of-life decisions quality of life terminal illness survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia organ donation societal benefit life sacrifice multiple recipients organ transplantation ethical considerations humanist perspective nursing care bioethics maximization of organs transplant quality quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect suffering and medication functional organ euthanasia rational decision societal benefit organ donation sacrifice life save others humanist perspective nursing care organ donation euthanasia maximize organs transplantation ethics quality of life organ donation euthanasia ethical considerations terminally ill survival prospects medication suffering societal impact organ transplantation humanist perspective nursing care bioethics maximizing organs transplantation quality quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ euthanasia society organ donation organ transplantation humanist perspective nursing care maximize organs donation euthanasia bioethics quality of life euthanasia organ donation terminally ill survival prospect suffering medication functional organ society rational decision humanist perspective nursing care maximizing organs transplantation bioethics organ donation euthanasia life sacrifice multiple recipients euthanasia organ donation quality of life terminal illness survival prospect suffering medication rational decision societal benefit organ transplantation humanist perspective ethical considerations bioethics maximization of organs donor sacrifice recipient benefit nursing care end-of-life choices moral dilemmas healthcare ethics life value altruism palliative care legal aspects informed consent dignity in dying organ donation euthanasia quality of life terminal illness survival prospects medication suffering organ transplantation ethical considerations humanist perspective nursing care maximizing organs bioethics societal benefit individual sacrifice quality of life measure quality of life terminally ill survival prospect functional organ euthanasia rational decision societal benefit organ donation sacrifice multiple recipients ethical considerations organ donation euthanasia maximizing organs transplantation bioethics humanist perspective nursing care moral philosophy end-of-life decisions
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro01a	A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. A UN Standing Army would solve the problem of American military hegemony.  A strong, effective and impartial United Nations standing army would deny powerful military states the right to bully and blackmail rivals into submission with the threat of military force. A UN army would be able to balance that threat with their own willingness to come to the aid of states under military duress. The United States, unwilling to risk a protracted conflict against a respected, well-trained multi-national force would have to fall back. To use an example, American military intervention in Vietnam, against the wishes of the majority of the population, could have been prevented had a U.N. standing army existed to respond to the wishes of the Vietnamese people and stand against the United States’ intervention. The existence of such a military rival would therefore force the United States to increase its investment in its State Department and diplomatic solutions to political crises. Ultimately, peace would be more effectively maintained. UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong UN force impartial military balance military power prevent military bullying US military intervention Vietnam War diplomatic solutions peace maintenance international military balance UN military effectiveness global military deterrence United States military restraint international peacekeeping military diplomacy conflict prevention multi-national forces state department investment diplomatic crisis management UN Standing Army American military hegemony United Nations military states military force UN army military duress protracted conflict multi-national force American military intervention Vietnam Vietnamese people State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance international peacekeeping military balance global security diplomatic engagement non-intervention sovereignty international law UN peacekeeping forces military deterrence conflict resolution multilateralism international cooperation global governance preventive diplomacy crisis management security council military alliances international stability human rights protection humanitarian intervention peacebuilding post-conflict reconstruction UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong and impartial UN force military balance prevent military bullying diplomatic solutions United States military intervention Vietnam example peace maintenance multilateral military solutions state department investment international diplomacy conflict prevention United Nations peacekeeping global security military deterrence international cooperation diplomatic strategies United Nations military reform UN Standing Army American military hegemony powerful military states bully and blackmail military duress United States protracted conflict multi-national force American military intervention Vietnam U.N. standing army Vietnamese people State Department diplomatic solutions peace maintenance international security global governance military balance conflict prevention diplomatic engagement United Nations effectiveness international intervention military rival political crises peacekeeping forces global stability military force reduction international law collective security human rights protection international cooperation non-violent conflict resolution world peace global military presence international military oversight sovereign state protection UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong United Nations impartial UN forces powerful military states military bullying blackmail military duress protracted conflict multi-national force American military intervention Vietnam Vietnamese people State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance effective UN army international peacekeeping military balance diplomatic pressure global security international law UN mandate military restraint conflict prevention US military dominance UN intervention international relations military deterrence diplomatic efforts world peace collective security military threats international cooperation UN peacekeeping forces US foreign policy military intervention UN Standing Army American military hegemony powerful military states bully and blackmail military duress United States protracted conflict multi-national force Vietnam American military intervention U.N. standing army diplomatic solutions State Department peace maintenance political crises UN standing army American military hegemony powerful military states bully blackmail military force balance threat states under military duress protracted conflict multi-national force American military intervention Vietnam majority population U.N. standing army Vietnamese people military rival United States State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintained UN Standing Army American military hegemony impartial United Nations military states bully and blackmail military duress protracted conflict multi-national force American military intervention Vietnam Vietnamese people U.N. standing army State Department diplomatic solutions political crises peace maintenance military rival global security international law sovereignty protection conflict resolution humanitarian intervention military deterrence strategic balance international cooperation United States military diplomatic engagement peacekeeping forces global governance UN military capabilities international military presence non-aggression principle defensive alliances global stability disarmament initiatives international oversight military UN Standing Army American military hegemony strong impartial UN forces military states bullying blackmail military duress protracted conflict multinational force American intervention Vietnam UN response Vietnamese people diplomatic solutions State Department peace maintenance military rivalry political crises UN Standing Army American military hegemony powerful military states military bullying military blackmail impartial UN force multilateral military response United States military intervention protracted conflict diplomatic solutions State Department peace maintenance Vietnam War UN intervention global security international law collective defense military balance non-intervention peacekeeping operations international cooperation conflict prevention
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro04a	Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons serve to defuse international conflicts and force compromise  Nuclear weapons create stability, described in the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). Countries with nuclear weapons have no incentive to engage in open military conflict with one another; all recognize that they will suffer destruction if they choose the path of war. [1] If countries have nuclear weapons, fighting simply becomes too costly. This serves to defuse conflicts, and reduce the likelihood of the outbreak of war. For example, the conflict between India and Pakistan was defused by the acquisition of nuclear weapons by both sides. Before they obtained nuclear weapons, they fought three wars that claimed millions of lives. Relations between the two states, while still far from cordial, have never descended into open war. The defusing of the immediate tension of war, has given the chance for potential dialogue. [2] A similar dynamic has been played out a number of times in the past, and as of yet there has never been a war between two nuclear powers. When states have nuclear weapons they cannot fight, making the world a more peaceful place.  [1] Waltz, Kenneth. 1981. “The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Better”. Adelphi Papers 171. London: International Institute for Strategic Studies.  [2] Nizamani, Haider K. 2000. The Roots of Rhetoric: Politics of Nuclear weapons in India and Pakistan. Westport: Praeger. Nuclear weapons international conflicts compromise stability Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) military conflict nuclear deterrence India Pakistan wars dialogue Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation peace strategic studies nuclear powers conflict resolution rhetorical politics nuclear security global stability nuclear strategy international relations arms control non-proliferation security studies defense policy strategic defense nuclear doctrine geopolitical stability conflict prevention international security nuclear disarmament military strategy nuclear policy international policy strategic theory security dilemma deterrence nuclear deterrence strategic stability arms control non-proliferation Indo-Pak relations nuclear peace theory security studies international relations conflict resolution military strategy cold war bilateral tensions disarmament security dilemma regional stability nuclear ethics state interactions power balance nuclear diplomacy war prevention Nuclear deterrence strategic stability mutually assured destruction MAD nuclear proliferation international conflict resolution Indo-Pak relations nuclear security arms control peace through strength non-aggression state behavior security studies strategic studies international relations Cold War dynamics regional stability conflict prevention dialogue facilitation military strategy nuclear policy nuclear disarmament war avoidance power balance security dilemma nuclear ethics global security deterrence theory war and peace strategic arms reduction nuclear non-proliferation treaty NPT international law geopolitical stability conflict management diplomatic relations nuclear arsen nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD India-Pakistan conflict nuclear peace Waltz nuclear spread theory reduced military conflict strategic stability nuclear weapons dialogue peaceful coexistence nuclear arms race international security nuclear non-aggression war prevention Nizamani rhetoric nuclear doctrine impact nuclear stability paradox cold war dynamics regional peace influencers Nuclear deterrence international conflicts Mutually Assured Destruction MAD military conflict nuclear powers India-Pakistan conflict nuclear proliferation Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani peace strategic stability weapons of mass destruction non-proliferation global security disarmament arms control international relations security studies Nuclear weapons international conflicts compromise stability Mutually Assured Destruction MAD military conflict nuclear deterrence India Pakistan war peace dialogue nuclear powers Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani Nuclear weapons international conflicts compromise Mutually Assured Destruction MAD stability military conflict deterrence India Pakistan nuclear arms race peace war prevention conflict resolution strategic stability Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani nuclear proliferation security studies geopolitical tensions dialogue military strategy international relations strategic studies nuclear doctrine arms control non-proliferation defense policy security dilemmas nuclear deterrence theory international security conflict management nuclear peace regional stability bilateral relations nuclear arms military strategy nuclear politics nuclear security Nuclear weapons international conflicts force compromise stability Mutually Assured Destruction MAD military conflict destruction conflict defusion war likelihood India Pakistan nuclear acquisition war prevention dialogue opportunity nuclear powers peaceful world state behavior strategic studies nuclear rhetoric political tensions nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD international stability conflict prevention India-Pakistan nuclear rivalry nuclear proliferation Kenneth Waltz strategic studies nuclear peace theory nuclear weapons effects war prevention regional security bilateral relations arms race disarmament non-proliferation defense strategy security studies nuclear deterrence mutually assured destruction MAD conflict resolution strategic stability India-Pakistan relations nuclear proliferation Kenneth Waltz Haider K. Nizamani peace through power non-aggression principle international security arms race disarmament negotiations nuclear policy military strategy geopolitical tension diplomatic relations nuclear arms control
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con01a	Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Universal standards of labour and business are not suited to the race for development  Developing countries are in a race to develop their economies. The prioritisation of countries that are not currently developed is different to the priorities of developed countries as a result of their circumstances and they must be allowed to temporarily push back standards of labour and business until they achieve a level playing field with the rest of the world. This is because economic development is a necessary precondition for many of the kinds of labour standards enjoyed in the west. For there to be high labour standards there clearly needs to be employment to have those standards. Undeveloped countries are reliant upon cheap, flexible, labour to work in factories to create economic growth as happened in China. In such cases the comparative advantage is through their cheap labour. If there had been high levels of government imposed labour standards and working conditions then multinational firms would never have located their factories in the country as the cost of running them would have been too high. [1] Malaysia for example has struggled to contain activity from the Malaysian Trades Union Congress to prevent their jobs moving to China [2] as the competition does not have labour standards so helping keep employment cheap. [3]  [1] Fang, Cai, and Wang, Dewen, ‘Employment growth, labour scarcity and the nature of China’s trade expansion’,  , p.145, 154  [2] Rasiah, Rajah, ‘The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets’, Development Research Series, Research Center on Development and International Relations, Working Paper No.114, 2002,  P.32  [3] Bildner, Eli, ‘China’s Uneven Labor Revolution’, The Atlantic, 11 January 2013, Developing countries economic development labor standards business standards race for development cheap labor flexible labor employment growth labor scarcity trade expansion multinational firms factory location cost of running factories government imposed labor standards Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition with China labor markets Southeast Asia labor revolution economic precondition high labor standards level playing field prioritization of countries comparative advantage economic growth China's development labor conditions employment creation regulatory environment industrialization global competition international labor practices workforce development economic policies development priorities labor rights industrial relations universal standards labour business development developing countries economic growth prioritisation circumstances temporary standards level playing field precondition high labour standards employment cheap labour flexible labour factories China Malaysia multinational firms labour standards working conditions competitive impact Southeast Asia labour markets trade expansion labour scarcity employment growth China's labour revolution economic development labor standards developing countries race for development prioritisation of countries level playing field necessary precondition high labour standards employment cheap flexible labor factories economic growth comparative advantage government imposed standards multinational firms Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labor markets China trade expansion labor scarcity employment growth uneven labor revolution Economic development labour standards developing countries race for development prioritisation of countries level playing field employment cheap labour factories economic growth China Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress multinational firms government imposed labour standards working conditions cost of running competition labour markets China's trade expansion labour scarcity employment growth competitive impact Southeast Asia labour revolution universal standards labour business development developing countries economic development labour standards developed countries priorities circumstances temporary relaxation standards level playing field employment cheap labour comparative advantage economic growth China Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour markets trade expansion multinational firms employment costs factory relocation uneven labor revolution Universal standards labour business development developing countries economic priorities temporary relaxation labour standards economic development employment cheap labour flexible labour factories economic growth China Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition labour costs multinational firms employment growth labour scarcity trade expansion competitive impact Southeast Asia labour markets labour revolution economic development labour standards developing countries race for development business standards employment cheap labour multinational firms factory relocation government imposed standards working conditions Malaysia Chinese labour market competitive impact trade expansion labour scarcity labour revolution flexible labour precondition for labour standards level playing field prioritisation of countries circumstances of developing countries economic growth comparative advantage employment growth factory costs trades union congress labour market competition economic development labour standards developing countries race for development employment growth cheap labour flexible labour factory economy multinational firms labour costs government imposed standards Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress China labour markets economic growth trade expansion labour revolution comparative advantage high labour standards precondition for labour standards level playing field undeveloped countries prioritisation of priorities circumstances of developing countries economic precondition necessary precondition employment necessity labour scarcity competitive impact Southeast Asia trade competition job relocation factory location cost of running factories labour standards and working conditions factory relocation Economic development labor standards developing countries race for development comparative advantage cheap labor employment growth multinational firms China Malaysia labor markets trade expansion flexible labor government imposed standards high labor standards economic growth level playing field Malaysia Trades Union Congress labor scarcity competitive impact uneven labor revolution factory relocation Western labor standards precondition for labor standards prioritization of undeveloped countries necessary economic precondition temporary push back on standards cost of running factories jobs moving to China low labor standards containment of union activity economic precondition for labor conditions international labor standards Universal standards labour business development developing countries economic development priorities labour standards temporary measures level playing field employment cheap labour flexible labour factories economic growth multinational firms government imposed standards working conditions Malaysia Malaysian Trades Union Congress competition China trade expansion labour markets labour revolution
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability universities as service providers state funding student fees academic political views university institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws international student experience cannabis laws Tesco funding commentary Separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions academic freedom institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws institutional autonomy academic-political interaction state authority university funding student fees academic rights institutional benefits legal compliance academic-political balance separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights local laws benefit negotiation Western student experience academic freedom state-university relationship political views in academia institutional autonomy separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions university rights supermarket analogy local laws negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws academic and student political views institutional rights state-university relationship mutual benefits funding student fees academic freedom institutional autonomy state regulations university-community relations town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws negotiation Western student experience academic and political views institutional benefits state-university relationship mutual benefits faculty opinions student fees funding academic-political interaction academic institution roles state's role in education university autonomy state regulations academic criticism state support university-state dynamics academic-political balance academic institution responsibilities state-university partnership academic rights state's influence on academia academic-political harmony institutional autonomy state's educational policies university's societal university state relationship academic autonomy political stability economic benefits faculty political views institutional rights university as service provider student experience international education policies supermarket analogy local laws compliance academic freedom university governance state-university partnership educational investment political criticism institutional responsibilities academic-community divide state-university interaction higher education funding student rights academic-community relations institutional autonomy international education standards local governance academic-community engagement university-state negotiation political influence on education academic community state oversight educational policy academic institutions political rights academic responsibilities state-university dynamics institutional benefits separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefit negotiation academic and political views university independence state regulation faculty opinions student experience Western education model cultural adaptation institutional role societal contribution economic exchange public-private partnership governance autonomy regulatory compliance academic mission state-university partnership mutual dependency higher education policy institutional autonomy academic responsibilities political neutrality corporate analogy societal impact educational values state-university dynamics institutional governance academic criticism university-state interaction town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic autonomy institutional rights local laws negotiation academic political views university funding student fees academic freedom institutional responsibilities state-university relationship academic criticism supermarket analogy legal compliance mutual benefit academic rights institutional independence state regulations higher education policy academic governance public-private partnership educational institutions political stability economic stability academic-community relationship university-community engagement academic-community interaction state-university partnership academic-policy influence institutional autonomy academic-community dynamics academic-state relations higher education governance separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws international education cultural differences student experience academic governance state regulations university autonomy faculty opinions student rights institutional benefits negotiation academic-political interaction academic-institutional independence public-private partnerships educational policies academic-community relations state-university interaction academic-political dynamics academic-community engagement academic-institutional roles academic-political balance academic-community impact academic-political responsibilities academic-community collaboration academic-political tensions academic-community separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic and student political views university institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws mutual benefit negotiation cultural relativism student experiences legal standards institutional autonomy government-university relationship academic freedom institutional responsibilities societal contributions economic partnerships governance models public-private dynamics policy impact educational mission societal expectations institutional governance state-university interactions academic-community relations institutional roles public service academic-community engagement stakeholder interests higher education funding state-university collaboration institutional impact societal
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro03a	Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 Overseas competition  Tunisia’s tourism industry is at risk from overseas competition. International tourism is a very competitive market, relying on the industry is therefore an illogical policy. Tunisia is already being undercut on prices by other countries despite its low fees. Morocco, Spain and Turkey can afford to charge a lower price for package tours than Tunisia due to better air transportation links1. Even before the Jasmine revolution, Tunisia was starting to lose ground to these countries. The ten years before the removal of Ben Ali saw the number of tourists to Tunisia rise from five to seven million, whilst Morocco rose from five to nine million2. Outside of the Mediterranean, Tunisia must compete with popular tourist destinations such as the Far East, North America and Australasia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Achy,L. ‘The Tourism Crisis in Tunisia Goes Beyond Security Issues’, Al Monitor, 26 June 2012 overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition policy low fees undercut prices Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourist numbers Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism market competition policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues overseas competition tourism industry Tunisia international tourism market competition policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Mediterranean Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor security issues overseas competition Tunisia's tourism industry international tourism market price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey package tours air transportation links Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia tourism crisis security issues overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competitiveness policy low fees price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey package tours air transportation Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Mediterranean Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues overseas competition Tunisia’s tourism industry international tourism market price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Mediterranean competition Far East North America Australasia tourism policy security issues market share loss economic impact travel costs tourist preferences destination popularity industry challenges government intervention tourism sector growth regional tourism trends policy recommendations competitive strategy market analysis tourism development economic reliance policy illogic cost advantage tourist arrivals economic diversification travel industry destination marketing visitor numbers tourism statistics policy assessment overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition illogical policy price undercutting low fees Morocco Spain Turkey package tours air transportation links Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia Al Monitor African Manager security issues tourism crisis overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition illogical policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourist numbers Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor tourism crisis security issues Tunisia tourism overseas competition international tourism market competition policy prices undercut Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation package tours Jasmine revolution tourist numbers Ben Ali Far East North America Australasia African Manager Al Monitor security issues overseas competition Tunisia tourism industry international tourism market competition policy price undercutting Morocco Spain Turkey air transportation links Jasmine revolution Ben Ali tourist numbers Moroccan tourism growth African Manager Al Monitor security issues Mediterranean competition Far East North America Australasia
test-education-egtuscpih-con04a	Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). Online courses undermine society life of the university  University is not just a place for learning. A big part of student life is participating in societies and other activities, such as sports, debating, political, philosophical or other interest groups. These provide them with opportunity to explore their talents, do the things they like and also build connections that could be useful after the university. But you cannot do most of these things online as they, unlike studying, are not based on studying materials you can upload. This is why students with online courses would be deprived of these opportunities to develop themselves, build useful connections and get ideas for their further life. This is important for society too as students historically have often been an important political and social actor (e.g. see 1968 France, Athens Polytechnic uprising etc.). online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections career development student development societal impact student political engagement historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections professional networks personal development student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social impact educational experience campus life online learning community building student engagement social skills leadership opportunities collaborative learning real-world interaction virtual alternatives hybrid models online courses society life university student life societies activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talents connections post-university development social actor historical impact 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections career opportunities personal development online learning limitations social impact student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university society life student participation extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration building connections post-university opportunities social development political activism student role in society 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising historical student movements online learning limitations university community student life quality social networking personal growth professional connections cultural engagement civic engagement student activism societal impact educational experience remote learning challenges campus life social skills leadership development community building lifelong relationships academic environment holistic education online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections career development social impact student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration social connections career development historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social development political activism community engagement campus culture virtual learning limitations student engagement educational experience personal growth societal impact university community student life online learning drawbacks face-to-face interaction social skills networking opportunities student involvement cultural activities student organizations campus activities online education traditional university student development social capital lifelong online courses university life student participation societies activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration personal development social connections career networking historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social impact political activism student engagement campus culture online learning limitations extracurricular activities student well-being community building Generation Z millennial students academic experience virtual learning social skills real-world experience campus traditions student leadership peer interaction mental health educational technology remote education higher education trends student life online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups personal development connections career opportunities student activism historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising social impact online learning limitations campus life student experience community building networking skill development social engagement societal roles of students educational environment virtual vs physical interaction student well-being holistic education university culture academic community socialization online course drawbacks campus activities student participation educational philosophy societal change youth involvement online courses university life student societies extracurricular activities sports debating political groups philosophical groups interest groups talent exploration personal development social connections career networking historical student movements 1968 France Athens Polytechnic uprising societal impact student engagement virtual learning limitations community building social skills political activism student life balance online education drawbacks campus culture in-person interactions lifelong relationships educational experience student well-being social capital campus life university traditions student organizations online vs offline learning environment holistic education student contribution to society
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro01a	Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture  It sounds dramatic, but when more than 70% percent of the agricultural labor force of Africa is represented by women, and that sector is a third of GDP, one can say that women really are the backbone of Africa’s economy. But the sector does not reach its full potential. Women do most of the work but hold none of the profit; they cannot innovate and receive salaries up to 50% less than men. This is because they cannot own land [1] , they cannot take loans, and therefore cannot invest to increase profits. [2]  The way to make women key to Africa’s future therefore is to provide them with rights to their land. This will provide women with an asset that can be used to obtain loans to increase productivity. The Food and Agriculture organisation argues “if women had the same access to productive resources as men, they could increase yields on their farms by 20–30 percent. This could raise total agricultural output in developing countries by 2.5–4 percent, which could in turn reduce the number of hungry people in the world by 12–17 percent.” [3]  The bottom line is that women work hard but their work is not recognised and potential not realised. What is true in agriculture is even truer in other sectors where women do not make up the majority of workers where the simple lack of female workers demonstrates wasted potential. The inefficient use of resources reduces the growth of the economy.  [1] Oppong-Ansah, Albert, ‘Ghana’s Small Women’s Savings Groups Have Big Impact’, Inter Press Service, 28 February 2014,   [2] Mucavele, Saquina, ‘The Role of Rural Women in Africa’, World Farmers Organisation,   [3] FAO, ‘Gender Equality and Food Security’, fao.org, 2013,  , p.19 Women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic potential innovation salaries land ownership loans investment Food and Agriculture Organisation yields agricultural output hunger economic growth gender equality resource allocation rural women small savings groups gender roles economic impact productivity women agriculture Africa labor force GDP backbone economy potential innovation salaries land ownership loans investment Food and Agriculture Organisation FAO productivity yields agricultural output hunger recognition resources growth gender equality food security rural women savings groups development empowerment inequality economic impact sustainable development policy rights access productive resources developing countries poverty reduction gender gap workforce participation rural development microfinance entrepreneurship climate resilience education health nutrition livelihoods social equity legal reform property rights financial services women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic backbone gender inequality land rights loans investment productivity food security FAO rural women economic growth gender equality resource access farming yields hunger reduction economic potential female workers small savings groups rural development policy change empowerment women backbone Africa agriculture GDP labor force sector potential innovation salaries land ownership loans investment productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation yields agricultural output hunger reduction resource access gender equality food security economic growth women's rights rural women small savings groups impact female workers wasted potential inefficient use of resources Women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic backbone inequality profits innovation salaries land ownership loans investment Food and Agriculture Organisation FAO resource access productivity yields agricultural output hunger reduction economic growth female workers resource inefficiency gender equality food security women agriculture Africa labor force GDP economic backbone sector potential profit disparity land rights loans investment productivity food security resource access gender equality rural women economic growth wasted potential hunger reduction women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic potential gender inequality land rights financial access innovation productivity Food and Agriculture Organisation yields hunger reduction resource allocation economic growth rural development policy reform empowerment female workers women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economic backbone productivity land rights loans investment innovation gender equality salaries hunger food security resource access rural women small savings groups economic growth potential realization women agriculture Africa economy labor force GDP inequality land ownership loans investment productivity FAO gender equality food security rural women empowerment salaries innovation hungry people growth resources recognition potential small savings groups rural areas development policy rights asset farming yields women's rights economic development sustainable agriculture poverty reduction education training entrepreneurship infrastructure technology health nutrition community leadership participation decision-making gender gap social norms cultural barriers legal frameworks policy reform international support collaboration women agriculture Africa GDP labor force economy potential productivity land rights loans investment innovation salaries gender equality food security rural women resource access economic growth hunger reduction
test-international-ehbfe-pro02a	A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. A federal Europe will protect the cultural diversity of its member states  A federal Europe will be more advantageous for individual citizens, since they will be living in a powerful state, yet with respect of their cultural and local situation  Subsidiarity combines maximum effectiveness with maximum accountability, with decisions being made at the lowest appropriate level. Citizens gain the advantages of living in a large, powerful state in terms of international economic, military and political power, all available more cheaply in a state of 450 million people, and through their increased opportunities for work, study, etc. Yet the advantages of living in a smaller state are preserved in terms of connection to the political process, respect for local cultural traditions and responsiveness to differing economic and physical situations. Such checks and balances prevent tyranny and increase willing obedience to laws.  Overall, we now have something resembling parliamentary democracy at the European level. EU political institutions now look more like those of a member state than they do those of an international organisation. The challenge facing the European Union in the future is to fill the gap between itself and the citizen, providing a political connection equal to the social, cultural and sporting connections that the single market has already provided.  Federalism and subsidiarity can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot – e.g. for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures. federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability political power economic power military power international power citizen advantages large state small state political process local traditions economic situations physical situations tyranny prevention law obedience parliamentary democracy European level political institutions international organisation social connections cultural connections sporting connections political connection regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy culture threat conflict resolution sovereignty issues new political structures federalism cultural diversity member states powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic power military power political power large state cheap opportunities work study small state political process local traditions responsiveness economic situations physical situations checks balances tyranny willing obedience laws parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organisation gap citizen political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international economic power military power political power cost efficiency large state small state political process local cultural traditions economic situations physical situations tyranny willing obedience laws parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organisation gap citizen political connection social connection cultural connection sporting connection single market federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflicts federal Europe cultural diversity member states citizen advantages powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international power economic power military power political power large state benefits small state benefits political process local traditions economic situations tyranny prevention willing obedience parliamentary democracy EU political institutions social connections cultural connections sporting connections federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflict resolution sovereignty issues new political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state cultural respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international power economic power military power political power large state small state political process local traditions economic situations physical situations tyranny law obedience parliamentary democracy European level EU institutions member state international organisation citizen connection political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflict resolution federal Europe cultural diversity powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic benefits political power military power increased opportunities small state advantages political process local traditions economic situations checks and balances tyranny prevention legal obedience parliamentary democracy European level political institutions member state international organization citizen connection regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy conflict resolution sovereignty issues new political structures federal Europe cultural diversity member states advantages individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability decision-making international economic power military power political power opportunities work study large state smaller state political process local cultural traditions economic situations physical situations tyranny willing obedience laws parliamentary democracy EU political institutions member state international organisation political connection social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflicts federal Europe cultural diversity member states individual citizens powerful state respect local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international economic military power political power large state opportunities work study small state political process local cultural traditions responsiveness checks and balances tyranny willing obedience laws parliamentary democracy European level political institutions international organisation gap citizen social connections cultural connections sporting connections single market federalism regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflicts sovereignty new political federal Europe cultural diversity member states advantages individual citizens powerful state local situation subsidiarity effectiveness accountability international power economic power military power political power cost efficiency opportunities work study local traditions political process checks and balances tyranny law obedience parliamentary democracy EU political institutions gap between EU and citizens political connection social connection cultural connection sporting connection single market regional identities national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy dominant culture conflicts resolution sovereignty issues political structures federalism subsidiarity cultural diversity regional identities political accountability economic power military strength international relations parliamentary democracy social connections cultural traditions local responsiveness conflict resolution sovereignty issues citizen engagement large state benefits small state advantages checks and balances legal obedience European Union member states single market political institutions international organization Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro03a	Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. Increasing parents' freedom of choice  Different parents have different values and priorities, and it is entirely legitimate for them to wish to pass these on to their children. The state does not know any better than them with which values the ideal life can be lived.  Further, children are individuals who respond in very different ways to different styles of teaching. Parents know their children better than central government possibly could, and so are the best placed to decide what sort of school their child should go to. Currently, there is very little state provision for non-mainstream styles of learning, whereas in the private sector there is a big incentive for educational innovation. parents' freedom diverse values individual priorities passing values personal beliefs state's role individualized education teaching styles child's best interest educational choices state provision non-mainstream learning private sector educational innovation parental knowledge child development customized education schooling options pedagogical diversity learning environments educational freedom parental rights individualized learning non-mainstream education educational innovation private sector education child-centered learning diverse teaching methods state-provided education alternative schooling options parental choice education values individual priorities passing values ideal life state intervention child individuality teaching styles parental knowledge central government school selection non-mainstream education private sector educational innovation state provision parental choice diverse values individual priorities passing values educational values ideal life state intervention personal freedom child's individuality teaching styles parental knowledge child's best interest state provision non-mainstream education private sector educational innovation parents' freedom individual values prioritizing values legitimate desires passing values ideal life diverse teaching styles individual responses parental knowledge children's best interest state provision non-mainstream learning private sector educational innovation school choice tailored education parental choice educational values individual priorities government role child development teaching styles educational innovation non-mainstream learning private sector education state provision parental knowledge child-specific needs parents' freedom educational values childrearing priorities state intervention individual child differences teaching styles parental knowledge school choice non-mainstream education private sector innovation educational flexibility government vs. parent decision-making parents' freedom values priorities passing values individual values state intervention personal values child development educational styles teaching methods individual differences parent knowledge child-specific needs state provision non-mainstream learning private sector educational innovation choice in education parental choice personalized education parental choice education values child individuality teaching styles state intervention private education educational innovation non-mainstream learning schooling options government role in education parental choice educational values individual priorities child development teaching styles government role state education private sector educational innovation non-mainstream learning school selection parent knowledge child-centric education policy reform educational freedom
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-pro04a	UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK will be disentangled from EU affairs  Leaving the EU would mean that Britain is no longer entangled in foreign policy issues that are of little interest to it and instead could devote itself to other more productive issues. The two main foreign policy crises for the EU at the moment are Ukraine and migration, neither of which concern the UK when not a member of the EU. Migration would be stopped at the channel while Ukraine is at the opposite end of the EU. The EU would essentially become a buffer for the UK. UK EU disentangle foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration channel buffer Brexit international relations European politics policy issues non-EU Britain European Union membership exit separation diplomacy geopolitical immigration border control Eastern Europe Western Europe political alignment strategic interests UK disentanglement EU foreign policy Brexit benefits UK-EU relations post-Brexit impacts EU migration crises UK migration control EU buffer zone UK foreign policy independence Ukraine crisis EU policy disengagement UK EU affairs disentanglement foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration channel buffer Brexit international relations policy focus European Union Britain member state non-member state geopolitical issues crisis management regional concerns migration control foreign entanglements UK disentanglement EU affairs foreign policy independence productive issues focus UK-EU separation Ukraine crisis migration control channel border management EU buffer role post-Brexit foreign policy UK EU disentangled foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration member buffer channel UK disentanglement EU affairs leaving EU Britain foreign policy productive issues EU foreign policy crises Ukraine migration UK not EU member migration control channel Ukraine location EU buffer UK-EU relationship post-Brexit foreign policy UK EU disentangled foreign policy Ukraine migration productivity channel buffer membership international relations Brexit European affairs policy independence UK EU disentangled foreign policy productivity Ukraine migration Brexit buffer channel member state issues entanglement continental affairs European Union British interests policy focus geopolitical international relations separation benefits UK EU disentangled foreign policy Ukraine migration Brexit productive issues buffer channel member crises policy issues entanglement disengagement European affairs international relations Britain separation policy focus strategic priorities immigration control geopolitical buffer continental concerns regional politics international commitments EU membership post-Brexit policy independence European Union foreign affairs political alignment diplomatic relations Brexit impacts European crisis management UK foreign policy EU foreign policy UK-EU relations migration control Ukraine crisis policy autonomy strategic disengagement continental UK EU disentangled foreign policy productive issues Ukraine migration member buffer channel
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro03a	Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation is important to give the communities credit they deserve.  Compensation can be used to level out the playing field of inequality to those who have been oppressed. They help to give communities the recognition they deserve and help to reverse intuitionally reinforced negative stereotypes. The reparations can be used to benefit the community; for example, within the community and externally in order to educate people appropriately about the struggles of a repressed community. It would help fund efforts based on the model of the US Governments of Education and State Boards of Education to develop a 'robust curriculum' involving greater accuracy in black history as well as the involvement of African American figures in history on local, national and global scales [1].  This inequality is why the reform has to be state led; it is up to the state to protect minorities. Professor Matthew Rimmer from the Queensland University of Technology believes that ''At an international level, more should be done to implement the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in respect of Indigenous intellectual property''. This was said after Chanel made a A$2,000 boomerang [2] which would seem to be in opposition to the declaration which Australia has endorsed.  [1] Humphries, Arielle, and Stahly-Butts, Marbre, ‘A Vision for Black Lives’, Centre for Popular Democracy, July 2016,   [2] ‘Chanel’s $2,000 boomerang sparks complaints and confusion from Indigenous Australians’, ABC News, 17th May 2017, Compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition reverse stereotypes reparations community education struggles repressed US Government Education State Boards curriculum accuracy black history African American figures local national global inequality state-led protect minorities Professor Matthew Rimmer Queensland University of Technology UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities credit inequality oppression recognition stereotypes reparations community benefits education curriculum black history African American figures state-led reform minority protection international implementation UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australian response Compensation Recognition Inequality Oppression Reparations Community Education Curriculum Black History African American Minorities State Led Reform International Level UN Declaration Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous Intellectual Property Chanel Boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation community credit inequality oppressed communities recognition stereotypes reparations community benefits education black history African American figures state-led reform minority protection international level UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum black history African American state-led reform minorities international UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians Compensation Communities Credit Inequality Oppression Recognition Stereotypes Reparations Community Benefit Education Accurate Black History African American Figures State-Led Reform Minority Protection International Level UN Declaration Indigenous Intellectual Property Chanel Boomerang Indigenous Rights Arielle Humphries Marbre Stahly-Butts Centre for Popular Democracy compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations education curriculum black history African American figures state-led reform minorities international level UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians compensation communities inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations community education curriculum black history African American figures state-led reform minorities international level UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians Arielle Humphries Marbre Stahly-Butts Centre for Popular Democracy compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations community education curriculum black history african american figures state led minority protection professor matthew rimmer queensland university of technology un declaration rights of indigenous peoples indigenous intellectual property chanel boomerang international level implementation endorsement Compensation communities credit inequality oppressed recognition stereotypes reparations community benefits education curriculum black history African American figures state led reform minority protection international level UN Declaration Indigenous Peoples Indigenous intellectual property Chanel boomerang Indigenous Australians
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma inflation unemployment poverty euro exit economic collapse social impact international debt liquidity government failure basic needs shortage imported goods Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Carsten Brzeski Michael Arghyrou BBC News Open Europe Greece crisis default chaos solutions austerity suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse ECB liquidity savings credit devaluation Drachma inflation living costs shortage companies unemployment supplies oil medicine foodstuffs poor government failure citizens basic needs euro exit short-term options Open Europe BBC News Carsten Brzeski Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou Greek crisis austerity measures economic default Greek banking sector ECB liquidity savings loss credit scarcity Drachma devaluation inflation rise living cost increase unemployment surge supply shortages poverty impact government failure euro exit scenarios financial instability economic sanctions international aid debt restructuring economic recovery plans Greek debt crisis Greek banks bankruptcy ECB liquidity dependence savings loss credit scarcity Drachma devaluation inflation living cost increase unemployment rise supply shortages poverty impact government failure euro exit后果 austerity measures less bad option default consequences Greece default crisis austerity Drachma inflation unemployment poverty banking sector ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit imported goods living costs supplies oil medicine food basic needs government failure euro exit eurozone financial collapse economic impact social consequences political instability international aid debt crisis fiscal policies economic recovery humanitarian crisis Greek debt crisis austerity measures Greek banking sector ECB liquidity government default Greek Drachma devaluation inflation increase living cost rise credit shortage company survival unemployment surge supply shortage basic needs provision poverty impact economic failure euro exit short-term options crisis management financial instability economic hardship public suffering government responsibilities economic solutions political consequences international aid financial regulations economic recovery social unrest European Union policies financial market reactions economic forecasts expert opinions economic theories =default austerity drachma inflation unemployment poverty crisis euro Greece default crisis austerity least bad option Greek banking sector ECB liquidity savings credit devalued Drachma inflation living costs unemployment shortages oil medicine food basic needs poverty Carsten Brzeski Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou BBC News Open Europe Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment shortages poverty basic needs euro exit short-term options economic impact social consequences Greece default crisis solutions austerity suffering banking sector ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment shortages oil medicine food poverty government failure basic needs euro exit economic impact social consequences international views financial stability policy options economic recovery debt crisis European Central Bank Greek banks financial sector economic policy fiscal measures economic reforms international loans rescue packages economic sanctions currency devaluation financial crisis economic depression humanitarian crisis political instability economic sanctions international Greek crisis default austerity Greek banking sector ECB liquidity savings loss credit scarcity Drachma devaluation inflation living costs credit shortage unemployment supply shortage poverty government failure euro exit economic chaos short-term options Open Europe BBC News
test-economy-beghwbh-pro02a	The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, The Hyperloop is comparatively cheap  The Hyperloop would be cheap to build. The pods themselves would only cost $1.35million each, the pressurised tube just $650million (or double if wanting vehicles), with only two stations their cost would only be $250million. The biggest cost would be the construction of the pylons carrying the tube which is estimated at $2.55 or $3.15billion. There is an estimated total cost of $4.06billion for the passenger only version or $5.31billion for the vehicle version. [1] This should be compared to the current cost for California’s high speed rail project which is estimated to be $68billion while covering much the same ground. [2]  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  pp.23, 27, 32, 28, 32  [2] Slosson, Mary, ‘California moves forward on $68 billion high-speed rail project’, Reuters, 18 July 2012, Hyperloop cheap construction costs pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger vehicle version California high speed rail project comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost California high speed rail project comparison budget infrastructure transportation technology innovation Elon Musk SpaceX Alpha Slosson Reuters 2012 2013 Hyperloop cost construction pylons tube stations pods high-speed rail California SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha price budget comparison project expenses infrastructure transportation technology innovation feasibility economics investment public works Hyperloop cost comparison high-speed rail construction costs pylons pressurised tube pods stations California high-speed rail project estimated costs transportation innovation infrastructure investment Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters 2012 2013 Hyperloop cost construction cheap pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger version vehicle version California high speed rail project cost comparison SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cost-effective construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger version vehicle version California high-speed rail project cost SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Mary Slosson Reuters Hyperloop cheap construction cost pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost passenger version vehicle version California high speed rail project comparison Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Reuters Mary Slosson Hyperloop cost-effective construction pods pressurised-tube stations pylons total-cost passenger-version vehicle-version California high-speed-rail project-comparison cost-savings transportation infrastructure Elon-Musk SpaceX investment technological-advancement Hyperloop cost construction pods pressurised tube stations pylons total cost California high speed rail comparison Musk SpaceX Slosson Reuters cost construction Hyperloop high speed rail Elon Musk SpaceX California pylons tubes pods stations budget comparison project expenses infrastructure transportation innovation economics funding development technology travel efficiency savings investment public works engineering feasibility financial analysis project management transit systems governmental spending civic projects future transportation rail systems traffic solutions urban planning sustainability environmental impact economic benefits cost-effectiveness alternative transportation passenger transport vehicle transport high-speed travel transportation costs infrastructure development public transit travel efficiency
test-economy-egppphbcb-con03a	Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 Socialism is a more secure system than the free market in Capitalism  'Credit bubbles' and resultant credit crunches (financial crisis) are inherent in the capitalist system. The economy undergoes a crisis whenever productive economic sectors begin to undergo a slowdown resulting in falls in profits. The recent crisis was caused due to the fact that there was an inflated investment in real estates. It was invested in with the purpose of keeping up profits which lead to a rise in the price of properties. Because of the increased price in property many people took out loans on their house and bought goods for the credit, thinking they could easily pay back their loans since their house would be more valuable at sale. However, since the rise of price was fabricated and not corresponding to an actual need (it was a bubble), house prices had to invariably go down at some point. When the prices eventually went down people could no longer afford to pay back what they had bought on their loaned houses and the installed payments were the trigger of the financial crisis. It could perhaps be said that the economy was surviving on money which did not exist (thereof the name 'credit bubble'). The result was that there were countless goods which no one could buy because no one could afford to pay for them, in turn this lead to a stagnation in the economy and hence to a crisis. A socialist system would not produce overconsumption since its aim is not profit but human needs, it would not have a reason to fabricate an investment for the sake of keeping up the profits and would therefore not cause a capitalist crisis1.  1 Roberts, M. (2008). The credit crunch - one year on. In Defence of Marxism. Retrieved June 7, 2011 socialism capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit decline real estate investment house price inflation credit loans financial instability overconsumption human needs Marxist theory economic crisis credit crunch housing bubble economic stagnation profit-driven economy non-profit social system socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate investment inflated property prices credit loans housing market economic stagnation overconsumption human needs profit-driven economy marxism credit crunch economic sectors investment bubbles financial instability economic crisis non-existent money socialist economy capitalist system economic theory financial markets economic growth housing bubble credit system marxist analysis economic security market failures financial system economic policy housing crisis economic bubbles financial bubbles economic theory economic models economic justice credit bubbles financial crisis capitalist system socialist system overconsumption economic crisis profit-driven economy real estate bubble economic slowdown stagnation human needs market economy investment loans property prices credit crunch marxist economics economic sectors productivity profits marxist theory capitalism socialism economic theory financial markets economic bubbles economic policy housing market credit system financial instability economic growth economic models economic security financial regulation economic planning economic ideology economic cycles economic reform economic development economic stability economic alternatives economic justice economic socialism security free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis slowdown profits real estate investment overconsumption property prices loans credit bubble inflation deflation stagnation human needs profit motive Marxist theory credit crunch economic sectors inflated investment affordable housing economic theorists Michael Roberts capitalism critique socialist economy financial instability housing market economic theory crisis causation economic models market failures socialist principles financial bubbles economic growth market dynamics economic bubbles financial market economic planning economic security financial innovation socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate inflated investment property prices loans credit financial instability overconsumption human needs Marxist theory economic theory financial markets economic systems investment bubbles economic crises profit-driven economy Marxist economics economic security financial sector economic bubbles economic policy credit crunch economic stagnation housing market financial system economic models financial bubbles economic growth economic inequality financial regulation economic justice profit motives social needs economic stability economic cycles economic planning economic outcomes socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic slowdown profit falls real estate investment inflated property prices credit loans housing market bubble economy non-existent money overconsumption human needs marxism economic stagnation crisis trigger investment for profit Socialism Capitalism free market credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis profit slowdown real estate investment inflated property prices loans credit economic stagnation overconsumption human needs Marxist economics Michael Roberts credit crunch financial instability economic theory capitalism critique socialist economy profit-driven economy market bubbles financial sectors economic downturn housing market property market economic slowdown financial collapse economic security economic systems housing bubble financial sector economic instability market fluctuations credit system economic policy financial regulation economic models economic analysis financial markets economic performance Socialism free market Capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic sectors slowdown profits real estate investment property prices loans credit house value bubble economy overconsumption human needs profit motive capitalist crisis In Defence of Marxism credit crunch Michael Roberts Socialism Capitalism Free Market Credit Bubbles Financial Crisis Economic Slowdown Profit Falls Real Estate Inflation Property Prices Housing Loans Credit System Economic Stagnation Marxist Theory Human Needs Overconsumption Investment Practices Profit-Driven Economy Crisis Triggers Economic Theories Financial Stability System Comparisons Market Speculation Economic Crises Policy Solutions Socialistic Economy Capitalist System Financial Markets Economic Growth Investment Bubbles Economic Policy Financial Regulation Capitalist Contradictions Socialist Alternatives Economic Models Financial Health Stability Mechan Socialism free market capitalism credit bubbles financial crisis economic crisis property investment real estate bubble profit slowdown loan defaults credit crunch overconsumption human needs Marxist economics economic stagnation financial instability investment bubbles economic policy market fluctuations credit expansion housing market economic theory financial systems economic models profit-driven economy socialist economy market economy economic cycles financial regulation economic security capitalist system economic growth financial markets economic downturn credit market investment strategies economic bubbles housing crisis financial bubbles crisis management economic planning economic development
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con02a	The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, The Founder of Neo-functionalism abandoned his own Theory (Haas).  The Founder of Neo-functionalist theory Ernst B. Haas later abandoned his own theory; According to Tranholm-Mikkelsen (1991)- “By the mid-1970 s, Ernst Haas had effectively abandoned the neo-functionalist theory by assimilating it within general interdependence theories of international relations”. [1] The theory proved a success in the economic realm but a fiasco in high politics; “…at the time of the ‘empty chair’ crisis [see next point] neo-functionalism was considered too incapable of describing the process of integration in general because of its extreme Eurocentric nature. Rosamond states that it is emerged from the process of complex web of actors pursuing their interests within a pluralist political environment.” [2] Neo-functionalism remained a partial theory, good at explaining particular parts of integration but required supplanting by other theories to keep it relevant.  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22,   [2] ‘European Political Theories: Neo – functionalism’, May 2011, Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandonment Theory Tranholm-Mikkelsen 1970s Interdependence theories International relations Economic realm High politics Empty chair crisis Eurocentric Rosamond Pluralist political environment Partial theory Integration Supplementation Other theories Relevance Dynamism EC European Political Theories May 2011 Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Interdependence Theories Economic Realm High Politics Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Nature Complex Web of Actors Pluralist Political Environment Partial Theory Integration Process Supplemented Theories Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen New Dynamism European Integration International Relations European Political Theories Neo-functionalism Reappraisal European integration interdependence theories international relations Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas political theories regionalism supranationalism theoretical development theoretical evolution Tranholm-Mikkelsen high politics economic integration political integration pluralist political systems actor-oriented approaches complex interdependence European Community institutionalism supplanting theories partial theories Eurocentric crisis in integration empty chair crisis Rosamond reappraisal new dynamism EC EU studies political science theoretical frameworks policy studies governance regional governance theoretical relevance Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas theory abandonment interdependence theories international relations economic success high politics failure empty chair crisis Eurocentric Rosamond partial theory integration process pluralist political environment supplanting theories reappraisal EC dynamism European political theories Neo-functionalism Ernst B. Haas theory abandonment interdependence theories international relations economic integration high politics Eurocentric complex web of actors pluralist political environment supplanting theories European integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen Rosamond empty chair crisis Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism abandonment interdependence theories economic realm high politics integration Eurocentric pluralist political environment partial theory supplanting complex web of actors interests theoretical relevance European integration political theories Neo-functionalism reappraisal EC dynamism Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Political Theories May 2011 Millennium Journal empty chair crisis Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory Interdependence Theories Economic Success High Politics Failure Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Partial Theory Integration Process Complex Web of Actors Pluralist Political Environment Supplemented Theories Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen New Dynamism of the EC European Political Theories Neo-functionalism Reappraisal Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned theory Interdependence theories International relations Economic success High politics failure Empty chair crisis Eurocentric Integration process Pluralist political environment Partial theory Supplementary theories Reappraisal EC dynamism European political theories Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned theory Interdependence theories Economic success High politics failure Eurocentric Complex web of actors Partial theory Supplemented by other theories Tranholm-Mikkelsen European integration Reappraisal New dynamism EC Rosamond Pluralist political environment Integration process Neo-functionalist theory Mid-1970s Empty chair crisis Ernst B. Haas Neo-functionalism Abandoned Theory General Interdependence Theories Economic Success High Politics Fiasco Empty Chair Crisis Eurocentric Nature Partial Theory Supplemented Theories Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Integration Neo-functionalism Reappraisal Complex Web of Actors Pluralist Political Environment
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con03a	Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development has many facets of which pure economic growth is a priority, especially in the context of a developing nation  It is a nation’s own sovereign decision to decide its own standards and pace itself. It is a sovereign right of self-determination of a nation to freely comply or refuse to comply with international standards. It is unfair to back a developing nation up against a wall and force them to ratify higher standards in return for aid.  It is notable that the countries that have developed fastest have often been those that have ignored the whims of the aid donors. The Asian tigers (Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, Taiwan, later followed by South East Asia and China) did not receive aid, but preserved authority over their developmental policies. Their success story does not involve the international labour standards and goes against many of the policy prescriptions, such as free trade, of international institutions, such as the World Bank and the ILO [1] . This shows that nations that follow their national interest rather than bending to the whims of donors are the ones that ultimately do best economically. These states only implement labour standards when they become beneficial; when it is necessary to build and maintain an educated labour force.  [1] Chang, Ha-Joon, “Infant Industry Promotion in Historical Perspective – A Rope to Hang Oneself or a Ladder to Climb With?”, a paper for the conference “Development Theory at the Threshold of the Twenty-first Century”, 2001, Development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest labour standards educated labour force Ha-Joon Chang Infant Industry Promotion historical perspective policy prescriptions free trade development theory twenty-first century development economic growth developing nations sovereign decisions self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China developmental policies national interest labour standards World Bank ILO Ha-Joon Chang infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory development economic growth developing nations sovereign rights self-determination international standards aid ratification Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan China developmental policies international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective Development Economic Growth Developing Nation Sovereign Decision Self-Determination International Standards Aid Ratification Higher Standards Asian Tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China International Labour Standards World Bank ILO National Interest Donors Economic Success Labour Standards Educated Labour Force Infant Industry Promotion Development Theory economic growth developing nation sovereign decision international standards self-determination aid Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China national interest World Bank ILO labour standards infant industry historical perspective development theory development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest labour standards educated labour force infant industry historical perspective development theory twenty-first century development economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratification Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China developmental policies labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims economic success educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory twenty-first century economic growth sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid ratify higher standards Asian tigers Singapore Hong Kong South Korea Taiwan South East Asia China international labour standards World Bank ILO national interest donor whims labour standards educated labour force infant industry promotion historical perspective development theory twenty-first century economic growth developing nation sovereign decision self-determination international standards aid Asian tigers developmental policies national interest labour standards free trade World Bank ILO Ha-Joon Chang infant industry promotion historical perspective
test-economy-bepiehbesa-pro01a	CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP is costly and unfair to other industries  Currently CAP costs the European Union approx. 40% of its whole budget. However, this money is used to provide subsidies for industry that only employs less than 5 % of workforce and creates less than 2 % of GDP. [1] We can easily assume that nearly half of EU’s budget can be used more effectively and can, instead, be used to support other, more potential industries which can boost the currently sluggish economic growth. Moreover, the subsidies for European farmers are so high they can contribute up to 90 % of farmers’ pre-tax income. [2] No other industry has such privileges – when European coal and iron industry became uncompetitive and needed to be slimmed down, the European union did not subsidise the industry to such degree even though such action could have saved thousands of jobs.  [1] Charlemagne, ‘Milking the budget’, The Economist, 22 November 2012,   [2] The Economist, ‘Europe’s farm follies’, 8 December 2005, CAP costly unfair industries European Union budget subsidies workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive subsidise jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies CAP costly unfair industries European Union budget subsidies workforce GDP effective economic growth potential industries farmers pre-tax income privileges coal iron uncompetitive subsidies degree jobs CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies CAP European Union budget agricultural subsidies industry support economic growth farmer income coal and iron industry job preservation budget allocation fiscal policy agricultural industry economic competitiveness CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP effectiveness economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture GDP workforce economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron industry unemployment economic policy fiscal efficiency resource allocation public spending economic competition European economy agricultural support industrial subsidies budget reform EU finances economic impact budget distribution sectoral support economic priorities fiscal policy economic development economic disparity budget optimization policy critique economic analysis budget allocation industry support economic potential fiscal responsibility economic strategy CAP reform economic growth stimulation budget reallocation economic priorities adjustment public finance management economic CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs fiscal policy economic policy The Economist Charlemagne farm policy EU budget allocation agricultural subsidies industrial subsidies economic efficiency budget priorities fiscal reform economic reform European agriculture European economy public spending policy analysis subsidy impact economic competitiveness job creation budget reallocation economic potential industry support CAP costly unfair European Union budget subsidies industry workforce GDP economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive jobs Charlemagne The Economist farm follies budget allocation industry support economic policy agricultural subsidies industrial subsidies fiscal efficiency EU economy job creation sectoral funding public expenditure economic productivity farm subsidies economic impact budget reallocation industry competitiveness EU financial management agricultural policy economic diversification industrial policy EU spending fiscal priorities economic development subsidies reform EU agriculture economic stagnation CAP European Union budget subsidies agriculture industry GDP workforce economic growth farmers pre-tax income coal iron uncompetitive job preservation funding allocation policy reform economic efficiency subsidy reduction alternative industries economic impact fiscal responsibility public expenditure European farmers EU budget priorities economic potential industrial support financial aid economic disparity resource reallocation agricultural subsidies industrial subsidies economic development job creation budget optimization fiscal policy economic strategy CAP EU budget agricultural subsidies economic growth industry support farmer income coal and iron industry uncompetitive industries job preservation budget efficiency
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro02a	Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. Hate speech  The enforcement of the laws proposed in this article will be fraught, complex and difficult. However, the difficulty of administering a law is never a good argument for refusing to enforce it.  The censorship of the written word ended in England with the Lady Chatterley and Oz obscenity trials, but this liberalisation of publication standards has not prevented the state from prosecuting hate speech when it appears in print. It is clear that, although we have more latitude than ever to say or write what we want (no matter how objectionable), standards and taboos continue to exist. We can take it that these taboos are especially important and valuable to the running of a stable society, as they have persisted despite the legal and cultural changes that have taken place over the last fifty years.  Hate speech is prosecuted and censored because of its power to intrude into the lives of individuals who have not consented to receive it. As pointed out in Jeremy Waldron’s response [1] to Timothy Garton Ash’s piece [2] on hate speech, hateful comments are not dangerous because they insight gullible individuals to abandon their inhibitions and engage in race riots. Hate speech is harmful because it recreates- cheaply and in front of a very large audience- an atmosphere in which vulnerable minorities are put in fear of becoming the targets of violence and prejudice. Additionally, hate speech harms by defaming groups, by propagating lies and half-truths about practices and beliefs, with the objective of socially isolating those groups.  Gangsta rap does all of these things, yet legal responses to the publication of songs containing such lyrics as “Rape a pregnant bitch and tell my friends I had a threesome,” have been timid at best. Even if we maintain our liberal approach to taboo breaking forms of expression, we can still link hip hop to many of the harms that hate speech produces.  Gangsta rap gives the impression that African-American and Latin-American neighbourhoods throughout the USA are violent, lawless places. Even if the pronouncements of rappers such as 50 cent and NWA are overblown or fictitious they enforce social division by vividly discouraging people from entering or interacting with poor minority communities. They damage those communities directly by creating a fear of criminality that serves to limit trust and cohesion among individual community members. Finally, violent hip hop is also defamatory. It propagates an image of minority communities that emphasises violence, poverty and nihilism, whilst loudly proclaiming its authenticity. It is completely irrelevant that these images of minority communities are produced by members of those communities.  It is on this basis, however protracted the process of classification must become, that the content of hip hop songs should be assessed and censored. Liberal democracies are prepared to go to great lengths to adjudicate on speech that could potentially promote racial or religious hatred. The same standards should be applied to hip hop music, because it is capable of producing identical harms.  [1] Waldron, J. “The harm of hate speech”. FreeSpeechDebate, 20 March 2012.  [2] Garton-Ash, T. “Living with difference”. FreeSpeechDebate, 22 January 2012. hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word lady chatterley oz obscenity trials prosecution taboos stable society legal changes cultural changes power intrusion consent race riots violence prejudice defamation social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms african-american latin-american communities social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity classification racial hatred religious hatred liberal democracies adjudication free speech debate jeremy waldron timothy garton ash living with difference hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word England Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials publication standards legal cultural changes taboos stable society prosecution objectionable content individuals consent harmful race riots violence prejudice defaming lies half-truths social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harmful effects African-American Latin-American neighborhoods social division fear criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity classification liberal democracies racial religious hatred identical harms hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word obscenity trials prosecution taboos stable society intrusion non-consent race riots social isolation gangsta rap hip hop legal responses African-American Latin-American violence lawlessness social division criminality trust cohesion defamation minority communities content assessment liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred identical harms hate speech enforcement laws legal challenges censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards state prosecution hate speech print legal taboos societal stability objectionable content hate speech power intrusion individual consent racial riots social isolation gangsta rap hip hop violent lyrics legal response taboo breaking African-American communities Latin-American communities social division community fear criminality trust cohesion defamatory content racial hatred religious hatred speech adjudication hip hop censorship identical harms liberal democracies hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials publication standards legal changes taboo stable society prosecution verbal intrusion non-consent vulnerability violence prejudice defamation social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity classification racial hatred religious hatred liberal democracies adjudication speech promotion Hate speech enforcement laws complexity difficulty censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards prosecution taboos society stability individual rights objectionable content social taboos hate speech prosecution harmful impact intrusion non-consensual exposure race riots social isolation defamatory gangsta rap legal responses hip hop violent lyrics social division community trust minority communities defamation authenticity content assessment censorship liberal democracies speech adjudication racial hatred religious hatred identical harms hate speech enforcement laws complexity censorship written word Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards prosecution print taboos society stability individuals consent intrusion vulnerability violence prejudice defamation lies social isolation gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods violence lawlessness social division minority communities criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity classification liberal democracies racial religious adjudication suppression music identical harms hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word England Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials liberalisation publication standards prosecution print taboos stable society latitude objectionable standards taboos power intrusion consent race riots gullible individuals social isolation propagating lies gangsta rap legal responses hip hop harms African-American Latin-American neighbourhoods social division criminality trust cohesion defamatory authenticity classification liberal democracies adjudication racial hatred religious hatred hate speech enforcement laws complexity censorship written word England Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials publication standards legal cultural changes taboos stable society prosecution harmful intrusion non-consent atmosphere violence prejudice defamatory social isolation gangsta rap hip hop 50 cent NWA social division violence poverty nihilism liberal democracies racial religious hatred adjudication speech harms identical harms hate speech enforcement laws censorship written word England Lady Chatterley Oz obscenity trials legal standards societal taboos stability prosecution harmful speech Jeremy Waldron Timothy Gartner Ash race riots defamatory speech social isolation gangsta rap hip hop violent lyrics legal responses African-American Latin-American communities criminality social division trust cohesion defamation authenticity liberal democracies racial hatred religious hatred content assessment free speech
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook life satisfaction teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change anxiety depression psychological disorders online socialization social networking sites daily use health impact children social media Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socializing behavior change psychological impact anxiety depression social networks health children psychological disorders social media effects negative impact online comparisons peer pressure digital well-being Facebook life satisfaction teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization anxiety depression psychological disorders online socialization social networking sites user behavior life satisfaction decline social media impact mental health children daily use negative effects psychological well-being social comparison peer pressure online presence digital footprint cyberbullying online interactions mental health disorders social media addiction screen time technology impact youth mental health Facebook life satisfaction online socialization detrimental teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialize behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites daily use health effects children study findings The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization negative behavior change anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization detrimental teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health Daily use study findings The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization social networking sites behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization psychological disorders anxiety depression social networking behavior change negative impact health children daily use social media detrimental effects emotional well-being mental health social comparison peer pressure digital well-being technology impact youth mental health Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites behavior change negative impact study participants health children daily use social networks psychological effects The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Laura Donnelly Larry Rose Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization mental health anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking behavior change negative impact daily use health effects children social media Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con03a	Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. Profiling exacerbates terrorism as it reinforces the perception that Muslims and marginalised ethnic groups face prejudice.  The reality is that if a plane can be held up with a box-cutter, a broken glass bottle from duty free or flammable alcohol from the same source could be just as threatening.  However, increased use of air marshals- armed plainclothes police officers who travel secretly on certain flights- means that even these desperate tactics are likely to be ineffectual.  Institutionalising prejudice and assumption will add legitimacy and grativas to terrorist propaganda that seeks to radicalise curious or confused young people.  Not only is profiling ineffectual, it is likely to exacerbate the situation. profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals plainclothes police institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual security measures exacerbation terrorism profiling prejudice Muslims ethnic groups air travel security plane safety box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals armed police institutionalised bias terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual measures exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual profiling exacerbated situation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free flammable alcohol air marshals armed police institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual exacerbate situation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals armed officers institutionalised bias terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual measures exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals plainclothes police flight safety institutionalised bias terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual strategies security measures passenger screening discrimination societal impact counterterrorism terrorism profiling prejudice Muslims ethnic-groups plane-security box-cutter air-marshals institutionalised-prejudice radicalisation ineffectual-policies terrorist-propaganda young-people security-measures marginalised-communities profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter air marshals institutional prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation young people ineffectual security measures exacerbation profiling terrorism prejudice Muslims ethnic groups plane security box-cutter duty free air marshals institutionalised prejudice terrorist propaganda radicalisation ineffectual tactics exacerbation
test-international-aghwrem-con03a	Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. Re-engagement will weaken the reform movement  International and domestic pressure has forced the military junta to set up a nominal civilian government. It is important to make sure that change goes further and becomes meaningful. This will involve bringing into force a fair constitution, curbing human rights violations and bringing its perpetrators to justice, and creating conditions for legitimate democratic elections to take place. By reengaging at this juncture, the signal the ruling elite in Myanmar will get is that this piecemeal, nominal change is sufficient to hold them in good stead in the international political arena for a longer period. It would also be a betrayal of the pro-democracy supporters in Myanmar, who continue to be cast out of the constitutional process and have little actual political influence under the existing system.1  1 Thanegi, Ma, ‘Burma sanctions: The case against’, BBC news, ‘4 March 2002’. re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions Ma Thanegi BBC news March 2002 re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news Thanegi Ma re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence sanctions Burma re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations perpetrators to justice legitimate democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news Ma Thanegi re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta nominal civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news Myanmar military junta civilian government reform movement international pressure domestic pressure human rights violations justice democratic elections re-engagement pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence sanctions BBC Thanegi re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions Ma Thanegi BBC news March 2002 re-engagement reform movement international pressure domestic pressure military junta civilian government meaningful change fair constitution human rights violations justice democratic elections ruling elite Myanmar piecemeal change pro-democracy supporters constitutional process political influence Burma sanctions BBC news
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con02a	There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. There is nothing wrong with individualised standards. It is the question on implementing them better and not raising standards  The chances that these international labour standards are even relevant to these developing nations are low. For example, India need not ratify the two core conventions on protecting trade union rights because these are rights that pertain to workers in formal employment. A majority of India’s workforce is not in formal employment, and hence not covered by any legal provisions. Similarly in many developing economies a large portion of the workforce is engaged in subsistence farming, something that labour standards are never going to apply to as those involved will do whatever they need to in order to get by. Therefore, there needs to be a different standard applied to the situation specific problems. What needs to be recognised is how no to low labour standards in developing countries can be a significant improvement over the only alternative that was previously available; subsistence farming. One size fits all does not work in such a diverse global economy and donors should recognise the benefits of helping development to bring people out of subsistence farming. individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific one size fits all global economy donors development subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation-specific problems no to low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors development benefits individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment workforce legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy development donors recognising benefits individualised standards implementing improvements raising standards international labour standards developing nations India trade union rights formal employment workforce legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement one size fits all diverse global economy development donors bringing people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementation international labour standards developing nations relevance India ratification core conventions trade union rights formal employment workforce legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation-specific problems no to low labour standards improvement alternative one size fits all global economy donors development bringing people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing better raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions developing economies subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming diverse global economy donors development bring people out one size fits all does not work individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors development bring people out of subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific significant improvement diverse global economy donors development subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific diverse global economy donors development subsistence farming individualised standards implementing raising standards international labour standards developing nations India ratify core conventions trade union rights formal employment legal provisions subsistence farming labour standards situation specific problems low labour standards significant improvement subsistence farming one size fits all diverse global economy donors development bring people out
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con01a	In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, In the current environment, moves to make English the official language are specifically targeted at Hispanic immigrants  Historically, efforts to declare English the official language tend to come up when certain elements in the American body politic become threatened. It became an issue in the First World War, when resentment rose against German immigrants, and the present movement, though nominally not signalling anyone out, is clearly aimed at Hispanics.  This can be inferred from the fact that they are by far the largest non-English linguistic group in the country, and on occasion such views have been let slip, as the leader of one of the largest lobbying groups for a National Language did.[1]  Even if such legislation is not aimed specifically at Hispanics, everyone will assume that it is, and many Hispanics will nevertheless believe that they are the intended targets.  The practical result of this will be the alienation of the Hispanic population as many Hispanics see themselves under attack, which will cause many Hispanics to concentrate together, undermining many of the arguments for assimilation the government has made.  Furthermore, to the extent it stigmatizes Spanish speakers as the ‘other’, it may well encourage bullying against Hispanic students, and discrimination against those who can’t speak English, who are a far larger group than those who chose not to speak it.  [1] ‘English Only Movement FAQ File’, Mass. English Plus, official language English Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened First World War German immigrants present movement non-English linguistic group National Language legislation Hispanic population alienation assimilation stigmatizes Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened First World War German immigrants National Language lobbying groups Hispanic population alienation assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened First World War German immigrants legislation Hispanic population alienation assimilation bullying discrimination English Only Movement official language English Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened German immigrants First World War targeted legislation alienation Hispanic population assimilation stigmatizes Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement Mass. English Plus official language Hispanic immigrants English-only movement linguistic diversity assimilation alienation discrimination bullying German immigrants World War I American body politic linguistic groups national language lobbying groups Spanish speakers English Plus language legislation non-English speakers stigma cultural identity English official language Hispanic immigrants American body politic threatened elements historical context First World War German immigrants present movement non-English linguistic group lobbying groups National Language Hispanic population alienation assimilation government arguments stigmatization Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement Mass. English Plus English official language Hispanic immigrants American politics threatened German immigrants First World War national language Hispanic population alienation assimilation Spanish speakers bullying discrimination English Only Movement English official language Hispanic immigrants American politics German immigrants World War I national language linguistic group legislation Hispanic population assimilation government Spanish speakers discrimination English Only Movement FAQ Mass English Plus official language Hispanic immigrants historical context German immigrants World War I linguistic groups English-only legislation assimilation alienation Hispanic population bullying discrimination English Plus linguistic policies social impact political motivation English official language Hispanic immigrants American politics German immigrants First World War linguistic groups Spanish speakers assimilation government policies discrimination bullying English Only Movement Mass. English Plus national language legislative efforts linguistic policies immigrant communities socio-political tensions cultural integration
test-health-hpehwadvoee-pro05a	Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, Greater awareness will increase donations  There is a clear need around the world for more donors of organs. In the UK there are about 4000 transplants a year but there are always more waiting, in November 2012 there were 7593 people waiting so on average each will be waiting for almost two years. [1] In Germany there are over 12,000 waiting but only 2777 donations in 2012. [2] The sacrifice of individual relatives who willingly choose death to save their loved ones therefore brings the need for donations into focus. The media are likely to present heart-breaking stories about loving people who made the ultimate sacrifice. As a consequence, more people will be aware of the issue and wish to fill in donor cards so that they might be able to minimise the number of voluntary donations in the event of their death. Thus there will be more naturally donated organs available and more lives will be saved.  [1] NHS Choices, “Introduction”, 19 October 2012,   [2] Lütticke, Marcus, “Germany lags behind in organ donations”, Deutsche Welle, 4 January 2013, donor awareness organ donation transplant waiting lists UK organ donation Germany organ donation media influence organ donor registration altruism in organ donation voluntary organ donation organ donation statistics organ shortage healthcare advocacy public health campaigns end-of-life decisions donation consent donor card registration legislative impact on donation organ donation education international comparison in donation rates donor family support organ allocation transplant success rates donor awareness campaigns ethical considerations in donation religious perspectives on donation psychological impact of donation social media impact on donation donor recruitment strategies donor network expansion donation process improvement donor recognition organ donation awareness UK Germany transplants waiting list donor cards media coverage voluntary donations saving lives organ donation awareness campaigns transplant waiting lists donor registration media influence altruism healthcare policy public education medical ethics donation rates organ shortage end-of-life decisions legislative support international comparison organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists donation statistics media impact voluntary donations ethical considerations healthcare systems international comparisons organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant statistics waiting lists media influence ethical considerations voluntary donations health policy public education organ donation awareness campaigns transplant waiting lists donor registration media influence altruism ethical considerations healthcare policy global health statistics medical advancements public education volunteering for organ donation life-saving procedures organ donor cards shortage of organs donation rates medical ethics patient outcomes donor family consent organ transplant success rates organ donation awareness increase global need UK transplants waiting lists Germany donations sacrificial choices media influence donor cards voluntary donations naturally donated organs lives saved NHS Choices Deutsche Welle organ donation awareness transplant waiting list NHS Choices Germany donors life-saving media impact voluntary donations donor cards public awareness healthcare medical ethics organ shortage transplantation organ donors medical statistics Germany healthcare NHS statistics organ donation statistics organ transplant process organ donation awareness public health campaigns healthcare policy organ donation rates organ procurement medical necessity donor registration organ donation consent medical advancements transplantation medicine global health issues organ donation system organ distribution healthcare improvement medical practice health education medical research public health organ transplant success medical ethics organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists UK healthcare German healthcare media influence public education altruism healthcare policy medical ethics life-saving treatments donor cards voluntary donations global health issues organ shortage medical statistics health advocacy patient stories organ transplantation medical sacrifice organ donation awareness campaigns donor registration transplant waiting lists media impact public education donation rates healthcare policy ethical considerations family consent
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro03a	Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Should not ignore the will of 1.3billion  A small African country should not ignore one sixth of the world’s population. To recognise a tiny country of 23million over one of 1.3billion is being unjust to a huge portion of humanity. When there is such an imbalance in population it is clear that the democratic path is to recognise the side with the greater population. When all the states that have recognised Taiwan finally transfer recognition to the PRC Taiwan may finally recognise that it would be best off returning to China. By changing its recognition São Tomé and other small countries can do their bit to ensure peace in East Asia. Taiwan PRC China São Tomé population recognition democratic path East Asia peace small countries international relations United Nations sovereignty territorial integrity global politics human rights economic influence cultural impact historical context geopolitical strategy democratic path population imbalance recognition transfer peace in East Asia small African country 1.3 billion population São Tomé Taiwan PRC democratic representation global population small countries international recognition East Asia stability population democracy recognition China Taiwan São Tomé East Asia small countries PRC global balance humanitarian justice state relations international recognition peaceful reunification small African country one sixth world population recognise Taiwan democratic path greater population states recognised Taiwan transfer recognition People's Republic of China São Tomé peace East Asia population imbalance unjust to humanity 1.3billion small African country population imbalance democratic path greater population states recognition Taiwan PRC São Tomé peace East Asia recognition transfer human rights international relations diplomacy global population democratic representation small countries large countries geopolitical influence UN recognition sovereignty territorial integrity Chinese reunification international law global governance humanitarian considerations population size diplomatic relations China Taiwan recognition population democratic path São Tomé East Asia peace PRC imbalance humanity African country small nation global politics international relations diplomacy sovereignty unity China-Taiwan relations global democracy African country population democratic path recognition Taiwan PRC São Tomé peace East Asia small countries imbalance humanity justice international relations diplomacy sovereignty China global politics state recognition democratic principles population size ethical considerations African country 1.3 billion small population democratic path population imbalance Taiwan PRC recognition São Tomé East Asia peace international relations UN recognition China global politics state recognition diplomatic relations humanitarian consideration democratic representation global population small nations large nations international justice peace initiatives political recognition sovereignty territorial integrity Asian politics diplomatic transfer international community global stability regional peace diplomatic alignment international diplomacy global governance international law peaceful resolution diplomatic support international cooperation bilateral relations international norms population weight democratic principles China Taiwan São Tomé population recognition democratic path East Asia PRC justice humanity imbalance peace international relations small countries global politics UN sovereignty diplomacy foreign policy Asia-Pacific nation-states world population population imbalance democratic path small countries recognition transfer peace in East Asia São Tomé Taiwan PRC global demographics international relations population-based diplomacy humanitarian consideration state recognition East Asia stability democratic principles population equity
test-international-epvhwhranet-con01a	Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes in the past have not been put to popular vote.  In the past treaties with more far reaching consequences have been ratified by ruling parliaments without ever going to popular vote. For example the 1986 Act establishing a Single Market and the 1996 Maastricht Treaty. These treaties gave the EU power in economic regulation, immigration and monetary policy and yet were not put to majority voting. It was understood that progress was important and popular voting could halt progress. If these changes were made it is nonsensical that treaties with less significance should use a referendum. Significant changes popular vote past treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote past treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress majority voting less significant treaties referendum parliamentary sovereignty direct democracy EU integration constitutional reform public mandate legislative process treaty ratification democratic legitimacy referendums political accountability historical context European governance popular sovereignty legal reforms civic engagement democratic institutions voter participation political decision-making national referendums democratic practices popular vote ruling parliaments treaties far reaching consequences 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress referendums less significant treaties significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress referendum less significant treaties Significant changes popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote ruling parliaments treaties 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy progress popular voting less significant treaties referendum popular vote treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significant treaties significant changes popular vote past treaties ruling parliaments 1986 Act Single Market 1996 Maastricht Treaty EU power economic regulation immigration monetary policy majority voting progress referendum less significant treaties
test-international-iighbopcc-pro03a	It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, It is too late for half measures  Two degrees Celsius has generally been regarded as that safe level which agreements should be aiming for. This agreement does not go so far with it expected to keep the temperature increase to around 2.7 degrees if everyone sticks to their commitments and makes deeper ones after 2030. [1] Unfortunately however the world will still most likely be heading towards a 3.5 degrees rise if no further cuts are made later. [2] Now is the time to be much more ambitious and part of that means binding cuts to prevent backsliding or those agreeing carrying on as usual.  [1] Nuttall, Nick, ‘Global Response to Climate Change Keeps Door Open to 2 Degree C Temperature Limit’, UNFCCC Press Office, 30 October 2015,   [2] Romm, Joe, ‘Misleading U.N. Report Confuses Media on Paris Climate Talks’, thinkprogress.org, 3 November 2015, climate change global warming Paris agreement temperature targets 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius emission reductions climate commitments UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org climate ambition backsliding binding cuts media confusion U.N. report climate change global warming 2 degrees Celsius temperature targets Paris Agreement emissions reductions international commitments climate policies environmental targets UNFCCC thinkprogress Romm Nuttall ambitious climate goals binding cuts backsliding climate negotiations COP21 greenhouse gas emissions global response media confusion climate science climate change global warming temperature rise 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius Paris Agreement UNFCCC commitments emissions reductions binding cuts ambition climate policy international agreements media reports Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress UN climate talks climate change global warming Paris Agreement temperature targets 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius emissions reductions climate ambition UNFCCC thinkprogress media confusion climate commitments binding cuts backsliding prevention Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate change global warming Paris Agreement 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees 3.5 degrees temperature rise UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress climate agreements emission cuts binding commitments climate ambition backsliding media confusion climate policy too late half measures two degrees Celsius safe level climate agreements temperature increase 2.7 degrees commitments deeper cuts 2030 3.5 degrees further cuts ambitious binding cuts prevent backsliding UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org Paris Climate Talks misleading report media confusion climate change global warming Paris agreement temperature targets 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius emission reductions climate policies international agreements UNFCCC media coverage climate action ambition levels binding commitments backsliding carbon cuts environmental goals climate negotiations COP21 thinkprogress Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate change Paris agreement 2 degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius temperature rise emission cuts climate targets UNFCCC thinkprogress Nick Nuttall Joe Romm climate negotiations ambitious goals backsliding binding commitments media confusion global warming environmental policy international cooperation climate science climate change global warming Paris agreement temperature targets two degrees Celsius 2.7 degrees Celsius 3.5 degrees Celsius carbon emissions binding cuts ambitious goals UNFCCC Nick Nuttall Joe Romm thinkprogress.org media confusion climate talks backsliding commitments post-2030 actions climate change 2 degrees Celsius temperature increase climate agreements Paris Agreement ambitious cuts climate targets UNFCCC thinkprogress global warming carbon emissions environmental policy international climate negotiations climate science climate action
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro04a	Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust Denial  Speech acts lead to physical acts. Thus pornography, hate speech and political polemic are causally linked to rape, hate crimes, and insurrection.  Both scientific creationism and Holocaust denial have serious, and dangerous, hidden agendas. Deniers of the Nanjing Massacre believe that the Japanese did nothing wrong in the Second World War and continue to claim that it was a war of liberation against western colonialism - feeding Japanese militarism today. Holocaust deniers, in claiming that a Jewish conspiracy is responsible for the widespread belief that six million Jews were murdered by the Nazis, are closely allied to anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism. We should not allow such views the legitimacy which being debated gives them. Holocaust denial hate speech causality pornography rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate conspiracy theories Nazi atrocities World War II Jewish genocide Holocaust denial hate speech causality pornography rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech causal link pornography hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Jewish conspiracy Nazi atrocities free speech ethical responsibility historical revisionism Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism debate legitimacy Holocaust denial hate speech causality pornography hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust Nazi genocide free speech ethics historical revisionism Holocaust denial hate speech causality pornography rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism Jewish conspiracy anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech pornography political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism Jewish conspiracy legitimacy debate Holocaust denial hate speech pornography political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism legitimacy debate conspiracy theories World War II Jewish conspiracy Nazis free speech censorship historical revisionism genocide denial misinformation propaganda extremism far-right racial supremacy human rights international law social impact violence prejudice education public discourse moral responsibility ethical considerations legal implications cultural sensitivity victim trauma communal memory historical accuracy critical thinking media literacy freedom Holocaust denial hate speech pornography political polemic causality violence hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism WWII anti-Semitism neo-Nazism free speech legitimacy debate Holocaust denial speech acts physical acts pornography hate speech political polemic rape hate crimes insurrection scientific creationism hidden agendas Nanjing Massacre Japanese militarism anti-Semitism neo-Nazism debate legitimacy
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro03a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation world order fairness non-proliferation military capacity crisis bargaining balance of power defense capabilities state interactions international clout post-World War II historical context nuclear club disarmament equal treatment global justice security council membership nuclear states conventional militaries international forums diplomatic influence nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international relations security studies political science arms control Betts Fearon nuclear balance crisis management state rights international law global governance power nuclear proliferation international relations global power dynamics United Nations Security Council nuclear non-proliferation military capacity state sovereignty international justice crisis bargaining nuclear balance global security power imbalance post-war order nuclear disarmament international forums agenda-setting state interactions military defense non-proliferation treaties world order nuclear rights state defense international equality nuclear club historical anachronism international clout diplomatic leverage strategic stability nuclear deterrence global governance international law state interactions power politics security studies arms control international security global nuclear weapons international agenda power dynamics United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation global fairness non-proliferation agreements military capacity state interactions international clout historical context post-World War II crisis bargaining nuclear balance state rights international equality defensive capabilities global order nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation agreements military capacity international clout world order historical anachronism fairness states' rights defense capabilities equal treatment crisis bargaining nuclear balance international playing field nuclear weapons international agenda United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation global power dynamics military capacity post-World War II order non-proliferation treaties international fairness defensive capabilities crisis bargaining nuclear balance Betts Fearon nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers world order post-World War II non-proliferation agreements military capacity international clout fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance defensive equality global hierarchy state rights nuclear club historical anachronism conventional militaries inferior status equal treatment congress of nations nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation military capacity international clout fairness defense capability crisis bargaining nuclear balance international equality state rights nuclear proliferation power dynamics global security military deterrence diplomatic leverage disarmament international law state sovereignty strategic stability nuclear arms race security dilemma regional security global governance international relations power politics historical context international forums national security military strategy international order nuclear disarmament arms control geopolitical strategy security studies nuclear weapons states agenda-setting power international stage United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II military capacity international clout world order post-World War II era non-proliferation agreements nuclear club fairness conventional militaries self-defense international playing field crisis bargaining model nuclear balance nuclear blackmail Brookings Institution nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II military capacity international clout world order historical anachronism post-war era non-proliferation agreements nuclear club fairness international rights defense capabilities conventional militaries international status crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail global equality international playing field state sovereignty nuclear proliferation nuclear deterrence international power dynamics UN Security Council nuclear non-proliferation global fairness military capability state sovereignty international security nuclear equality crisis bargaining nuclear balance world order post-war settlement defensive capabilities international relations state interactions nuclear club non-proliferation agreements small nations historical context nuclear weapons policy global governance state rights conventional militaries international forums agenda-setting nuclear disarmament power imbalance state status nuclear arms international clout world stage level playing field congress of nations nuclear proliferation state development international
test-economy-bepighbdb-con03a	Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime has a limited impact on development  It can be argued that a good economic policy, such as China’s economic policies, have helped development. But a free market policy can be done with any form of government, and cannot be exclusively attached to a dictatorship or a democracy. Any political system can use it. Although it has been noted that South Korea was an autocracy during economic ‘takeoff’ its economy has also grown significantly since democratization with GNI per capita growing from $3,320 in 1987 to $22,670 in 2012. [1]  Another example is that Spanish economic growth in the 1950-2000 period. The 1960s economic miracle in Spain was not necessarily caused by Franco’s regime – he controlled the country in the 1950s, when the country did not have such economic success. In 1959, Franco opened up the Spanish economy internationally, ending the isolationist economic policies established following the Civil War so making the country free market bringing dividends. As a result Spain also grew economically after the collapse of the Franco government, continuing on following on from EU membership.  [1] The World Bank, ‘GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$)’, data.worldbank.org, Political regime economic development economic policy China free market democracy dictatorship South Korea autocracy democratization GNI per capita Spain Franco economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime economic development China economic policy free market government type democracy dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain Franco economic miracle isolationist policy EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth international openness political regime economic development China economic policies free market government forms dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain economic growth 1950-2000 Franco economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI per capita data political regime economic development China's economic policies free market policy government forms South Korea autocracy economic takeoff South Korea democratization GNI per capita Spanish economic growth Franco regime 1960s economic miracle isolationist economic policies EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 Franco economic miracle isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime development economic policy China free market government form dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period 1960s economic miracle Franco regime isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI data political regime economic development China economic policies free market policy government forms democracy dictatorship South Korea autocracy GNI per capita Spanish economic growth 1960s Spain economic miracle Franco regime isolationist economic policies EU membership World Bank data political regime economic development China economic policy free market government form democracy dictatorship South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period economic miracle Franco 1959 isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI economic growth international economy market openness economic policy political system free market development China South Korea autocracy democracy GNI per capita Spain 1950-2000 period Franco regime isolationist policies European Union economic miracle political regime economic policy China free market dictatorship democracy South Korea autocracy economic takeoff GNI per capita Spain 1960s economic miracle Franco isolationist policies EU membership World Bank GNI data
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con02a	Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. Once the moral absolute is broken, there is no other credible point before the right to use becomes standardised.  It is easy to say that this social move would not lead to healthy thirty year olds walking into emergency rooms and asking to end it all because they had just broken up with their partner or been sacked. However, it’s rather difficult to see why it should not. Proposition says that all this would do is extend the right to commit suicide to those currently incapable of performing the act themselves but that isn’t so. It also extends the surety of success and of a medically painless procedure that is not available to the teenager with a razorblade or the bankrupt with a bottle of pills and another of vodka. For the sake of exactly the equality of approach, it seems only fair to do so. Proposition are attempting to pick the easy bits of the case but, by doing so, they leave contradictions in their case, why shouldn’t the right to die be universal? They know the reason; society would reject the idea out of hand, regardless of its merits. As a result they draw an arbitrary line simply because it is difficult to argue this right as a response to poverty or grief or addiction. They could argue that all of those things “might” get better. Well similarly a cure for cancer “might” be invented. The only consistent argument is either a universal ban or a universal acceptance. Anything else is an argument about where to draw the line; such approaches tend to lead to a gradual, slippery descent away from the original intentions of legislators. Whatever the initial legislation, it would likely be a matter of days before the court cases started. moral absolute right to use standardisation social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide broken up sacked extend right suicide incapability surety of success medically painless equality of approach universal right to die society rejection arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cure for cancer universal ban universal acceptance gradual descent initial legislation court cases moral absolute right to use standardization social movement healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide partner breakup job loss proposition right to commit suicide incapability success surety medically painless procedure equality universal right to die societal rejection arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cure for cancer consistent argument universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope legislation court cases moral absolutes right to use standardization social movement healthy individuals emergency rooms suicide relationship breakups job loss proposition arguments suicide rights incapability medical procedures equality universal rights societal rejection arbitrary lines contradictions poverty grief addiction potential improvements cancer cure consistent arguments universal ban universal acceptance legislative intentions court cases slippery slope moral absolutes right to use standardized practice social movement ethical implications suicide rights medical assistance painless procedure equality in death arbitrary line universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope legislative intentions court cases moral contradictions social acceptance right to die poverty grief addiction cancer cure consistent argument ethical consistency moral absolute right to use social move thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide equality right to die universal society arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cure for cancer legislation court cases slippery slope initial intentions legislators moral absolutes right to use standardization social movements emergency rooms suicide relationship breakups job loss proposition arguments suicide rights incapability medically assisted suicide painless procedures equality universal rights societal rejection arbitrary lines poverty grief addiction cure for cancer consistent arguments universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope legislation court cases moral absolutes right to use social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms end life broken up sacked proposition right to commit suicide incapable surety of success medically painless teenager razorblade bankrupt pills vodka equality of approach universal right to die society rejection arbitrary line poverty grief addiction consistent argument universal ban universal acceptance legislative intentions court cases slippery slope moral absolute right to use standardisation social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms end life broken up sacked right to die suicide medically painless equality arbitrary line society rejection universal ban universal acceptance slippery slope court cases initial legislation moral absolute right to use standardization social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide partnership breakup job loss proposition argument suicide capability medical assistance suicide equality right to die universal right societal rejection arbitrary line poverty grief addiction cure for cancer universal ban universal acceptance legislative intention slippery slope court cases moral absolute right to use social move healthy thirty year olds emergency rooms suicide equality of approach right to die universal right arbitrary line slippery slope court cases initial legislation medically painless procedure teenager razorblade bankrupt vodka pills cancer cure poverty grief addiction legislators contradictions arguments universal ban universal acceptance
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro02a	Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, Cultural appropriation is parallel to stolen intellectual property and should be treated in the same way.  There are high standards of global intellectual property laws such as copyright and patenting for things such as medicines, and creative designs. However, these laws only apply to a few areas so this proposal would effectively widen its remit by taking intellectual property as a template for what might be considered ‘cultural property’. Many minority communities, including the Native American Navajo tribe have had their names, designs, and culture stolen or misused and have not received compensation. This highlights the embedded systematic inequalities where justice may not be brought to those of minority cultures. Reparations, monetary or otherwise, should be paid in these cases as other case studies [1].  The closest this has actually come to happening is with the Native American Navajo community. They had their name printed and used on products such as underwear, dresses and hipflasks at the popular retail store Urban Outfitters [2]. There was outrage in the community and a 'cease and desist' notice was filed in court for the products to be recalled. In addition to this the Navajo tribe called for monetary reparations to compensate for the damage done in the name of their community however, this was not granted. As the Navajo name was copyrighted this case was made much simpler before the law – as we propose cultural property theft should be.  It is important to point out that many other communities which have been exploited previously have not copyrighted their name and so do not have this same opportunity [3]. This is important as with many cases, the outcome may have not resulted in anything further.  The practise of reparations should be used universally as it is disrespectful to misuse the names, symbols and property of other cultures without consent.  In a democracy where everybody is equal before the law, communities and individuals should be able to sue those for not giving recognition, or misusing cultural practises that have historic meaning and importance. Culture is embedded in communities with long standing traditions, theories and practises. This is evident as we do not (yet) have a single global culture, even though one might argue there is one slowly emerging.  [1] Schutte, Shane, ‘6 famous copyright cases’, realbusiness, 11th August 2014,   [2] Siek, Stephanie, ‘Navajo Nation sues Urban Outfitters for alleged trademark infringement’, CNN, 2nd March 2012,   [3] Johnson, Maisha J., ‘What is wrong with cultural appropriation; These 9 Answers Reveal Its Harm’, everydayfeminism, 14th June 2015, cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting cultural property minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture compensation systematic inequalities reparations Urban Outfitters cease and desist monetary reparations trademark infringement democracy recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning global culture trademark Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson everydayfeminism realbusiness CNN cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs cultural property minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products recalled copyrighted opportunity democracy recognition misuse cultural practices historic meaning traditions global culture trademark infringement Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson everydayfeminism realbusiness CNN cultural appropriation intellectual property global laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations Urban Outfitters cease and desist products lawsuit monetary outcome democracy recognition cultural practices traditions global culture cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misuse compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist trademark infringement legal action cultural property theft democracy equal before the law recognition misuse of cultural practices historic meaning importance long-standing traditions global culture emerging culture Cultural appropriation intellectual property copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe stolen culture misused culture compensation systematic inequalities reparations case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist legal notice monetary reparations Navajo name trademark exploitation democracy equal before the law cultural practices historic meaning global culture Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson trademark infringement cultural harm Cultural appropriation intellectual property global IP laws copyright patenting cultural property minority communities Native American Navajo names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations case studies retail Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products underwear dresses hipflasks outrage community monetary damage copyright opportunity democracy recognition misuse traditions theories practices global culture cultural appropriation intellectual property global copyright laws patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo names designs culture stolen misused compensation embedded systematic inequalities reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist products community outrage law cultural property theft democracy recognition cultural practices historic meaning global culture Shane Schutte CNN Maisha J. Johnson trademark infringement everydayfeminism cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe names designs culture stolen misused compensation systematic inequalities justice reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist court products recall copyrighted exploitation democracy equal before the law cultural practices historic meaning importance global culture emerging culture trademark infringement Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson everydayfeminism realbusiness CNN cultural appropriation stolen intellectual property global intellectual property laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo tribe cultural property systematic inequalities reparations monetary compensation Urban Outfitters cease and desist trademark infringement cultural property theft global culture democracy legal recognition cultural practices historic meaning Shane Schutte Stephanie Siek Maisha J. Johnson cultural harm cultural appropriation intellectual property global IP laws copyright patenting medicines creative designs minority communities Native American Navajo names designs culture compensation systematic inequalities reparations monetary case studies Urban Outfitters cease and desist product recall legal action cultural property theft universal reparations democracy legal recognition misuse cultural practices traditions global culture trademark infringement
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con03a	Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. Community radio is just a platform, there is nothing innately democratic about it.  To associate a medium with a particular virtue is missing the point. Radio has been used for atrocity and tyranny (Rwanda would be an obvious example) just as much as the promotion and development of democracy. Equally the suggestion that community radio has a more significant role to play in this regard as opposed to, say, the BBC world Service, is ignoring the facts.  Particular media cannot be said to support democratic renewal any more than particular languages can. Equally, the revolutions of 1989 demonstrated the reality that taking control of the national radio station is, in some situations, more important than seizing the Presidential Palace. Neither the ‘community’ element nor the ‘radio’ aspect are innately democratic.  Different media have, undeniably, produced different types of social change – but they all have possibilities for democratic progress [i] .  [i] Sedra, Mark, Revolution 2.0: democracy promotion in the age of social media. The Globe and Mail. 2 February 2011. community radio democracy media Rwanda BBC World Service democratic renewal languages media control social change Sedra Revolution 2.0 Globe and Mail 2011 community radio democratic platform media virtue radio atrocity Rwandan genocide BBC World Service media democracy language democracy media social change democratic renewal media control Presidential Palace Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media community radio democratic renewal media democracy Rwanda BBC World Service 1989 revolutions national radio station social change democratic progress media and democracy radio and democracy Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 The Globe and Mail community radio democratic virtues Rwanda genocide BBC World Service media and democracy language and democracy 1989 revolutions national radio control media influence social change democratic progress Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media impact community radio democracy platform virtue Rwanda atrocity tyranny BBC World Service democratic renewal languages media social change presidential palace national radio station democratic progress Revolution 2.0 social media community radio democratic virtues radio's role media and democracy BBC World Service media's impact democratic renewal language and democracy media control social change democratic progress Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media Globe and Mail community radio democratic renewal media biases Rwanda BBC World Service 1989 revolutions national radio station social change democratic progress media and democracy Sedra Mark Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media community radio, democratic virtues, media neutrality, Rwanda genocide, BBC World Service, media roles, democratic renewal, social change, media control, presidential palace, Sedra, Revolution 2.0, democracy promotion, social media, media impact, democratic progress, media diversity, information传播, 媒体革命, 民主转型, 社会变革 Note: The last three keywords are in Chinese, which might be unintended. If you want only English keywords, please let me know. community radio democratic renewal media impact radio atrocity Rwanda BBC World Service media control 1989 revolutions social change democratic progress Sedra Revolution 2.0 democracy promotion social media community radio democratic virtues media neutrality radio propaganda BBC World Service democratic renewal media and social change radio station control presidential palace social media and democracy Sedra Mark Globe and Mail
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO moral case for engagement economic development cultural exchange international relations education policy human rights advocacy economic sanctions diplomatic relations global cooperation societal change academic freedom intellectual exchange international trade economic globalization political elites societal impact educational access global education development studies international development China US EU Burma elite education global inequality educational reform social mobility human rights education Western influence global partnerships economic integration trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO development dissemination of values international relations economic benefits educational opportunities global cooperation cultural exchange political impact societal change ethical considerations free trade multinationals government policies death penalty China US EU Burma Robert Sirico CATO Institute education policy human development elite education societal improvement international trade global education rights dissemination academic exchange economic development ethical trade political reform trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities social group Western education human rights development UNESCO education development trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group justice 合理性 CATO Institute UNESCO education development human rights trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation elite universities social group Western education moral case engagement UNESCO education development tyranny sycophants contact dissemination values trade human rights wealth choice standards of living governments multinational corporations academic cooperation gradualist approach existing strengths differing areas death penalty trust cooperation changes China US EU elite universities social group Western education just reasonable UNESCO development education tyrants sycophants drip effect Burma contact dissemination values trade human rights wealth choice standards of living governments multi-nationals West academic cooperation Richard Levin gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education wealthy political elite just reasonable development UNESCO education critical starting point trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO moral case engagement dissemination of values economic cooperation cultural exchange educational opportunities international relations China US EU death penalty Burma elite education educated tyrants sycophants broader access social justice global education human rights development critical starting point trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO moral case engagement dissemination of values contact economic benefits political elite education tyrants sycophants social justice global cooperation China US EU death penalty Burma drip effect international relations ethical trade cultural exchange policy impact academic mobility intellectual exchange societal change long-term impact human development global education international universities access to education societal transformation economic growth human rights improvement trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities education social group development moral case for engagement UNESCO free trade Burma China EU US death penalty incremental change educated elite global education expansion economic engagement value dissemination academic exchange international cooperation societal impact ethical considerations policy impact cultural exchange diplomatic relations economic development educational opportunities human capital global perspective social justice equitable access international education cross-cultural understanding long-term benefits governmental policies multinational corporations academic institutions educational reforms
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Nixon Beijing press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana hospital presidential staff communication lies death jog airport Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication hospital Ghana jog airport media attention reports death Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication Ghana hospital airport media attention Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana leaders' health public interest media scrutiny political transparency health secrecy political rumors presidential health John Atta Mills health misinformation political administration strategies Kissinger's illness Nixon's visit to Beijing Ghana presidential health Mills' hospitalization health concealment public deception political health scandals leadership transparency issues health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US airport jog media death reports Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana leader's health public interest media attention political leaders health secrecy government transparency John Atta Mills presidential health political rumors health misinformation media manipulation Nixon's visit Kissinger's illness Ghana politics presidential staff health concealment public deception hospitalization political transparency social advocacy leader health state leader media interest administration strategy Kissinger illness Nixon visit John Atta Mills health secrecy presidential staff communication lies health rumors hospital stay Ghana airport health demonstration Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy leader health public interest media attention administration strategy political secrecy rumor control John Atta Mills presidential health Ghana politics health concealment public deception political transparency health reports John Kissinger Nixon's visit Beijing US hospital Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Beijing Nixon rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital US airport media health issues politics transparency public figures secrecy misinformation public health leadership governance health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana hospital presidential staff communication jog airport Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con05a	Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, Loss of Privacy  It is wrong to state that we only have anything to ‘fear’ if we have done something wrong; a great many people want to keep things private where what they have done is morally perfectly right and justifiable. It is perfectly justified for a married couple to want to keep a video of them having sex private – even if it is sent from one partner to the other by email, or for someone to keep his/her sexual orientation secret even if they have told someone about it. [1] If we want such information to be kept private does the state have any business picking that information up from our emails? It may not go any further than the intelligence agency, it is possible no one there will look at it but it is still an invasion of privacy.  [1] Phillipson, Gavin, ‘Q&A: The right to privacy’, BBC Religion, 14 June 2013, privacy invasion personal information security moral rights sexual orientation marital privacy intimate videos intelligence agencies surveillance digital privacy confidentiality ethical considerations personal freedom privacy laws government surveillance email privacy data protection individual rights civil liberties Loss of Privacy Fear and Privacy Justifiable Privacy Married Couple Privacy Sexual Orientation Secrecy State Surveillance Email Privacy Intelligence Agency Surveillance Invasion of Privacy Right to Privacy Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion privacy personal information surveillance government intrusion sexual orientation marital privacy consent digital communication intelligence agency data protection right to privacy confidentiality digital rights Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion moral justification ethical considerations privacy invasion individual rights security versus privacy loss of privacy fear of invasion moral justification personal privacy marital privacy sexual orientation secrecy state surveillance email privacy intelligence agency oversight invasion of privacy Phillipson Gavin Q&A right to privacy BBC Religion privacy personal information marital confidentiality sexual orientation email security government surveillance intelligence agency invasion of privacy moral justification personal rights BBC Religion Phillipson Gavin Loss of privacy fear and wrongdoing moral right justifiable privacy married couple private videos sexual orientation state surveillance email privacy intelligence agency invasion of privacy Phillipson Gavin Q&A right to privacy BBC Religion 2013 privacy invasion personal information confidentiality sexual content sexual orientation moral justification state intervention intelligence agencies email surveillance personal rights BBC Religion Gavin Phillipson Loss of Privacy Moral Right Justifiable Privacy Marital Privacy Sexual Orientation Email Privacy Intelligence Agency Privacy Invasion State Surveillance Personal Information Confidentiality Digital Privacy Human Rights Personal Freedom Privacy Rights Data Protection Surveillance Concerns Individual Rights Legal Privacy Ethical Privacy privacy surveillance personal information intimacy sexual orientation moral rights government intrusion intelligence agencies digital communication email privacy legal protection individual freedom societal norms ethical considerations privacy invasion Phillipson BBC Religion right to privacy Q&A 2013 privacy personal information intimacy sexual orientation confidentiality government surveillance intelligence agencies email privacy moral justification personal rights privacy invasion digital privacy personal data privacy ethics Phillipson Gavin BBC Religion right to privacy
test-education-egtuscpih-con05a	Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. Traditional universities are a rite of passage to independent life  For many students leaving for a university is a passage to an independent life, as they often move out out of their parents’ home and even their countries. This means they have to start learning or practically using lots of skills of independent adults, such as financial management, cooking, being crime-aware, networking, and solving communication problems on their own. With online courses students do not leave homes, and essentially do not start using these skills. This takes away an important practice in being an independent adult before the real life, which might leave students less equipped for the real life. traditional universities rite of passage independent life leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses real life preparation student development independence skills adult responsibilities traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving university move out parents' home countries learning skills independent adults financial management cooking crime-aware networking communication problems online courses not leaving homes practice independence equipped for real life traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving home financial management cooking skills crime awareness networking communication problems online courses independent adult skills real life preparation traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving home moving out financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses staying home real-life preparation self-sufficiency adult skills remote learning college experience personal growth practical life skills readiness for adulthood traditional universities rite of passage independent life leaving home parents countries financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems online courses home-based learning real life preparation practical skills adult life transition student development life skills acquisition remote education impact traditional universities rite of passage independent life students leaving university move out parents' home countries learning skills independent adults financial management cooking crime-aware networking communication problems online courses not leaving homes real life less equipped traditional universities rite of passage independent life leaving home students parents' home countries adult skills financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication problems online courses homebound learning real life preparation life skills independence practice adult readiness rite of passage independent life traditional universities leaving home financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses real-life preparation adult responsibilities remote learning student development life skills practical experience transition to adulthood residential learning campus life self-sufficiency traditional universities rite of passage independent life moving out parents' home different countries financial management cooking crime awareness networking communication skills online courses staying home real life preparation adult skills practical experience educational transition life skills development student independence remote learning university rite of passage independent life students leaving home countries skills financial management cooking crime-aware networking communication problems online courses homes practice real life equipped
test-economy-thsptr-con04a	Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: Progressive systems are invariably highly complex and inefficient in implementation, breeding the knock-on inefficiencies of evasion and avoidance  The modern progressive tax system has created whole industries of firms and specialists geared toward helping people file their taxes and to ensure the system runs smoothly. It has also bred armies of officials who oversee and audit tax issues, costing the United States for example more than $11 billion a year to operate its tax collection and verification systems. [1] People are forced under the progressive system to waste hours filling out returns, to hoard and sift through receipts to be accurate and to maximize their rebates. There is thus a huge efficiency loss in terms of people’s time as they are forced to dedicate effort and resources to the often arduous task of filing taxes in an ever more complicated system, arising from a progressive regime. The extreme complexity of the system has generated further negative incentives, encouraging the wealthy to seek ways around the system, to exploit loopholes in the bloated system for their personal benefit. [2] The very wealthy can thus evade obligations through the manipulation of complex tax codes and loopholes, and can sometimes even lead less scrupulous people to pay less than less wealthy people. Flat and regressive consumption taxes, on the other hand, offer an easier mechanism of taxation that is easier to understand, less time consuming to deal with, and harder to manipulate.  [1] White, James. “Internal Revenue Service: Assessment of the 2008 Budget Request and an Update of 2007 Performance”. United States Government Accountability Office. Available:   [2] Wolk, Martin. “Why the Tax System Keeps Getting More Complex”. MSNBC. 2006. Available: progressive tax tax complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax industry tax officials tax collection verification systems tax returns receipts tax rebates time loss negative incentives wealth manipulation tax loopholes flat tax regressive consumption tax tax simplification tax understanding tax manipulation progressive systems complex inefficient implementation evasion avoidance modern progressive tax industries tax specialists tax filing system operation tax collection verification cost time waste receipts accuracy rebates efficiency loss negative incentives wealthy tax codes loopholes personal benefit tax evasion manipulation less wealthy flat tax regressive tax consumption tax easier understand time-consuming manipulation resistant Progressive tax system inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing tax professionals tax audit tax collection tax verification tax complexity time waste tax loopholes wealth manipulation tax obligation regressive consumption tax flat tax tax simplicity tax manipulation tax rebate tax receipt tax industry tax cost government accountability tax performance budget request media analysis tax system complexity tax incentive personal benefit public finance tax compliance tax administration tax expenditure economic efficiency fiscal policy tax equity tax administration cost tax audit system tax advisory services tax planning Progressive tax system inefficiencies tax evasion tax avoidance tax specialists tax filing tax audits IRS tax collection time loss tax complexity tax loopholes wealth manipulation flat tax consumption tax tax simplicity tax manipulation tax rebate tax accuracy tax administration costs Progressive tax systems complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax filing specialist firms tax audits tax collection costs time wastage receipt management tax rebates wealthy exploitation tax loopholes unfair taxation flat taxes regressive consumption taxes tax simplification tax manipulation progressive systems complex inefficient evasion avoidance modern progressive tax system tax filing industries tax professionals tax audit officials tax collection costs time wasted tax returns receipt management rebate maximization efficiency loss negative incentives wealth exploitation tax code manipulation flat taxes regressive consumption taxes simpler taxation less time-consuming harder to manipulate Progressive systems complexity inefficiency evasion avoidance tax industry specialists audit officials cost time waste receipts rebates efficiency loss negative incentives wealth exploitation loopholes flat taxes regressive consumption taxes simplicity time consumption manipulation tax codes personal benefit less wealthy IRS budget performance government accountability Wolk MSNBC 2006 White United States 2008 progressive tax system inefficiencies evasion avoidance tax filing tax specialists tax audit tax collection verification systems complexity time waste tax rebates wealthy manipulation tax loopholes flat tax regressive consumption tax easier taxation less time-consuming harder to manipulate progressive tax systems inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax industry tax specialists tax audit tax collection costs tax filing complexity time wastage tax loopholes wealth manipulation flat tax regressive tax consumption tax simpler taxation tax code manipulation tax rebate tax receipts tax verification government accountability tax budget IRS tax performance tax simplification tax incentives tax obligations tax manipulation tax arrears tax compliance tax regulation tax administration tax policy tax reform Progressive tax systems complexity inefficiency tax evasion tax avoidance tax industry tax specialists tax officials tax collection verification systems tax returns receipts efficiency loss personal time negative incentives wealthy exploitation tax loopholes tax manipulation less scrupulous flat tax regressive consumption tax easier taxation manipulation difficulty
test-international-ehbfe-pro03a	A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. A federal Europe will be a stronger international actor  A federal Europe will be better equipped to promote the interests of its citizens in the world, carrying more influence in the UN, WTO, IMF and other intergovernmental and treaty organisations than its individual states do now. Furthermore, Europe has a lot to contribute to the world in terms of its liberal traditions and political culture, providing both a partner and a necessary balance to the USA in global affairs.  Once unified, Europe will become an (even more) important negotiating and trading partner – one of the biggest economies in the world. It will have a population of 450 million – more than the United States and Russia combined. It will be the world’s biggest trader and generate one quarter of global wealth. It presently gives more aid to poor countries than any other donor. Its currency, the euro, comes second only to the US dollar in international financial markets. France, Germany, Poland - these countries can hardly ever negotiate something with giants such as the US or China. Europe as one country stands a better chance of putting its message across effectively. federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture USA balance global affairs unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner economy size global wealth population size aid to poor countries euro currency financial markets negotiation power US China France Germany Poland federal Europe stronger international actor promote interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe important negotiating partner trading partner biggest economies population 450 million world’s biggest trader global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets negotiate with giants US China Europe as one country effective messaging federal Europe stronger international actor citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner world economy population size global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets France Germany Poland US China global messaging international negotiation European unification economic power political influence global affairs European integration international relations European Union global economy international trade international aid European diplomacy European currency European power federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizen interests world influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe important trading partner biggest economies global wealth aid donor population size financial markets euro US dollar negotiation power European countries global message international affairs European Union benefits European unity advantages federal Europe international actor citizens' interests UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner world economy population size global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets France Germany Poland US China effective negotiation global influence federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests increased influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organisations treaty organisations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe important negotiating partner trading partner biggest economies world population global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets EU member states negotiations global affairs Europe as one country effective messaging international relations economic power political unity global presence trade relations financial influence diplomatic strength European integration international cooperation global economic impact European values international influence federal Europe stronger international actor promote interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe important negotiating partner major trading partner biggest economy world population global wealth aid to poor countries largest donor euro currency international financial markets Europe negotiation US China France Germany Poland federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizen interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations treaty organizations liberal traditions political culture global affairs USA balance unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner biggest economy global wealth population aid donor euro currency international financial markets US dollar negotiation with giants US China effective messaging federal Europe international actor citizens interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner global economy population size world’s biggest trader global wealth aid to poor countries euro currency international financial markets France Germany Poland US China effective negotiation federal Europe stronger international actor promote citizens' interests global influence UN WTO IMF intergovernmental organizations liberal traditions political culture global partner balance to USA unified Europe negotiating partner trading partner largest economy population size global wealth aid to poor countries euro international financial markets France Germany Poland negotiation with US China effective messaging
test-education-xeegshwfeu-pro02a	Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. Improving the quality of state managed education  State schools will, like the private schools, have to offer a high quality service in order that parents do not take their children elsewhere. This incentivises in particular high level management, who, if the school fails, will be out of a job with a blot on their record. education quality state schools private schools high quality service parental choice school management managerial accountability educational standards school performance career impact state managed education high quality service private schools parent choice school competition educational management school accountability job security educational standards public school improvement education quality state schools private schools high quality service parent choice school management accountability job security performance metrics educational standards school improvement teacher training curriculum development student outcomes community involvement funding models policy reform educational leadership school governance parental satisfaction state managed education high quality service private schools parents choice children education school management job security performance based management educational standards public school improvement teacher accountability academic achievement student success educational reform school competition public education quality management accountability school leadership educational excellence state managed education private schools high quality service parents children high level management school failure job security performance record educational standards public school improvement competitive education sector teacher accountability school leadership educational reform parent choice student retention academic excellence management incentives state managed education high quality service private schools parent choice school management educational standards job security management accountability school performance educational reform state managed education private schools high quality service parents children high level management school failure job security education quality improvement school competition educational standards public education school administration academic performance teacher effectiveness school funding educational policy student outcomes educational reform education quality state schools private schools high quality service parental choice school management management accountability school performance education incentives public education improvement state schools private schools education quality high quality service parent choice school management job security educational reform school competition public education teacher accountability student performance educational standards school leadership educational policy state managed education high quality service private schools parent choice school management accountability educational outcomes public education reform competitive education market school leadership educational standards student retention teacher performance educational policy school improvement strategies
test-politics-cpecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece default Eurozone public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing taxpayers public sector reform austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone crisis currency exit Greece default Eurozone crisis public sector corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery underlying issues borrowing taxpayers inefficiencies structures reform austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency The Guardian 2012 Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform crisis management euro currency financial supervision economic supervision Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency Greece leaving Eurozone Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission borrowing taxpayers structural reform crisis management currency exit long-term solutions temporary relief economic supervision funding support fiscal responsibility debt restructuring economic policy financial stability sovereign debt economic governance institutional reform economic resilience financial crisis economic adjustment social impact economic growth macroeconomic policy euro crisis debt sustainability fiscal consolidation economic reform international financial institutions economic analysis economic strategy financial discipline economic Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Eurozone crisis currency exit financial supervision economic reform borrowing access taxpayer burden structural reform long-term solutions short-term pain economic stability fiscal discipline institutional reform governance improvement crisis management international financial institutions economic policy financial stability economic adjustment fiscal consolidation economic governance sovereign debt financial markets economic sanctions economic reforms financial aid economic oversight policy coordination Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision job cuts borrowing reform Eurozone crisis single currency Barrell Ray Greece Eurozone default economic crisis inefficiencies public sector corruption tax evasion exports recovery underlying problems austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision euro currency Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency The Guardian 2012 Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform supervision fiscal discipline economic governance political stability debt sustainability Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission job cuts supervision funding currency leave Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision long-term solutions borrowing taxpayers structural reforms job cuts currency devaluation international financial support Eurozone membership fiscal discipline economic governance political stability
test-economy-epehwmrbals-con04a	"There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. There is uneven implementation of labour standards even in western countries  Western countries often do embrace high levels of labour standards or do not follow their labour regulations. Germany for example has no minimum wage [1] while the USA has no legal or contractual requirement to provide minimum amounts of leave. [2] Moreover it is the demand for the cheapest possible products that drives down labour standards worldwide. If western nations truly want to change labour standards then the way to do it is with the consumer’s wallet not the aid chequebook. British clothing retailers such as Primark are often shown to be buying their products from sweatshops that use illegal workers, and exploit their labour [3] . If there is to be real lasting change in labour standards western firms need to be the ones pushing high labour standards and consumers would need to not automatically go for the cheapest product available.  [1] Schuseil, Philine, ‘A review on Germany’s minimum wage debate’, bruegel, 7 March 2013,   [2] Stephenson, Wesley, ‘Who works the longest hours?’, BBC News, 23 May 2012,   [3] Dhariwal, Navdip. ""Primark Linked to UK Sweatshops."" BBC News. BBC, 01 Dec. 2009. Web. labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer behavior product pricing sweatshops Primark British retailers illegal workers labour exploitation economic pressure consumer demand corporate responsibility aid effectiveness international labour regulations worker rights global economics manufacturing practices labour standards western countries implementation high levels regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheapest products global labour standards consumer influence aid British retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards cheapest product uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA legal requirement contractual requirement leave demand cheapest products labour standards worldwide consumer’s wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards consumers cheapest product uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand product prices labour standards global impact change initiatives consumer choices British retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation lasting change western firms labour standards advocacy consumer awareness price prioritization labour standards western countries uneven implementation high levels regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheap products labour standards worldwide consumer influence aid British retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms pushing standards product prices uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels labour regulations Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements demand cheapest products consumer's wallet aid chequebook British clothing retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation lasting change western firms pushing high standards consumers cheapest product labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheapest products labour standards change consumer influence aid effectiveness British retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers labour exploitation lasting change western firms high labour standards labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand cheap products labour regulations sweatshops Primark UK worker exploitation economic pressure consumer responsibility corporate ethics retail practices international labour laws wage policies working conditions uneven implementation labour standards western countries high levels no minimum wage legal requirement leave provisions demand cheapest products labour standards worldwide consumer influence aid effectiveness British retailers Primark sweatshops illegal workers exploitation lasting change western firms pushing standards consumer choice cheapest product labour standards western countries Germany minimum wage USA leave requirements consumer demand product pricing sweatshops Primark UK illegal workers labour exploitation retail industry consumer responsibility change in labour standards corporate responsibility aid effectiveness economic drivers regulatory compliance"
test-economy-egppphbcb-con02a	Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation Socialism provides a more sustainable way of living  Capitalism always acts on the cost of nature and its ecological balance. With its imperative to constantly expand profitability, it exposes ecosystems to destabilizing pollutants, fragments habitats that have evolved over time to allow the flourishing of organisms, squanders resources, and reduces nature to the exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital. Socialism requires self-determination, community, and a meaningful existence. Capital reduces the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power while discarding much of the remainder as useless. The present capitalist system cannot regulate, much less overcome, the crises it has set going. It cannot solve the ecological crisis (e.g. global warming) because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation sustainable living ecological balance profitability ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource squandering capital accumulation self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance capitalist expansion profitability ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource wastage capital accumulation self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming capitalism socialism environmental impact economic growth social equity ecological sustainability capitalist exploitation socialist principles environmental regulation crisis management accumulation limits ecological solutions sustainable living ecological balance profitability ecosystems pollutants habitat fragmentation resource squandering exchangeability self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource wastage nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor power exploitation ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainability ecological balance capitalist expansion profitability environmental pollutants habitat fragmentation resource depletion capitalist accumulation self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource wastage nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource wastage nature commodification self-determination community meaningful existence labor power exploitation ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits Socialism sustainability ecological balance capitalism profitability ecosystem destruction habitat fragmentation resource wastage self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming accumulation limits sustainable living ecological balance profitability expansion ecosystem destabilization habitat fragmentation resource squandering accumulation of capital self-determination community meaningful existence labor power ecological crisis global warming limits on accumulation capitalism's ecological impact socialism's sustainability economic growth and environment capitalist accumulation ecological sustainability social and economic systems environmental degradation capitalist exploitation socialist alternatives ecological socialism capitalist crisis ecological regulation systemic change environmental justice sustainable development green economy ecological footprint capitalist profitability natural resource management social equity economic paradigms sustainable practices environmental policy capitalist expansion sustainable living capitalism ecological balance profitability ecosystems pollutants habitats organisms resources exchangeability accumulation socialism self-determination community meaningful existence labor power global warming ecological crisis accumulation limits
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-con01a	Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel has the right to claim minimal territory to ensure security  Israel has been the victim of multiple major illegal wars of aggression on the part of the Arab world, most notably in 1948 and 1967. These wars invalidate any special claim made by Arabs and Palestinians to pre-1967 territory, and justify Israel in keeping as much territory as is necessary to secure itself against these hostile states. Israel could have gone much further and taken more territory than it did in 1967 (as it was easily winning the war), but instead it restricted itself to only taking the territory that was necessary for it to create security buffer. [1] When peace deals have allowed Israel to improve its security through giving up land historically, it has done so, for example when it returned the Sinai peninsula to Egypt in 1982 in exchange for a peace treaty with Egypt, or when Israel returned the small swath of Jordanian territory it held when King Hussain of Jordan wanted to make peace. To date, Israel has withdrawn from approximately 93 percent of the territories it captured. In return for peace with Syria and an end to Palestinian terror, it is prepared to withdraw from most of the remaining 7% in dispute, although not all. Israel remains committed to trading land for peace, and never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip because it expected to return part of these territories in negotiations. When the Palestinians finally declared that they would recognize Israel and renounce terrorism, Israel agreed to begin to withdraw. Since 1993, Israel has turned over approximately 80% of the Gaza Strip and more than 40% of the West Bank to the Palestinian Authority. Thus, Israel's objection is not so much against returning any of the land captured in 1967, but against returning absolutely all of it and going back completely to the 1967 borders, as this would mean giving up territories vital for Israel's security. The minimal slivers of territory that Israel it seeks to maintain through a peace settlement (after returning 90% of the pre-1967 territory), is very important to its national security as it offers a buffer against future Arab wars of aggression. This why Ehud Olmert stressed that only most of the occupied territory could be returned. He still argued that some had to be kept for security reasons: “We can never totally return to the indefensible pre-1967 borders, ... We simply cannot afford to make Israel [9 miles] wide again at its center. We can't allow the Palestinians to be a couple [miles] from [Tel Aviv's] Ben Gurion Airport in the age of shoulder-fire missiles with the capacity to shoot down jumbo jets.” [2] Moreover, Israel is in an anomalous situation: It is an embattled democracy that historically has had to defend itself repeatedly against the armies of neighbouring Arab states whose declared goal was nothing less than Israel's eradication. The Israel Defense Forces could not afford to miscalculate. While other nations, like France or Kuwait, have been overrun, occupied, and nonetheless have survived to reconstitute themselves, Israel, in contrast, cannot depend on obtaining a second chance. Miscalculation on its part could have had devastating consequences and, thus, its situation is unique. [3] For this critical purpose of national survival, therefore, the annexed land serves a legally legitimate purpose, especially considering that the Arab wars of aggression were what caused the annexation of the land in the first place. In such circumstances, a nation that won a defensive war has a right to set terms to ensure against future wars of aggression.  [1] Johnson, Paul. “A History of the Jews”. Weidenfeld and Nicolson. 1987.  [2] Thinkexist.com. “Ehud Olmert Quotes”. Thinkexist.com   [3] Amidror, Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov. “Israel's Requirement for Defensible Borders”. Defensible Borders for a Lasting Peace. 2005. Israel right minimal territory security Arab world wars of aggression 1948 1967 special claim pre-1967 territory Sinai peninsula Egypt peace treaty Jordan land for peace West Bank Gaza Strip negotiations Palestinian Authority 1993 1967 borders national security Ehud Olmert indefensible borders embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces Arab states annexed land defensive war defensible borders Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders Sinai peninsula peace treaty Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority Ehud Olmert annexation national security embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces defensible borders Arab states defensibility survival international law Ehud Olmert quotes Yaakov Amidror strategic depth buffer zones terrorism Middle East conflict land for peace negotiations historical context defensive war territorial integrity security buffer peace Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 Sinai Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip peace treaty negotiations buffer national security indefensible Ehud Olmert embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation annexation defensible borders Palestinian terrorism recognition survival Israel security territory Arab wars 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders Sinai peninsula peace treaty Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority national security Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces defensible borders Arab states annexation defensive war legal legitimacy MidEast peace process security buffer historical context territorial disputes international law Palestinian recognition terrorism negotiations Middle East conflicts strategic depth ceasefire agreements land-for-peace territorial integrity Israel territory security Arab world wars of aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 borders Sinai peninsula Egypt Jordan West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinians peace treaty negotiations buffer zones national security Ehud Olmert embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation defensive war defensible borders Amidror Yaakov Israel territory security Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 Sinai Egypt Jordan peace negotiations West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority 1993 1967 borders buffer national security Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport shoulder-fire missiles embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation survival annexed land defensive war defensible borders Israel security territory Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 buffer peace negotiations West Bank Gaza Strip 1967 borders national security Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces annexed land defensive war defensible borders Amidror Yaakov Israel territory security Arab wars aggression 1948 1967 pre-1967 buffer Sinai Egypt Jordan peace land West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority negotiations recognition terrorism Ehud Olmert borders defensible embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation survival annexation defensive war terms future aggression legally legitimate Israel security territory Arab wars 1948 1967 Palestinians Sinai peace negotiations West Bank Gaza Strip borders terrorism Ehud Olmert Ben Gurion Airport Israel Defense Forces miscalculation survival annexation defensible borders Israel security territory Arab wars 1948 1967 Palestine pre-1967 borders Sinai Egypt Jordan peace treaty West Bank Gaza Strip Palestinian Authority negotiations Ehud Olmert defensible borders national survival defensive war annexation embattled democracy Israel Defense Forces miscalculation second chance unique situation international law self-defense security buffer terrorism Jewish history Middle East conflict land for peace Israeli security policy strategic depth international relations geopolitics Jewish state
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con03a	The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, The Empty Chair Crisis 1965  In 1965 during the Empty Chair Crisis brought integration came to a halt and shifted the institutional balance of power away from the commission to the Council of Ministers, it shows that spillover will not always occur. [1] It was caused by President de Gaulle of France being in conflict with other member states, specifically Germany and Italy. France wanted a deal on the Common Agricultural Policy but was unwilling to agree to further integration through creating majority voting in the Council of Ministers. When France took on the Presidency the normal system of mediation was lost. Bonn and Rome were unwilling to give way. [2] De Gaulle pulled his ministers out of the Council of Ministers thus reasserting the power of national governments. This showed that states would not automatically be prepared to give up their national sovereignty and might of helped lead to the abandonment of Neo-functionalism in the 1970s.  [1] Moga, Teodor Lucian, ‘The Contribution of the Neofunctionalist and Intergovernmentalist Theories to the Evolution of the European Integration Process’, Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2009 pp.796-807,  , p.799  [2] Ludlow, N. Piers, ‘De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis : the Community institutions and the crisis of 1965-6’, LSE Research Online, 2007, Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism LSE Research Online Ludlow Moga Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 1965 Empty Chair Crisis European integration Council of Ministers Commission President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism mediation Bonn Rome institutional balance of power spillover European Community LSE Research Online Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences The Empty Chair Crisis integration institutional balance Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting mediation national sovereignty Neo-functionalism national governments European Integration 1965 1970s LSE Research Online Moga Teodor Lucian Ludlow N. Piers Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance Council of Ministers President de Gaulle France conflict member states Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s Bonn Rome mediation power of national governments European Integration Process neofunctionalist theories intergovernmentalist theories Ludlow Moga LSE Research Online Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration Council of Ministers spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting mediation Bonn Rome national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s European Integration Process Neofunctionalist Intergovernmentalist Theories LSE Research Online Ludlow N. Piers Community institutions De-commissioning the Empty Chair Crisis Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance Council of Ministers Common Agricultural Policy de Gaulle France Germany Italy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s mediation Bonn Rome European Integration Process Neofunctionalist Intergovernmentalist Theories LSE Research Online Ludlow Moga institutional power state sovereignty crisis management European Community political conflict institutional development European history European Union policy-making international relations political science governance institutional theory European studies political integration The Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance power Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France conflict member states Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting Presidency mediation Bonn Rome national governments national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s Moga Teodor Lucian Ludlow N. Piers European Integration Process Community institutions crisis LSE Research Online Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission Common Agricultural Policy Charles de Gaulle France Germany Italy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism institutional balance power shift mediation European history EU politics institutional development policy-making international relations crisis management European Community Bonn Rome Presidency member states power reassertion institutional theories European Union evolution neo-functionalism decline intergovernmentalist theories European integration process LSE Research Online N. Piers Ludlow Te Empty Chair Crisis 1965 European integration Council of Ministers Commission spillover President de Gaulle France Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism Intergovernmentalism Bonn Rome mediation European institutions LSE Research Online Teodor Lucian Moga N. Piers Ludlow Empty Chair Crisis 1965 integration institutional balance Council of Ministers President de Gaulle conflict Germany Italy Common Agricultural Policy majority voting national sovereignty Neo-functionalism 1970s mediation Bonn Rome European Integration Process Neofunctionalist Intergovernmentalist Theories LSE Research Online Ludlow Moga Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences
test-international-aghwrem-con01a	Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies have a moral obligation to denounce illegitimate regimes  The new civilian government in Myanmar is as illegitimate as the rule of the military junta which led to its creation. The military junta itself was guilty of overruling the democratic verdict in 1990 that gave power to the NLD. Under the new constitution, 25% of all seats in parliament and the most influential governmental posts are reserved for the military, and more than 75% majority is required for amending the constitution. Political prisoners (including Aung San Suu Kyi) were not permitted to participate in the elections. Further, the election process itself has been described as a sham, involving violence and intimidation of democratic activists. The current government is only a tool for the preceding military junta to consolidate its power and provide a safety valve for its leaders through apparently legitimate means. It attempts to use the false democratic process as a veil to resist international criticism. Widespread human rights violations, ethnic violence, and undemocratic curtailment of the freedom of speech have characterised the period of rule of the military junta. By engaging with it at the political or economic level, other countries provide it with a false sense of legitimacy. This is morally at odds with established standards in of human rights and international relations, especially where other illegitimate governments (Syria, Iraq, and North Korea for instance) across the world continually face censure and isolation. Liberal democracies moral obligation illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 election NLD constitutional amendment political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists power consolidation human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation military junta illegitimate government Myanmar political prisoners sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations democratic process moral obligation civilian government constitutional amendment Aung San Suu Kyi engagement economic sanctions legitimacy Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimacy democratic verdict 1990 election NLD constitution reserved seats parliamentary seats governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists consolidation of power safety valve false democratic process international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta democratic verdict NLD constitution military seats governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election process violence intimidation democratic activists sham consolidate power safety valve false democratic process human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations international criticism censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea military junta democratic election illegitimate government political prisoners sham election human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international relations moral obligation political engagement economic engagement democratic process constitutional amendments parliamentary seats military reservation election manipulation democratic activists international criticism false legitimacy safety valve power consolidation Aung San Suu Kyi NLD Myanmar Syria Iraq North Korea liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta 1990 NLD victory constitutional military seats political prisoners sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists false democratic process human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech curtailment international engagement political legitimacy economic legitimacy moral standards human rights international relations Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta democratic verdict NLD constitution military reservation governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections violence intimidation democratic activists consolidation of power safety valve human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy human rights standards international relations censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimate regime democratic verdict 1990 election NLD constitution military reservation parliament seats constitutional amendment political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham election violence intimidation democratic activists political tool military power safety valve false democracy international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy international relations human rights standards censure isolation Syria Iraq North Korea Liberal democracies moral obligation denounce illegitimate regimes Myanmar civilian government military junta illegitimacy democratic verdict 1990 election NLD constitution military seats parliamentary governmental posts political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi election process violence intimidation democratic activists sham election international criticism human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech curtailment political engagement economic engagement false legitimacy established standards human rights international relations Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation Myanmar military junta civilian government illegitimate regimes liberal democracies moral obligation denounce NLD constitution political prisoners Aung San Suu Kyi sham elections human rights violations ethnic violence freedom of speech international criticism Syria Iraq North Korea censure isolation
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-pro01a	Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification, not censorship  We should expect fans of an art form that is subjected to public criticism and vilification to leap to its defence. Some of these aficionados- whether the medium in question is cinema, fine art or pop music- make the case for the value of their favourite mode of expression by overstating its positive effects.  Hip hop has long been the focus of controversies surrounding violent music. Hip hop is closely associated with low-level criminality, as noted above. A number of highly successful hip hop artists have been attacked or killed as a result of feuds within the industry and links between managers, promoters and criminal gangs.  As the academic John McWhorter has pointed out in numerous [1] publications [2] , the positive political and social impact of rap music has been massively overstated, as a result of highly charged media coverage of hip hop-linked violence. As a result, attempts to address some of the hips hops most objectionable content- lyrics that are misogynist and blankly and uncritically violent- have been condemned as unjust assaults on the right to free expression. Attacks on negative content in hip hop have been made all the more emotive, because they appear to be an attempt to restrict the speech of members of vulnerable and marginalised communities.  Side proposition agrees with McWhorter that listening to music that contains violent themes will not, in the absence of other factors, cause individuals to behave in a violent way. However, the content of rap, and its strong links with the youngest inhabitants of marginalised, stigmatised urban areas mean that it damages the developmental opportunities of teenagers and young people, and harms others’ perceptions of the communities they live in.  Hip hop trades on its authenticity – the extent to which it faithfully portrays the lived experience of the inhabitants of deprived inner city areas. The greater the veracity of a hip hop track, the greater its popularity and cache among fans. Musicians have gained public recognition as a result of being directly involved in street crime and gang activities. 50 Cent, a high profile “gansta” artist owes his popularity, in part, to a shooting in 2000 that left him with 9 bullet wounds [3] . This supposed link to reality is the most dangerous aspect of contemporary hip hop culture. Unlike the simplistic make-believe of, say, action films, the “experiences” related by rappers are also their public personas and become the rationale for their success.  Rap, through materialist boasting and sexualised music videos tells vulnerable young men and women from isolated neighbourhoods that their problems can be solved by adopting similarly nihilistic personas. The poverty that affects many of the communities that hip hop artists identify with does more than separate individuals from economic opportunity. It also confines the inhabitants of these communities geographically, politically and culturally. It prevents young men and women from becoming aware of perspectives on the world and society that run contrary to the violence of main stream rap. With television dominated by the gangsta motif, marginalised youngsters are left with little in the way of dissenting voices to convince them that hip hop takes a subjective and commercialised approach to the lives and communities that rappers claim to represent.  In effect, controversial hip hop is capable of sponsoring violent behaviour, when it is marketed as an accurate portrayal of relationships, values and principles. Under these circumstances, adolescents, whose own identity is nascent and malleable can easily be misled into emulating the exploits and attitudes of rappers [4] .  Side proposition advocates the control and classification of controversial forms of music, including but not limited to hip hop. Consistent with principles 1 and 10, classification of this type will follow similar schemes applied to movies and videogames. Assessments of the content of music will be conducted by a politically independent organisation; musicians and record companies will have the ability to appeal the decisions of this body. Crucially, the “ban” on music containing violent lyrics will take the form of a categorisation scheme. Content will not be blocked from sale or censored. Instead, as with the sale of pornographic material in many liberal democratic states, music found to contain especially violent lyrics will be confined to closed off areas in shops, to which only adults (as defined in law) will be admitted. Its performance on television, radio and in cinemas will be banned. Live performances of restricted music will be obliged to enforce strict age monitoring policies. Online distributors of music will be compelled to comply with similar age restrictions and intentionally exposing minors to violent music will be punishable under child protection laws.  This approach has the advantage of limiting access to violent content only to consumers who are judged, in general, to be mature enough to understand that its “message” and the posturing of singers does not equate to permission to engage in deviant behaviour.  [1] McWhorter, J. “How Hip-Hop Holds Blacks Back.” City Journal, Summer 2003. The Manhattan Institute.  [2] McWhorter, J. “All about the Beat: Why Hip-Hop Can’t Save Black America.”  [3] “What’s In a name?” The Economist, 24 November 2005.  [4] Bindel, J. “Who you calling bitch, ho?” Mail & Guardian online, 08 February 2008. Classification censorship public criticism vilification defence aficionados cinema fine art pop music hip hop controversies violent music low-level criminality feuds industry criminal gangs John McWhorter positive impact media coverage negative content misogynist violent free expression vulnerable communities developmental opportunities perceptions authenticity deprivation inner city areas 50 Cent shooting public recognition street crime gang activities materialism sexualised videos isolated neighbourhoods nihilistic personas poverty economic opportunity geographical confinement cultural confinement dissenting voices Classification censorship hip hop violent music criminality free expression marginalized communities developmental opportunities authenticity gangsta motif materialism sexualization nihilistic personas violence youth identity control content rating age restrictions child protection social impact artistic defense public criticism political independence appeal process performance policies online distribution mature consumers deviant behavior McWhorter 50 Cent urban areas economic opportunity cultural isolation dissenting voices music videos materialist boasting sexualized content commercialized approach controversial music violence portrayal restrictive Classification censorship hip hop public criticism violent music marginalised communities free expression developmental opportunities authenticity materialism sexualisation gangsta motif violence child protection age restrictions content classification *rappers musicians record companies independent organisation youth culture social impact media coverage political principles music regulation performance policies online distribution deviant behaviour identity formation economic opportunity cultural confinement dissenting voices commercially driven narratives 忠实反映 贫困 青少年发展 社会价值观 暴力歌词 音乐控制 Classification censorship public criticism vilification defence art forms cinema fine art pop music positive effects hip hop controversies violent music low-level criminality feuds industry criminal gangs John McWhorter publications media coverage assaults on free expression negative content misogynist uncritically violent vulnerable communities developmental opportunities perceptions authenticity deprived inner city areas 50 Cent shooting public personas materialist boasting sexualised music videos isolated neighbourhoods dissenting voices adolescent identity emulating rappers control classification Classification censorship public criticism hip hop violent music criminality marginalised communities free expression negative content misogynist lyrics developmental opportunities authenticity gang activities materialism sexualised videos violence marketing adolescents identity control independent organisation appeal age restrictions child protection laws mature consumers deviant behaviour hip hop violence censorship classification music regulation youth development marginalised communities free expression social impact misogynist lyrics political influence cultural impact authenticity in music gang culture teen behavior media coverage public criticism artistic defense social responsibility controversial music age restrictions content warnings hip hop controversies rap music urban areas violence in media developmental opportunities public persona negative content music and society artistic expression community perception commercialisation of violence legal restrictions music distribution violent behavior child protection laws independent assessment music industry artistic integrity social issues classification censorship hip hop violence misogyny free expression marginalized communities youth development public criticism social impact music regulation age restrictions content control McWhorter gangsta rap authenticity Inner-city youth cultural influence media portrayal economic opportunity political independence teen behavior musical content violent lyrics music distribution performance policies child protection laws mature consumers artistic value social responsibility entertainment industry youth culture community perception developmental opportunities marginalization media coverage music industry artistic expression public persona social norms cultural impact urban areas socioeconomic Classification censorship hip hop violent music public criticism social impact misogynist lyrics free expression marginalised communities developmental opportunities authentic representation gangsta motif materialism sexualisation identity formation control age restrictions independent assessment performance policies online distribution child protection laws classification censorship hip hop violence music controversy marginalised communities free expression lyrical content developmental impact authenticity gang culture materialism sexualisation identity formation age restrictions content control regulated distribution child protection laws mature consumers deviant behaviour independent assessment appeals process live performances media coverage vulnerable youth social impact political independence categorisation scheme restricted access age monitoring online distribution urban areas economic opportunity cultural confinement dissenting voices commercialisation persona adoption restricted music adult sections legal responsibility broadcaster obligations music industry Classification censorship hip hop violence music content youth development marginalised communities free expression lyrics misogynist authenticity gangsta rap cultural impact identity materialism sexualisation age restrictions political independence performance policies online distribution child protection laws maturity deviant behaviour social impact media coverage public criticism artistic defence positive effects criminality feuds managers promoters gangs political and social impact developmental opportunities community perceptions stigmatised areas public personas economic opportunity geographical confinement cultural awareness dissenting voices
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-con03a	Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting is very expensive  Hosting is very expensive. In recent times the Olympics have never made a direct profit. The bidding process alone for 2012 will cost each bidding city around £20m and whichever is selected will expect to pay at least £6.5bn (Paris). With increased security fears Athens spent $1.5bn on security out of a total of $12bn on the 2004 games. The burden of this cost falls on government (and therefore the taxpayer), companies and individuals. Both Paris and London’s local governments have put aside around £2.4bn which will mean £20 per year extra in tax for every household in the cities. Big projects are notoriously hard to budget for (so much so that London is estimating the total cost may go up by up to 50%) and residents in Los Angeles have only just stopped paying for the over-budget 1984 Olympics through their local taxes. If cities want to regenerate or improve their infrastructure then they should use this money directly on those projects rather than wasting it on subsidising a sporting event. Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding process costs security government taxpayer companies individuals projects budget regeneration infrastructure sporting event subsidy tax London Paris Los Angeles 1984 2004 Athens 2012 £20m £6.5bn $1.5bn $12bn £2.4bn £20 50% expensive hosting Olympics profit bidding cost security government taxpayer companies individuals projects budget over-budget regeneration infrastructure sporting event London Paris Athens Los Angeles 2012 2004 1984 taxes households Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs security taxpayer government infrastructure regeneration subsidy sporting event budget Los Angeles 1984 Olympics over-budget London Paris 2012 Olympics Athens 2004 Olympics Hosting costs Olympic profits bidding process expenses taxpayer burden security costs government funding budget overruns infrastructure improvement resident taxation Olympic legacy financial planning sporting event subsidies economic impact urban regeneration Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding cost security government taxpayer companies individuals local budget projects regeneration infrastructure sporting event subsidy Los Angeles over-budget 1984 taxes residents Paris London 2012 2004 Athens 2008 investment economic impact tourism legacy benefits disadvantages financial burden expenditure bid city hosting expenses sports event impact costs benefits financial implications government spending public funds Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding cost security taxpayer budget over-budget regeneration infrastructure sporting event Olympics bidding costs hosting expenses government funding taxpayer burden security costs infrastructure improvement over-budget projects local taxes economic impact sporting events urban regeneration Paris London Los Angeles Athens 2012 Olympics 2004 Olympics 1984 Olympics financial planning public expenditure cost overruns sporting event subsidies direct profit economic benefit resident impact fiscal responsibility budget estimation project management public finance event cost tax increases funding allocation infrastructure development urban projects sporting event costs economic analysis financial management Olympics hosting costs bidding process taxpayer burden security expenses government funding local taxes budget overruns infrastructure improvements sporting event subsidies Hosting expensive Olympics profit bidding costs security government taxpayer companies individuals local taxes budget infrastructure regeneration sporting event over-budget Los Angeles 1984 London Paris 2012 Athens 2004 $1.5bn $12bn £6.5bn £20m £2.4bn £20 year household cities projects improvement subsidy sporting events financial impact urban development Olympics profit bidding process costs security taxpayer budget infrastructure regeneration sporting event financial impact host cities government spending tax increases resident burden long-term effects economic analysis public spending event subsidies alternatives to hosting direct improvement projects urban development financial planning cost overruns public policy economic benefits budgeting challenges fiscal responsibility long-term investments Olympic impact host city finances taxpayer contribution infrastructure projects event costs financial sustainability economic legacy public investment urban regeneration fiscal planning cost management financial feasibility economic downturn
test-law-tahglcphsld-con01a	Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. Drugs are dangerous, and the governement should discourage its use  The government has a responsibility to protect its citizens; if a substance will do people and society significant harm, then that substance should be banned. There is no such thing as a safe form of a drug. Legalization can only make drugs purer, and therefore perhaps more deadly and addictive. Many illegal drugs are closely related to potentially dangerous medicines, whose prescription is tightly restricted to trained professionals, but the proposition would effectively be allowing anyone to take anything they wished regardless of the known medical dangers.  However entrenched in modern culture drugs may be, legalising them will only make them appear more acceptable. The state has a duty to send out the right message, and its health campaigns will be fundamentally undermined by the suggestion that drugs are harmless, which is what will be understood from their legalisation – just like when cannabis was downgraded in the UK. drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription restricted professionals proposition anyone anything medical dangers entrenched culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless downgraded cannabis uk drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm ban safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription professionals proposition entrench culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns harmless cannabis downgraded UK drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society banned safe form legalization purer deadly addictive illegal drugs related dangerous medicines prescription restricted professionals proposition allowing anyone anything known medical dangers entrenched culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless cannabis downgraded UK drug dangers government responsibility citizen protection substance harm drug safety legalization risks drug purity drug addiction illegal drugs dangerous medicines prescription restrictions public health cultural acceptance legalisation consequences health campaigns drug harmlessness cannabis downgrading drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society banned safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription professionals suggestion harmless health campaigns cannabis downgraded UK culture acceptable drugs dangerous government discouragement use responsibility citizens substance harm society ban safe legalization purity deadly addiction illegal medicines prescription professionals proposition anyone medical dangers culture legalisation acceptance state message health campaigns harmless cannabis downgrade UK Drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm ban safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription professionals proposition anyone medical dangers culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns harmless cannabis downgraded UK Drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm society banned safe form drug legalization purer deadly addictive illegal dangerous medicines prescription restricted professionals proposition allowing anyone medical dangers entrenched culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless downgraded UK cannabis drug safety government responsibility citizen protection substance harm drug ban safe drug forms drug purity addiction risk illegal drugs dangerous medicines prescription restrictions medical dangers drug legalization cultural acceptance drug legalization impacts health campaigns drug harm perception cannabis downgrading societal message state duty drugs dangerous government discourage use responsibility protect citizens substance harm ban safe legalization purer deadly addictive illegal medicines prescription trained professionals proposition allowing anyone medical dangers entrenched culture legalising acceptable state duty message health campaigns undermined harmless cannabis downgraded UK
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-con02a	It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. It specifically denies a rich cultural heritage which is uniquely American of groups that spoke English but not as a first language  Almost no one in the United States knows English, but then chooses not to use it to make some sort of political statement. The language is far too omnipresent in the economy, culture, and everyday life to make such a choice attractive or even sane.  Nor do people generally choose not to learn English. The advantages and opportunities it opens up, and the stigmas and discrimination facing non-English speakers mean that learning English is one of the first things any immigrant is going to try and do.  In reality therefore we are going to be talking about people who can’t speak English, either because they have not learned it yet, or because they can’t learn it. Perhaps they don’t have the time between working two jobs, or perhaps they find it difficult.  In any case, if this policy is simply symbolic it will stigmatize these people. If it goes further, it will actively make their lives worse, and perhaps make it even harder for them to learn English. cultural heritage American English language first language political statement language omnipresence economy culture everyday life immigrant experience learning English advantages opportunities stigmas discrimination non-English speakers time constraints multiple jobs learning difficulties policy impact stigmatization worsened life conditions language barriers immigrant struggle societal integration language policy symbolic policy practical implications language acquisition social mobility linguistic discrimination cultural identity American identity language and culture language and economics language and society language and politics immigrant communities language access language rights language American cultural heritage English as second language political statement through language omnipresence of English economic and cultural importance of English advantages of speaking English stigma against non-English speakers immigrant experiences with English barriers to learning English stigmatization of non-English speakers policy impact on non-English speakers symbolic policy implications practical difficulties in learning English working multiple jobs linguistic discrimination immigrant integration challenges English language acquisition social stigmas policy affecting language use language and economic opportunities language and social mobility English language learners linguistic diversity in the US non-English speaking communities language American cultural heritage English as a second language political statements language omnipresence economic advantages cultural integration non-English speakers immigrant experiences language barriers stigmatization policy impacts language learning difficulties socioeconomic constraints discrimination symbolic policies educational opportunities communicative integration linguistic diversity immigrant adaptation social inclusion English proficiency language policy linguistic rights cultural identity linguistic discrimination language access language education immigrant communities language barriers in employment social services and civic participation. American cultural heritage English as a second language political statement through language omnipresence of English economic and cultural importance of English learning English as an immigrant advantages of speaking English discrimination against non-English speakers immigrant challenges time constraints for learning English language learning difficulties stigmatization of non-English speakers policy impacts on language learners symbolic policies practical difficulties in language acquisition barriers to English proficiency immigrant integration challenges linguistic discrimination economic opportunities through language social stigma of non-English speakers policy and language learning immigrant life balance language and identity cultural integration linguistic policies and social cultural heritage American English non-native speakers political statement economy culture everyday life immigrant opportunities discrimination stigmas learning English time constraints working conditions symbolic policy stigmatization life difficulties language barriers education English learners immigrant challenges language barriers cultural heritage American identity economic necessity social stigma discrimination linguistic assimilation policy impact symbolic policies real-world consequences language acquisition time constraints multiple jobs learning difficulties stigmatization life difficulties educational opportunities American cultural heritage English as a second language political statement language omnipresence economic impact cultural impact everyday life immigrant experience learning English advantages of English opportunities stigmas discrimination non-English speakers time constraints working two jobs language learning difficulties symbolic policy stigmatization life difficulties language barriers immigrant challenges policy impact English language education social integration linguistic diversity American society language policy cultural identity linguistic rights public policy immigration language acquisition social mobility economic opportunities discrimination against non-English speakers English proficiency language and American cultural heritage English as second language political statement language omnipresence economic impact cultural impact learning English immigrant opportunities stigma discrimination non-English speakers immigrant challenges time constraints language difficulty symbolic policy stigmatization negative impact language learning barriers English American cultural heritage immigrants language policy political statement economic impact cultural impact everyday life learning English opportunities discrimination stigmatization non-English speakers immigrant challenges symbolic policy practical effects language barriers workforce education cultural heritage uniquely American English as second language language choice political statement omnipresent language economic impact cultural impact everyday life learning English immigrant experience advantages of English stigmas discrimination non-English speakers time constraints learning difficulties symbolic policy stigmatization worsening lives language barriers
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con02a	Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. Randomly checking passengers’ identities is much safer than allowing terrorists to know in advance who the authorities are seeking.  Making statements in advance as to who is likely to be stopped at airports is the most dangerous action any government could take. There are innumerable ways in which it would be possible to perform a terrorist act, and random checks mean that all possible routes are equally likely to be apprehended.  By contrast, actively and visibly subjecting members of particular ethnic groups to stricter security checks will enable terrorists to determine where surveillance in airports is at its most lax. The most dangerous terrorist groups operate on an international level, recruiting attackers from a wide range of backgrounds and ethnic groups. It would therefore be comparatively easy for an organisation such as al Qaeda to mount an attack using only individuals who do not conform to the authorities’ profile of a potential terrorist.  More importantly random checks mean that all people, regardless of the background, age or appearance are equally deterred from considering criminal or terrorist acts.  On the basis that it would be impossible to search everyone at a major international airport, the deterrence factor offered by random stops is far more effective than searching a tiny proportion of a designated group. random checks terrorist profiling airport security equal deterrence random screening targeted checks ethnic profiling deterrence factor international terrorism al Qaeda security measures passenger screening terrorist groups random selection public safety security effectiveness airport safety terrorist attacks security policies passenger identity verification random checks passenger screening terrorist attacks airport security ethnic profiling deterrence international terrorism random searches security measures passenger identity terrorist profiling safety government policy airport safety security effectiveness traveler checks random security terrorist groups ethnic diversity security deterrent terrorist recruitment international airports security screening safety measures luggage checks border security travel safety airport checks security protocols passenger safety terrorist prevention random selection security enforcement traveler safety ethnic groups terrorist tactics security methods safety protocols international travel traveler screening ethnic screening security procedures airport procedures random checks terrorist profiling airport security random screening ethnic profiling deterrence terrorist attacks security checks international terrorism al Qaeda airport safety passenger checks security effectiveness counterterrorism terrorist recruitment safety measures risk management public safety terrorism prevention airport policing random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence factor international terrorism al Qaeda equal likelihood passenger screening safety measures government action potential terrorists criminal acts specific targeting security effectiveness major airports authority profiles terrorist tactics recruitment strategies background diversity random checks terrorist groups international level ethnic diversity deterrence safety airport security profiling equal likelihood recruit background appearance criminal acts deterrence factor major international airport designated group authority's profile potential terrorist visible surveillance lax security terrorist act random stops effective deterrence increased safety preventive measures security efficiency international recruitment diverse backgrounds random selection equal treatment visible checks informed terrorists operational flexibility security unpredictability broad surveillance targeted searches non-conforming individuals al Qaeda safety measures public safety security policies government actions random checks safer terrorist knowledge authorities seeking dangerous action government terrorist act random checks efficacy ethnic groups stricter security surveillance laxness international terrorist groups al Qaeda attacker backgrounds criminal deterrence major international airport deterrence factor designated group searches random checks terrorist acts airport security ethnic profiling deterrence international terrorism al Qaeda safety measures passenger screening government policies security effectiveness indiscriminate checks targeted searches terrorist profiling public safety airport safety security protocols terrorist recruitment diverse backgrounds equal deterrence major airports security efficiency minority targeting random screening surveillance laxity security strategy criminal deterrence ethnic diversity international attackers security checks random selection terrorist deterrence profiling risks random searches security measures equal likelihood terrorist prevention airport checks safety enhancement targeted profiling random stops random checks safer terrorist prevention unexpected security deterrence factor equal surveillance international terrorism non-profiled attackers ethnic profiling visible security measures airport safety effective security strategy terrorists' adaptability government security policies random passenger screening enhanced security threat reduction unbiased security checks terrorist recruitment security efficacy random checks terrorist acts airport security random stops deterrence factor ethnic profiling surveillance international terrorism al Qaeda security checks passenger screening terrorist groups authorities airport safety pre-announced searches criminal acts public safety random selection equal deterrence safety measures targeted screening effective security ethnic diversity terrorist recruitment security policies international travelers safety protocols threat assessment random searches security effectiveness passenger identity random screening travel security terrorist profiling safety enhancements airport security measures passenger safety random inspection enhanced security security efficiency traveler safety terrorism random checks equal deterrence terrorist profiling ethnic targeting international terrorism airport security deterrence factor random passenger checks terrorist recruitment security checks ethnic groups terrorist acts government actions safety measures terrorist profiling ineffectiveness random stops security effectiveness major international airports terrorist group strategies authorities profiling
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-con01a	An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. An amnesty policy will serve only to alienate regimes, shutting down the possibility of discourse or reform  It is a natural conclusion that a repressive regime, which operates largely by force and the control of its population, will react rather negatively to an action by the West that appears to be a calculated, public, and on-going subversion of their power in favour of criminal dissidents. The result of such action by Western democracies will not be any positive discourse between the targeted regime and the West, but will rather cause a breakdown in communication. They will be reticent to engage for the very reason that the states seeking to influence them are clearly not interested in dealing on an equal footing, but rather wish to undermine their way of life in favour of asserting their own superiority. The best way to actually get talks about reform started, and to empower those who wish for more democracy and press freedom, is to patiently engage with these regimes, to coax them peaceably toward reform without threatening their core aims. [1] Aggression toward them will generate aggression in return as is shown again and again by North Korea and the responses to its actions by the United States. While incremental change may feel glacial, the long game is the only way to get changes without letting blood flow through the streets. The only possible outcome of this policy would be a harsher crackdown on bloggers by these governments.  [1] Larison, D. “Engagement is Not Appeasement”. The American Conservative. 17 December 2012. amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population react negatively calculated public ongoing subversion power dissidents Western democracies positive breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine way life superiority talks empower democracy press freedom patient peaceably threaten aggression North Korea United States responses actions incremental change long game harsher crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement amnesty alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively Western democracies calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine superiority peaceably coercion North Korea United States responses incremental change glacial long game bloggers crackdown governments engagement appeasement Larison American Conservative amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force population negatively calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication engagement equal footing undermine superiority coax peaceably aggression North Korea United States responses actions incremental change glacial long game blood crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement amnesty policy alienate regimes shut down discourse repressive regime force and control negative reaction calculated subversion Western democracies breakdown in communication undermine authority assert superiority engagement for reform peaceful coaxing incremental change long-term strategy avoid violence government crackdown bloggers North Korea United States engagement not appeasement D. Larison The American Conservative amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively West calculated public on-going subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine way life superiority talks empower democracy press freedom peaceably threaten core aims aggression North Korea United States responses actions glacial change long game blood streets outcome harsher crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement amnesty policy alienate regimes shutting down discourse repressive regime control population react negatively calculated subversion breakdown communication engagement coax reform incremental change long game harsher crackdown bloggers engagement not appeasement Larison American Conservative 2012 amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force population control Western democracies calculated subversion criminal dissidents breakdown in communication engagement reform democracy press freedom aggression North Korea United States incremental change long-term strategy harsher crackdown bloggers amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively calculated public ongoing subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine way life superiority talks empower democracy press freedom peaceably aggression response North Korea United States incremental change long game crackdown bloggers governments blood streets engagement appeasement conservative perspective international relations diplomacy human rights political amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive force control population negatively action West calculated public on-going subversion power criminal dissidents breakdown communication reticent engage equal footing undermine life superiority peaceably empower democracy press freedom aggression North Korea United States incremental change glacial long game crackdown bloggers governments engagement appeasement Larison American Conservative amnesty policy alienate regimes discourse reform repressive regime force control population negative reaction Western democracies calculated subversion criminal dissidents breakdown communication equal footing undermine way of life superiority empower democracy press freedom patient engagement coax incremental change aggression North Korea United States long game change bloodshed harsher crackdown bloggers
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-pro02a	Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Nuclear weapons give states valuable agenda-setting power on the international stage  The issues discussed in international forums are largely set by nuclear powers. The permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, for example, is composed only of nuclear powers, the same states that had nuclear weapons at the end of World War II. If all countries possess nuclear weapons, they redress the imbalance with regard to international clout, at least to the extent to which military capacity shapes states’ interactions with each other. [1] Furthermore, the current world order is grossly unfair, based on the historical anachronism of the post-World War II era. The nuclear powers, wanting to retain their position of dominance in the wake of the post-war chaos, sought to entrench their position, convincing smaller nations to sign up to non-proliferation agreements and trying to keep the nuclear club exclusive. It is only right, in terms of fairness that states not allow themselves the ability to possess certain arms while denying that right to others. Likewise, it is unfair in that it denies states, particularly those incapable of building large conventional militaries, the ability to defend themselves, relegating them to an inferior status on the world stage. [2] To finally level the international playing field and allow equal treatment to all members of the congress of nations, states must have the right to develop nuclear weapons.  [1] Fearon, James D. 1994. “Signaling Versus the Balance of Power and Interests: An Empirical Test of a Crisis Bargaining Model”. Journal of Conflict Resolution 38(2).  [2] Betts, Richard K. 1987. Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. nuclear weapons international influence agenda-setting UN Security Council nuclear proliferation global power dynamics post-World War II order non-proliferation treaties military capacity state interactions international fairness disarmament defense capabilities crisis bargaining nuclear balance international equality state rights global security nuclear deterrence arms control nuclear proliferation international influence global power dynamics UN Security Council nuclear non-proliferation military capability state sovereignty international equity nuclear deterrence crisis bargaining balance of power international security post-war order nuclear club disarmament state defense global fairness nuclear rights world order international community nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation agreements military capacity fairness international clout crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail state interactions defense capabilities global equality international order historical context security council membership nuclear club exclusivity disarmament world order state rights nuclear proliferation international fairness military imbalance small nations defense equality international relations security studies nuclear policy global politics international law arms control nuclear deterrence power dynamics international forums state sovereignty nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation agreements global fairness military capacity defense capabilities crisis bargaining nuclear balance international clout world order equality among nations historical anachronism nuclear club exclusivity state rights international interactions conventional militaries inferior status leveling playing field right to develop empirical test balance of power interstate relations security dynamics international forums redress imbalance state interactions defensive parity global equity nuclear proliferation security council membership international treatment Nuclear weapons international agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II nuclear proliferation non-proliferation agreements international clout military capacity global fairness crisis bargaining nuclear balance states' rights defensive capabilities international status Betts Fearon Nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II non-proliferation agreements military capacity international clout fairness post-war chaos crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail equal treatment international playing field defensive capabilities conventional militaries inferior status global security nuclear deterrence state sovereignty international relations global governance nuclear proliferation disarmament security studies international law geopolitical power strategic stability weapons of mass destruction nuclear policy international forums power dynamics global order historical context political influence security dilemma nuclear weapons international stage agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear powers World War II military capacity international clout world order post-World War II non-proliferation agreements nuclear club international fairness defensive capabilities conventional militaries crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail Nuclear weapons international power agenda-setting United Nations Security Council nuclear powers post-World War II non-proliferation global fairness military capacity crisis bargaining nuclear balance international clout conventional militaries world order entitlement equal treatment nuclear arms international relations state defense UN Security Council membership nuclear club global security international forums military defense nuclear proliferation global justice state interactions international stage non-proliferation agreements global imbalance state rights nuclear equality international community nuclear capabilities state sovereignty global politics military deterrence Nuclear weapons international agenda-setting UN Security Council nuclear powers World War II global military balance non-proliferation agreements international fairness state sovereignty defensive capabilities equal international status crisis bargaining nuclear balance nuclear blackmail global security dynamics nuclear disarmament international justice military parity global governance nuclear weapons international clout agenda-setting power United Nations Security Council nuclear proliferation post-World War II era non-proliferation agreements fairness equal treatment crisis bargaining nuclear balance military capacity international forums permanent membership nuclear powers disarmament global security state interactions international order historical anachronism defense capabilities world stage state rights nuclear club smaller nations World War II international justice arms control global politics international relations strategic stability nuclear deterrence
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con03a	Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. Any body of values that claims to respect the rights of the individual must recognise the right of a woman to choose  Even the doctrines of the Church accepts that pregnancy is not, in and of itself, a virtue – there is no compulsion to maximise the number of pregnancies; there is simply a disagreement about how they should be avoided. The Church recommends that couples may minimise the chance without ever making it impossible through a chemical or physical barrier.  In some parts of the world a pregnancy, even one that is not planned, is seen as a time for joy – a blessing for the family that will lead to a new and happy life bringing pleasure to both parents, their society and the child. That ideal is very far from the experience of much of the world where a child is another mouth to feed on impossibly little income. For all too much of the world, that life will be cruel, nasty and short. In slums, favellas and barren wastes that life is likely to be one marked more by dysentery or diarrhea, malnutrition and misery than by the sanitised, idealised image promoted in the West. That is, of course, not to say that children everywhere cannot be a cause for joy, of course they can. Indeed even within the poorest of situations, a new child can be the focus of great joy in an otherwise hard life.  However, if that is to be the case, that child must be planned and prepared for. Overwhelmingly, the mother is likely to have paramount responsibility for the child; so that planning and preparation needs to be theirs. It is difficult to imagine the scenario that would reach the objective observer to reach the conclusion that the right group of individuals to reach that decision were a group of celibate men who had never met the parents and would take to role in the care or support of the child. Yet that, astonishingly, is what Proposition would like us to believe. right to choose reproductive rights pregnancy rights women's rights individual rights church doctrine pregnancy virtue family planning contraception chemical barriers physical barriers cultural perspectives pregnancy joy economic challenges child rearing poverty slums favellas child health dysentery diarrhea malnutrition child welfare planned pregnancies mother's responsibility decision-making celibate men parental support care roles Proposition argument individual rights women's rights reproductive rights church doctrine pregnancy fertility family planning contraception moral virtues societal values economic conditions child welfare maternal responsibility decision-making religious authority celibacy parent support role of clergy moral autonomy ethical considerations right to choose reproductive rights Church doctrines pregnancy virtue family planning unplanned pregnancy joys of parenthood childbearing in poverty life in slums child malnutrition maternal responsibility decision-making in reproduction celibate men in Church support for parents reproductive autonomy social and economic context of reproduction right to choose church doctrine pregnancy rights individual rights Planned Parenthood reproductive freedom women's health unwanted pregnancies economic hardship child welfare religious perspectives moral responsibility social impact family planning birth control methods celibate men parental care child support reproductive justice ethical considerations values individual rights women's rights reproductive rights pregnancy virtue Church doctrines contraception family planning joy blessing poverty malnutrition slums favelas child welfare planning responsibility celibate men decision-making support care Proposition objection reproductive rights women's rights individual rights pregnancy virtue family planning contraception church doctrine moral doctrine ethical considerations societal values global perspectives poverty child welfare slums favellas malnutrition dysentery diarrhea childcare parental responsibility celibate men decision-making proposition argument objective observation values individual rights women's choice church doctrine pregnancy virtue family planning chemical barrier physical barrier unplanned pregnancy joy blessing poverty income slums favellas barren wastes dysentery diarrhea malnutrition misery sanitised image Western ideals children joy in poverty planning parental responsibility celibate men decision-making observer proposition care support women's rights reproductive rights individual rights church doctrines pregnancy virtue contraception family planning socioeconomic status child welfare maternal responsibility celibate men decision-making support systems moral authority societal norms unplanned pregnancies joy blessings poverty malnutrition dysentery diarrhea slums favellas barren wastes idealized images real-world conditions planning for children parental role objective observers proposition criticism women's rights reproductive rights individual rights Church doctrine pregnancy family planning contraception socioeconomic conditions child welfare moral responsibility decision-making religious views social impact health concerns poverty childbirth parental responsibility ethical considerations governance human rights abortion rights reproductive rights religious doctrines pregnancy ethics family planning socioeconomic impact child welfare moral autonomy gender equality church teachings contraception methods global child poverty unplanned pregnancy quality of life parental responsibility decision-making authority
test-society-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online harassment social networks society privacy cyber threats victim trust harassment bullying statistics digital safety online predators mental health physical integrity online communication social media risks cyber security online crime victimization digital citizenship online grooming technology misuse online safety education Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape crime victims trust deception physical integrity rights social networks detrimental society cyber bullying adolescents teens technology harassment mean messages threats rumors online cyberthreats statistics i-SAFE foundation gang-rape befriending Justin Davenport London Evening Standard Times of India Bullying Statistics Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying technology misuse adolescent bullying teen bullying cyber threats social networks detrimental effects online predators victim trust harassment online rumors i-SAFE foundation bullying statistics Facebook rapists social media dangers online security personal safety digital abuse Facebook dangers mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying online predators adolescent safety teen safety cyber threats bullying statistics online harassment social network risks digital safety online privacy victim trust cyber crime social media dangers online stalking digital abuse mental health impact physical health impact adolescent mental health teen mental health online security cyber safety digital citizenship online deception social media ethics user protection internet safety onlinepredator awareness cyberbullying prevention digital well-being online victimization social media risks online harms Facebook exploitation digital violence cyber Facebook dangers mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online threats bullying statistics social networks harm societal impact technology misuse user privacy online predators digital security mental health physical integrity victim trust online harassment rumor spreading cyber threats adolescent safety teen safety bullying prevention online safety measures social media risks digital footprint online identity cyber crime law enforcement digital citizenship online community standards user protection privacy settings secure messaging safe social networking mental health awareness physical health online behavior digital ethics user responsibility Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens social networks harm society cyber threats bullying statistics Facebook rapists social media dangers online predators mental health physical integrity technology misuse online harassment cybercrime social networking risks digital safety online trust victim deception cyberstalking online grooming digital wellness online privacy internet security technology and crime social media risks online victimization digital abuse online safety social platform dangers technology and mental health social media impact digital citizenship online security cyber safety Facebook consequences mental safety physical safety rape crime victims trust meeting cyber bullying adolescents teens harassment mean messages threats rumors social networking safety technology internet harm society statistics young people cyberthreats i-SAFE foundation Justin Davenport London Evening Standard Times of India Bullying Statistics Facebook dangers mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online predators Facebook rape cases cyber threats bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation social network risks online harassment digital security victim trust technological abuse societal impact social media risks online predators digital safety cyber crime online safety social media dangers youth safety online privacy digital wellness mental health concerns online scams digital footprint internet safety online grooming mental health impact digital citizenship social media ethics technology abuse online violence cyber safety digital rights online integrity virtual world Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online predators social networks harm society cyber threats bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation social media risks online harassment digital safety trust victimization crime technology misuse online privacy personal security online deception bullying prevention mental health physical health social media impact community safety online safety education digital citizenship victim support online predators law enforcement cyber crime online relationships social media addiction mental scars physical scars social media regulation user protection online security Facebook rape cyber bullying mental safety physical safety online predators social media threats cyber harassment technology abuse adolescent safety teen safety online privacy digital security social network risks victimization online identity predator protection cyber crime online grooming digital footprint mental health physical health social impact detrimental effects cyber threats bullying statistics online safety tips crime prevention digital citizenship internet safety online security cyber awareness victim support perpetrator profiling social engineering user awareness digital ethics online responsibility harm reduction digital wellness mental integrity social media regulation
test-international-aghwrem-con02a	The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. The international community and political legitimacy  The military-controlled government in Myanmar clearly does not have popular domestic support - otherwise the artificial election process would not have been necessary. Therefore, it derives its strength from the fact that many international players other than the US and the EU have continued to recognise it, while there is historic precedent for concerted international opinion having influenced illegitimate regimes (Haiti and South Africa, for instance). Having a nationalised economy increases the control the military has over trade and investment, while a majority of the country finds itself in poverty. The choice for the international community is between continuing to strengthen the military by engaging with it, or by disengaging (like the EU and the US) until the ruling elite runs out of resources and options. The former option does not give hope to any real democratic reform, while the latter option would take away the legitimacy of the government in the international arena. international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement resources options international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement resources options legitimacy government international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty international community choice strengthening military engagement disengagement democratic reform legitimacy government international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international recognition US EU historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade and investment poverty international community choices engagement disengagement democratic reform government legitimacy international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election process international players US EU recognition historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement resources options international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty democratic reform disengagement legitimacy ruling elite resources options international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar popular domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty choice engagement disengagement democratic reform legitimacy international arena international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition precedent international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade investment poverty engagement disengagement democratic reform international legitimacy ruling elite resources options international recognition political legitimacy military government Myanmar artificial elections domestic support international players US EU historic precedent Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control poverty international community engagement disengagement democratic reform ruling elite resources international legitimacy international community political legitimacy military-controlled government Myanmar domestic support artificial election international players US EU recognition historic precedent concerted international opinion illegitimate regimes Haiti South Africa nationalised economy trade control investment control poverty international community choice engagement disengagement democratic reform government legitimacy ruling elite resources options
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-pro04a	Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 Cannot avoid dealing with a UNSC member  The PRC is a member of the United Nations Security Council and as such is one of the key members of the UN. It is therefore difficult for countries to avoid dealing with it. The Pacific island of Tonga’s switched recognition because it feared the PRC would veto its membership of the UN. [1] São Tomé is already a member but that does not mean the PRC can’t cause problems in the international body; it clearly has the ability to scupper any initiative São Tomé wishes to pursue. Similarly in other international institutions while the PRC does not wield as much power as it does in the UN it still has considerably more influence than Taiwan; this includes over some organisations that provide aid such as the World Bank and IMF. São Tomé therefore must deal with the PRC, this being the case it should not let recognition get in the way.  [1] Fossen, Anthony Van, ‘The Struggle for Recognition: Diplomatic Competition between China and Taiwan in Oceania’, The Journal of Chinese Political Science, Col.12, No.2, 2007,  , p.4 UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council international relations diplomatic recognition Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power World Bank IMF China Taiwan Oceania diplomatic competition international institutions aid organizations political influence global politics foreign policy Asian politics Pacific islands international bodies global governance strategic diplomacy UN initiatives international aid economic influence political leverage UN vetoes international conflict diplomatic challenges geopolitical influence international cooperation UN Security Council members diplomatic strategies international diplomacy UN dynamics global diplomacy UN membership issues diplomatic alignments UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council key members countries avoid dealing Pacific island Tonga recognition fear veto membership UN São Tomé problems international body initiatives scupper institutions power influence Taiwan organizations aid World Bank IMF diplomatic competition China Oceania PRC United Nations Security Council UNSC key members UN country relations Tonga recognition UN membership veto power São Tomé international influence World Bank IMF aid organizations Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania Chinese political science UNSC member PRC United Nations Security Council key member difficult to avoid Tonga recognition switch PRC veto UN membership São Tomé international body cause problems international initiatives other international institutions World Bank IMF more influence Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania Fossen 2007 UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council key members international relations diplomatic recognition Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power international body initiatives World Bank IMF aid organizations Taiwan China Oceania diplomatic competition UNSC member PRC United Nations Security Council key member difficult to avoid Tonga recognition switch fear of veto UN membership São Tomé international body problems PRC influence World Bank IMF aid organizations Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania recognition issues UNSC member PRC United Nations Security Council UN countries Tonga recognition PRC veto UN membership São Tomé international body PRC influence international initiatives World Bank IMF aid Taiwan diplomatic competition Oceania UNSC PRC UN diplomatic relations international influence veto power Tonga São Tomé membership recognition World Bank IMF Taiwan Oceania diplomatic competition UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council Tonga São Tomé UN membership veto power international relations diplomatic recognition China Taiwan World Bank IMF aid organizations diplomatic competition Oceania international influence key members international initiatives scupper initiatives global diplomacy UNSC PRC United Nations Security Council Tonga São Tomé veto power UN membership international relations diplomatic recognition China Taiwan World Bank IMF aid organizations international influence diplomatic competition Oceania
test-international-epvhwhranet-con02a	If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. If all member states held a referendum on all EU treaties nothing would get passed.  The pure size and logistics of the European Union is such that if every member state had to hold a referendum on all EU Treaties, no EU Treaties would get enacted. It is too likely that one of the member states will vote against a motion. The EU should be able to vote on issues without consulting the citizens of all member states, in the UK legislation is voted on in parliament which is made of constituency representatives. The concept for government's voting in representation of their countries within the EU is the same. Furthermore the UK did not hold a referendum on the war with Iraq, so why should a referendum be held for issues of lesser importance. referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union enactment voting representation parliament constituency legislation UK war Iraq importance referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union voting parliament constituency representatives government representation UK legislation war with Iraq lesser importance direct democracy representative democracy EU treaties member states referendums logistical challenges legislative process parliamentary representation direct democracy representative democracy UK politics Iraq war comparative governance public consultation EU decision-making national sovereignty international agreements democratic legitimacy voter turnout political participation treaty ratification consensus building minority opinion majority rule political representation civic engagement governmental accountability democratic processes legislative oversight electoral systems political systems referenda frequency policy impact public opinion political debate governance structures international relations democratic principles institutional design EU law national parliaments European Parliament citizen involvement EU treaties member states referendums logistics enactment representation parliament constituency representatives UK legislation war with Iraq lesser importance direct democracy representative democracy European Union decision-making public opinion political participation governance structures international agreements democratic legitimacy referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union enactment representation parliament constituency representatives legislation UK war with Iraq issues importance voting referendum EU treaties member states European Union logistics voting parliament constituency representatives UK legislation war with Iraq representation lesser importance EU treaties member states referendums legislation parliament constituency representatives government representation war with Iraq lesser importance decision-making logistical challenges democratic processes political representation EU governance public consultation voter behavior political agreements international treaties referendum EU treaties member states logistics European Union legislation parliament constituency representatives government representation UK war with Iraq lesser importance referendum EU treaties member states logistics enactment voting representation parliament constituency representatives UK legislation war with Iraq lesser importance democratic process EU governance citizen consultation legislative procedures political representation international agreements public opinion decision-making EU treaties referendums member states logistics enactment voting representation parliament constituency representatives government legislation war Iraq lesser importance
test-economy-beghwbh-pro03a	The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 The Hyperloop will be a low cost system for the user  The Hyperloop would be the cheapest mode of intercity transport possible. “Transporting 7.4million people each way and amortizing the cost of $6 billion over 20 years gives a ticket price of $20 for a one-way trip for the passenger version of Hyperloop.” [1] There are very few additional costs. Usually the main cost for transportation beyond the infrastructure is the energy but the Hyperloop produces more energy than it uses so would make a profit here. There would be additional maintenance costs and some minor staff costs but this is unlikely to add too much to the ticket price. The Hyperloop would therefore be very price competitive compared to the $100 and up for flights.  [1] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.56 Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price amortized cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure cost energy production maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs $100 Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX 2013 Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip passenger version $6 billion 20 years transportation infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price amortized cost energy production maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost system cheapest mode intercity transport amortized cost ticket price passenger version energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flight costs Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price amortized cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport cheapest mode ticket price $20 one-way trip passenger version infrastructure energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights $100 SpaceX Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop low cost intercity transport ticket price energy production maintenance costs price competitive flights Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX low cost cheapest mode intercity transport ticket price amortizing cost energy production profit maintenance costs staff costs price competitive flights Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX Elon Musk
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-pro01a	Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights a wrong  Compensation is a basic principle of justice in any legal system. By definition it can be given to those who have had harm to reputation or dignity, emotional distress and loss of opportunities, including potential earnings. It is important to give compensation as it provides something for those who have suffered from disadvantages as a result of someone else’s actions, and it therefore helps to level out the playing field. Cultural appropriation causes clear harms – lost business, less awareness of that culture, and a feeling of inferiority. Theoretically, compensation is also beneficial as Rawls believes that it achieves 'some of the intent' of the principle of redress. This is in line with an egalitarian point of view [1]. While individual cases of cultural appropriation may not intend to harm they have an externality of harm by damaging the culture and identity as a while. This is in much the same way that those polluting often don’t intend harm, just to make a profit.  [1] Gaus, Gerald F., ‘Does Compensation Restore Equality’, Compensatory Justice, Vol.33, 1991, pp.45-81, Compensation rights justice legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness cultural inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit equality redress Gerald F. Gaus Compensatory Justice compensation rights legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls redress egalitarian intention externality culture identity pollution profit compensation rights legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss opportunities potential earnings justice disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle redress egalitarian externality damage culture identity pollution profit Compensation legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation business loss cultural awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality cultural identity pollution profit Compensation rights wrong legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation business awareness inferiority Rawls redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Compensation Rights Wrong Justice Legal system Harm Reputation Dignity Emotional distress Loss of opportunities Potential earnings Suffering Disadvantages Actions Cultural appropriation Lost business Awareness Inferiority Theoretical benefits Rawls Principle of redress Egalitarian Intent Externality Damage Culture Identity Pollution Profit compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls principle of redress egalitarian externality pollution profit culture identity compensation rights legal system justice harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings disadvantages cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit Compensation rights legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss opportunities earnings justice disadvantaged cultural appropriation business awareness identity inferiority Rawls redress egalitarian externality pollution profit Compensation rights wrong legal system harm reputation dignity emotional distress loss of opportunities potential earnings justice disadvantages actions cultural appropriation lost business awareness inferiority Rawls redress egalitarian externality culture identity pollution profit
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-con02a	Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. Radio is yesterday’s technology.  Proposition is right to point out the role that has traditionally been filled by relatively small scale radio – providing a relatively cheap method of getting in touch with anybody willing to listen. However, that has, effectively, been rendered redundant by Internet technology. The power of Facebook, Youtube and other sites to disseminate ideas and information as well as phone texting has not only matched that role but surpassed it.  With no capital costs in an era of internet cafes and omnipresent cell phones, the free exchange of information through digital and portable technology has met exactly the needs and concerns Proposition highlights. [i]  Suggesting that community radio will somehow supplement or enhance that process it taking a step backwards; support for the relatively monolithic radio model runs all of the risks of empowering extremists already mentioned without even equalling the benefits of texting and social media [ii] .  [i] Helling, Alex, ‘This House would use foreign aid funds to research and distribute software that allows bloggers and journalists in non democratic countries to evade censorship and conceal their online activities’, freespeechdebate.idebate.org, 18 May 2012.  [ii] Hood, Michael, NPR CEO: Internet will replace broadcast radio in 5-10 years. Blatherwatch, 3 June 2010. internet technology digital communication social media community radio radio technology information dissemination internet cafes cell phones free exchange information technology monolithic radio foreign aid software distribution bloggers journalists censorship online activities NPR broadcast radio technology evolution media landscape communication methods information access technological redundancy radio relevance digital media internet impact media replacement technological advancement communication platforms media consumption technological shift information sharing media adaptability tech innovation radio broadcasting digital transformation technological transition media tools internet supremacy radio decline media alternatives tech superiority media Radio Yesterday's Technology Internet Social Media Facebook YouTube Phone Texting Digital Technology Community Radio Foreign Aid Software Bloggers Journalists Censorship Online Activities NPR Broadcast Radio Internet Replacement Extremists Monolithic Radio Model Free Exchange Information Portable Technology Capital Costs Internet Cafes Omnipresent Cell Phones Supplement Enhance Step Backwards Risks Empowering Non-Democratic Countries Free Speech radio technology internet social media Facebook YouTube phone texting information dissemination community radio digital technology portable technology free exchange capital costs internet cafes cell phones bloggers journalists censorship online activities NPR broadcast radio extremism monolithic model foreign aid software distribution non-democratic countries debate Hood Helling radio technology yesterday's technology community radio internet cafes omnipresent cell phones free exchange of information digital technology portable technology texting social media bloggers journalists non-democratic countries evade censorship conceal online activities NPR CEO internet replacing broadcast radio 5-10 years monolithic radio model empowering extremists radio technology internet Facebook YouTube phone texting information dissemination digital technology portable technology community radio foreign aid censorship bloggers journalists NPR broadcast radio social media extremists monolithic radio model capital costs internet cafes omnipresent cell phones free exchange of information non-democratic countries online activities istribution software evade censorship conceal online activities support risks benefits texting stepping backwards Internet technology social media digital communication community radio information dissemination online交流 cell phones free exchange internet cafes capital costs text messaging radio redundancy monolithic model empowerment risk extremism broadcast replacement foreign aid software distribution censorship evasion journalist protection online activities blogger safety free speech debate technological advancement radio补充 step backwards information needs social media benefits technological surpass radio history traditional role cheap method listener reach digital technology portable devices global communication media evolution radio未来 information age technological change media impact digital era radio technology internet Facebook YouTube phone texting digital portable technology community radio foreign aid software bloggers journalists censorship online activities NPR CEO broadcast radio monolithic radio model extremists social media Radio Yesterday’s Technology Internet Technology Facebook YouTube Phone Texting Digital Technology Portable Technology Community Radio Supplement Enhance Free Exchange of Information Omnipresent Cell Phones Internet Cafes Social Media Capital Costs Foreign Aid Funds Software Distribution Bloggers Journalists Censorship Conceal Online Activities Non-Democratic Countries NPR Internet Replacement Broadcast Radio Extremists Monolithic Radio Model Risks Benefits radio internet technology Facebook Youtube phone texting digital portable technology community radio foreign aid software bloggers journalists censorship online activities NPR broadcast radio Internet replacement 5-10 years information dissemination social media capital costs internet cafes cell phones free exchange community needs Proposition monolithic model extremists texting benefits debate freespeech non-democratic countries internet technology digital communication social media information dissemination community radio radio technology internet cafes cell phones free exchange of information texting monolithic radio model empowering extremists censorship bloggers journalists non-democratic countries online activities NPR CEO broadcast radio software distribution foreign aid funds evade censorship conceal online activities
test-economy-bepighbdb-con02a	Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) Development is about more than economic growth  Amartya Sen has argued that “the removal of substantial unfreedoms […] is constitutive of development [in so far as give people] the opportunity of exercising their reasoned agency [1] ”. In a broader sense, democracy is necessary for a developed society because a precondition of a developed society is for that society to be able to decide for itself what its objectives are. It is society as a whole that needs to define what it considers to be development. The Myanmar under the junta may have considered its goals to be a strong military showing that Burma was developed. But without the citizenry agreeing this would not make Burma a strong state. Quite the opposite the lack of freedoms would show the country is not actually developed. Development means more than economic growth, it has to include other indicators as in the Human Development Index, but also things that are not even captured by that measurement such as freedom of speech.  Economic growth and GDP are even worse at demonstrating which countries are developed. Development only occurs when the wealth, and the choices it brings, reaches the people which is why Equatorial Guinea is not a developed nation despite its high income. Even in the economic realm therefore it is not just the absolute growth that matters but how it is distributed. Przeworski and Limongi show that from 1951-1990 dictatorships had higher growth rates than democracies (4.42% against 3.95%) yet the growth rate in GDP per capita was higher in democracies (2.46% against 2%). [2]  [1] Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxfor University Press. p. xii  [2] Przeworski, Adam and Fernando Limongi, 1997a; in M. ANTIĆ: “Democracy versus Dictatorship: The Influence of Political Regime on GDP Per Capita Growth”. EKONOMSKI PREGLED, 55 (9-10) pp. 773-803 (2004) development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy developed society Myanmar junta Burma Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi political regime GDP per capita dictatorship democracy influence economic realm choices absolute growth distribution development indicators societal objectives citizenry agreement strong state substantive freedoms personal opportunities social progress political empowerment economic empowerment human rights global development policy implications governance institutional quality public goods social services inequality sustainability development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy society objectives Myanmar junta military strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea dictatorships democracies GDP per capita Przeworski Limongi political regime M. ANTIĆ EKONOMSKI PREGLED Amartya Sen substantial unfreedoms development economic growth democracy society objectives Myanmar junta Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorship GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms democracy society objectives Myanmar junta military strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea dictatorships democracies Przeworski Limongi GDP per capita political regime influence economic realm choices income absolute growth distribution EKONOMSKI PREGLED M. ANTIĆ Amartya Sen development economic growth unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy developed society Myanmar junta Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships growth rates GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms development reasoned agency democracy society objectives Myanmar junta military strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita growth development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms democracy society objectives Myanmar junta strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy society objectives Myanmar junta military strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita growth development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy society objectives Myanmar junta freedoms strong state Human Development Index freedom of speech GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea high income Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita political regime EKONOMSKI PREGLED development economic growth Amartya Sen unfreedoms reasoned agency democracy societal objectives Myanmar junta military citizenry freedom of speech Human Development Index GDP wealth distribution Equatorial Guinea Przeworski Limongi dictatorships democracies GDP per capita growth
test-economy-egiahbwaka-pro03a	There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, There is greater potential for African women  There is great potential in educating African women. Two out of three illiterate Africans are women. In 1996 the countries with the highest illiteracy rates in women are Burkina Faso with a staggering 91.1%, Sierra Leone with 88.7%, Guinea with 86.6% and Chad with 82.1% of women illiterate [1] . The situation is however improving. Women are starting to reach their educational potential: by 2011 the illiteracy rate among female youth (15-24) had dropped to 52% in Sierra Leone, 22% in Guinea and 42% in Chad. [2]  Women in Africa are becoming much better educated. This means they are much more likely to be able to reach their full potential in the economy. Education provides opportunities as educated women will be better able to work in the manufacturing or services sectors. They will also be much more capable of setting up and running their own businesses or organisations. As a more educated cohort of women enters the workforce they will have a much greater effect on the economy than women have had in the past.  [1] ‘The role of Women in Post-independent Africa’, African Women Culture, 29 April 2011,   [2] UNESCO Institute of Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth female (% of females ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO World Bank African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO World Bank literacy improvement gender equality development empowerment African women education potential illiteracy improvement workforce economy opportunities business post-independent Africa UNESCO literacy rate youth female 15-24 ages Sierra Leone Guinea Chad Burkina Faso African women potential education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improvement female youth economy opportunities manufacturing services sectors businesses organizations workforce post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank African women education potential illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improvement female youth workforce economy opportunities manufacturing services entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics African women potential education illiteracy rates improving education economic impact workforce entrepreneurship Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad youth literacy UNESCO post-independent Africa women's empowerment manufacturing sector services sector business opportunities African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad female youth workforce economy manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship business organizations post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank African women potential education illiteracy Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improvement youth workforce economy opportunities manufacturing services businesses organizations post-independent Africa UNESCO World Bank African women education illiteracy rates Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improving literacy female youth economic potential workforce manufacturing services sectors entrepreneurship post-independent Africa UNESCO Institute of Statistics World Bank data African women education illiteracy rates potential economy workforce entrepreneurship development Burkina Faso Sierra Leone Guinea Chad improvement youth literacy rate World Bank UNESCO post-independent Africa women's rights gender equality economic impact female empowerment
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility presidential candidates health secrecy political accountability voter deception Mills' health Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Charles Takyi-Boadu Modern Ghana accountability transparency leader's health electoral trust dishonesty presidential candidates political responsibility public health disclosure governance ethics Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu political accountability health secrecy electoral accountability public deception political transparency leader's health issues presidential health political ethics public trust governance transparency health transparency political integrity Mills' health political leadership public information health privacy political campaigning health misinformation electoral honesty public leadership political accountability standards health disclosure political campaigning ethics public servant accountability accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit presidential candidates health misinformation democratic accountability citizen rights government integrity political ethics leadership transparency public health disclosure electoral dishonesty political leadership public trust erosion health secrecy political accountability democratic governance accountability leader's health transparency electoral trust political responsibility public deception presidential candidates health secrecy governance ethics democratic integrity accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility deceit political ethics presidential candidates health disclosure public office Mills Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana political accountability citizen's right to know government secrecy health issues political campaign public information leadership integrity head of state government accountability leader's health secrecy distrust of electorate political transparency presidential health electoral responsibility political lying John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye presidential candidate health political ethics democratic accountability health misinformation public trust political integrity Mills' health controversy political campaigning Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency health secrecy distrust electorate lying presidential candidate Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency leadership health issues public trust electoral responsibility presidential candidates political deceit governance democratic principles secrecy health transparency Mills Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana political health electoral accountability accountability head of state government transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye health secrecy presidential candidates political ethics public information Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency leader's health public trust political accountability health secrecy electoral responsibility Mills presidential health political deception
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-pro01a	Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ Vulnerable to unrest  Relying on tourism ensures that the economy is at the mercy of unrest. The violence and break down in law and order following the Tunisian revolution resulted in a notable decrease in tourists as tourists were unwilling to visit an area which they view as dangerous. This is demonstrated by the footfall of tourists which declined from 6,487,000 in 2010 to 4,456,000 in 2011 1. The increase in attacks by Salafists, a conservative sect of Islam which promotes Sharia law and has attacked tourist destinations, has dissuaded many potential visitors2. This has been exacerbated by government travel information which generally advises against visiting regions during periods of unrest, especially for Westerners who are perceived as profitable targets for ransom3. The resultant decrease in tourists reduces revenue, making tourism an unreliable industry for Tunisia.  1) African Manager, ‘Tunisia-Tourism: Clear Improvement, but a timid pace!’, data accessed 24 January 2014  2) Whewell,T. ‘Justice kiosk: Tunisia’s alternative law enforces’, BBC, 30 July 2013  3) Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ‘Kidnapping threat worldwide’ vulnerable unrest tourism economy law order Tunisian revolution decline tourists Salafists Sharia law travel warnings attacks Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department Foreign Affairs Trade kidnapping threat vulnerable unrest tourism economy Tunisia revolution violence law order tourists decline footfall attacks Salafists conservative Islam Sharia law government travel information warnings Westerners targets ransom revenue industry reliability impact political stability security travel advisories international visitors economic consequences political instability tourist destinations safety perceptions risk African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Tunisia tourism unrest economy violence law and order revolution tourists decline Salafists Sharia law government travel advice attacks Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade kidnapping threat Vulnerable to unrest Relying on tourism Economy at mercy of unrest Tunisian revolution Decrease in tourists Footfall decline Attacks by Salafists Conservative Islam Promotes Sharia law Government travel advisories Unreliable industry Tourism revenue Kidnapping threat Westerners as targets Revenue reduction Travel warnings Political instability Economic impact Security concerns Tunisia tourism decline unrest Salafists Sharia law travel advisories kidnapping Western tourists economic vulnerability Tunisian revolution violence law and order tourist footfall 2010-2011 travel warnings 保守伊斯兰教派 攻击旅游目的地 绑架威胁 政府旅行信息 西方游客 经济收入减少 不可靠产业 非洲管理者 BBC 外交和贸易部 vulnerable unrest tourism economy Tunisia revolution violence law and order tourists danger footfall decline attacks Salafists Sharia law government travel information Westerners ransom revenue unreliable industry Tunisia tourism unrest economic impact violence law and order Tunisian revolution tourist decline Salafists Sharia law government travel advisories Westerners ransom revenue reduction unreliable industry African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Vulnerable unrest tourism economy Tunisian revolution violence law and order tourists dangerous footfall decline Salafists Sharia law attacks tourist destinations government travel information unrest periods Westerners ransom decrease revenue unreliable industry Tunisia Tunisia tourism economic impact unrest law and order Tunisian revolution Salafists Sharia law travel advisories Western visitors footfall decline revenue reduction kidnapping threats security concerns visitor perception conservative Islam violent attacks economic vulnerability tourism industry regional instability tourism unrest Tunisia economy violence law and order Salafists Sharia law government travel advice Westerners ransom revenue African Manager BBC Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade
test-philosophy-elhbrd-con03a	There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . There is a risk that even a free choice may have some coercion involved.  By far the biggest worry is that a right to die will create a silent form of coercion that cannot be detected. In the West’s increasingly elderly society the role of older people in that society, their value and their continuing contribution is all too likely to be masked by the issue of the cost placed on those of working age. Even where older people do not face pressure from their families, society needs to be aware of this wider narrative. Such a narrative will slowly create a norm where the elderly feel that they are a burden and it is expected that they will exercise their right to die. The ‘choice’ will remain and they will even think it a choice free of coercion but will exercise their right not because they really want to die but because they feel it is what they ought to do, once the right to die is completely normalised those exercising it may not even consider that what they are doing is not really of their free will. Perceiving oneself as a burden is already a common cause of suicide [i] and would certainly increase if it were to no longer be considered taboo. Not having a right to die will not stop arguments about the burden placed on the working members of society by the elderly but it will stop this going any further towards the creation of a culture where individuals consider it normal that they should die when they feel they are a burden.  [i] Joiner, Thomas E. et al., ‘The Psychology and Neurobiology of Suicidal Behaviour’, Annual Review of Psychology, 10 September 2004, p.304 . elderly coercion right to die burden free will society working age suicide norm narrative value contribution pressure families culture taboo neurobiology psychology annual review Thomas E. Joiner right to die elderly coercion societal pressure elderly burden voluntary euthanasia end-of-life choices aging population suicide risk moral obligation cultural norms elderly rights palliative care ethical concerns working age population economic burden assisted dying palliative options psychological impact social expectations human rights right to die elderly coercion free choice burden working age society suicide norm narrative value contribution cost family pressure normalised taboo culture perception neurobiology psychology Annual Review of Psychology right to die elderly burden societal pressure coercion free will suicide elderly contribution working age societal narrative normalized euthanasia psychological burden neurobiology of suicide cultural norms moral obligation end-of-life choices ethical considerations societal values economic pressures elderly rights autonomy versus coercion taboos public health moral psychology ethical dilemmas quality of life patient rights palliative care mental health societal expectations demographic changes aging population intergenerational conflict healthcare resources ethical philosophy human dignity voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide legal ethics right to die elderly coercion burden societal pressure suicide free will working age cost normalized choice narrative value contribution taboo culture neurobiology psychology right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception elderly contribution working age burden normalized death choice illusion suicide risk elderly rights societal narrative elder dignity coercive norm free will illusion taboo normalization ethical euthanasia aging population human value social responsibility psychological burden right to die elderly coercion burden society working age suicide choice norm free will value contribution cost pressure family narrative culture taboo psychology neurobiology right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception elderly contribution working age cost normalized euthanasia suicide causation elderly value cultural norms free will illusion ethical concerns elderly rights end-of-life choices social narratives family pressure economic burden psychological impact normative expectations moral implications right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception suicide risk norm creation working age burden elderly value cultural normalization free will illusion elderly contribution societal narrative age-related coercion psychological impact neurobiology of suicide ethical considerations public health concern aging population palliative care end-of-life choices right to die elderly coercion societal pressure burden perception working age population elderly contribution normalized euthanasia suicide psychology neurobiology of suicide cultural norms ethical considerations end-of-life choices aging population social coercion perceived obligation moral implications public health eldercare challenges quality of life dignity in dying medical ethics palliative care mental health societal values economic burden intergenerational dynamics healthcare policy assisted dying bioethics autonomy versus coercion ethical dilemmas elder abuse depersonalization social stigma psychological impact destigmatization of
test-economy-thsptr-con05a	The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, The aim of taxation should be to provide equality of opportunity, not of outcom  Taxation should not be about trying to engineer a more equal society. The purpose of taxes is to furnish necessary services people need to become competitive free agents in the economy. Progressive taxes take unduly from some to give to others in the hope of fostering social equality. Yet such efforts can only be harmful, as they breed resentment from rich toward the poor for taking undue amounts of their wealth for their consumption, and feelings of entitlement from poor who feel the wealthy owe them the money they pay, and thus feel happy to levy ever more odious taxes from them. [1] Society is best served by promoting a system of taxation that fosters equality of opportunity, by providing essential services to which everyone contributes in accordance with their ability to pay. This is better serviced through a system of flat-taxes, such as in Russia where there is a flat tax of 13%, [2] that promote a system of proportionality in taxation, rather than progressive taxes that focus unduly upon the contributions of the few to the many.  [1] The Frugal Libertarian. “Immorality of Progressive Income Tax”. Nolan Chart. 2008. Available:   [2] Mardell, Mark, ‘Pros and cons of Rick Perry’s flat tax plan’, BBC News, 26 October 2011, equality of opportunity progressive taxes social equality resentment entitlement flat taxes proportionality in taxation necessary services competitive free agents economic contribution tax fairness liberty wealth redistribution tax policy fiscal responsibility individual responsibility societal benefit tax reform flat tax system tax rate economic competitiveness tax burden economic growth tax equity tax efficiency government services tax philosophy social engineering tax justice tax incentives economic opportunity public services wealth inequality tax morality libertarian perspective economic freedom tax structure tax administration tax compliance tax expenditure tax debate tax principles taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat tax social equality essential services economic competitiveness resentment entitlement proportional taxation flat tax system Russia tax contributions economic agents fiscal policy libertarian perspective income tax tax reform public finance economic inequality tax fairness equality of opportunity flat tax progressive tax social equality essential services proportionality in taxation resentment entitlement taxation effectiveness economic competitiveness flat-tax system tax contributions wealth distribution tax morality frugal libertarian Rick Perry's flat tax plan equality of opportunity not outcome essential services competitive free agents progressive taxes resentment feelings of entitlement flat-taxes proportionality in taxation Russian flat tax immorality of progressive income tax pros and cons of flat tax Rick Perry's flat tax plan taxation equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes essential services economic competitiveness social equality wealth redistribution resentment entitlement proportionality in taxation flat tax system Russia tax contributions morality of taxation Frugal Libertarian Nolan Chart Rick Perry's flat tax plan BBC News equality of opportunity progressive taxes social equality resentment entitlement flat-taxes proportionality in taxation essential services competitive free agents unduly taking immorality of progressive income tax Rick Perry's flat tax plan Russian flat tax system necessary services fostering social equality wealth redistribution economic competition tax contributions tax system fairness libertarian perspective equality of opportunity progressive taxes flat taxes essential services social equality resentment entitlement proportionality in taxation economic competitiveness fiscal policy tax fairness wealth redistribution libertarian views tax contributions tax systems public services economic agents tax rates societal benefits tax philosophy tax reform economic justice tax equity tax burden fiscal responsibility tax efficiency political economy economic freedom tax implications tax impact tax ideology social engineering tax morale economic efficiency tax incentives tax compliance tax administration tax simplification tax neutrality tax progressivity tax regressivity tax equality of opportunity progressive taxation flat tax social equality economic competitiveness tax fairness resentment entitlement fiscal policy libertarian perspective tax contribution proportional taxation Rick Perry BBC News Nolan Chart equality of opportunity progressive taxation social engineering flat tax proportional taxation resentment entitlement essential services economic competitiveness tax morality social equality tax contribution tax fairness Russian tax system libertarian views flat tax advantages progressive tax disadvantages tax policy economic philosophy equality of opportunity flat tax progressive tax social equality tax resentment wealth distribution essential services tax contribution proportionality in taxation economic competitiveness fiscal policy libertarian perspective tax equity public services funding
test-society-asfhwapg-pro01a	Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 Genes are intellectual property thus patentable  The patenting office stipulates that a successful patent applicant must have found something in nature, isolated it, and found a way to make something useful with it.The genome research of companies satisfies these criteria, so why should it be any different? The genome companies have invested resources to create intellectual property (patents), which refers to “creations of the mind.” Under US law includes intellectual property inventions, literary and artistic works, symbols, names, images, designs, and trade secrets. The law states, that any person who “invents or discovers any new and useful process, machine, manufacture, or composition of matter, or any new and useful improvement thereof, may obtain a patent.” In biomedicine the patentable inventions include materials, such as new drugs or new cell lines, and methods for deriving or growing them, such as extraction or cloning techniques.1  1. Merz J., Mildred K., What are gene patents and Why are people worried about them ?, Community Genetics 2005 gene patents intellectual property biotechnology patent law biomedicine genetic research patent office patent criteria genome companies investment inventions trade secrets new drugs cell lines cloning techniques Merz J. Mildred K. Community Genetics 2005 ethical concerns patentable subject matter biotechnology patents genetic materials patentability legal framework innovation public domain genetic engineering biopharmaceuticals scientific discovery commercialization research tools therapeutic applications genetic testing diagnostic methods patent infringement patent enforcement patent trolls open access public interest gene patents intellectual property biotechnology patent law genetic research biomedical patents patent eligibility patent criteria genome companies biomedicine genetic inventions patentable subject matter US patent law gene patent controversy biotech patents genetic discoveries patent applications patent office genetic innovation patent protection gene patents intellectual property biomedicine patentable inventions genome research biotechnology patent law genetic material patent application biopharmaceutical companies DNA sequencing genetic discoveries patent protection genetic engineering pharmaceutical patents biotech patents gene isolation genetic innovation patent rights bioethics genetic resources patentability criteria genetic testing genetic therapies patent infringement genetic data public domain genetics genetic privacy genetic diversity genetic mapping genetic modification genetic patent challenges genetic patent impact patent office patent examination patent validity genetic patent debate genetic patent ethics genetic gene patents intellectual property patentability biomedicine genetic research patent office criteria for patents useful inventions genome companies investment in research legal protection biotechnology genetic material patent law new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques community genetics ethical concerns gene patents intellectual property biotechnology patent law biomedicine genetic research genome companies patent application criteria useful inventions biotech patents patentable subject matter US patent law genetic inventions patent protection gene patent controversy biopharmaceuticals genetic material patents pharmaceutical patents genetic testing patents bioethics gene patents intellectual property patentable inventions genome research biomedicine patent law US law genetic material biotechnology patent criteria isolation usefulness creation of mind literary works artistic works symbols names images designs trade secrets processes machines manufactures composition of matter improvements new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques community genetics public concern Merz J. Mildred K. gene patents intellectual property patentable biomedicine genome research isolation usefulness creations of the mind US law inventions literary works artistic works symbols names images designs trade secrets new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques biotechnology patent application patent criteria natural discovery technological advancement legal protection commercial interest public domain research investment ethical concerns genetic information patent office Merz J Mildred K Community Genetics gene patents intellectual property patentability biotechnology genome research biomedicine patent law US law genetic materials cell lines drug patents cloning techniques extraction methods patent office patent criteria public concern ethical issues legal protection innovation incentives research investment gene patents intellectual property patent law biomedicine genome research patentable inventions new drugs cell lines extraction techniques cloning techniques US patent office legal criteria investment in research biotechnological innovations public concern ethical issues genetic resources patent protection biotechnology industry gene patents intellectual property patentable inventions biomedicine genome research patent office isolation utility creations of the mind US law biomedical materials methods cloning techniques drug development cell lines legal criteria investment genetic resources public concern ethical issues
test-international-siacphbnt-con03a	Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. Technology remains insecure and a security risk.  The internet remains at risk. Cybersecurity is a key concern, and the prevalence of hacking events across Africa identifies the need to promote security for the new digital users. Cyber-crime costs the Kenyan government around Ksh.2 billion (Mutegi, 2013); and affects around 70% of South Africans. In order to encourage more users in technology their safety, against fraud, hacking, and identity theft, needs to be prioritised. Without security technology can’t help entrepreneurs as customer details, business plans etc can’t be kept private. technology cybersecurity internet security risk hacking digital users cyber-crime Kenyan government South Africans safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy technology cybersecurity internet security hacking cyber-crime digital users fraud identity theft entrepreneurs business security data privacy Kenyan government South Africans security risk technology safety customer details business plans privacy protection digital security online safety cyber threats internet safety digital entrepreneurship tech security online fraud cyber attacks digital protection tech risks internet risks data security online identity theft digital fraud cyber security measures tech safety measures internet safety measures digital entrepreneurship support tech business security online business protection digital user safety technology risks cyber protection Technology insecurity security risk internet cybersecurity hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya government costs South Africa users safety fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy technology insecurities cybersecurity risks internet vulnerabilities cyber-crime prevalence African digital security Kenyan cyber-crime costs South African cyber threats digital user safety technology safety priorities entrepreneurial technology security data privacy concerns business cybersecurity measures Technology cybersecurity internet security risk hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya South Africa fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy Technology insecurity security risk internet vulnerability cybersecurity hacking events Africa digital security cyber-crime Kenya Ksh.2 billion South Africa user safety fraud hacking identity theft entrepreneur security customer details business privacy technology cybersecurity internet security risk hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenya South Africa fraud identity theft entrepreneurs privacy business plans customer details technology cybersecurity internet security risk hacking Africa digital users cyber-crime Kenyan government South Africans fraud identity theft entrepreneurs customer details business plans privacy technology insecurity cybersecurity internet risk hacking events Africa digital security Kenyan cyber-crime South African cyber threats technology safety fraud prevention identity theft entrepreneur security business privacy Technology Cybersecurity Internet Security Risk Hacking Africa Digital Users Cyber-crime Kenya South Africa Fraud Identity Theft Entrepreneurs Privacy Business Plans Customer Details
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro03a	Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, Interferes with a democratic mandate  Unlike many of the other ICC defendants, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto have a democratic mandate from elections that “represented the will of the voters” [1] – electoral mandates given to them after their indictment by the International Criminal Court.  This must be respected by the ICC and the international community as a whole: even though they are suspected of crimes against humanity by a foreign court.  [1] European Union Election Observation Mission To Kenya, General Elections 2013 :Final Report, democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 will of the voters international community respect democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 final report democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections voters International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandate international community respect for mandate indictment political legitimacy judicial process human rights democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters indicted International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandate international community respect for democratic process judicial interference political legitimacy human rights trials democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandates international community respect for democratic process democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections respect for electoral process international community legal proceedings political legitimacy democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of voters indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya 2013 elections electoral mandate international community respect for election results democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 democratic mandate ICC defendants Uhuru Kenyatta William Ruto elections will of the voters electoral mandates indictment International Criminal Court crimes against humanity foreign court European Union Election Observation Mission Kenya General Elections 2013 respect for electoral process international community legal proceedings political legitimacy
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro04a	Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, Banning partial birth abortions is in line with popular and accepted moral standards  here is a vast amount of support in the United States for a ban on partial-birth abortion. Opinion polls have shown a consistent increase in support for a ban: as high as 70% in favour to 25% against in January 2003. [1] Furthermore, in 1997 the House of Representatives voted 295-136, and the Senate 64-36, in favour of a ban. For President Clinton to veto it was undemocratic; [2] for President Bush not to pass it would have been to break a campaign promise.  [1] Gallup, ‘Abortion’, 30 November 2011,   [2] Craig, Larry E., ‘Clinton Claims on Partial-Birth Abortion Still Not True -- Not Even 'Legally Accurate'’, United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 15 September 1998, partial birth abortions moral standards United States opinion polls support for ban House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup Larry E. Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee Banning partial birth abortions moral standards United States support opinion polls 70% January 2003 House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto undemocratic President Bush campaign promise Craig Larry E. United States Senate Republican Policy Committee 1997 legal accuracy partial birth abortion banning moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup abortion Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortions moral standards United States opinion polls support for ban House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup abortion Craig Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards opinion polls support United States House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion support for ban legislative votes presidential veto campaign promises Gallup poll Craig statement Clinton veto Bush administration ethical debate abortion laws US politics reproductive rights medical ethics legal accuracy democratic process voter sentiment political promises partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Gallup Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton veto President Bush campaign promise Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee partial birth abortion moral standards public opinion United States support for ban opinion polls political votes House of Representatives Senate presidential veto President Clinton President Bush campaign promise ethical debate legal accuracy abortion laws congressional voting Gallup poll political policy democratic process partial birth abortion moral standards United States opinion polls support House of Representatives Senate President Clinton President Bush campaign promise Gallup Larry E. Craig United States Senate Republican Policy Committee
test-international-ghbunhf-pro02a	UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN ignores or enables human rights abuses.  Despite the development of the concept of human rights in the post-war world, the UN has totally failed to protect the rights of citizens, ethnic minorities, women and children. It has stood by during episodes of genocide in Cambodia, Rwanda, Congo and Yugoslavia among many others [1] , tolerates some of the world’s worst dictatorships as members, and does nothing to improve the situation of women in developing nations. Indeed, where UN peacekeepers have been sent into war-torn countries, they have sometimes been guilty of the most horrendous human rights abuses themselves. [2]  As of 2011, the UN’s Human Rights Council itself is comprised of members such as Saudi Arabia, Cuba and China. [3]  [1] “UN admits Rwanda genocide failure”. BBC website, 15th April 2000.   [2] MacFarquhar, Neil. “Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Linger, On-Screen and Off”. New York Times, 7th September 2011.   [3] “Membership of the Human Rights Council”. United Nations website, 2011. UN human rights abuses post-war world ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships developing nations UN peacekeepers war-torn countries Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN failures peacekeeping scandals sex scandals membership composition international organizations human rights protection global governance UN human rights abuses genocide Rwanda Cambodia Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China international accountability global governance human rights violations peacekeeping failures UN human rights abuses post-war development citizens ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women's rights developing nations UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China 2011 membership Rwanda genocide failure Peacekeepers’ Sex Scandals Neil MacFarquhar New York Times United Nations UN human rights abuses post-war world ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships UN peacekeepers war-torn countries Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN failure peacekeepers' sex scandals membership composition UN human rights abuses post-war world ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN failures international governance humanitarian intervention global human rights UN human rights abuses post-war development citizen rights ethnic minorities women's rights children's rights genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships UN membership Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China peacekeepers sex scandals 2011 membership UN failures international accountability global governance humanitarian missions sexual violence UN peacekeeping ethical oversight institutional reform human rights violations international law global justice UN effectiveness genocide prevention women in developing nations peacekeeping scandals UN responsibilities international criticism humanitarian crises global security UN role UN human rights abuses post-war world ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships UN peacekeepers sexual abuse Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China 2011 UN human rights abuses post-war development citizens rights ethnic minorities women rights children rights genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships women in developing nations UN peacekeepers war-torn countries human rights abuses UN Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China UN admits failure Rwanda genocide peacekeepers sex scandals UN human rights abuses genocide peacekeepers sexual abuse dictatorships Human Rights Council membership Saudi Arabia Cuba China ethnic minorities women children Rwanda Cambodia Congo Yugoslavia protection failures post-war development international organization accountability reform 聆听者 UN human rights abuses ethnic minorities women children genocide Cambodia Rwanda Congo Yugoslavia dictatorships developing nations UN peacekeepers sex scandals Human Rights Council Saudi Arabia Cuba China
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level consolidation groundbreaking failure shadow unison watered-down initiative salvation inability High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level decisions EU political integration EU decision-making process EU treaties European Union politics European integration EU policy consolidation EUinstitutional reform European governance EU unanimity European public opinion High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level unison consolidation effectiveness expansion terms query improvement High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states EU unison UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level EU member states unity political integration diplomatic role institutional reform international relations European Union consensus sovereignty decision-making process High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU High Representative foreign policy EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison political integration European Union international relations treaty negotiation constitutional reform public opinion political representation decision-making process institutional framework sovereignty national interests European governance High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unison UK representatives major foreign policy decisions state level
test-international-emephsate-con03a	Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey must recognize Cyprus.  The biggest problem facing Turkey that will prevent its entry to the European Union is that it does not recognize Cyprus, a state that is already an EU member. It is clear that Cyprus and relations with it are the main sticking point as the EU President Van Rompuy has admitted “Were it not for some challenges from one of the members of the European Union, Cyprus, we would have made more progress when it comes to Turkey, I acknowledge that negotiations on enlargement are stalled for the time being because one of the members of the club has problems with the process.” [1] Negotiations towards reunification of the island have stalled since the EU backed UN peace plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots in 2004 just before they joined the EU. Neither Cyprus nor Turkey are willing to take any possible steps that would help build confidence and break down the barriers to agreement such as reopening ports and airports. [2]  [1] Neuger, James G., ‘Turkey’s EU Bid Is ‘Stalled,’ Cyprus to Blame, Van Rompuy Says’, Bloomberg, 5 September 2012,   [2] ‘Cyprus: Six Steps towards a Settlement’, International Crisis Group, Europe Briefing No.61, 22 February 2011, Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiations UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building barriers agreement ports airports reunification Van Rompuy Neuger International Crisis Group Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiation reunification UN peace plan confidence-building barriers agreement ports airports EU President Van Rompuy challenges enlargement stalled Greek Cypriots settlement International Crisis Group Europe Briefing Turkey Cyprus European Union Van Rompuy EU membership recognition negotiations reunification UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports barriers agreement settlement Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiations EU President Van Rompuy UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building barriers to agreement ports and airports reunification International Crisis Group stalled negotiations European enlargement membership challenges Cyprus problem diplomatic relations EU accession criteria Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition entry EU membership Van Rompuy negotiations enlargement Greek Cypriots UN peace plan reunification confidence-building ports airports settlement stalemate barriers agreement International Crisis Group Bloomberg Neuger James G. Turkey Cyprus EU recognition European Union membership negotiations EU President Van Rompuy UN peace plan Greek Cypriots reunification confidence building ports airports settlement steps international relations diplomatic barriers enlargement process member state challenges political stalemate Cyprus problem Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership EU President Van Rompuy enlargement negotiations UN peace plan Greek Cypriots reunification confidence-building ports airports settlement International Crisis Group Europe Briefing Bloomberg Neuger James G. 2012 2011 Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiations enlargement Van Rompuy UN peace plan Greek Cypriots reunification confidence-building ports airports settlement barriers agreement international relations Balkans Mediterranean politics Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition entry EU membership negotiations enlargement challenges UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports reunification barriers agreement EU President Van Rompuy International Crisis Group Bloomberg Europe Briefing settlement steps Turkey Cyprus European Union recognition EU membership negotiations enlargement UN peace plan Greek Cypriots confidence-building ports airports Van Rompuy International Crisis Group
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con01a	Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. Collective bargaining is a necessary aspect of democracy  Collective bargaining is needed by people in any job. Within any firm there exist feedback structures that enable workers to communicate with managers and executive decision makers. However, there are some issues which affect workers significantly, but run against the principles of profit, or in this case the overall public good that the state seeks to serve.  In this situation, a collection of workers are required. This is primarily because if suggested changes go against public interest then a single worker requesting such a change is likely to be rejected. However, it is the indirect benefit to public interest through a workforce that is treated better that must also be considered. But indirect benefit can only truly occur if there are a large number of workers where said indirect benefit can accrue.  Specifically, indirect benefit includes the happiness of the workforce and thus the creation of a harder working workforce, as well as the prevention of brain drain of the workforce to other professions. When a single person is unhappy for example, the effect is minimal, however if this effect can be proved for a large number of people then an adjustment must be made.  In order for these ideas to be expressed, workers can either engage in a collective bargaining process with their employer, or take more drastic action such as strikes or protests to raise awareness of the problem. Given that the alternate option is vastly more disruptive, it seems prudent to allow people to do collectively bargain.1  “Importance of Collective Bargaining.” Industrial relations. collective bargaining democracy job feedback structures workers managers executive decision makers public good state workers' rights profit public interest workforce happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations labor relations employee relations negotiation trade unions worker representation fair treatment employee satisfaction work environment social justice economic impact policy making labor laws collective agreement dispute resolution employee benefits unionization labor market workplace democracy corporate social responsibility employee engagement worker organization bargaining power labor standards human resources workplace issues professional development career collective bargaining democracy worker rights firm feedback structures public good workforce treatment public interest indirect benefits workforce happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations labor unions employee representation negotiation management executive decision makers worker communication employee benefits labor laws dispute resolution worker advocacy organizational behavior human resource management occupational justice economic equity social benefit corporate social responsibility labor market dynamics employment conditions workplace democracy bargaining power collective action labor relations worker solidarity organizational justice employee engagement workplace well-being labor economics industrial democracy employee collective bargaining democracy job rights firm communication worker-manager dialogue profit principles public interest workforce representation indirect public benefit worker satisfaction workforce productivity brain drain prevention workforce happiness labor unrest strikes protests industrial relations employee advocacy group negotiation labor rights employee representation workplace democracy labor laws collective agreements unionization employee wellbeing corporate social responsibility labor market dynamics employee retention organizational health worker empowerment labor disputes constructive dialogue fair treatment employee engagement workforce stability labor policy collective action worker advocacy labor relations workplace justice bargaining power collective bargaining democracy workers rights job security feedback structures communication management executive decision makers public interest profit state interests workforce treatment public good indirect benefits workforce happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations employee representation labor unions negotiation workplace democracy employee satisfaction corporate responsibility occupational health safety standards fair wages benefits employment conditions legal frameworks labor laws collective agreements bargaining process unionization worker protection social welfare economic justice organizational behavior management-labor relations grievance procedures dispute resolution corporate governance collective bargaining democracy workforce feedback structures public interest profit state indirect benefit public good worker satisfaction brain drain strikes protests industrial relations worker representation negotiation employment rights labor laws economic impact social justice collective bargaining democracy job feedback structures workers managers profit public good state issues workers rights public interest indirect benefit public benefit workforce happiness productivity brain drain strikes protests industrial relations importance of collective bargaining employer engagement disruption social justice labor laws employee representation negotiation labor relations unionization collective agreement workplace democracy employee rights economic justice fair wages work conditions labor market employment law collective action worker solidarity dispute resolution labor disputes employee benefits employee satisfaction human resources workplace communication organizational collective bargaining democracy worker rights firm communication management relations public interest workforce happiness productivity employee retention strikes protests industrial relations labor laws economic benefits social welfare negotiation employment conditions job satisfaction workplace democracy unionization employee representation collective action organizational behavior labor market economic equity social justice public policy employee engagement labor disputes dispute resolution workplace equality fair treatment worker empowerment corporate social responsibility labor standards bargaining power collective agreement labor relations workplace governance human resources labor union employee welfare work environment labor force collective bargaining democracy job rights worker communication management interaction public interest workforce happiness productivity improvement brain drain prevention labor relations industrial relations strike alternatives protest methods worker representation workplace fairness employee benefits organizational performance social responsibility economic stability collective action union formation negotiation skills dispute resolution labor laws employment conditions worker satisfaction corporate governance public sector private sector worker solidarity unionization economic justice social welfare labor market job security worker empowerment democratic participation occupational safety health benefits employee engagement workforce development organizational justice fair collective bargaining democracy job feedback structures workers managers executive decision makers issues profit public good state workforce public interest indirect benefit happiness harder working brain drain professions single person large number adjustment ideas employer strikes protests awareness disruption importance industrial relations collective bargaining democracy worker rights feedback structures profit principles public interest workforce happiness brain drain strikes protests industrial relations employee representation management communication labor unions negotiation employee welfare workplace democracy economic justice social responsibility corporate governance employee engagement labor laws collective agreements dispute resolution employee satisfaction productivity employee retention social impact public good executive decision-making worker advocacy labor movements employment relations bargaining power unionization labor market economic inequality social cohesion workplace democracy employee empowerment corporate social responsibility labor standards workplace conditions employee
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con02a	The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on The Internet is a free domain and cannot becontrolled by the government.  Given that the Internet is used as an international [1] and public space [2] , the government has no right over the information which may be presented via the Internet. In Western liberal democracies, governments are elected on the basis by which they can serve their own country – how they will create or maintain laws that pertain specifically to that nation, and how they will govern the population. The Internet is not country-specific, but international and free. As such, no individual government should have a right to the information on it. Asserting false authority over the internet would paint the government as dictatorial and a ‘nanny state’ [3] , demonstrating a lack of respect for its citizens by assuming that they cannot protect themselves or recognise the nature of extremist or potentially harmful sites and take the individual decision to distance themselves from such sites.  [1] Babel, ‘Towards communicating on the Internet in any language’,   [2] Papacharissi, Zizi, ‘The virtual sphere’, New Media & Society, Vol. 4 No. 1, pp 9-27, February 2002,  on 09/09/11  [3] BBC. ‘A Point of View: In defence of the nanny state’. Published 04/02/2011. Accessed from  on Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws international information individual government rights dictatorial authority nanny state citizen self-protection extremist sites harmful content digital rights online governance global information online censorship user autonomy freedom of expression internet regulation governmental oversight Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws individual government rights false authority dictatorial government nanny state citizen self-protection extremist sites harmful content self-regulation digital rights global information flow online governance cyber sovereignty digital democracy online citizenship virtual sphere net neutrality digital freedom internet regulation online safety user responsibility content control government overreach digital ethics information governance internet ethics digital policy online law international internet law digital citizenship online rights internet governance cyber law digital legislation online freedom Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws international freedom dictatorial government nanny state citizen autonomy extremist content harmful sites self-regulation digital rights online governance cyber sovereignty information control digital citizenship online privacy net neutrality global internet policy Internet freedom government control international public space Western liberal democracies country-specific laws international domain false authority dictatorial government nanny state citizen autonomy extremist sites harmful content self-protection individual decision-making Babel communication Papacharissi virtual sphere BBC nanny state defense Internet freedom government control international space public domain Western democracies law nation-specific information rights dictatorial nanny state citizen autonomy extremist content harmful sites self-protection individual decision Babel Papacharissi BBC Point of View defence nanny state internet freedom government control online censorship international domain public space western democracies national laws global information individual rights digital governance free speech online authority nanny state extremist content user protection self-regulation cyber sovereignty digital rights internet governance online liberty Internet freedom government control international space public domain Western democracies elected governments national laws international network individual government authority dictatorial state nanny state citizen autonomy self-protection extremist sites harmful content communicating languages virtual sphere media society point of view defense Internet free domain government control international space public space Western democracies country-specific laws individual government rights information freedom dictatorial authority nanny state citizen autonomy extremist sites harmful content self-protection individual decision-making Babel Papacharissi BBC Point of View virtual sphere communication language media society governance law democracy citizenship rights freedom control authority international public private digital online regulation policy technology ocy cyberlaw cybersecurity digital rights online freedom cyber governance digital Internet freedom government control international public space Western democracies country-specific laws digital governance global information online authority nanny state citizen autonomy self-regulation extremist content harmful sites digital rights online privacy digital sovereignty international law cyber governance user protection online safety Internet governance international public space government authority online freedom Western democracies country-specific laws information control digital rights online regulation nanny state self-protection extremist content harmful sites citizen autonomy digital citizenship online safety governmental oversight Babel Papacharissi BBC virtual sphere language accessibility digital policy free domain false authority liberal democracies digital governance online information public domain digital ethics information freedom online law international governance digital democracy digital rights advocacy internet ethics self-regulation digital literacy online content harmful information
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro01a	"The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: The current patent system is unjust and creates perverse incentives that benefit large pharmaceutical companies at the expense of ordinary citizens  The current drug patent regime is largely designed to benefit and shield the profits of large pharmaceutical companies. This is due to the fact that most of the laws on drug patents were written by lobbyists and voted upon by politicians in the pay of those firms. The pharmaceutical industry is simply massive and has one of the most powerful lobbies in most democratic states, particularly the United States. The laws are orchestrated to contain special loopholes, which these firms can exploit in order to maximize profits at the expense of the taxpayer and of justice. For example, through a process called ""evergreening"", drug firms essentially re-patent drugs when they near expiration by patenting certain compounds or variations of the drug1. This can extend the life of some patents indefinitely ensuring firms can milk customers at monopoly prices long after any possible costs of research or discovery are recouped. A harm that arises from this is the enervating effect that patents can generate in firms. When the incentive is to simply rest on one's patents, waiting for them to expire before doing anything else, societal progress is slowed. In the absence of such patents, firms are necessarily forced to keep innovating to stay ahead, to keep looking for profitable products and ideas. The free flow of ideas generated by the abolition of drug patents will invigorate economic dynamism.  1 Faunce, Thomas. 2004. ""The Awful Truth About Evergreening"". The Age. Available: pharmaceutical patents drug patent laws lobbying political influence evergreening profit maximization monopolistic pricing research costs innovation incentives societal progress economic dynamism free flow of ideas patent abolition public interest pharmaceutical industry patent system perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens taxpayer burden justice in patenting drug patents patent loopholes lobbyist-written laws democratic states United States patent expiration compound patents research and discovery continuous innovation profit recoupment economic stagnation incentive structures patent shields pharmaceutical lobbying patent abuse ethical considerations patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians powerful lobbies United States special loopholes maximize profits taxpayers justice evergreening re-patent drug firms monopoly prices research costs societal progress free flow of ideas abolition of drug patents economic dynamism patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits laws lobbyists politicians pay powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes exploit maximize profits taxpayers justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration patent compounds variations patent life monopoly prices research costs societal progress patents innovation economic dynamism free flow ideas abolition drug patents patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians pay powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits taxpayer justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration monopoly prices research costs discovery costs societal progress innovation economic dynamism abolish drug patents free flow of ideas Faunce Thomas The Age 2004 patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime lobbyist-written laws politician influence pharmaceutical industry powerful lobbies United States patent loopholes profit maximization evergreening monopoly prices research costs societal progress innovation economic dynamism free flow of ideas abolition of drug patents patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits evergreening re-patent monopoly prices enervating effect societal progress abolition free flow of ideas economic dynamism patent system unjust perverse incentives large pharmaceutical companies ordinary citizens drug patent regime benefit shield profits lobbyists politicians pay powerful lobbies democratic states United States special loopholes maximize profits taxpayer justice evergreening re-patent drug expiration compounds variations extend patents monopoly prices research costs societal progress incentive rest on patents economic dynamism abolish drug patents free flow of ideas patent system pharmaceutical companies perverse incentives drug patents lobbyist influence political corruption evergreening patent laws profit maximization monopolistic pricing societal progress economic dynamism innovation free flow of ideas public health taxpayer burden justice patent expiration pharmaceutical lobby democratic states United States research costs drug variations patent loopholes patent system injustices large pharmaceutical companies drug patent laws lobbyist influence political payoffs patent loopholes evergreening profit maximization taxpayer burden justice issues innovation slowdown economic dynamism free flow of ideas drug patent abolition pharmaceutical industry lobbying democratic states United States monopoly prices research costs societal progress patent expiration continuous innovation profitable products ideas circulation patent system pharmaceutical companies drug patents lobbyist influence political corruption evergreening profit maximization taxpayer expense justice societal progress innovation free flow of ideas economic dynamism patent reform healthcare policy intellectual property monopoly prices research costs patent expiration drug variations compound patents pharmaceutical lobbying democratic states United States healthcare economics public interest patent laws patent loopholes pharmaceutical industry patent abuse legal reform pharmaceutical regulation public health drug pricing patent expiration timelines innovation incentives competitive markets drug development ethical considerations patent legislation legislative oversight"
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro04a	"Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. Gun ownership increases the risk of suicide  There is a correlation between the laxity of a country’s gun laws and its suicide rate – not because gun owners are more depressive, but because the means of quick and effective suicide is easily to hand. As many unsuccessful suicides are later glad that they failed in their attempt, the state should discourage and restrict the ownership of something that wastes so many human lives. gun ownership suicide risk correlation gun laws suicide rate depression means of suicide unsuccessful suicides state intervention gun restriction human lives public health mental health firearms policy lethal means suicide prevention gun control societal impact regulatory measures firearm availability gun ownership suicide risk lax gun laws suicide rate correlation means of suicide quick and effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun control firearm regulation mental health public policy suicide prevention gun ownership, suicide risk, correlation, gun laws, suicide rate, depression, means of suicide, unsuccessful suicides, human lives, policy restrictions, firearm regulation, public health, mental health, lethal means, prevention strategies, societal impact, legislative measures,胴 (Note: The last character ""胴"" seems to be an unintended input and should be disregarded or corrected as necessary.) gun ownership suicide risk lax gun laws suicide rate depressive tendencies quick suicide methods unsuccessful suicides human life value gun control policies mental healthawareness public safety measures gun ownership suicide risk country gun laws suicide rate correlation quick suicide methods effective suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun restriction state policy depression suicide prevention gun ownership suicide risk lax gun laws suicide rate means of suicide unsuccessful suicides human lives gun restriction public safety mental health depressive tendencies firearm regulation societal impact prevention strategies gun ownership suicide risk correlation lax gun laws suicide rate means of suicide effectiveness of suicide methods unsuccessful suicides mental health gun restrictions public policy human life preservation Gun ownership suicide risk correlation gun laws suicide rate means of suicide easy access unsuccessful suicides mental health policy gun regulation public health prevention human life societal impact lethality firearm availability suicide prevention strategies legislative measures depressive tendencies intent outcome statistical evidence intervention safety measures community health legal restrictions ownership restrictions mental illness firearm safety mortality awareness research advocacy behavioral health violence causality epidemiology criminology sociological factors psychological factors prevention programs support services crisis intervention mental health resources gun laws suicide prevention firearm regulation mental health public policy gun control suicide risk factors legislative measures intentional death weapon accessibility gun control suicide prevention mental health firearm regulation public policy suicide risk factors means restriction gun availability depressive disorders legislative impact human life value societal safety measures"
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro02a	We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. We have a duty to protect individuals from the worst reactions to art  Those who see the artwork, or hear of it, must be considered. Often, social disgust stems from the violation of those values that are most central to an individual.  An individual’s right not to have their most central values abused or ridiculed is surely of more importance than the desire of an artist to be entirely unrestricted in their work: the harm caused to individuals by the continuing acceptance by society, (and consequent exposure) of art they find disgusting, can be great, and the reasonable modern society recognises such harms and does not impose them unnecessarily.  For example, the case of the Chapman brothers’ repeated use of Hitler and Nazi imagery: for the Chapmans the horror of WW2 might be distant and historical, and therefore for them the time may have come for Hitler to simply be mocked; however, for others that horror is altogether more current. Other people may feel a greater connection, for example, because of the impact on their close family, which cannot simply be ignored. In a situation like this, clearly the impact is infinitely more negative for that individual whose trauma is, in effect, being highlighted as now acceptable for comic material, than the positive gain is for the Chapmans: if restricted, they are simply caused to move on to other subjects. duty protect individuals reactions art social disgust values abuse ridicule artist unrestricted harm society imposition Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical trauma family comic material restriction subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust central values individual rights artist restrictions harm reasonable society unnecessary imposition Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical distance comic material trauma family impact negative impact positive gain subject change art protection individuals social disgust values central abuse ridiculed artist unrestricted harm society imposition unnecessary Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 historical comic material trauma close family negative impact positive gain restriction subjects duty to protect worst reactions to art social disgust central values individual rights artist restrictions society's recognition of harm unnecessary exposure to disgusting art Chapman brothers Hitler and Nazi imagery WW2 horror trauma comic material negative impact positive gain moving on to other subjects duty protect individuals reactions art social disgust values central individual abused ridiculed artist unrestricted harm society exposure modern recognises unnecessary Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery horror WW2 distant historical time mocked impact close family trauma negative positive gain restricted subjects protecting individuals worst reactions to art social disgust central values individual rights artist freedom unrestricted art harm to individuals reasonable society imposition of harm Chapman brothers Hitler imagery Nazi imagery WW2 horror comic material trauma family impact negative impact positive gain restricted subjects art protection values social disgust individual rights artistic freedom harm reasonable society Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 trauma comic material restriction positive gain subjects duty protect individuals worst reactions art social disgust values individual right abuse ridicule artist unrestricted work harm society exposure modern recognizes unnecessary chapman brothers hitler nazi imagery horror WW2 historical mock trauma family impact negative positive restricted subjects art protection values social disgust individual rights artist freedom harm reasonable society Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 trauma comic material restrictions art protection social disgust values ridicule artistic freedom harm modern society Chapman brothers Hitler Nazi imagery WW2 trauma comic material restriction subjects
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro01a	Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Individuals Should Not Have the Right to Bear Arms in DC  Under the status quo the state exists to protect the security of its citizens. It does so by maintaining a monopoly of violence with the consent of its citizens. US citizens have been allowed to bear small arms as a symbolic representation of their ability to rise up against state oppression should it ever occur. That is, to keep a check and balance upon the monopoly of violence that the state has.  It is important to note that the state has the monopoly of violence such that it can protect its citizens in the best possible way. In the same way, the right to bear arms exists such that citizens can protect themselves and prevent harm. This means that should the state visit harm upon the citizens of the state then its right to claim a monopoly on violence is revoked and the citizens can fight against the state.  In a similar fashion to the above, should the citizens of the state use their right to bear arms to visit harm upon one another, it seems reasonable that in the same way that the state’s monopoly on violence is revoked, the citizens should have their right to bear arms revoked.  Given that this does not occur in every single part of the U.S. it also seems reasonable to isolate the ban to areas where the spirit of the right to bear arms is being significantly violated. In this case the ban is limited to DC however it could potentially extend to other areas in the U.S. which suffer similar problems.2 Second Amendment gun control individual rights state monopoly on violence citizen protection self-defense state oppression constitutional rights firearms District of Columbia public safety gun laws armed citizens harm prevention symbolic representation legal precedent regional gun policies urban gun control constitutional interpretation civil liberties right to bear arms DC gun laws state monopoly of violence citizen security arms for self-protection preventing state oppression gun control measures urban firearm restrictions constitutional rights debate public safety policies local gun regulations Second Amendment interpretation arms for defense state-citizen balance firearm misuse consequences regional gun control urban violence mitigation citizen protection methods arms revocation criteria legal firearm ownership gun rights vs public safety arms for citizen protection DC firearm legislation arms for harm prevention urban gun ban justification state-citizen power balance arms for uprising gun rights limitations firearm ownership revocation gun control second amendment constitutional rights public safety individual rights state authority violence monopoly citizen protection self-defense state oppression harm prevention legal restrictions urban areas district of columbia firearm regulations law enforcement community safety legal precedents political debate societal impact right to bear arms state monopoly of violence citizen security gun control self-defense state oppression constitutional rights Second Amendment gun violence public safety DC gun laws urban gun control state-citizen relationship firearm regulations localized gun bans legal precedent constitutional interpretation citizen protection state authority individual rights gun control Second Amendment citizen protection state violence monopoly of force public safety self-defense state oppression citizen rights DC gun laws urban gun restrictions firearm regulation civic responsibilities constitutional interpretation local governance legislative intent community security armed citizenry state citizen relationship armed uprising legal precedent gun violence urban safety state authority citizen empowerment judicial oversight constitutional rights public policy law enforcement civilian disarmament regional law variation political philosophy civic duties state power individual rights collective security statutory law legal frameworks social contract civic engagement constitutional Individual rights state monopoly on violence citizen protection legal arms ownership symbolic resistance state oppression self-defense harm prevention constitutional rights local legislation gun control District of Columbia public safety firearms regulation Second Amendment urban violence community security law enforcement civic responsibility regional policy-making individual rights gun control state monopoly of violence citizen protection symbolic representation state oppression check and balance self-defense harm prevention revoke rights significant violation localized ban district of columbia us constitutional rights second amendment public safety crime rates urban areas gun-related violence constitutional interpretation legal precedent citizen uprising government accountability community security arms regulation legislative measures firearm legislation policy adjustment societal impact violent crime urban policy justice system civil rights law enforcement national security gun laws regional differences crime prevention social contract public trust government gun control Second Amendment state monopoly on violence citizen protection arms rights DC gun laws public safety state-citizen balance constitutional rights regional gun policies harm prevention citizen rights legal arms possession state authority constitutional interpretation arms regulation urban gun control citizen-state relationship legal violence monopoly gun violence reduction DC gun control individual rights state monopoly of violence citizen security right to bear arms symbolic representation state oppression check and balance self-protection harm prevention state harm citizen harm geographically limited ban urban areas firearm regulation public safety constitutional rights Second Amendment local law enforcement crime rates community impact judicial oversight legislative action political debate public opinion social contract monopoly revocation legal precedent regional policies firearm ownership gun violence self-defense policy reform governmental authority citizen rights armed conflicts state authority constitutional law human rights right to bear arms DC state monopoly on violence citizen protection symbolic representation state oppression check and balance harm prevention citizen harm area isolation significant violation potential extension US citizenship small arms security consent of the governed self-defense constitutional rights gun control urban areas law enforcement public safety Second Amendment firearm regulation legislative intent societal impact crime rates constitutional law individual rights collective security state authority legal precedent judicial interpretation policy reform political discourse civic responsibility moral obligation ethical considerations societal norms cultural values civil liberties
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro02a	Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. Many people find the views expressed by much of the church offensive, those views are given airtime, a public service broadcaster should provide a level playing field for ideas.  The role of a public service broadcaster, especially one of the stature of the BBC, is to provide a portal for ideas from all perspectives. There are many who take either irritation or offence at the idea that the Corporation devotes a disproportionate time and resources to what, in modern Britain, is a strictly minority interest [i] with fewer than seven per cent of people regularly attending religious worship.  Many perceive commonly held positions in the mainstream churches – let alone more extreme sects – to be offensive or reactionary and, in some cases, a cover for homophobic, illiberal or sexist opinions.  If religious opinion is to be granted this airtime for the benefit of a small, if vocal, minority then it seems both unfair and unprofessional for that broadcaster to be constrained by that groups views in relation to the rest of its output.  The BBC, like most major broadcasters, meets the challenge of divergent or conflicting views by providing some output that is considered likely to be of interest to each viewpoint.  [i] National Secular Society. Press Release: “BBC Must Not Become the Evangelical Wing of the Church of England.” 9 February 2010. public service broadcaster BBC religious views minority interest airtime modern Britain secular society offensive content disproportionate coverage diverse perspectives religious worship evangelical Church of England homophobia illiberal sexist fair representation media responsibility viewer irritation public opinion broadcasting ethics equal representation secularism religious sects mainstream churches media diversity airtime distribution broadcast content religious offense media balance programming fairness audience demographics public service responsibilities media inclusivity editorial policy cultural sensitivity religious influence media regulation free speech media standards public debate religious religious views public service broadcaster BBC level playing field minority interest modern Britain religious worship mainstream churches offensive opinions homophobic illiberal sexist airtime proportional representation National Secular Society Evangelical Wing Church of England divergent views conflicting views broadcast output viewer interest religious opinion public broadcaster constraints vocal minority secular society press release religious sects commonly held positions disproportionate time resources broadcast ethics media diversity religious broadcasting secular broadcasting media representation audience demographics public service media editorial policy religious content secular content public service broadcaster BBC religious views minority interest offensive content secular society airtime distribution modern Britain religious worship divergent viewpoints broadcaster responsibility level playing field homogeneous content media representation inclusive broadcasting religious opinion secular perspectives media ethics content balance public service media public service broadcaster BBC religious views airtime minority interest modern Britain offensive content level playing field secular society divergent views proportional representation media responsibility public opinion religious worship mainstream churches extremist sects homophobic views illiberal opinions sexist opinions broadcaster constraints fair representation national secular society press release evangelical wing church of england media diversity viewpoint inclusion views offensive church public service broadcaster BBC level playing field ideas minority interest religious worship modern Britain irritation offence mainstream churches extreme sects homophobic illiberal sexist airtime fair professional divergent views conflicting views National Secular Society Evangelical Wing Church of England church views public service broadcaster BBC level playing field religious worship minority interest offensive opinions homophobic views illiberal views sexist views airtime fairness broadcaster constraint divergent views national secular society evangelical wing church of england public service broadcaster BBC level playing field ideas perspectives minority interest religious worship offensive views reactionary opinions homophobic illiberal sexist airtime disproportionate representation modern Britain National Secular Society divergent views constrained output vocal minority secularism religious broadcasting media representation public broadcaster responsibility religious sects mainstream churches media ethics broadcasting standards public service broadcaster BBC religious views offensive content airtime level playing field ideas perspectives minority interest modern Britain church secular society religious worship disproportionate representation homogeneous groups divergent views conflicted opinions ethics in broadcasting media responsibility public opinion secularism religious sects homosexuality sexism illiberalism broadcasting standards editorial policy National Secular Society press release evangelical Church of England media diversity representative media audience demographics content balance fairness in media professional broadcasting media constraints viewpoint representation media ethics public service media church views offensive views public service broadcaster BBC level playing field ideas modern Britain minority interest religious worship mainstream churches offensive opinions reactionary opinions homophobic views illiberal views sexist views airtime broadcaster constraints divergent views conflicting views National Secular Society Evangelical Wing Church of England church offensive views public service broadcaster BBC level playing field ideas minority interest religious worship modern Britain offensive opinions homophobic illiberal sexist airtime divergent views National Secular Society Evangelical Wing Church of England
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro01a	Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ Being a performer limits a child’s formal education  Spending so much time either performing or training limits the amount of formal education the child can receive. For example, in the UK and other countries, child performers are only required to be educated for three hours each day. [1]  Additionally, the focus on the specialised skill of the child (e.g., acting, dancing, etc.) may detract from their family’s or their own interest in formal education.  [1] The Children’s Legal Centre, ‘What are the hours that a child performer may work?’ child performers formal education limitations training time UK child performer education specialized skills family interest in education legal regulations child labor laws education rights performing arts education child performer formal education performance training education hours specialized skills family interest legal regulations child labor laws educational requirements UK child performers child performers formal education training time UK regulations specialized skills family interest legal standards education hours work hours child actors child dancers educational impact performance training legal protection child welfare child performer formal education training specialised skill acting dancing UK Children's Legal Centre work hours education requirements family interest detract from education child performer formal education training specialized skill acting dancing educational hours UK Children's Legal Centre work hours family interest education limitation child performers formal education training limitations specialized skills acting dancing UK regulations Children's Legal Centre education hours work hours family interest education impact child performer formal education training specialized skill acting dancing UK Children's Legal Centre work hours education requirement child performers formal education training time specialised skills acting dancing education hours UK regulations family interest legal standards child performers formal education training time specialized skills acting dancing legal requirements UK education hours family interest child development performer education work hours child labor laws child performers formal education training time UK education requirements specialized skills family interest legal regulations working hours education impact performer education
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con03a	Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa's greatest needs are for infrastructure and education  Africa’s greatest needs for development are infrastructure and education. Neither of these needs implies that women are about to become key to the African economy.  Africa is severely deficient in infrastructure; Sub Saharan Africa generates the same amount of electricity as Spain, a country with one seventeenth the population. The World Bank suggests “if all African countries were to catch up with Mauritius in infrastructure, per capita economic growth in the region could increase by 2.2 percentage points. Catching up with Korea’s level would increase economic growth per capita by up to 2.6 percent per year.” [1]  There are numerous projects to alleviate this deficit such as immense projects like the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo which could power not just the country but its neighbours too. [2] However if construction is the key to the future then this implies men are going to continue to have more impact as the construction industry is traditionally dominated by men.  Africa has been making strides in education for women. Yet there still remains a gap. To take a few examples the youth female literacy rates in Angola 66%, Central African Republic 59%, Ghana 83% and Sierra Leone 52% is still lower than youth male literacy rates or 80%, 72%, 88%, and 70%. [3] And the gap often increases with further education. To take Senegal as an example there are actually more girls than boys enrolled in primary education, a ratio of 1.06 but for secondary this drops to 0.77 and to 0.6 for tertiary. The situation is the same in other countries; Mauritania 1.06, 0.86, 0.42, Mozambique, 0.95, 0.96, 0.63, and Ghana 0.98, 0.92, 0.63. [4]  With women not breaking through to the highest level in education it is unlikely that they will be the main driver of the economy in the future. Their influence may increase as a result of increasing education at lower levels but without equality at the highest level they are unlikely to become key to their countries economic future as the highest skilled jobs and the roles of directing the economy will still be carried out primarily by men.  [1] ‘Fact Sheet: Infrastructure in Sub-Saharan Africa’, The World Bank,   [2] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House would build the Grand Inga Dam’  [3] UNESCO Institute for Statistics, ‘Literacy rate, youth male (% of males ages 15-24)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013,   [4] Schwab Klaus et al., The Global Gender Gap Report 2013, World Economic Forum, 2013,  , pp.328, 276, 288, 208 (in order of mentioning, examples taken pretty much at random – though there are one or two where the ratios actually don’t change much such as Mauritius, but that is against the trend) Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo youth literacy gender gap primary education secondary education tertiary education economic growth skilled jobs construction industry female literacy rates male literacy rates Mauritius Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics fact sheet debate Klaus Schwab World Economic Forum Africa infrastructure education development women economy construction electricity Sub-Saharan Africa World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo literacy rates youth Angola Central African Republic Ghana Sierra Leone Senegal primary education secondary education tertiary education gender gap highest skilled jobs UNESCO Global Gender Gap Report World Economic Forum Africa infrastructure education development women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank economic growth Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo construction industry gender gap literacy rates female education primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs economic future youth literacy gender equality highest level education highest skilled jobs directing economy UNESCO World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report Africa infrastructure education women economic development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity generation World Bank Grand Inga Dam construction industry gender gap literacy rates youth education economic growth primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs gender equality highest level education male dominance economic future Sub-Saharan Africa infrastructure women's education Africa's development needs economic impact of infrastructure construction and gender education gender gap female literacy male literacy economic direction skilled roles gender disparity education statistics World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report UNESCO Institute for Statistics youth literacy Africa infrastructure education women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam youth literacy gender gap primary education secondary education tertiary education economic growth construction industry development Mauritius Korea Angola Central African Republic Ghana Sierra Leone Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Africa infrastructure education women economic development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam construction industry gender gap literacy rates youth Senegal primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs economic future gender equality UNESCO Global Gender Gap Report Africa infrastructure education development women economy construction Grand Inga Dam electricity World Bank per capita growth Mauritius youth literacy gender gap secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs economic direction Sub-Saharan Africa Spain Demographic UNESCO World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report primary education Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana Angola Central African Republic Sierra Leone Africa infrastructure education women economy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam Democratic Republic of Congo youth literacy female male economic growth construction gender gap primary education secondary tertiary Senegal Mauritania Mozambique Ghana UNESCO World Economic Forum skilled jobs highest level equality Africa infrastructure education women economy development Sub-Saharan Africa electricity World Bank Grand Inga Dam literacy rates youth gender gap construction skilled jobs Africa infrastructure education development women economy construction Grand Inga Dam electricity World Bank literacy rates youth gender gap Senegal primary education secondary education tertiary education skilled jobs economic growth Sub-Saharan Africa Spain Mauritius Angola Central African Republic Ghana Sierra Leone Mauritania Mozambique globalization workforce inequality empowerment gender equality economic impact policy social development Sub-Saharan Africa's infrastructure economic potential gender disparities educational achievement female enrollment male enrollment tertiary education gap workforce participation skilled labor economic leadership
test-international-gmehwasr-con04a	Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Possibility of being drawn into a long drawn out conflict  Even just providing the rebels with arms risks drawing the powers that supply those arms into the conflict. [1] This is because it gives the intervening power a stake in the conflict. Once weapons have been supplied allowing the Syrian government to reassert control would be a large foreign policy reversal and would damage relations with the Syrian government for years to come.  We need only look at the Vietnam conflict to know that what starts out as a very small commitment can rapidly escalate when the government decides it cannot afford to back down. What starts as just arming the rebels could quickly lead to troops on the ground. Indeed it might require men on the ground right from the start as if we were to be providing heavy weapons the rebels would need training in how to use those weapons if they are to seriously be considered an equaliser.  [1] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 conflict escalation arms supply rebel support foreign intervention stake in conflict military commitment Vietnam War analogy small commitment rapid escalation ground troops heavy weapons training foreign policy reversal international relations Syrian government arming rebels equalizer weapons training necessity initial involvement sustained engagement power dynamics strategic interests long-term conflict arms supply stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam War escalation troops deployment weapons training rebel support international relations Syria arming rebels conflict intervention military engagement political commitment strategic interests regional stability humanitarian intervention armed intervention diplomatic consequences conflict escalation arming rebels foreign intervention stake in conflict foreign policy reversal small commitment rapid escalation government intervention providing heavy weapons training rebels equaliser in conflict Vietnam conflict Syria intervention risks long-term relations military escalation ground troops initial commitment strategic investment international relations conflict dynamics armed conflict humanitarian intervention political implications regional stability defense policy military support strategic interests diplomatic consequences arms supply military engagement intervention strategies regional security conflict resolution peacekeeping international law security studies foreign affairs defense studies military assistance conflict long drawn out conflict providing rebels with arms drawing powers into conflict stake in conflict foreign policy reversal relations damage small commitment escalation troops on ground arming rebels heavy weapons training equaliser consideration long-term conflict arming rebels stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict small commitment escalation troops on ground heavy weapons rebel training equaliser intervention risks Syria international relations military intervention armed conflict geopolitical consequences strategic interests conflict dynamics arms supply rebel support government control political reversal training requirement military engagement conflict escalation international stakes historical precedents policy consequences strategic commitment foreign intervention military aid rebel empowerment conflict resolution diplomatic repercussions armed intervention international security regional stability long conflict arming rebels supplier nations stake in conflict weapons supply foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict escalation troops on the ground heavy weapons military training equaliser intervention Syria international relations conflict dynamics arms supply geopolitical impact military commitment strategic involvement long-term conflict arming rebels international involvement stake in conflict foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict escalation ground troops heavy weapons training Daniel Byman Foreign Policy long conflict arms supply rebel support foreign intervention stake in conflict control reassertion foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict escalation small commitment troops deployment heavy weapons training requirement equaliser consideration arming rebels international relations conflict dynamics military involvement strategic implications political consequences long conflict arming rebels foreign policy reversal Vietnam conflict escalating commitment troops on ground heavy weapons training Daniel Byman Syria intervention conflict stakes international relations military escalation rebel support weapon supply political commitment armed conflict strategic involvement military intervention training rebels conflict resolution diplomacy peace efforts regional stability arms conflict escalation foreign policy intervention rebels stake Syria training Vietnam weapons
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro02a	Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, Providing attention simply encourages the regime  North Korea has an attention seeking cycle on the go that was used by Kim Jong Il and now seems to be used by his son Kim Jong Un. Essentially North Korea takes a provocative action (as big or small as it thinks necessary – this may be a missile launch, right up to some kind of military attack) in order to grab the world’s attention. There is then a period where there are condemnations and threats to increase sanctions that usually don’t get anywhere as they are blocked by China. The North Korean regime will then proclaim a willingness to do business and negotiate giving minor concessions on the issue of the provocation in return for aid or whatever the regime happens to want at the time. Of course whatever concession it gives is easily reversible so setting up another round. [1] This is a good deal for North Korea as it essentially gets aid in return for bad behaviour, it is therefore not surprising that the North is willing to continue engaging in bad behaviour.  [1] Hong, Adrian, ‘How to Free North Korea’, Foreign Policy, 19 December 2011, North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid bad behaviour reversible concessions engagement Foreign Policy Adrian Hong North Korean regime provocation cycle attention seeking regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world's attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible bad behaviour Adrian Hong Foreign Policy attention seeking North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China willingness to negotiate concessions aid reversible concessions bad behaviour Free North Korea Adrian Hong Foreign Policy North Korea attention-seeking provocation Kim Jong Un Kim Jong Il regime missile launch military attack world attention sanctions China negotiations concessions aid bad behavior reversible concessions Adrian Hong Foreign Policy North Korea attention seeking regime Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocations missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible actions bad behavior Adrian Hong Foreign Policy attention seeking North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions world's attention condemnations threats sanctions China willingness to negotiate minor concessions aid bad behaviour reversible concessions cycle regime Foreign Policy Adrian Hong How to Free North Korea attention seeking regime North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations threats sanctions China willingness to negotiate concessions aid reversible bad behaviour cyclical pattern foreign policy Adrian Hong North Korea attention-seeking Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world's attention condemnations sanctions China willingness to negotiate minor concessions aid bad behaviour reversible concessions cycle of provocation North Korean regime international relations diplomacy foreign policy North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un attention seeking provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiation concessions aid bad behaviour reversible Adrian Hong Foreign Policy attention seeking North Korea Kim Jong Il Kim Jong Un provocative actions missile launch military attack world attention condemnations sanctions China negotiations concessions aid reversible concessions bad behaviour North Korean regime Foreign Policy Adrian Hong
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro02a	Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. Risk of a two-tier Internet  As things stand there are relatively flat rate services. The concern is that ISP would charge higher rates for full Internet access or act to ensure that their own content arrived seamlessly and smoothly, while that of competitors was delayed or poorer quality or that higher bandwidth applications end up with a higher price-tag [i] .  This is of concern both to end users and to the producers of content. There are very real concerns here, as a result, about the impact this has on freedom of expression. The best way to avoid censorship – either commercial or political – is to ensure that it remains impossible to achieve in the first place.  Once it becomes possible to give preference to some forms of content or points of origin, then commercial censorship at least becomes a great deal easier.  [i] BBC News Website. “BT Content Connect service faces ‘two-tier net’ claims. 4 January 2011. risk two-tier internet flat rate services ISP full internet access content delivery higher rates bandwidth content quality end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship content preference net neutrality BT Content Connect BBC News Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP higher rates full Internet access seamless content smoothly competitors delayed poorer quality higher bandwidth end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial political preference content origin commercial censorship BT Content Connect two-tier net claims BBC News Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access content quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP charges full Internet access content delay quality disparity bandwidth pricing end user concerns content producer concerns freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier Internet ISP flat rate services higher rates full Internet access content delay quality difference bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect net neutrality digital divide Internet regulation policy making consumer rights telecommunications media distribution online competition data discrimination network management regulatory frameworks technological neutrality public interest digital rights privacy security innovation investment access equality service differentiation fair use global standards governance stakeholder engagement legislative protection informed consent data transparency ethics societal two-tier internet flat rate services ISP charges full internet access content delay quality differences bandwidth pricing end user concerns content producer concerns freedom of expression censorship prevention commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access higher rates content quality bandwidth end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims two-tier internet flat rate services ISP charging full internet access content quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression commercial censorship political censorship content preference network neutrality internet regulation BT Content Connect two-tier net claims Internet two-tier flat-rate services ISP full access content quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial political content preference points of origin BT Content Connect BBC News Risk two-tier Internet flat rate services ISP full Internet access content quality bandwidth pricing end users content producers freedom of expression censorship commercial censorship political censorship content preference BT Content Connect two-tier net claims
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con03a	Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, Migrants will simply return to the countries they have been sent from  Moving migrants to developing countries in return for quantities of aid is simply not a sustainable policy. Migrants fleeing conflict looking for safety may accept any safe country but the migrant problems affecting rich countries are in large part economic migration. These people are looking to get to a developed country to earn more and have better prospects than they could at home so are unlikely to accept a country at a similar (or potentially lower) level of development as a good alternative. They are therefore likely to simply tray again to make their way to a developed country when they can. There have been examples of migrants such as Rachid from Algeria who has tried to get into Europe three times already and is waiting for a ship to try again, [1] it is unclear how this proposal would alter this problem.  [1] Ash, Lucy, ‘Risking death at sea to escape boredom’, BBC News, 20 August 2015, migrants return countries aid developing sustainable policy conflict safety economic migration developed prospects earn level tray attempt examples Rachid Algeria Europe death sea boredom proposal alter problem migrants return countries sent moving developing aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety migrant problems rich economic developed earn prospects level development try Europe Algeria risk death sea escape boredom BBC News migrants return countries sent moving developing aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety rich economic migration developed earn prospects similar level development unlikely accept try again Rachid Algeria Europe examples proposal alter problem migrant return developing countries aid economic migration developed country prospects migrant retry Rachid Algeria Europe migration attempts economic migration developed countries migrant problems conflict safety developing countries aid sustainable policy return prospects income Rachid Algeria Europe attempts ship boredom death sea escape migrants return countries sent moving developing countries aid policy sustainable fleeing conflict safety problems rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects level development try Europe Algeria death sea escape boredom proposal alter migrants return countries sent moving developing aid policy sustainable fleeing conflict safety rich economic developed earn prospects home level development alternative try Europe Algeria example proposal problem Migrants return countries sent Moving migrants developing countries aid sustainable policy fleeing conflict safety migrant problems rich countries economic migration developed country earn better prospects home similar level development try Europe Algeria ship proposal problem Lucy Ash BBC News migrants return countries aid sustainable policy conflict safety rich economic migration developed prospects lower level development attempt europe MEDC LEDC refuge asylum policy proposal alteration effectiveness migration patterns human geography development economics political asylum refugees displacement global north south inequality opportunity social economic mobility international movement people demographic trends challenges solutions integration resettlement deportation aid development cooperation international relations policy impact effectiveness Migrants return countries aid sustainable policy conflict safety economic migration developed country prospects lower development Rachid Algeria Europe death sea boredom BBC News
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con01a	Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. Censorship is fundamentally incompatible with the notion of free speech.  Censoring particular material essentially blinds the public to a complete world view by asserting the patronising view that ordinary citizens simply cannot read extreme material without recognising the flaws in it. This motion assumes that those who have access to material such as religious opinion sites will be influenced by it, rather than realising that it is morally dubious and denouncing it. The best way to combat prejudice is to expose it as a farce; this cannot be done if it is automatically and unthinkingly censored. Meanwhile, it is paradoxical for a government to assert the general benefits of free speech and then act in a contradictory and hypocritical manner by banning certain areas of the Internet. Free speech should not be limited; even if it is an expression of negativity, it should be publicly debated and logically criticised, rather than hidden altogether. censorship free speech public view extreme material flaws recognition religious opinion moral judgment prejudice combating government hypocrisy internet censorship negativity expression public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public opinion extreme material critical thinking moral judgment government regulation internet censorship freedom of expression democratic values societal norms debate logical criticism prejudice misinformation patronizing views government hypocrisy digital rights online freedom information control censorship free speech public opinion patronising 极端材料 moral judgment exposing prejudice combating prejudice government hypocrisy internet censorship free expression public debate logical criticism hiding information complete worldview religious opinions moral dubiousness free speech limitations negative expression censorship free speech public worldview patronising view citizens' discernment influence of material moral recognition combating prejudice exposing bias government hypocrisy free speech limitations public debate logical criticism internet censorship expression of negativity complete world view access to information moral dubiousness farce of prejudice contradictory actions general benefits of free speech unthinkingly censored public influence critical thinking free expression democratic values societal norms censorship paradox governmental control information freedom debate and dialogue transparent society intellectual autonomy digital rights online freedom speech regulation public censorship free speech public view moral judgment prejudice government hypocrisy free expression logical criticism Internet restrictions societal debate censorship free speech public worldview patronising view citizens extreme material flaws recognition influence religious opinion moral judgment prejudice expose farce government free speech benefits contradiction hypocrisy internet censorship negativity public debate logical criticism hidden information censorship free speech public worldview patronising view ordinary citizens extreme material flaws recognition religious opinions influence morally dubious combat prejudice expose fallacies automatic censorship government hypocrisy free speech limitations negativity expression public debate logical criticism censorship free speech public view extreme material patronising ordinary citizens religious opinion influence prejudice farce government free speech benefits internet censorship negativity public debate logical criticism hidden information censorship free speech public awareness critical thinking government hypocrisy internet freedom open debate logical criticism moral judgment prejudiced content religious opinions extreme material patronizing view complete world view combating prejudice expression of negativity democratic rights information access societal norms free expression debate censorship paradox democratic values internet censorship free speech limitations public discourse logical reasoning moral dubiousness government control informed citizens intellectual freedom 新闻自由 表达自由 网络审查 公民权利 信息自由 批判性思维 censorship free speech public awareness moral judgment government hypocrisy internet freedom open debate logical criticism exposure to prejudice combating misinformation patronizing views unrestricted information democratic values digital rights expression of negativity transparent dialogue societal norms legal restrictions ideological diversity citizen autonomy
test-society-tsmihwurpp-con01a	Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. Profiling is simply institutionalizing racism an reduces minorities to the status of second class citizens  Profiling is, in the end, simply wrong. Britain suffered for decades from the ‘innocent until proven Irish’ attitude of their security forces, which did nothing but engender resentment among Irish individuals who were trying to live and work in the United Kingdom. For western nations to make the same mistake in their approach to Muslims would be the gravest folly.  Aviation authorities are, ultimately, under the control of the state, and if a government announces that they consider all members of a group to be potential criminals, it sends out a very provocative message. profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second-class citizens ethics Britain 'innocent until proven Irish' security forces resentment Irish UK mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message discrimination civil rights racial profiling security policy social impact public trust ethnic profiling law enforcement prejudice human rights social justice security measures institutional bias equality policy reform public safety stereotype community relations legal discrimination minority groups social division national security personal freedom justice system sociopolitical issues cultural profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second-class citizens moral wrong Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish United Kingdom mistake approach to Muslims gravest folly aviation authorities state control potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalizing racism second class citizens wrong innocent until proven Irish resentment Irish United Kingdom mistake Muslims aviation authorities state control potential criminals provocative message racial profiling institutional racism second-class citizens innocent until proven Irish Irish resentment UK security forces profiling Muslims aviation authorities government influence provocative messaging potential criminals group discrimination security measures civil rights ethnic profiling social injustice prejudiced policies equality in law enforcement minority rights historical parallels profiling institutionalized racism minority discrimination second-class citizens wrongful practices British security Irish discrimination resentment ethnic profiling Muslim discrimination government control aviation security state influence provocative policies civil rights racial bias institutional prejudice societal impact ethical considerations historical context profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second class citizens wrong Britain innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish United Kingdom mistake approach Muslims aviation authorities state control government potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalized racism minority status second-class citizens ethical concerns Britain Irish security forces resentment historical context Muslims potential criminals government control aviation authorities provocative message discrimination civil rights societal impact equality law enforcement public policy racial profiling religious discrimination social justice human rights legal ethics security measures community relations political implications cultural sensitivity ethnic profiling prejudice stereotyping equality under law freedom from discrimination fair treatment inclusive policies diversity tolerance peaceful coexistence national security individual rights balance fairness justice profiling institutionalizing racism minorities second-class citizens Britain ‘innocent until proven Irish’ security forces resentment Irish Muslims aviation authorities government potential criminals provocative message western nations folly institutionalizing racism second class citizens profiling wrong innocent until proven Irish security forces resentment Irish individuals United Kingdom mistake approach Muslims gravest folly aviation authorities state control potential criminals provocative message profiling institutionalized racism minority status second-class citizens Britain Irish security forces resentment Muslims aviation authorities government potential criminals provocative message western nations folly discrimination civil rights ethnic profiling law enforcement societal impact human rights violations racial profiling social justice equality security policies anti-discrimination multiculturalism public policy ethical considerations social harmony legal challenges human dignity community relations international perspectives cultural sensitivity systemic issues prejudice modern society policy reform civil liberties equality before law judicial oversight law enforcement practices community policing
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con01a	Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 Transparency can result in normalisation  While something is secret it is clearly not a normal every day part of government, it is deniable and the assumption is that when it comes to light it has probably been wound up long ago. However making something transparent without winding it up can be a bad thing as it makes it normal which ultimately makes a bad policy much harder to end.  The use of drones by the CIA may turn out to be an example of this. At the moment we are told almost nothing about drones, not even how many strikes there are or how many are killed. There have however been recent suggestions that the drone program could be transferred to the Department of Defence. This would then make the targeted killing that is carried out seem a normal part of military conflict, somehting it clearly is not. [1] And the public reacts differently to covert and military action; already more Americans support military drones doing targeted killing (75%) than CIA ones (65%). [2]  [1] Waxman, Matthew, ‘Going Clear’, Foreign Policy, 20 March 2013  [2] Zenko, Micah, ‘U.S. Public Opinion on Drone Strikes’, Council on Foreign Relations, 18 March 2013 transparency normalisation secrecy deniability policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action support Waxman Matthew Foreign Policy Zenko Micah Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization government secrecy denial public perception policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict covert action public opinion support Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization secrecy deniability government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action support Waxman Matthew Zenko Micah Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations Transparency normalization government secrecy CIA drone program Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion military conflict covert action policy ending drone strikes Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalisation secrecy deniability government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion support covert action Matthew Waxman Foreign Policy Micah Zenko Council on Foreign Relations transparency normalization secrecy deniability government policies drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing public opinion covert action military conflict transparency normalization government secrecy deniability policy termination CIA drone program Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action policy acceptance drone strikes Matthew Waxman Micah Zenko transparency normalisation government secrecy deniability policy termination CIA drones Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military drones policy transfer accountability oversight human rights international law ethics drone warfare public perception media coverage political implications transparency normalisation government secrecy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action policy ending Waxman Matthew Zenko Micah U.S. public opinion Foreign Policy Council on Foreign Relations Transparency normalization secrecy government policy drones CIA Department of Defence targeted killing military conflict public opinion covert action military action support Waxman Matthew Foreign Policy Zenko Micah Council on Foreign Relations
test-economy-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment socioeconomic backgrounds education labour market human capital labour opportunities inequalities labour force participation women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education labour market human capital participation capabilities socioeconomic backgrounds race age Atieno 2006 women feminisation of labour diverse group race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionalities empowerment inequality female participation labour market human capital transition into work labour opportunities labour force participation Atieno 2006 study influence of education women diverse group feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment inequality education labour market human capital labour opportunities capability Atieno (2006) women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality labour market education human capital labour opportunities participation capability women feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment labour market education human capital labour opportunities inequalities labour force participation women diverse group feminisation of labour race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionalities empowerment inequality Atieno 2006 female participation labour market human capital transition into work labour opportunities degrees of empowerment capability labour force participation education empowerment women diversity feminisation of labour race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionality empowerment inequality labour market female participation human capital work opportunities Atieno 2006 labour force participation women diverse group feminisation of labour race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionalities empowerment inequalities labour market human capital labour opportunities capability labour force participation feminisation of labour intersectionalities women's empowerment labour market participation human capital education socioeconomic backgrounds race age gender inequalities labour opportunities capability of empowerment
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con04a	The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, The imposition of democracy violates national sovereignty  Countries have a right to choose the form of government they want, and we do not have the right to violate this right by imposing the form of government we think is best. Nations may want to be ruled by, for example, religious or tribal law, or a Communist system which aims to remove government altogether. We can encourage nations to adopt democracy if we think it is better, but ultimately nations are self-directing entities which can only be interfered with in extreme situations. The United Nations has states as equals no matter their government and only authorises force in the case of an act of aggression towards another state1.  1 United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, 1945, national sovereignty imposed democracy self-determination government forms religious law tribal rule communist systems United Nations state equality international interference democratic encouragement non-aggression principle Charter of the United Nations state autonomy government imposition international norms sovereignty violation political self-direction external influence internal governance democracy national sovereignty right to self-determination government forms religious law tribal law communism United Nations state equality international interference charter of the united nations self-directing entities encouragement of democracy authorized force act of aggression national sovereignty self-determination government forms democracy imposition religious law tribal law communist system United Nations state equality international aggression governmental interference democratic encouragement self-directing nations charter of the united nations democracy national sovereignty right to self-determination government choice religious law tribal law communist system self-governance United Nations international law state equality force authorization aggression defense imposition democracy national sovereignty right government religious law tribal law Communist system self-determination United Nations Charter aggression force state equality imposition democracy national sovereignty right to choose government form violate religious law tribal law communist system encourage self-directing entities United Nations states as equals authorize force act of aggression democracy national sovereignty self-determination government forms religious law tribal law communism United Nations Charter of the United Nations state equality external interference political systems international law human rights democratic promotion non-intervention state sovereignty governance models international relations democratic values global governance state autonomy political autonomy democratic governance international norms sovereignty violation democratic imposition political self-determination state rights national self-rule international ethics democratic encouragement political diversity state equality international security aggression state sovereignty protection democratic principles international community political intervention state democracy national sovereignty government forms self-determination religious law tribal law communism United Nations state equality aggression international law self-governance political systems external interference democracy promotion sovereignty violation global governance international relations state autonomy democratic values non-intervention principle democracy national sovereignty right to self-determination government forms religious law tribal law communist system United Nations Charter of the United Nations state equality authorization of force aggression international relations political autonomy self-governance external interference democratic promotion state sovereignty international law non-intervention principle democracy national sovereignty self-determination government forms religious law tribal rule communism United Nations state equality aggression international relations political systems democratic promotion state sovereignty intervention self-governance political autonomy UN Charter state rights external interference governance models international law state autonomy political choice democratic values international order state interference political independence sovereign rights government imposition democratic encouragement state-directed development international norms political diversity democratic principles sovereignty violation state equality principles non-intervention political self-determination democratic transition state sovereignty defense
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con03a	Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. Attempting to ban it would only cause further problems  There is no guarantee that a ban on pornography would improve gender stereotypes: in fact, it seems to be quite the opposite. Pornography is a flourishing industry with incredibly high demand, and much like with prohibition in the past, it is naïve to believe a ban can make a difference. It is actually even harder with pornography, because of the ease through which it can be distributed through the net. Rather, a ban would expand the black market with all the problems that come with it today: child and non-consensual pornography, violence, unhealthy conditions, and a general lack of regulations. Furthermore, the extent that a ban could ever limit pornography, this would lead to further problems. On one hand, the feminist movement sends a worrying message that sex is harmful to women, and by extension that sex is for the benefit of men. Restoring a taboo on sexuality actively confines women to being dominated in bed, and in society in general.  Secondly, if pornography is limited, the vessels through which men can satisfy their sexual urges are also restricted. This can lead, at best, to greater sexual harassment, greater pressure on women to provide sexual services, and to more infidelity. At worst, and most probably, it leads to higher levels of rape. ban pornography gender stereotypes flourishing industry high demand prohibition black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions lack of regulations feminist movement sex harmful to women sexual harassment pressure on women infidelity rape ban pornography gender stereotypes industry demand prohibition internet black market child pornography non-consensual violence regulations feminist movement sex harmful women sexual harassment infidelity rape pornography ban gender stereotypes prohibition black market non-consensual violence feminism sexual harassment rape infidelity taboos sex positivity regulation demand internet distribution unhealthy conditions sexual urges societal impact women's rights men's behavior sexual norms legal restrictions public health morality sexual education policy making violence against women free speech censorship sexual autonomy gender equality consent sexual violence mental health sexual satisfaction relationship dynamics social norms law enforcement human trafficking exploitation digital privacy cyber security public policy ethical considerations pornography ban gender stereotypes flourishing industry high demand prohibition black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions lack of regulations feminist movement sex harmful women dominated sexual harassment pressure on women infidelity higher rape levels ban pornography gender stereotypes flourishing industry high demand prohibition internet distribution black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions lack of regulations feminist movement sex harmful women dominated sexual harassment sexual services infidelity rape ban pornography gender stereotypes flourishing industry high demand prohibition black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions lack of regulations feminist movement sex harmful to women sexual taboo sexual harassment pressure on women infidelity rape pornography ban gender stereotypes flourishing industry prohibition black market non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions lack of regulations feminist movement sex harm sexual taboos sexual harassment sexual pressure infidelity rape ban pornography gender stereotypes industry demand prohibition internet black market child pornography non-consensual violence regulations feminist movement sexuality sexual urges sexual harassment infidelity rape pornography ban gender stereotypes flourishing industry prohibition black market child pornography non-consensual pornography violence unhealthy conditions regulations feminist movement sexual harassment infidelity rape ban pornography gender stereotypes flourishing industry prohibition black market child pornography non-consensual violence regulations feminist movement sexual harassment infidelity rape
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con03a	Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse of information and power by intelligence agencies  Even when the government does not intend harm there are still cases where direct harms can occur as a result of surveillance. The most worrying are where the state abuses the information it holds. Abuse of power and of the information held by government is perhaps the main reason why it is difficult to trust in intelligence agencies. In one historical example from the 1950s FBI agents interviewed a Brooklyn liquor importer for repeating a rumor that the FBI Director J Edgar Hoover might be a “queer”. This clearly necessitated a reminder through questioning that Hoover’s “personal conduct is beyond reproach,” leading to the man quickly agreeing that “he thinks Mr. Hoover has done a wonderful job.” [1] Did this have anything to do with national security? No. Was it an abuse of power and surveillance? Yes. So far as we are aware the intelligence agencies don’t do things quite like this anymore but the revelations like PRISM, or the waterboarding a decade ago, show they are still happy to abuse their position from time to time. This is hardly a good way to build trust.  [1] Gage, Beverly, ‘It’s Not About Your Cat Photos’, Slate, 10 June 2013, Abuse Information Power Intelligence Agencies Surveillance State Trust FBI J Edgar Hoover Rumor Personal Conduct National Security PRISM Waterboarding Position Trust Building Abuse of information Power abuse Intelligence agencies Government surveillance State abuse Information misuse Trust issues FBI J Edgar Hoover Historical examples PRISM Waterboarding National security Privacy concerns Surveillance abuse Government trust Misuse of power Intelligence community Ethical concerns Civil liberties Abuse of power surveillance intelligence agencies FBI J Edgar Hoover rumor distrust PRISM waterboarding national security historical examples government misconduct information misuse trust erosion abuse of power intelligence agencies government surveillance FBI J Edgar Hoover PRISM waterboarding trust in government historical abuse national security privacy violations civil liberties unethical surveillance intelligence agency misconduct government transparency oversight of intelligence agencies public trust erosion privacy rights constitutional rights government accountability misuse of information Abuse information power intelligence agencies government harm surveillance state trust FBI J Edgar Hoover queer Brooklyn liquor importer national security PRISM waterboarding position trust Beverly Gage Slate Abuse of power surveillance intelligence agencies government trust FBI J Edgar Hoover rumor personal conduct questioning PRISM waterboarding national security historical abuse surveillance abuse privacy concerns public trust government surveillance civil liberties intelligence community ethical misconduct abuse of power intelligence agencies government surveillance FBI J Edgar Hoover historical examples PRISM waterboarding national security trust in government privacy violations civil liberties surveillance abuse state misconduct informational abuse confidentiality breaches historical surveillance scandals government oversight accountability in intelligence unethical intelligence practices abuse of power intelligence agencies surveillance trust issues FBI J Edgar Hoover historical abuse PRISM waterboarding national security government misconduct privacy violations informational abuse surveillance ethics intelligence agency oversight Abuse of power surveillance intelligence agencies government trust FBI J Edgar Hoover PRISM waterboarding national security privacy violations historical abuses civil liberties regulatory oversight public confidence intelligence community unethical practices surveillance reforms whistleblowers oversight committees legal safeguards abuse of power surveillance intelligence agencies trust FBI J Edgar Hoover PRISM waterboarding national security historical examples privacy violations government misconduct civil liberties oversight accountability
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con05a	"Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. Lifting the ban will damage relations with the U.S.  Even if it was in Europe's interest to sell arms to China, the damage from upsetting the United States by lifting the arms ban would be much greater. This is partly because America takes the human rights situation in China more seriously, but mostly because the USA has a major commitment to the freedom of Taiwan. If China did attack the island, America would almost certainly intervene. As the US State Department has said in relation to lifting the ban, ""We don't want to see a situation where American forces face European technologies."" [1] Congress has already threatened to restrict technology transfers to Europe if the ban is removed. [2] For fear of this, BAE Systems, one of Europe's largest defence firms, has said that it would not sell to China even if the ban was lifted. [3]  [1] Brinkley, Joel, ‘Rice Sounds a Theme in Visit to Beijing Protestant Church’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p34-5.   [3] Evans, Michael et al., ‘British arms firms will spurn China if embargo ends’, 2005. lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe's interest sell arms China human rights USA commitment Taiwan American forces European technologies Congress restrict technology transfers BAE Systems not sell China arms embargo EU Beijing Protestant Church European Union arms sales international relations military intervention technology export restrictions defense industry political tensions strategic partnerships security policies human rights concerns trade sanctions geopolitical impacts arms control military exports international security diplomatic relations strategic stability military alliances technology transfer restrictions defense contractors arms trade political statements state department military Lifting arms ban U.S.-China relations European interests arms sales to China U.S. intervention Taiwan defense human rights in China American forces European technologies technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo EU-China arms trade Congress restrictions defense firms China embargo international arms control U.S. foreign policy European defense industry military technology transfer arms embargo implications global security U.S.-European relations Chinese military expansion Taiwanese sovereignty international law defense cooperation strategic alliances diplomatic tensions military conflict humanitarian concerns defense contracts political pressure economic sanctions military Lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe's interest sell arms China human rights USA commitment Taiwan American forces European technologies Congress restrict technology transfers BAE Systems spurn China embargo ends lifting the ban damage relations U.S. commitment freedom of Taiwan human rights situation American intervention European technologies technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo China attack defense firms U.S. State Department Congress threat European Union arms sales to China Lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe sell arms China human rights freedom of Taiwan American intervention US State Department technology transfers Congress BAE Systems European defence firms arms embargo lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe sell arms China human rights Taiwan American forces European technologies Congress technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo Beijing Protestant Church Kristin Archick Michael Evans lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe sell arms China human rights freedom Taiwan American intervention U.S. State Department technology transfers BAE Systems European defence firms Congress threat arms embargo lifting ban damage relations U.S. Europe sell arms China human rights Taiwan American forces European technologies Congress technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo European Union Protestant Church Beijing Kristin Archick Michael Evans defence firms European Union arms embargo China US-China relations US-Europe relations human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems Congressional threats defence industry international trade diplomatic tensions military sales political alliances strategic interests global security arms control international law China's military expansion US military presence Asian geopolitics economic sanctions international relations policy analysis diplomatic communication government statements protestant church Beijing Rice Kristin Archick Michael Evans U.S. relations Europe arms sales China human rights Taiwan American intervention technology transfers BAE Systems arms embargo Congress EU arms embargo"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro03a	"Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” Quotas encourage women to pursue education and professional job positions  Quotas attempting to maximise the number of educated and skilled women in executive positions could improve corporate performance and help raise national productivity. But doing so will depend on keeping ambitious, well-qualified women moving up the management ranks. Gender quotas will encourage more women to pursue education and career options leading to the top of executive positions. Quotas create incentives for women to adapt their job preferences to the more accessible boardroom positions and develop necessary skills which would reduce the need for positive discrimination in the future. Encouraged to develop relevant skills, women will contribute to the long-term talent pool and the economy. According to McKinsey report, women’s interest in being leaders increases as they progress from entry level to middle management [1] which is exactly what the principle behind quotas aims to encourage - more women following professional career development. This is very important in the short run during which, according to research, women who have high position stimulate other women’s interest in traditionally male-dominated sectors and encourage them to pursue similar career paths. [2]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Australian Human Rights Commission, “Women in leadership” women education professional jobs executive positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks gender quotas career options boardroom positions relevant skills talent pool economy leadership career development male-dominated sectors women leaders McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission gender quotas women education professional job positions corporate performance national productivity women management ranks women career options executive positions positive discrimination women talent pool economy women leaders middle management women leadership male-dominated sectors career paths gender quotas women's education professional job positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership career development women in leadership male-dominated sectors career paths McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission women's education professional job positions gender quotas corporate performance national productivity management ranks career options executive positions positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership career development male-dominated sectors women in leadership McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission quotas women education professional job positions executive corporate performance national productivity ambitious well-qualified management ranks gender incentives job preferences accessible boardroom skills positive discrimination talent pool economy McKinsey report leaders progress entry level middle management short run high position stimulate interest female-dominated sectors career paths Australian Human Rights Commission leadership Quotas women education professional job positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks gender quotas job preferences boardroom positions skills development positive discrimination talent pool economy McKinsey report women leaders middle management career development traditionally male-dominated sectors leadership Australian Human Rights Commission women education professional jobs quotas corporate performance national productivity management ranks gender equality positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership career development male-dominated sectors women's interest McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission women quotas education professional jobs executive positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks gender equality career development job preferences boardroom positive discrimination talent pool economy leadership women leaders male-dominated sectors career paths McKinsey Australian Human Rights Commission gender quotas women's education professional job positions corporate performance national productivity management ranks job preferences boardroom positions relevant skills talent pool economy leadership career development male-dominated sectors McKinsey report Australian Human Rights Commission Quotas Women Education Professional Jobs Executive Positions Corporate Performance National Productivity Management Ranks Gender Equality Job Preferences Boardroom Positions Skill Development Positive Discrimination Talent Pool Economy Leadership Career Development Male-Dominated Sectors McKinsey Report Australian Human Rights Commission"
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro04a	Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 Effect on the structure of the main political parties  Divided Government creates an imperative for compromise, encouraging the parties to work together for the best outcomes. This can help to undermine the more visceral aspects of debate, with the contest for election being left behind in order to focus on governing for the good of all Americans. As a result the greatest American achievements have come when there has been broad bipartisan consensus. [1]  There is also a Partisan consideration to seeking divided Government. The more successful two-term Presidents of recent times, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, governed with Congress partly or completely controlled by the opposition party. [2] They were able to work with the opposition to pursue the best policy, aiding their re-election hopes by pitching themselves as seeking to compromise, in line with the aspirations of voters, who on the whole prefer divided government in order to promote mature co-operation between the parties.  [1] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc  [2] ‘Divided Government’ Wikipedia,  accessed 30/1/12 bipartisan compromise divided government political parties governance collaboration policy-making re-election voter preferences partisan consideration mature cooperation policy consequences partisan polarization American politics congressional control opposition party presidential success Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton effect structure main political parties divided government imperative compromise cooperation bipartisan consensus partisan consideration successful presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party policy re-election voter aspirations mature cooperation bipartisan compromise divided government political parties structural effect governance policy outcomes partisan considerations re-election voter aspirations mature cooperation policy consequences partisan polarization Congress opposition party two-term presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Divided Government Bipartisan Consensus Compromise Political Parties Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Partisan Polarization Election Re-Election Congress Policy Mature Co-operation Voter Aspirations Governance American Achievements Opposite Party Control Policy Consequences Political Compromise Legislative Cooperation Executive-Legislative Dynamics divided government bipartisan consensus political compromise partisan consideration re-election strategies mature cooperation Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton policy consequences partisan polarization voter preferences legislative cooperation opposition party governance effectiveness American political history Divided Government bipartisan consensus compromise political parties mature cooperation policy consequences partisan polarization re-election voter aspirations Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Congress opposition party governing policy best outcomes visceral debate election contest broad consensus American achievements successful Presidents recent times voters preference undermining debate working together focusing on governing Divided Government Bipartisan Consensus Compromise Political Parties Governance Policy Making Partisan Considerations Two-Term Presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Opposition Party Re-Election Voter Preferences Mature Co-Operation Policy Consequences Partisan Polarization Divided Government Bipartisan Consensus Compromise Political Parties Governance Partisan Consideration Two-Term Presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Opposition Party Policy Re-Election Voter Aspirations Mature Co-Operation Partisan Polarization United States Congressional Control Structural Effects Political Outcomes effect structure main political parties divided government imperative for compromise bipartisanship election governing American achievements bipartisan consensus partisan consideration two-term presidents Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton opposition party policy re-election voter preferences mature cooperation partisan polarization policy consequences political parties divided government compromise bipartisanship election governing American achievements partisan consideration Ronald Reagan Bill Clinton Congress opposition party policy re-election voter aspirations mature cooperation partisan polarization policy consequences
test-international-siacphbnt-con02a	The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. The technological revolution has been hyped.  Debates may be raised as to whether the technological revolution is actually a reality across Africa [1] . Have expectations been too high; the benefits exclusive; and the reality over-exaggerated?  On the one hand, the type of technology raises significant questions. Although the population with access to a mobile phone has risen, the quality of the phones indicates a hyped-reality. Although technology has become easily accessible, the quality of such technologies puts constraints on what it can be used for. A vast majority of mobile phones are imported from China - at low-cost but also poor quality. Quality testing on imports, and locally produced products, is needed to approve market devices.  On another hand, the reality of internet connectivity is not high-speed, and therefore of limited use. Better connectivity emerges in certain geographical locations, to those who can afford higher prices, and within temporary fluxes.  [1] See further readings: BBC World Service, 2013. technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality over-exaggerated technology type mobile phones quality low-cost poor quality China quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations higher prices temporary fluxes BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality hyped mobile phones quality low-cost poor quality China quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary fluxes technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality technology quality mobile phones China low-cost poor quality quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed affordability geographical locations temporary fluxes technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality technology quality mobile phones China low-cost poor quality quality testing internet connectivity high-speed affordability geographical limitations temporary fluxes BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality technology access mobile phones quality low-cost poor quality China imports quality testing internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary fluxes technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality hyped technology access mobile phones quality low-cost poor quality quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary fluxes debates BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality technology access mobile phones quality low-cost poor quality quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary connectivity BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality over-exaggerated mobile phones technology access quality constraints low-cost imports China quality testing internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary fluxes technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality technology types mobile phones quality accessibility low-cost poor quality quality testing imports locally produced internet connectivity high-speed affordability geographical distribution BBC World Service 2013 technological revolution Africa expectations benefits reality over-exaggerated technology mobile phones quality imports China low-cost poor quality quality testing internet connectivity high-speed limited use geographical locations affordability temporary fluxes
test-politics-glghssi-con01a	Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. Deliberately turning away from the international clout the UK brings to play on the global scene is simply odd  The UK acts as a big player on the international scene sitting at the top table of most international institutions. It is questionable as to whether the remaining part of the UK would continue to sit on the UN Security Council; one thing that is certain is that Scotland would not. Equally they would have little clout on European bodies, damaging their influence on key Scottish interests such as fisheries policy.  It would also lose the advantage that many companies see Edinburgh as a convenient base within the UK but would be unlikely to see much benefit to it as a base in an independent Scotland [i] .  [i] David Sinclair. “Issues surrounding Scottish independence.” September 1999. Published by the Constitution Unit, Tavistock House. international clout global influence UK diplomacy UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy economic advantage corporate perspective Edinburgh Scottish independence constitution unit Tavistock House international clout UK global influence UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy Edinburgh business base Scottish independence Constitution Unit Tavistock House UK international clout global influence UN Security Council European bodies Scottish independence fisheries policy Edinburgh business base Constitution Unit David Sinclair 1999 UK international influence global diplomatic role UN Security Council membership Scottish independence implications European policy influence fisheries policy impact Edinburgh business hub corporate relocation concerns international institutions participation constitutional changes effects international clout UK global scene big player international institutions UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy companies Edinburgh UK base independent Scotland Scottish independence Constitution Unit Tavistock House David Sinclair issues 1999 international clout global influence UK international institutions UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy Edinburgh Scottish independence Constitution Unit international influence UK global role UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy Edinburgh business hub Scottish independence issues Constitution Unit David Sinclair international clout global scene UK influence international institutions UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy Edinburgh business base Scottish independence Constitution Unit Tavistock House international clout UK global influence international institutions UN Security Council European bodies Scottish interests fisheries policy Edinburgh business base Scottish independence Constitution Unit international influence UK global role UN Security Council European institutions Scottish interests fisheries policy business location Edinburgh Scottish independence constitutional issues
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro03a	Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, Abortion is wrong per se when there are alternatives such as adoption  Tragically, some babies are unwanted, but this does not mean that we should kill them. There are plenty of other options, notably adoption. If anything, the case for adoption is more compelling in the third trimester, because the pregnancy is nearer to its natural end and there is less time, only about ten weeks, for the mother to have to put up with it. [1] Unwanted pregnancy and adoption may be psychologically harmful, but in many cases so is abortion, particularly at a late stage of pregnancy when the mother can see that the dead foetus is recognisably a baby - the guilt feelings associated with feeling that one is responsible for murdering a child can be unbearable.  [1] Bupa, ‘Stages of pregnancy’, April 2010, abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt late-stage abortion foetus baby murder pregnancy stages Bupa moral arguments ethical considerations alternatives to abortion unwanted babies maternal health pregnancy duration legal abortion fetal development pro-life pro-choice societal views emotional impact mental health pregnancy options abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt foetus baby pregnancy stages Bupa late-stage abortion moral arguments alternatives to abortion pregnancy termination abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt feelings foetus stages of pregnancy Bupa murder alternatives to abortion late stage pregnancy recognisable baby unbearable guilt natural end of pregnancy ten weeks mother's perspective unwanted babies moral arguments against abortion compelling case for adoption abortion wrong alternatives adoption unwanted babies kill options third trimester natural end pregnancy time mother put up psychologically harmful abortion harm late stage dead foetus baby guilt feelings murdering child Bupa stages of pregnancy April 2010 abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm foetus guilt murder alternatives pregnancy stages Bupa 2010 abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt foetus baby pregnancy stages Bupa abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt foetus baby murder alternatives pregnancy stages Bupa 2010 abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt foetus baby murder alternatives pregnancy stages Bupa abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy moral arguments psychological impact third trimester pregnancy stages fetal development guilt feelings maternal health alternatives to abortion Bupa pregnancy duration recognizable fetus late-stage abortion moral responsibility legal considerations socio-economic factors reproductive rights ethical debate abortion adoption unwanted pregnancy third trimester psychological harm guilt late-stage pregnancy fetal development alternatives to abortion Bupa stages of pregnancy
test-international-ghbunhf-pro03a	UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making procedures are very inefficient.  The UN displays all the worst traits of bureaucracies the world over. The General Assembly is little more than a forum for world leaders and ambassadors to lambast each other. The Security Council is systemically unable to take decisive action in many of the world’s trouble-spots due to its outdated permanent membership structure, which gives five nations a totally disproportionate power to prevent the world body from acting against their interests. In the UN’s 65 years, the veto has been used nearly 300 times. [1]  [1] “General Analysis on the Security Council Veto”, Global Policy Forum website. UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly criticism Security Council veto power permanent members decisiveness international action reform global governance diplomatic forum lambasting international relations power imbalance world leaders ambassadors obstruction UN effectiveness historical context veto statistics Global Policy Forum UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly Security Council permanent membership veto power disproportionate influence international diplomacy reform needs global governance diplomatic stagnation world leaders ambassadors international criticism systemic failures action prevention veto usage historical context Global Policy Forum UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly Security Council permanent membership veto power world leaders ambassadors criticism reform international relations global governance diplomatic discourse conflict resolution power imbalance historical context policy analysis institutional critique UN inefficiency bureaucratic traits General Assembly debates Security Council inaction permanent membership controversy veto power abuse disproportionate influence international decision-making flaws global governance challenges UN reform necessity UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly forum lambasting Security Council indecisive trouble-spots outdated permanent membership veto power disproportionate influence global policy veto usage international relations diplomatic stalemate reform needed UN inefficiency bureaucratic traits General Assembly criticism Security Council paralysis outdated permanent membership veto power abuse disproportionate influence world body inaction veto usage frequency UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly debate forum Security Council decisive action trouble-spots permanent membership disproportionate power veto power global policy diplomatic stalemate international relations reform needed UN effectiveness world leaders ambassadors criticism systemic issues veto usage historical context global governance UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy General Assembly world leaders ambassadors criticism Security Council permanent membership veto power disproportionate influence global governance reform international politics diplomatic forum criticism of UN Security Council reform veto usage global policy international relations UN decision-making inefficiency bureaucracy traits General Assembly world leaders ambassadors criticism Security Council decisive action trouble-spots outdated membership permanent members disproportionate power veto power global policy international relations reform diplomatic criticism veto usage Security Council veto global issues international bureaucracy decision paralysis diplomatic forum UN reform decision-making efficiency bureaucratic inefficiency General Assembly critiques Security Council veto power permanent membership reform international diplomacy global governance issues ineffective multilateralism veto usage statistics
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro02a	Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. Head of state immunity  Traditionally, heads of state have had immunity in foreign courts. This is for the normal functioning of diplomacy – so heads of state can engage in business at other states and travel to summits without the risk of harassment by vexatious claims in foreign courts, or foreign governments trying to attack the decisions of other governments in their own courts.  The ICC trying sitting heads of state would set a terrible precedent of a method of regime change – not even by foreign militaries, but by the ICC prosecutor. Regimes should change according to democratic mandate not foreign courts. head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments ICC sitting heads of state regime change democratic mandate foreign courts international law sovereignty jurisdiction judicial interference state sovereignty diplomatic immunity legal precedent international justice political interference head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy regime change ICC prosecutor democratic mandate vexatious claims international law sovereignty judicial interference state sovereignty legal protection diplomatic relations state immunity international criminal court prosecution political interference diplomatic immunity international relations state leaders legal immunity judicial independence state authority international justice legal precedent government officials state affairs international governance judicial oversight legal frameworks diplomatic protection political accountability Head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy vexatious claims ICC regime change democratic mandate international law sovereignty judicial independence state sovereignty diplomatic immunity international justice political interference legal precedent human rights international relations prosecution political accountability head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business engagement travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments ICC sitting heads of state regime change democratic mandate foreign courts international law sovereignty judicial interference political accountability head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy international relations ICC prosecutor regime change democratic mandate foreign governments legal precedent international law state sovereignty diplomatic immunity vexatious claims summit meetings international criminal court state accountability global governance judicial independence head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments decisions ICC sitting heads of state precedent regime change foreign militaries ICC prosecutor democratic mandate foreign courts head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments decisions ICC sitting heads of state precedent regime change foreign militaries ICC prosecutor democratic mandate foreign courts head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments decisions ICC sitting heads of state precedent regime change foreign militaries ICC prosecutor democratic mandate foreign courts head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy international relations ICC prosecutor regime change democratic processes legal precedents state sovereignty international law human rights judicial independence Head of state immunity foreign courts diplomacy business travel summits harassment vexatious claims foreign governments decisions governments courts ICC sitting heads of state precedent regime change foreign militaries ICC prosecutor democratic mandate foreign courts
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con03a	Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook has a negative impact on learning  For many students, the constant flow of news, status updates, pictures and comments which comes through Facebook every single hour is proving to be a very distracting, which not surprisingly affects their educational progress. It negatively impacts learning. Studies show that students who checked in on social networks while studying had grades that were 20% lower than the grades of those who didn’t.(1)  A 20% difference in grades can be the difference from being awarded a scholarship at a prestigious university at being obliged to enrol in the community college, or very easily between passing and failing. Education is one of the most important things in anybody’s life as it greatly affects future prospects. Of course socialising is important as well but we should try to avoid one negatively affecting the other.  (1) Julie D. Andrews “Is Facebook Good Or Bad For Students? Debate Roils On” April 28, 2011   (2) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress studies social networks grades scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising avoidance Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distractions news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising avoiding negative effects Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association social networking kids Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising negative effect Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing importance of education future prospects socialising negative effects social networks studying performance academic achievement Larry Rose American Psychological Association Julie D. Andrews Debate Roils On Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Larry Rose American Psychological Association Julie D. Andrews Debate Roils On Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades 20% lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising negative effect Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association social networking kids Facebook negative impact learning students distraction educational progress grades social networks studying scholarship university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook negative impact learning students distraction news status updates pictures comments educational progress grades lower scholarship prestigious university community college passing failing education future prospects socialising debate Julie D. Andrews Larry Rose American Psychological Association social networking kids
test-international-gsciidffe-pro04a	It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, It is legitimate to enable freedom  Circumventing censorship is a cost effective method of promoting freedom. When a country has refused to recognise the right to freedom of expression of its own people and indeed is actively stopping them from exercising this right then it is legitimate for other countries to step in to act as an enabler of those rights. By circumventing censorship so the freedom of expression is returned to those that have had their voice stripped from them. Doing this costs the state that is acting almost nothing; thus Britain’s Foreign Office is devoting a mere £1.5million to promoting expression online, [1] and yet the benefits for those who it helps can be considerable by helping them to publicise and organise themselves by providing a platform. The small cost should be compared to the benefit of keeping activists one step ahead of the authorities by, for example providing software that helps make sure online communication is anonymous, which can save lives.  [1] “William Hague promises £1.5m to promote freedom of expression online”, BBC News, 30 April 2012, legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom right to freedom of expression enabling rights censorship freedom of expression small cost benefits activists publicise organise platform online communication anonymous save lives William Hague £1.5m freedom of expression online BBC News 2012 legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost-effective promoting freedom-of-expression country recognising right people exercising right acting enabler rights freedom-of-expression voice stripped Britain Foreign-Office promoting online benefit activists publicise organise platform small-cost benefit keeping activists ahead authorities software anonymous communication save-lives legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost-effective promoting freedom-of-expression right countries step-in enabling refusal recognition exercising acting intervention state voice stripped promoting-expression online Britain Foreign-Office activists publicise organise platform small-cost considerable-benefits keeping-safe authorities software anonymous communication lives William-Hague BBC-News 2012 legitimacy freedom censorship circumvention cost-effectiveness freedom of expression international intervention human rights digital activism online anonymity government policies foreign aid tech solutions activism support state responsibilities communication security protest organization digital rights internet freedom policy funding cyber security activist safety legitimate freedom censorship cost-effective freedom-of-expression human-rights international-intervention digital-rights online-freedom activism anonymous-communication foreign-policy diplomacy technology-for-freedom human-rights-defenders state-sponsored-censorship digital-activism internet-censorship cybersecurity digital-privacy legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost effective promoting freedom right to freedom of expression enabling rights small cost significant benefits online freedom anonymity protecting activists government support foreign intervention digital rights human rights freedom of speech internet freedom state-sponsored solutions William Hague BBC News £1.5million British Foreign Office legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost-effective promoting freedom right to freedom of expression enabling rights foreign intervention freedom of expression voice state action Britain’s Foreign Office promoting expression online small cost significant benefit activists online communication anonymity saving lives freedom censorship cost-effective promotion human rights freedom of expression international intervention digital rights online anonymity activists government policies foreign aid technology for freedom online communication political oppression right to information digital activism state-sponsored censorship internet freedom human rights activism legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost-effective promoting freedom-of-expression country refusing recognise right people exercising right legitimate other-countries step-in enabler rights returning voice stripped Britain Foreign-Office promoting-expression online benefits activists publicise organise small-cost benefit keeping authorities software anonymous communication saving-lives legitimate freedom circumventing censorship cost-effective promoting right expression country refused recognise people stopping exercising countries step enabler rights freedom returned voice stripped Britain Foreign Office promoting online benefit activists publicise organise platform small cost compare one authorities software anonymous lives William Hague promises BBC News
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro01a	South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea can handle the situation itself  The two Koreas should be able to solve the situation themselves without recourse to all the neighbouring powers – whose interest does not seem to have spurred a solution to the frozen conflict anyway. With the Cold War over South Korea is more than capable of handling its own security. South Korea is economically far ahead of the North with its economy thirty seven times bigger. [1] Its military is also more capable than the North’s as the International Institute for Strategic Studies argues “As measured by static equipment indices, South Korea’s conventional forces would appear superior to North Korea’s. When morale, training, equipment maintenance, logistics, and reconnaissance and communications capabilities are factored in, this qualitative advantage increases.” [2] So should be able to deter aggression on its own and pull its own weight in negotiations without the need of a multilateral process. Moreover no one would argue that an invasion should be ignored however the South should be the one who responds to North Korean actions on its own.  [1] Oh Young-Jin, ‘South Korean economy 37 times bigger than NK’s’, The Korea Times, 5 January 2011,   [2] ‘The Conventional Military Balance on the Korean Peninsula’, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2012, South Korea North Korea military capabilities economic disparity Cold War security regional powers conflict resolution self-sufficiency deterrence negotiations invasion response multilateral process qualitative advantage equipment indices morale training maintenance logistics reconnaissance communications Korean peninsula strategic studies international relations diplomacy national security defense policy South Korea North Korea conflict resolution regional powers self-reliance economic disparity military capability Cold War legacy security independence bilateral negotiations qualitative military advantage invasion response South Korean economy North Korean economy conventional forces strategic studies international relations diplomatic negotiations unilateral action security policy South Korea North Korea conflict resolution military superiority economic disparity self-reliance security defense capabilities international relations Cold War regional stability bilateral negotiations multilateral process aggression deterrence economic strength military balance qualitative military advantage invasion response geopolitical dynamics strategic studies South Korea North Korea conflict resolution bilateral negotiations military capability economic disparity security independence Cold War legacy international powers regional stability defense self-reliance diplomatic autonomy qualitative military advantage logistical superiority reconnaissance capabilities communication capabilities training standards morale factors equipment maintenance invasion response multilateral processes frozen conflict neighboring powers security assurance economic strength military forces conventional forces North Korean aggression South Korean response international interest conflict management self-sufficiency strategic studies qualitative military superiority South Korean economy Korean Peninsula military balance static equipment indices defense South Korea North Korea conflict resolution self-reliance economic superiority military capability deterrence Cold War security bilateral negotiations multilateral process invasion response international relations Korean Peninsula strategic studies qualitative military advantage economic disparity regional powers security policy defense capabilities South Korea North Korea conflict resolution economic disparity military capability Cold War security deterrence invasion response multilateral negotiations regional powers international relations Korean Peninsula defense policy strategic studies economic strength military superiority qualitative advantage reconnaissance logistics training morale equipment maintenance communications capabilities frozen conflict self-reliance bilateral relations Asia-Pacific security geopolitical dynamics military balance strategic environment international security regional stability defense posture security threats Asian affairs conflict management diplomatic relations military forces security challenges defense budget military expenditure strategic doctrine South Korea North Korea conflict resolution self-reliance economic superiority military capability Cold War regional security bilateral relations international intervention qualitative military advantage economic disparity diplomatic negotiations multilateral process invasion response self-defense security independence neighboring countries conflict management strategic studies South Korea North Korea conflict resolution military capability economic strength Cold War bilateral negotiations security deterrence invasion response international relations peace process regional stability defense policy strategic studies force balance reconnaissance logistics maintenance training morale economic disparity South Korean economy North Korean economy multilateral process neighboring powers frozen conflict self-reliance defense capability conventional forces qualitative advantage static equipment indices The Korea Times The International Institute for Strategic Studies South Korea North Korea conflict resolution military balance economic superiority self-reliance Cold War international relations defense capabilities security policy bilateral negotiations regional powers deterrence invasion response qualitative military advantage logistics reconnaissance communications training morale equipment maintenance South Korea North Korea military capability economic strength bilateral relations conflict resolution regional security Cold War international relations economic disparity military balance defensive capability diplomatic negotiations multilateral processes Korea Times International Institute for Strategic Studies
test-science-ciidfaihwc-con03a	People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. People often react poorly to being censored by their governments.  In countries that do currently practice censorship of Internet information, their citizens often interpret this as suspicious and dictatorial behaviour. For example, in China growing discontent with the government’s constant censorship has led to public outrage [1] , and political satire which heavily criticises the government [2] . Censorship can easily be used malevolently and is not always in public interest; this motion supports the ignorance of the population by hiding information and the reality of the situation. Therefore the cost of suspicion by the population of the state makes censorship of any kind less than worthwhile and it is better to allow individuals to make their own choices.  [1] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11  [2] Bennett, Isabella, ‘Media Censorship in China’, Council on Foreign Relations, 7 March 2011,  on 09/09/11. censorship government internet information control public reaction China discontent political satire public interest media freedom information access public trust state suspicion individual choice media censorship foreign relations Isabella Bennett council on foreign relations censorship government control internet freedom public reaction China media restrictions political satire information access citizen distrust state surveillance media manipulation public opinion government transparency democratic rights human rights violations internet regulation digital censorship free speech online content control government oversight censorship government control internet freedom public distrust political satire media restrictions information suppression citizen outrage state authority free speech propaganda digital rights human rights violations media manipulation public opinion transparency governmental accountability democratic values online activism cyber censorship government censorship internet censorship public reaction suspicious behavior dictatorial behavior China censorship public outrage political satire malevolent use public interest hiding information population suspicion individual choices media censorship council on foreign relations isabella bennett censorship government internet information control public reaction suspicion dictatorial China public outrage political satire malevolent use public interest ignorance individual choices media censorship Council on Foreign Relations internet censorship government censorship citizen reaction public outrage political satire China censorship media censorship dictatorial behavior information hiding public distrust cost of censorship individual choices freedom of information state suspicion censorship effects societal impact government control public interest media freedom information suppression censorship government control internet freedom public reaction political satire media censorship China public interest information access individual choice state suspicion dictatorial behavior malevolent use content restriction digital rights freedom of expression online surveillance government transparency citizen rights political criticism censorship government control internet freedom public outrage political satire media restriction information suppression democratic rights citizen dissatisfaction state surveillance digital rights free speech propaganda authoritarianism transparency accountability citizen autonomy information access human rights media manipulation societal trust censorship government internet information control public reaction suspicion dictatorial behavior China media censorship political satire public interest information freedom individual choice media freedom government transparency media censorship government censorship internet censorship public opinion political satire China censorship consequences informational control public distrust state suspicion individual freedom media freedom informational transparency governmental control citizen reaction dictatorial behavior malevolent use of censorship public interest information hiding population ignorance self-determination societal impact of censorship media landscape press freedom global censorship practices censorship effectiveness democratic values human rights
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro03a	Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitizes people to the lethal nature of firearms  Shooting as a sport desensitises people to the lethal nature of all firearms, creating a gun culture that glamorises and legitimises unnecessary gun ownership. It remains the interest of a minority, who should not be allowed to block the interests of society as a whole in gun control. Compensation can be given to individual gun owners, gun clubs and the retail firearms trade, in recognition of their economic loss if a ban is implemented. Sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership gun control minority interest societal interest compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation sports shooting desensitization lethal firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation gun ownership minority interest society interest gun control compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership gun control minority interests societal interests compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership minority interest society interest gun control compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss gun ban sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership minority interest society gun control compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation sports shooting gun culture desensitization lethal nature firearms glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership gun control economic loss compensation gun clubs retail firearms trade minority interests societal interests sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership minority interest societal interest gun control compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation unnecessary gun ownership minority interest gun control compensation economic loss gun clubs retail firearms trade ban implementation sports shooting desensitization lethal nature firearms gun culture glamorisation legitimisation gun ownership gun control minority interest societal interest compensation gun owners gun clubs retail firearms trade economic loss ban implementation gun control firearm regulation shooting sports gun culture desensitization lethal nature firearms gun ownership compensation economic loss ban implementation minority interests societal interests
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro01a	This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. This was a piece of art, advertised and described as such, those likely to be offended were quite welcome not to watch it.  The allegation made by those who objected to the airing of this show was that it was blasphemous. There were also objections to the graphic nature of the language and sexual reference. It seems staggeringly unlikely that 55,000 [i] people had accidently been watching opera on BBC 2 having failed to watch any of the warnings in advance or the fairly extensive media discussion in advance of the broadcast.  Therefore, those who watched it made a choice to do so – and it seems reasonable to consider that an informed choice. A free society is predicated on the fact that adults have the right to make choices. In turn that is based on the shared understanding that those choices have consequences; which may, potentially, cause some degree of harm to the person making that choice. Having been warned that watching the broadcast may cause them offence, viewers still chose to and some, it seems, were duly offended.  It seems reasonable, therefore, to assume that the shock was either feigned or a matter of pretence. Which leaves the matter of blasphemy; an offence against a belief system. There was no secret that religious issues were likely to feature in the broadcast and no secret was made of the fact that those views were likely to be both critical and forthright. Tuning in, specifically to be offended by something that the viewer had been warned they might find offensive seems perverse.  By contrast, art lovers who wished to see the production - which had received four Lawrence Olivier Awards among other tributes – had the opportunity to experience a theatrical work they would have had a limited opportunity to witness had it not been broadcast nationally.  It would be bizarre to disadvantage those who wanted to – and actually did – see the performance (about 1.7 million [ii] )because of the views of those who neither wanted to see it or refused to do so  [i] Wikipedia entry: “Jerry Springer: The Opera”  [ii] BBC News Website. “Group to Act Over singer Opera.” 10 January 2005. art blasphemy broadcast consequences critical feigned forthright free society graphically informed choice Jerry Springer: The Opera Lawrence Olivier Awards media discussion offence offensive religious sexual reference staggeringly unlikely televised warnings viewers art advertisement warning offended choice free society consequences harm informed choice blasphemy belief system religious critical forthright viewers art lovers Lawrence Olivier Awards theatrical national broadcast disadvantage performance views opinions Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC 2 graphic language sexual references media discussion objections shock feigned pretence perversity exposure controversy public reaction cultural debate broadcast impact audience rights content regulation media responsibility artistic expression religious sensitivity public broadcasting censorship viewer discretion editorial decisions media art opera BBC blasphemous graphic sexual language warnings media discussion informed choice free society adults consequences offence shock feigned blasphemy belief system critical forthright religious art lovers Lawrence Olivier Awards national broadcast viewers performance disadvantage opinion controversy censorship public reaction television broadcast standards art advertisement description offended choice blasphemy graphic language sexual references warnings media discussion free society informed choice consequences harm feigned shock religious beliefs critical views art lovers theatrical performance national broadcast viewer preferences public reaction media controversy BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera Lawrence Olivier Awards audience size societal impact censorship artistic expression public opinion media responsibility viewer warnings religious sensitivity artistic criticism broadcasting ethics media coverage cultural debate viewer discretion public broadcasting artistic integrity media consumption public viewing artistic merit media art advertisement offense viewers choice warnings media discussion free society adults consequences harm blasphemy belief religious critical forthright art lovers Lawrence Olivier Awards theatrical work broadcast disadvantage opinions Jerry Springer The Opera BBC News Group Act singer performance blasphemous graphic language sexual references warnings media discussion informed choice free society consequences offence feigned shock religious belief critical views art lovers Lawrence Olivier Awards national broadcast viewer intention disadvantaged viewers public reaction Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC 2 55 000 complaints 1.7 million viewers art advertisement offended watch allegation blasphemous graphic language sexual references opera BBC 2 warnings media discussion broadcast choice free society adults rights consequences harm shock feigned pretence blasphemy belief system religious critical forthright warned art lovers performance opportunity theatrical tribute disadvantaged views Jerry Springer: The Opera 55 000 1.7 million art opera BBC blasphemy warnings media-discussion free-society adult-choices consequences offence shock religious-issues critical-views art-lovers Lawrence-Olivier-Awards national-broadcast viewers disadvantage Jerry-Springer-The-Opera art advertisement offense blasphemous graphic language sexual references warnings media discussion informed choice free society adult choices consequences harm warnings feigned shock blasphemy belief system religious issues critical views art lovers Lawrence Olivier Awards national broadcast viewers performance disadvantage objections art advertisement warning informed choice free society consequences harm offended blasphemy belief system religious issues critical views art lovers theatrical work national broadcast viewer preference public opinion media discussion graphic content sexual references objections opera Jerry Springer: The Opera Lawrence Olivier Awards BBC 2 television broadcast audience numbers religious offense artistic expression public broadcasting media controversy
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro03a	The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. The power of the visual  Art differs from other forms of media with regard to the expression of ideas. Unlike other methods of conveying ideas, art has a visceral impact that is instant and has a lasting effect.  In a discussion, for example, there are often clues that ideas that might make people feel uncomfortable are about to arise. Thus, people are in a better position to consent to the sorts of challenges controversy within a conversation may pose (similarly, we tend to look more positively on taboo subjects raised within a conversational context than we do when they are, for example, shouted about in the street).  In the case of art, particularly that which is displayed in public spaces (like squares, parks and museums) people are unable to consent in this way, but rather, may be confronted suddenly by something that they find disgusting, because it has forced them to confront something they find horrific or traumatic, in a manner which has a great impact, and that, because of the power of the visual, they find difficult to forget. visual art media forms idea expression visceral impact lasting effect conversational context uncomfortable ideas consent controversy taboo subjects public spaces sudden confrontation disgusting content horrific themes traumatic impact visual power forgettable experience visual art visceral impact expression of ideas public spaces controversial art taboo subjects artistic confrontation lasting effect visual media non-verbal communication emotional response sudden exposure uncomfortable ideas artistic challenges consent in art traumatic imagery powerful visuals art and society artistic expression public art impact visual art impact of art media comparison expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect public spaces consent to challenge confrontation uncomfortable ideas taboo subjects conversational context sudden exposure traumatic horrific unforgettable public display art reception artistic confrontation visual power visual art expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect conversational context taboo subjects public spaces sudden confrontation horrific or traumatic difficult to forget visual art media comparison idea expression visceral impact lasting effect conversational context consent discomfort public spaces confrontation disgust horrific traumatic impact unforgettable taboo subjects controversy shouted street squares parks museums visual art power of art media comparison expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect conversational context taboo subjects public spaces sudden confrontation discomfort trauma impact of visuals forgetting difficulty visual art expression of ideas media comparison visceral impact lasting effect discomfort in art public spaces consent in conversation taboo subjects confrontation trauma memorable impact artistic power sudden exposure emotional response visual art expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect conversational context taboo subjects public spaces sudden confrontation disgusting content traumatic experiences powerful imagery memorability artistic impact consent to challenge verbal communication non-verbal communication emotional response artistic expression public art controversial art psychological impact viewer reaction art and society visual art media forms idea expression visceral impact lasting effect discomfort consent controversy taboo subjects public spaces confrontation disgust horrific traumatic visual power unforgettable visual art media comparison expression of ideas visceral impact lasting effect discomfort in art public spaces confrontation taboo subjects consent in conversation impact of visual arts discomfort and trauma art and society visual communication art psychology public art display emotional response artistic expression controversial art social impact of art
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro02a	Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 Handguns are uniquely dangerous when compared with other weapons  Handguns are specifically worse than most other weapons. They are weapons which are both concealable and portable. Shotguns and Rifles can easily be identified from a long distance making it easier to avoid those who are carrying them or conversely for the authorities check their motives for carrying arms. Handguns, being ranged weapons (as opposed to knives), prevent people from opting to run away if they are confronted by an attacker and being concealable prevent any attempt at avoiding those carrying them.  Because of these unique capabilities they make excellent weapons for gang members who wish to remain inconspicuous to avoid being searched by the police. Further, they are also uniquely useful for other criminal actors such as drug dealers who need to be able to protect themselves, but also need to appear unassuming for clients.  As such, handguns, where they are freely available, are often used by most criminals for these purposes. Given that handguns are also more likely to cause accidental injuries- as a result of incompetence or recklessness- than a knife, it seems logical that handguns cause a much larger harm to citizens in places where they are freely available.4 handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable long distance authorities motives ranged weapons knives confronted attacker gang members inconspicuous police criminal actors drug dealers unassuming freely available accidental injuries incompetence recklessness citizens harm handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable ranged knives gang members inconspicuous drug dealers unassuming accidental injuries incompetence recklessness criminal actors freely available harm citizens handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identified long distance avoid authorities ranged weapons knives attacker inconspicuous gang members criminal actors drug dealers unassuming clients freely available accidental injuries incompetence recklessness citizens harm handguns uniquely dangerous concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable long distance avoid authorities motives ranged weapons knives confronted attacker gang members inconspicuous searched police criminal actors drug dealers unassuming clients freely available accidental injuries incompetence recklessness citizens harm handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable long-distance authorities motives ranged knives gang-members inconspicuous police criminal-actors drug-dealers unassuming freely-available accidental-injuries incompetence recklessness harm citizens concealable portable ranged inconspicuous gang members drug dealers accidental injuries incompetence recklessness citizen harm freely available criminal actors shotgun identification rifle identification avoidance police searches self-protection unassuming appearance long-distance identification handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identified long distance authorities ranged weapons knives gang members inconspicuous police drug dealers criminal actors accidental injuries competence recklessness citizens freely available harm handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable range knives gang members inconspicuous criminal actors drug dealers unassuming accidental injuries incompetence recklessness harm citizens freely available handguns dangerous concealable portable shotguns rifles identifiable ranged weapons gang members inconspicuous police drug dealers unassuming criminals accidental injuries incompetence recklessness harm citizens freely available handguns dangerous weapons concealable portable shotguns rifles identified authorities motives ranged attacker gang members inconspicuous police criminal actors drug dealers unassuming clients freely available accidental injuries incompetence recklessness harm citizens
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con02a	Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 Provides information to competitors  Where there is international competition transparency can be a problem if there is not transparency on both sides as one side is essentially giving its opponent an advantage. This is ultimately why countries keep national security secrets; they are in competition with other nations and the best way to ensure an advantage over those states is to keep capabilities secret. One side having information while the other does not allows the actor that has the information to act differently in response to that knowledge. Keeping things secret can therefore provide an advantage when making a decision, as the one with most information is most likely to react best. [1] Currently there is information asymmetry between the United States and China to the point where some analysts consider that the United States provides more authoritative information on China’s military than China itself does. [2]  [1] National Security Forum, No More Secrets, American Bar Association, March 2011, p.7  [2] Erickson, Andrew S., ‘Pentagon Report Reveals Chinese Military Developments’, The Diplomat, 8 May 2013 information asymmetry international competition national security transparency military secrets decision-making advantage United States China authoritative information military developments information asymmetry international competition transparency issues national security military secrets strategic advantage decision-making authoritative information US-China relations military developments Pentagon report Chinese military capabilities information asymmetry transparency international competition national security secrets decision making United States China military information competitive advantage strategic secrecy authority on military developments Pentagon report Chinese military capabilities information asymmetry international competition national security military transparency strategic advantage competitive intelligence US-China relations security secrets military developments authoritative information information asymmetry international competition transparency issues national security secrets competitive advantage United States China military information authoritative reports decision-making strategic secrecy Erickson Andrew S. Pentagon Report Chinese military developments The Diplomat National Security Forum American Bar Association No More Secrets information asymmetry international competition national security secrets transparency issues competitive advantage military information United States China Pentagon report authoritative information decision-making advantage secret capabilities strategic information security forum American Bar Association Erickson The Diplomat information asymmetry international competition transparency issues national security military secrets decision-making advantage United States China military developments Pentagon report strategic information competitive intelligence security policies diplomatic relations information sharing state secrets operational capabilities global transparency strategic advantage intelligence gathering security strategies bilateral transparency military transparency information withholding political competition strategic opacity competitive nations security environment intelligence community defense strategies international relations security dilemmas asymmetric information transparency challenges global competition strategic advantages military information international transparency security competition defense intelligence strategic communication security policies information asymmetry international competition transparency issues national security secrets competitive advantage decision-making United States China military information authoritative sources Pentagon report Chinese military developments security forum American Bar Association information asymmetry international competition transparency national security secrets military information United States China decision-making advantage security studies strategic information military developments Pentagon report authoritative information competitive advantage global security intelligence sharing diplomatic relations military transparency national security policy information asymmetry national security secrets transparency international competition decision-making advantage military information United States China authoritative information Pentagon report Chinese military developments
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro02a	performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ performers are at risk of exploitation  Children are generally considered to be too young to make important decisions for themselves, and so decision-making falls to parents, teachers, etc. For child performers, there are additional decision-makers: their agents. Since agents benefit financially from the child’s getting a role or doing well in a sporting event, there is a definite risk of exploitation. Exploitation can also come from parents, as in the famous case of American television child stars Jackie Coogan and Gary Coleman, who both sued their parents for spending the money they had earned as children [1] [2] or of Macaulay Culkin, who blocked his parents from having access to his earnings.  [1] AP, ‘The Kid’ To Get $126,000 For His Share’  [2] The Deseret News, ‘Former Child Star Wins $1.3 Million Judgment’ child performers exploitation agents parents decision-making financial benefit legal cases Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings lawsuits childhood actors television stars sporting events guardians risk well-being child labor laws show business entertainment industry protection welfare minors legal rights financial management trust funds child exploitation prevention performers risk exploitation children decision-making parents teachers agents financial benefit roles sporting events child performers parents exploitation Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman lawsuits Macaulay Culkin earnings legal cases child actors financial management youth performers entertainment industry child protection legal rights financial exploitation child performers exploitation agents parents financial benefit decision-making legal cases Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings lawsuits child performers risk of exploitation parental exploitation agents' role financial benefit decision-making legal action Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings protection child actors child rights guardianship issues entertainment industry child welfare exploitation prevention child performers exploitation decision-making agents financial benefit parental exploitation legal action Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings child stars television lawsuits financial management young actors sports events role assignments stage parents media industry child welfare legal rights income protection juvenile entertainers underage performers talent agents guardians financial abuse industry standards child labor laws performance contracts youth protection entertainment industry child actor exploitation celebrity children financial trustees show business young talent guardian responsibilities exploitation cases child performer rights industry regulations child performers financial exploitation parental oversight agent responsibility legal action earnings protection young entertainers decision-making authority exploitation risks famous cases Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin child star lawsuits financial management child actors rights child performers exploitation decision-making agents parents financial利益 legal action Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings protection child actors television stars financial exploitation legal judgment child welfare performance industry young talent guardianship issues child labor laws child performers exploitation decision-makers agents parents financial benefit risk legal action Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings lawsuits child performers exploitation agents parents financial benefit decision-making risk legal action Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings childhood fame television stars child performers exploitation agents parents financial benefit decision-making legal cases Jackie Coogan Gary Coleman Macaulay Culkin earnings lawsuits
test-society-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's roles reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner survival feminised labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 gender roles economic participation social recognition feminist economics gender disparities occupational segregation economic empowerment unpaid labor gendered division of labor women's rights gender studies sociology of work family studies social policy gender and development economic inequality gender mainstreaming work double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 social recognition gender roles occupational segregation economic empowerment gendered division of labor double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminisation of survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance social reproduction economic empowerment gender roles domestic labour care burden unpaid care gendered division of labour women's rights gender disparities feminist economics Sassen 2002 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition female empowerment gender equality work-life balance societal expectations economic participation gender roles domestic responsibilities mental health gender disparities career progression social norms female contribution economic independence gendered division of labor Sassen 2002 labor force statistics gender studies sociological perspectives feminist theory workforce integration policy implications gender equity cultural attitudes professional advancement double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition empowerment women's work recognition double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women empowerment gender equality Sassen 2002 work-life balance gender roles economic participation social recognition women's work gender disparities domestic responsibilities professional responsibilities 双重负担 女性劳动力市场 无偿家务 照顾工作 再生产领域 家庭护理 劳动力参与 时间需求 身体需求 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's roles reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality Sassen 2002 gender roles work-life balance social norms economic participation gender disparities unpaid labor household chores childcare eldercare gendered division of labor feminist economics gender studies social policy labor economics work and family gender pay gap gender discrimination occupational segregation women's rights double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminisation of survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance social reproduction economic participation gender roles empowerment through work recognition of women's work Sassen 2002 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition empowerment gender equality women's rights Sassen 2002 work-life balance gender roles economic participation social recognition empowerment debate double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's roles reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands breadwinner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 gendered division of labour social recognition economic participation gender roles empowerment critique
test-international-gmehwasr-con05a	"Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 Would it work?  The most fundamental question for any policy is whether it would actually work if implemented? In this case it seems to be doubtful that in practice arming the rebels would be enough to allow them to prevail. It will simply be helping to even the odds; providing enough arms to prevail over a fully equipped army that is supplied by Iran and Russia would require a truly colossal effort. No one is seriously going to consider providing M1 Abrams tanks to overcome Syrian armour when there are even concerns about providing anti-aircraft missiles. Even supporters of arming the rebels such as Senator John McCain say ""this alone will not be decisive"". All arming the rebels does then is make the government appear to be doing something (in a bad way since it is an unpopular policy), and stick a toe in the water (also bad as that may lead to escalating commitments), and another decision point six months down the line. [1]  [1] Lynch, Marc, ‘Shopping Option C for Syria’, Foreign Policy, 14 February 2013 policy effectiveness arming rebels Syria conflict rebel success military equipment Iran support Russia support M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles John McCain decisive action foreign intervention escalation risks public opinion decision making Syria strategy conflict resolution international support arming rebels policy effectiveness Syria conflict international intervention military support political strategy Senator John McCain anti-aircraft missiles M1 Abrams tanks Iranian support Russian support Syrian army conflict resolution foreign policy decision-making Lynch Marc Foreign Policy Option C Syria intervention consequences escalation risks public opinion military equipment arms supply strategic assessment policy outcomes rebel capabilities government actions decision points international relations military intervention armed conflict policy analysis arming rebels policy effectiveness Syria conflict rebel arms supply opposition support military intervention Syria arms race rebel victory potential international support Syria conflict dynamics policy outcomes intervention consequences military equipment supply anti-aircraft missiles M1 Abrams tanks Senator John McCain Syria government response escalation risks foreign policy options Syria rebel capabilities armed intervention debate political decision-making conflict resolution strategies policy effectiveness arming rebels Syria conflict M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain decision making international intervention military support political consequences escalating commitments Foreign Policy Marc Lynch arming rebels policy effectiveness Syria conflict international support military intervention rebel success Iran support Russian support M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles John McCain decision escalation public opinion Foreign Policy Marc Lynch Syria arming rebels policy effectiveness conflict resolution international support military intervention rebel success government response strategic considerations political implications arms supply Iran Russia M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain decision making escalating commitments public opinion foreign policy analysis policy effectiveness arming rebels Syrian conflict Iran support Russia support M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles John McCain decision escalation Foreign Policy Marc Lynch Syria intervention military aid political consequences strategic analysis policy efficacy arming rebels Syria conflict military intervention Iran support Russia support M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles John McCain Foreign Policy decision-making escalation risks political optics unresolved conflicts international relations policy analysis strategic assessment military aid diplomatic challenges intervention consequences arming rebels policy effectiveness Syria conflict rebel support military intervention Iran and Russia support M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles Senator John McCain Foreign Policy Marc Lynch decision escalation public opinion policy outcomes armed intervention consequences arming rebels policy effectiveness Syria conflict rebel support military intervention arms supply international involvement Iran Russia M1 Abrams tanks anti-aircraft missiles John McCain political consequences escalation risks decision points Foreign Policy Marc Lynch"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro01a	Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. Privacy  This was the clinching argument in the Dutch example. Labour MP Martijn van Dam, one of the bill’s co-authors said that Dutch ISP KPN was similar to “a postal worker who delivers a letter, looks to see what’s in it and then claims he hasn’t read it. It is simply a basic principle of the Internet that for it to continue working as it does now, all data needs to be treated the same otherwise judgements will be formed on ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ data [i] .  The principle here is that the data being used is simply none of the ISPs business. Their job is simply to provide an agreed bandwidth, at an agreed price to the end user. How the end user makes use of that band width is up to them. If, for example, they’re choosing to Skype from a mobile device – one of the points of contention – it’s hard to see what that has to do with the ISP.  [i] PCWorld. Matthew Honan, MacWorld. “Inside Net Neutrality: Privacy and BitTorrent. 14 February 2008. privacy net neutrality ISPs data treatment bandwidth price end user mobile device Skype Matthew Honan MacWorld BitTorrent Dutch example Martijn van Dam KPN postal worker analogy right and wrong data internet principles privacy argument legislative context data neutrality user rights internet service providers digital rights telecommunications policy online privacy data protection internet freedom regulatory issues technology law network management content neutrality consumer protection digital ethics information privacy cybersecurity digital communication data surveillance digital legislation tech policy internet governance telecommunications regulation digital privacy net neutrality dutch example labour mp martijn van dam kpn postal worker analogy data treatment internet principles isp responsibilities bandwidth user choice skype mobile device contention pcworld matthew honan macworld insider net neutrality privacy bitTorrent Net Neutrality ISP Privacy Data Discrimination Bandwidth Usage Internet Privacy Network Neutrality Data Transmission ISP Responsibilities User Privacy Data Treatment Online Privacy Internet Service Providers Privacy Principles Digital Privacy Internet Regulation Data Privacy Net Neutrality Debate Privacy Rights ISP Surveillance Data Integrity Privacy Laws Digital Rights Data Protection Surveillance Concerns Online Security Encryption Digital Surveillance Privacy Advocacy Technology Policy Digital Ethics ISP Policies User Rights Privacy Protections Internet Freedom Data Confidentiality Privacy Legislation Net Neutrality Laws Data Privacy Dutch example Labour MP Martijn van Dam Dutch ISP KPN Net Neutrality postal worker analogy data treatment Internet principles bandwidth end user Skype mobile device ISP role data privacy Matthew Honan PCWorld MacWorld Inside Net Neutrality BitTorrent data judgement Privacy Dutch example Labour MP Martijn van Dam Dutch ISP KPN postal worker analogy basic principle of Internet data neutrality ISP responsibility bandwidth end user Skype mobile device Net Neutrality Privacy and BitTorrent Matthew Honan PCWorld MacWorld privacy net neutrality ISP data treatment user rights bandwidth mobile device Skype data privacy Dutch example Labour MP Martijn van Dam KPN postal worker analogy right and wrong data Internet principles Matthew Honan PCWorld MacWorld BitTorrent privacy Dutch example Martijn van Dam KPN net neutrality ISP data treatment bandwidth user freedom mobile Skype BitTorrent PCWorld Matthew Honan MacWorld privacy net neutrality Dutch example Martijn van Dam KPN ISP data treatment bandwidth price end user Skype mobile device PCWorld Matthew Honan MacWorld bitTorrent internet principle data privacy content neutrality digital rights network management regulatory concerns user freedom Privacy Dutch example Martijn van Dam ISP KPN postal worker analogy Internet principles data treatment net neutrality bandwidth mobile device Skype privacy concerns bitTorrent Matthew Honan PCWorld MacWorld privacy net neutrality Dutch example Martijn van Dam ISP KPN data treatment internet principles bandwidth pricing user freedom Skype mobile usage data privacy PCWorld Matthew Honan MacWorld BitTorrent internet regulation content neutrality ISP responsibilities
test-international-gsciidffe-pro03a	It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, It is domestic not international legitimacy that matters  What matters for a state when it comes to foreign policy, and therefore with helping to circumvent censorship, is whether the policy is considered legitimate domestically. Since a government's legitimacy is domestically derived from the support of its people if they support the policy then it is legitimate. While it is often not considered a top priority people in democracies usually support promoting human rights and spreading democracy around the world. [1]  [1] Stevenson, Kirsten, “Strong support for democracy promotion in national opinion ballot”, Foreign Policy Association, 23 October 2012, domestic legitimacy international legitimacy state foreign policy censorship circumvention policy legitimacy government support people's support democracy promotion human rights national opinion Stevenson Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights national opinion Stevenson Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy promoting human rights spreading democracy national opinion democracy promotion Stevenson Kirsten Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy state legitimacy policy legitimacy government support people's support democracy promotion human rights national opinion Stevenson Foreign Policy Association 2012 domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy human rights democracy promotion national opinion Stevenson Kirsten Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship state policy government support people's support democracy promotion human rights national opinion democratic support policy legitimacy Stevenson Foreign Policy Association 2012 domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights national opinion democracies Stevenson Kirsten Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights national opinion Stevenson Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights national opinion democracy spread Stevenson Kirsten Foreign Policy Association domestic legitimacy international legitimacy foreign policy censorship government support people's support policy legitimacy democracy promotion human rights national opinion Stevenson Foreign Policy Association
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, copyright monitoring state costs artist costs lawyer costs infringement detection perpetrator arrest imprisonment costs public domain copyright piracy internet piracy music piracy film piracy book piracy copyright infringement unenforceable laws creative commons licensing scheme public exposure artist benefits consumer benefits intellectual property internet piracy increase peer-to-peer networks copyright deterrence bootleg DVDs China piracy western consumers creative commons licensing relaxed copyright public crediting artistic compliance piracy deterrent copyright adaptation mutual benefits costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state expenses copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy internet books music films increased unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs Western consumers peer-to-peer networks caught punished deter incidence creative commons licensing scheme compliance public exposure adaptation current copyright law mutual benefit costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty stolen idea public domain deterrent piracy efforts minimal internet books music films increased 2011 unenforceable music industry movie industry annoyance bootlegs China western consumers peer-to-peer networks caught punished deter future incidence work creative commons licensing pressures less draconian legitimate onerous compliance relaxed law public exposure adaptation mutual benefit costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring infringement arresting suspects imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect piracy minimal internet piracy books music films increased 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks perpetrators caught punished severely future crime incidence copyright copyright monitoring state costs artist expenses legal fees copyright infringement arrest costs imprisonment costs idea ownership public domain copyright piracy internet piracy deterrence effectiveness copyright laws enforcement issues music industry movie industry DVD bootlegs peer-to-peer networks piracy increase punishment severity creative commons licensing scheme relaxed copyright compliance improvement public exposure artist benefits consumer benefits intellectual property World Intellectual Property Organization internet piracy trends Jakarta Globe The Atlantic movie piracy costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state copyright infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy efforts state firms minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically years 30% 2011 unenforceable music industry movie industry annoyance China bootlegs western consumers peer to peer networks perpetrators caught punished severely deter future crime incidence copyright practice creative commons licensing scheme costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state costs infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty idea public domain deterrent copyright piracy efforts state firms internet piracy books music films increased unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs western consumers peer to peer networks perpetrators punished deter crime copyright practice creative commons licensing less draconian legitimate claim artists onerous stranglehold compliance relaxed law vocal crediting public exposure costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect minimal internet piracy books music films increased 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer peer networks tiny fraction perpetrators caught punished severely future crime copyright enforcement costs benefits ineffective state costs monitoring infringement arrests imprisonment public domain deterrent effect piracy internet piracy books music films increasing piracy copyright laws unenforceable music industry movie industry China bootlegs peer-to-peer networks perpetrators caught punishment deterrence creative commons licensing compliance artistic exposure consumer benefits intellectual property costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent piracy minimal internet books music films increased dramatically 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer networks fraction punished severely attempt deter future crime incidence work practice creative commons licensing scheme pressures draconian regime
test-international-emephsate-con02a	Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey is not yet up to European standards of human rights.  Turkey is a democracy but it is not yet up to the standards necessary for membership in the European Union. Turkey has numerous problems with the autocracy of its leaders, the suppressed human rights of the Kurdish and the other minorities. The State Department Human Rights Report condemns for example arbitrary arrest and says “Police detained more than 1,000 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) on various occasions” during 2011. Kurds and other minorities are “prohibited from fully exercising their linguistic, religious, and cultural rights” and are harassed when attempting to assert their identity. [1] There is little freedom of the press in Turkey, most of the media are state-controlled resulting in turkey ranking 148th on Reporters without borders press freedom index whereas the lowest EU country is Greece ranked 70th. [2] While some countries in the EU, such as France, have criminalized the denial of the Armenian genocide [3] Turkey on the other hand hasn’t even recognized that it ever happened. It is clear that while this disparity exists and human rights violations continue Turkey cannot join the EU.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, ‘Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011 Turkey’, U.S. Department of State,   [2] ‘Press Freedom Index 2011-2012’, Reporters Without Borders,   [3] De Montjoye, Clementine, ‘France’s Armenian genocide law’, Free SpeechDebate, 29 June 2012, Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights press freedom Reporters Without Borders Armenian genocide France human rights violations membership criteria freedom of expression minority rights political prisoners media control press freedom index genocide recognition democratic reforms EU candidacy Turkey European standards human rights EU membership democracy autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press state-controlled media Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenian genocide France human rights violations EU disparity Turkey European standards human rights democracy EU membership autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press state-controlled media Reporters without Borders press freedom index Armenian genocide France human rights violations EU accession criteria Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights press freedom Reporters Without Borders media control Armenian genocide France human rights violations EU membership Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union membership autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP press freedom Reporters without Borders Armenia genocide recognition media control linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights identity freedom of press Greece human rights violations membership criteria political prisoners ethnic minorities freedom of expression censorship government control international relations European values democratic reforms political repression civil liberties judicial independence rule of law European Commission accession criteria human rights abuses Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union membership autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press state-controlled media Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenia genocide criminalization denial human rights violations Turkey European standards human rights democracy EU membership autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press media control Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenian genocide human rights violations EU countries France genocide denial Clementine De Montjoye Free SpeechDebate Turkey European Union human rights democracy European standards autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press media control press freedom index Reporters Without Borders Armenian genocide France human rights violations EU membership cultural identity political detention press censorship minority rights international relations European Union accession criteria genocide recognition free speech democratic governance political repression ethnic minorities political prisoners government accountability media freedom EU standards international law human rights abuses media Turkey European standards human rights democracy European Union autocracy Kurdish minorities State Department Human Rights Report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press state-controlled media Reporters without Borders press freedom index Armenia genocide recognition human rights violations Turkey European standards human rights EU membership democracy Kurdish minorities autocracy State Department human rights report arbitrary arrest Peace and Democracy Party BDP linguistic rights religious rights cultural rights freedom of press state-controlled media Reporters Without Borders press freedom index Armenia genocide recognition human rights violations
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con02a	The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. The previous arrangement of having two foreign policy centers (in the Commission and in the Council) was arguably inefficient, but consolidating these into a single office-holder has created more complexity and at significantly greater expense.  Creating a position of EU High Representative is not objectionable in itself. Previously the EU was in the ludicrous situation of having two foreign affairs spokesmen, one from the Council and the other from the Commission. Rivalry and duplication of efforts, staffs and resources results, and so focusing all the EU’s external affairs work around one person makes some sense. What it does not mean is that the High Representative should lead a drive for a stronger common foreign policy position. Only when member states agree (which may not be often) will he or she have a role. In fact, by weakening the foreign affairs role within the Commission, this development may actually limit the pretensions of Brussels to develop its own agenda and dictate foreign policy to the member states. foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense rivalry duplication external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy development foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplicated efforts member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign policy EU Commission Council High Representative consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources external affairs member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda dictatorship foreign policy centers consolidation complexity greater expense EU High Representative foreign affairs spokesmen rivalry duplication resources common foreign policy member states agreement foreign affairs role Commission Brussels agenda dictate foreign policy foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs spokesmen foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs spokesmen foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council inefficiency complexity expense duplication rivalry resources common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs consolidation spokesmen EU institutions policy development institutional reform foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry resources external affairs common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign policy development foreign policy EU institutions Commission Council High Representative consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry common foreign policy member states Brussels agenda foreign affairs spokesmen foreign policy EU High Representative Commission Council consolidation complexity expense duplication rivalry member states common foreign policy Brussels agenda foreign affairs spokesmen inefficiency external affairs role limitation
test-international-atiahblit-pro04a	Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. Social Policy for satisfied teachers  The creation of national social policies which provide secure, and stable, wages for teachers is fundamental. Social policy can make satisfied teachers. A key concern amongst teachers is finance - inadequate wages and insurance. Teacher wages is considerably lower than other formal professions - combining to enforce low morale and occupational motivation as pay is too low to sustain individuals and households (Bennell, 2004). In South Africa an average teaching salary is 19,535 ZAR in contrast to the 28,235 ZAR average granted in all jobs in South Africa (Salary Explorer, 2013).  Further, social policy is required to introduce teacher pension schemes. Pension schemes are provided for workers within the formal employment sector, by various public organisations - including the government and GEPF [1] . However, some national pension schemes are more developed than others and teachers need to be ensured the profession can provide investments for future security. An ageing population only reinforces its importance.  [1] See further readings: GEPF, 2013. social policy teacher wages financial security occupational motivation pension schemes national social policies teacher morale formal employment future security ageing population inadequate wages insurance GEPF South Africa average teaching salary public organizations formal professions low morale household sustenance professional investments Social Policy Teacher Satisfaction Secure Wages Stable Wages Financial Security Teacher Morale Occupational Motivation Teacher Wages Formal Professions South Africa Teaching Salary Average Salary Pension Schemes Formal Employment Sector Public Organizations Government GEPF Future Security Ageing Population teacher wages financial security occupational motivation pension schemes national social policies formal employment sector GEPF South Africa teacher salary ageing population financial support teacher morale insurance benefits government policies education sector investment future security social policy development wage disparity formal professions teacher pensions teacher wages financial security social policy teacher pensions occupational motivation wage disparities formal sector professions pension schemes national social policies teacher morale future security ageing population GEPF South Africa teacher salary salary comparisons Bennell 2004 Salary Explorer 2013 teacher insurance teacher pension provisions public organizations pensions social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable wages teacher finances inadequate wages insurance teacher morale occupational motivation South Africa teaching salary average salary pension schemes formal employment future security ageing population GEPF social policy teacher wages financial security occupational motivation pension schemes national social policies teacher morale formal employment sector future security ageing population government pension GEPF South Africa average teaching salary inadequate wages insurance professional investment occupational investment teacher pension secure wages stable wages teacher satisfaction Bennell Salary Explorer Social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable employment national policies financial security inadequate wages insurance occupational motivation low morale teacher pensions pension schemes formal employment government support GEPF future security ageing population South Africa teacher salaries economic conditions Bennell 2004 Salary Explorer 2013 GEPF 2013 social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable wages teacher finance inadequate wages insurance teacher morale occupational motivation teacher wages formal professions South Africa teaching salary average salary pension schemes formal employment public organizations government GEPF future security ageing population social policy teacher satisfaction secure wages stable wages finance concerns inadequate wages insurance low morale occupational motivation pay comparison South Africa teaching salary average salary job sectors teacher pension schemes formal employment public organizations government GEPF national pension schemes future security ageing population Social policy teacher wages financial security occupational motivation pension schemes future security formal employment sector government support GEPF national policies teacher morale South Africa average salary wage comparison insurance ageing population professional investments
test-international-ghbunhf-pro04a	Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. Many UN bodies are corrupt or compromised.  As mentioned above, the Human Rights Council consists of some the worst human rights abusers in the world. The NGO UN Watch has accused the HRC focusing almost exclusively on alleged human rights abuses by Israel to the exclusion of almost every other country. [1]  There have been widespread allegations of corruption in UN bodies. [2] It is for these reasons that the US long refused to pay its full dues to the United Nations and threatens to do so again in future, as well as withholding funding from UNESCO in 2011 after it voted to recognise Palestine as an independent state. [3]  [1] “Anti-Israel Resolutions at the HRC”, UN Watch 2011.   [2] “Corruption at the Heart of the United Nations”, The Economist, 9th August 2005.   [3] “US cuts UNESCO funds over vote for Palestinian seat“. BBC website. 31st October 2011. corruption compromised UN bodies Human Rights Council worst human rights abusers UN Watch alleged human rights abuses Israel exclusivity widespread allegations US full dues threats withholding funding UNESCO Palestine independent state Anti-Israel Resolutions The Economist US cuts BBC 31st October 2011 UN corruption Human Rights Council HRC NGO UN Watch Israel human rights abuses US dues UNESCO Palestine funding allegations The Economist BBC Anti-Israel resolutions recognition cuts vote state 2011 2005 UN bodies corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch anti-Israel alleged human rights abuses US dues UNESCO Palestine The Economist funding cuts international organizations UN reforms accountability transparency UN bodies corrupt compromised Human Rights Council worst human rights abusers UN Watch anti-Israel HRC focus alleged human rights abuses Israel exclusion widespread allegations corruption UN US refused pay full dues United Nations threatens withhold funding UNESCO 2011 Palestine independent state Anti-Israel Resolutions The Economist Corruption Heart UN US cuts UNESCO funds Palestinian seat BBC UN bodies corruption compromised Human Rights Council worst human rights abusers UN Watch anti-Israel HRC focus alleged human rights abuses Israel exclusion widespread allegations corruption UN US unpaid dues threats withhold funding UNESCO 2011 Palestine independent state UN Watch 2011 The Economist 2005 BBC 2011 UN bodies corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch Israel human rights abuses US UNESCO Palestine funding dues allegations Economist BBC 2011 2005 UN bodies corruption compromised Human Rights Council worst human rights abusers UN Watch anti-Israel bias HRC Israel exclusivity widespread corruption allegations US UN dues threats funding UNESCO 2011 Palestine independent state recognition BBC The Economist 2005 Anti-Israel Resolutions 2011 UN bodies corruption Human Rights Council UN Watch anti-Israel alleged human rights abuses US dues UNESCO Palestine funding cuts international organizations UN integrity diplomatic relations UN financing NGO criticisms UN reform member state disputes UN transparency UN accountability UN corruption Human Rights Council HRC UN Watch Israel human rights abuses allegations US dues UNESCO Palestine funding The Economist BBC anti-Israel resolutions membership recognition statehood international relations diplomacy financial contributions organizational integrity global governance accountability criticism reform political bias funding withholding international organizations diplomacy controversy governance issues transparency ethics member states decision-making UN reform international law humanitarian issues global politics United Nations Charter international community diplomatic relations United Nations General Assembly UN Security Council UN bodies UN bodies corruption Human Rights Council worst human rights abusers UN Watch anti-Israel resolutions HRC alleged human rights abuses Israel widespread corruption allegations US full dues United Nations threats withhold funding UNESCO 2011 vote Palestine independent state BBC The Economist 2005 Anti-Israel Resolutions 2011 US cuts UNESCO funds Palestinian seat
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con04a	The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, The feminist movement cannot afford to alienate itself from society  The term ‘feminism’ is often associated with men-hating and the radical view that women are superior to men as opposed to gender equality. This happens because extreme feminists who uphold such opinions are consistently given greater media coverage by virtue of having the loudest voices and creating headlines that sell. As a result, the feminist movement is currently lacking the support it deserves and even those who take feminist positions often don’t want to call themselves feminists. (Scharff) [1]  It would be a bad move for it to further radicalise itself and attempt to ban something as present in society as pornography. It will never work, and it will merely make women and men more reluctant to espouse feminist ideologies for fear of being associated with a ‘hate group’.  [1] Scharff, Christina, “Myths of man-hating feminists make feminism unpopular”, Economic & Social Research Council, 7 March 2013, feminism feminist movement gender equality men-hating radical feminism media coverage support self-identification radicalization pornography social presence ideological association hate group Christina Scharff myths unpopularity economic social research council feminist movement alienation society feminism men-hating radical feminism gender equality media coverage extreme feminists support feminist positions radicalization pornography ban ideologies hate group Scharff myths unpopularity Economic & Social Research Council feminism feminist movement gender equality media coverage radical feminists men-hating women superiority societal support feminist ideologies pornography ban hate group Christina Scharff Economic & Social Research Council feminist movement society support media coverage extreme feminists gender equality radical feminism men-hating feminist ideologies pornography ban hate group feminist positions Scharff Myths man-hating feminists feminism unpopular feminism gender equality media coverage radical feminism feminist movement support pornography man-hating myths unpopularity ideologies hate group society alienation Christina Scharff Economic & Social Research Council feminist movement gender equality media coverage radical feminism men-hating women superiority extreme feminists support feminist positions ban pornography radicalise hate group ideologies Scharff man-hating myths feminism unpopular feminism feminist movement gender equality men-hating radical feminists media coverage headlines support ideology pornography ban unpopular myths hate group society Christina Scharff Economic & Social Research Council feminist movement society men-hating women superiority gender equality extreme feminists media coverage headlines support feminist positions radicalise pornography ideologies hate group Scharff myths unpopularity Economic & Social Research Council feminism gender equality media coverage extreme feminists radical feminism feminist movement societal support man-hating radical views banning pornography feminist ideologies hate group Scharff Christina Economic & Social Research Council feminist movement media coverage radical feminists gender equality feminist support banning pornography feminist ideologies man-hating feminists hate group societal alienation
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro01a	The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. The Whole System is broken  It is not clear that the system works at all. The majority of those who apply for asylum are working-age males, [1] which implies that there is a strong economic angle. And worse still, even if countries decide that an applicant has no basis to their claim they are frequently unable to deport them because they often go missing, as 75,000 in Britain have, [2] or because, perversely, they may be punished on return to their country for having sought refuge. So essentially the asylum system provides a loophole for unrestricted immigration, which is both expensive, and dangerous for states. In the age of global terrorism it is a huge risk to allow undocumented individuals to enter and roam freely within any country.  [1] Blinder, Scott, ‘Migration to the UK: Asylum’, The Migration Observatory at the University of Oxford, 23 March 2011.  [2] Whitehead, Tom, ’75,000 asylum seekers have gone missing in past 20 years’, The Telegraph, 6 April 2011. asylum immigration economic migration deportation undocumented individuals global terrorism refugee policy asylum seekers working-age males security risks state expenses migration observatory Telegraph Blinder Whitehead asylum system broken economic angle working-age males applicants deportation undocumented individuals global terrorism immigration loophole risk states asylum seekers missing punishment return country unrestricted immigration expensive dangerous The Migration Observatory University of Oxford The Telegraph Tom Whitehead Scott Blinder asylum immigration economic migration deportation undocumented individuals global terrorism asylum seekers working-age males migration policy refugee claims state security immigration loopholes deportation challenges asylum system effectiveness migrant integration public safety refugee protection migration observatory asylum statistics missing asylum seekers asylum system flaws economic migration motives high deportation failure rates undocumented individuals risk terrorism age immigration challenges asylum seekers disappearance financial burden of failed asylum claims state security threats from asylum seekers migration policy inefficacy asylum process exploitation asylum immigration undocumented economic migration deportation security terrorism policy refuge seekers missing risk states system broken inefficient loophole unrestricted expensive dangerous global terrorism government failure legal framework consequences public safety national interest human rights international law refugee crisis integration social impact economic burden public opinion political debate reform effectiveness enforcement control borders migrant flows population dynamics social cohesion cultural diversity labor market employment opportunities asylum system broken economic angle working-age males deportation issues undocumented individuals global terrorism immigration loophole asylum seekers missing applicants state risks unrestricted immigration claim basis punishment on return asylum system broken immigration economic angle working-age males deportation undocumented individuals global terrorism asylum seekers missing Migration Observatory The Telegraph Scott Blinder Tom Whitehead asylum system economic migration working-age males deportation challenges undocumented individuals immigration loophole state security global terrorism asylum seekers UK migration asylum claims deportation failures public safety economic angle asylum policies refugee crisis immigration control legal immigration illegal immigration asylum abuse asylum immigration economic angle deportation undocumented individuals global terrorism asylum seekers missing unrestricted immigration security risks policy loopholes governmental inefficiency migration management refugee claims public safety economic migration humanitarian protection legal framework international law state sovereignty border control asylum immigration economic impact deportation undocumented individuals terrorism safety policy legal issues migrants working-age males asylum seekers global terrorism refugee claims government challenges societal risk financial burden border control human rights international relations
test-economy-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana competition in female jobs reductions in returns state policies women entering male jobs reactions to gender shift Overa 2007 feminisation labour de-masculinisation work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana competition state policies gender integration job market female jobs male jobs economic returns social tensions gender roles employment trends occupational segregation wage disparities employment policies gender equality workforce diversity economic participation gender dynamics feminisation de-masculinisation labour market gender relations work environment job competition informal economy retail trade Ghana state policies gender roles employment trends occupational segregation economic returns social tensions gender integration workplace equality female jobs male jobs job market dynamics coping strategies job overcrowding economic frustration policy responses gender studies labour economics social change occupational shifts gender diversity job displacement economic adaptation cultural attitudes employment patterns workforce demographics gender equality economic pressures social impact gender perceptions occupational conflicts job satisfaction economic security men in female-dominated jobs feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women coping in workforce just work environment gender relations informal economy Overa's study gender tensions competition in informal sector retail trade in Ghana state response male reactions to female entry men feminisation labour de-masculinisation jobs women work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy tensions women men similar occupations retail trade Ghana competition returns frustrations state women male jobs reactions feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women coping in work environment ensuring just work environment gender relations in informal economy tensions in gender roles men entering female jobs competition in informal sector reduced returns in retail trade frustrations against state women entering male jobs reactions to gender role changes men feminisation labour de-masculinisation women work environment just work environment Overa gender relations informal economy tensions occupations retail trade Ghana competition reductions returns frustrations state reactions female jobs male jobs feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana male jobs female jobs job competition economic returns state response gender roles occupational shifts workplace integration gender tensions employment dynamics social reactions feminisation de-masculinisation labour market gender relations work environment women empowerment job competition economic returns state policies gender roles occupational integration social tensions informal economy retail trade Ghana gender equality workforce diversity occupational segregation economic frustration policy interventions gender relations feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment informal economy retail trade in Ghana gender competition state response male jobs female jobs occupational shifts economic returns social tensions gender dynamics labor market changes employment trends occupational gender segregation gender equality in workforce
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro03a	No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. No harm to non-drug users  Random drug tests will pose no harm to students who do not use illegal drugs, as they have nothing to fear from this fact being certified. If anything it serves as a vindication of their law-abidance and good character.  Random drug tests will only catch those who are actively taking drugs, as tests can be used which are unlikely to make a 'positive' reading from secondary exposure (for example, being near someone else smoking cannabis).  Those actively taking drugs need help in getting off drugs far more urgently than they need their right to 'privacy', as addiction at a young age could have a significant negative impact upon the remainder of their time in education. Therefore, non-drug users have nothing to fear from testing. As a result random checks are in the best interests of drug users. non-drug users random drug tests harm students law-abidance good character vindication privacy drug addiction young age education secondary exposure cannabis active drug use help privacy rights random checks drug users best interests non-drug users random drug tests harm certification law-abidance good character positive reading secondary exposure cannabis active drug use addiction privacy education best interests drug users young age negative impact vindication urgency help getting off drugs non-drug users random drug tests harm law-abidance good character positive reading secondary exposure active drug users privacy addiction young age education best interests drug users non-drug users random drug tests no harm certification of non-use vindication of law-abidance positive reading from secondary exposure urgent help for drug users privacy rights addiction impact on education best interests of drug users non-drug users random drug tests harm law-abidance good character vindication active drug users secondary exposure privacy addiction education young age help random checks best interests drug users non-drug users random drug tests no harm students law-abidance good character active drug users secondary exposure cannabis help addiction privacy young age education best interests drug users non-drug users random drug tests harm certification law-abidance good character positive reading secondary exposure cannabis active drug use help addiction privacy education young age random checks best interests drug users non-drug users random drug tests harm law-abidance good character secondary exposure active drug use addiction privacy education young age random checks best interests drug users testing positive reading cannabis vindication urgency impact time in education non-drug users random drug tests harm secondary exposure privacy addiction education young age best interests law-abidance good character vindication urgent help positive reading drug-free testing fears student safety substance abuse school policies non-drug users random drug tests harm law-abidance privacy addiction education secondary exposure vindication help young age significant negative impact best interests drug users
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con04a	The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, The use of meta data causes unintentional harm  The other possible harm is unintentional. The amount of data involved is huge and too much even for a vast organization like the NSA to actually physically look at. Instead it uses data mining. This is why the NSA wants data that may seem useless to others. The records of which phone numbers are phoning who, as the NSA was obtaining of Verizon, might seem useless but can tell them who you are contacting, and how much contact time they have. In turn they could look at who your contacts have been talking to and if it turns out that several of them talk regularly to suspected terrorists then even if you are innocent a finger of suspicion might be pointed. There has even been a study showing that individuals can be identified from just the time of call and nearest cell phone tower after just four calls. [1] PRISM gives the NSA even more ‘useless’ data to play with. The results of this data mining may usually be accurate but will not always be so and the result of being flagged like this can be problematic for individuals. It may mean additional airport security, having problems getting a visa, [2] or in the worst case finding its way onto a no fly list.  [1] De Montjoye, Yves-Alexandre, et al., ‘Unique in the Crowd: The privacy bounds of human mobility’, Scientific Reports, 3, 25 March 2013,   [2] Brown, Ian, ‘Yes, NSA surveillance should worry the law-abiding’, guardian.co.uk, 10 June 2013, meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA vast organization data involved physical examination data mining useless data phone numbers contacts contact time suspected terrorists innocent suspicion study individual identification time of call cell phone tower PRISM data accuracy airport security visa problems no fly list privacy human mobility surveillance law-abiding meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA Verizon phone records contact tracking PRISM privacy concerns data collection surveillance individual identification cell phone towers call metadata airport security visa issues no fly list privacy bounds human mobility meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM surveillance privacy phone records terrorism data expansion human mobility privacy bounds airport security no fly list visa issues suspicion contact patterns call data cell phone tower individual identification vast organization useful data seemingly useless information data accuracy problematic outcomes law-abiding worry scientific reports guardian study time of call regular contacts meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM phone records contact tracing surveillance privacy concerns data accuracy airport security visa issues no fly list human mobility privacy bounds meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM privacy data privacy phone records surveillance terrorism innocent people airport security visa problems no fly list human mobility privacy bounds Ian Brown Yves-Alexandre De Montjoye metadata unintentional harm data mining NSA vast organization huge data physical examination seemingly useless data phone records Verizon contact tracing terrorist connections suspicion individual identification call time cell phone tower PRISM data accuracy flagged individuals airport security visa problems no fly list privacy concerns human mobility legal implications surveillance impact metadata unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM vast organization phone records call data contact tracing suspected terrorists privacy concerns airport security visa issues no fly list human mobility privacy bounds surveillance law-abiding citizens meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA vast organization phone records contact time contacts suspected terrorists suspicion PRISM privacy accuracy airport security visa problems no fly list human mobility privacy bounds law-abiding surveillance metadata unintentional harm data mining NSA Verizon phone records PRISM privacy surveillance data expansion contact patterns cell phone tower human mobility airport security no fly list legal issues visa problems study accuracy flagged individuals suspicion innocence vast organizations useless data meaningful expansion terms optimization query enhancement identification time of call suspected terrorists communication patterns privacy bounds law-abiding worry Ian Brown Yves-Alexandre de Montjoye Scientific Reports meta data unintentional harm data mining NSA PRISM phone records contact tracking privacy concerns data accuracy surveillance impact no fly list airport security visa issues human mobility privacy bounds
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con03a	"The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. The desire for, and fight for, democracy must come from within or else democratic government will not be sustainable.  Unless the people within a country want democracy, they will not respect it. Unlike military dictatorships, democratic governments do not rely solely -- or even mainly-- on force to enforce the law. Rather, most people obey the law at least in part because they believe those laws are legitimate, as the result of free and fair elections. If citizens do not want such an electoral system, then there is no reason for them to obey the law, pay taxes etc. and the government will be unable to maintain order. Indeed, foreign-imposed democracies often slide back into authoritarian regimes because they find that they cannot uphold the law (at least without foreign support). Enterline and Greig found in a 2007 empirical study that half of imposed democracies fail within 30 years, and that this failure reduces the likelihood of democracy being successfully established in the future1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael. ""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq &Afghanistan.""  2 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy sustainability internal desire foreign-imposed authoritarianism legitimacy law obedience elections military dictatorship citizen support tax compliance government order empirical study imposed democracies failure rate historical trends Iraq Afghanistan promoting democracy Michael Doyle democracy sustainability internal desire citizen respect legitimate governance electoral systems law obedience tax compliance order maintenance foreign-imposed democracies authoritarian regression empirical studies imposed democracy failure future democracy prospects Enterline Greig Doyle promoting democracy imposing democracy Iraq Afghanistan democracy sustainability internal desire citizen respect legitimacy free elections law obedience military dictatorship authoritarian regimes foreign-imposed democracy electoral system tax compliance order maintenance empirical study imposed democracies failure rate historical trends future prospects promoting democracy international intervention democracy sustainability citizen engagement legitimacy free elections law enforcement authoritarian regimes foreign imposition military dictatorship civic responsibility taxation social order empirical studies political science international relations governance electoral systems democratic failure historical trends policy analysis democracy sustainability internal desire citizen respect legitimacy free elections law obedience tax compliance order maintenance foreign imposition authoritarian regression empirical failure historical trends imposed governance policy effectiveness citizen engagement electoral systems government stability international influence democratic principles democracy internal desire sustainable government people's respect legitimacy free elections law obedience tax payment order maintenance foreign-imposed democracy authoritarian regression imposed democracies empirical study failure rate future prospects Michael Doyle Promoting Democracy Imposing Democracy Andrew Enterline J. Michael Greig historical trends Iraq Afghanistan democracy democratic government sustainability citizen participation respect for law legitimacy free elections authoritarian regimes foreign imposition military dictatorship law enforcement electoral systems tax compliance social order empirical studies political stability imposed democracies historical trends promotion of democracy Afghanistan Iraq democracy sustainability internal desire citizen respect free elections legitimacy law enforcement non-violent compliance foreign-imposed authoritarian regression empirical analysis governance failure electoral system societal consent political stability democratic transition internal support external influence governmental longevity public cooperation democracy sustainable internal desire citizen respect legitimacy free elections law obedience tax compliance order maintenance foreign imposition authoritarian regression empirical evidence Enterline Greig Doyle imposed democracies failure rate future prospects Iraq Afghanistan democracy sustainable internal desire citizen respect legitimacy free elections law obedience tax compliance order maintenance foreign-imposed authoritarian regression empirical evidence failure rates imposition vs promotion historical trends Iraq Afghanistan Michael Doyle Andrew Enterline J. Michael Greig"
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro02a	More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. More women in the labour market leads to higher GDP  By introducing gender quotas to ensure gender equality, one could not only increase the labour force by bringing more women but also enhance the labour productivity and the available talent pool in a country. This would stimulate businesses to expand, innovate, and compete. This process has an effect of raising tax revenue and social security payments. The overall effect is the positive growth of the economy.  Therefore, addressing social injustice and higher economic returns are mutually supportive goals.  This argument is particularly relevant for qualified women who could be hired at executive positions, but are prevented from doing so due to cultural beliefs, societal practices, and lack of economic and institutional support. A study by Asa Löfström on the links between economic growth and productivity in the labour market argues that if women’s productivity level rises to the level of men’s, Europe’s GDP could grow 27% which makes women’s participation is of crucial importance to Europe’s economy. [1] Quotas would allow for a better utilisation of the talent pool; as currently, 59% of the students graduating from Europe’s higher educational institutes are women. [2] With the current access to education and the introduction of quotas against barriers of existing prejudices, women will have incentives and support to increase their productivity  In the case of Norway, the quota law requires all public, state-owned , municipal, inter-municipal and cooperative companies to appoint at least 40% women on their boards per 2008. The law led to a fast increase from 6% women on boards of public limited companies in 2002 to  36% in 2008. [3]  [1] Löfström, Asa. Gender Equality, Economic Growth and Employment. Swedish Presidency of the European Union, 2009. Web.  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012  [3] Working Paper: “The Quota-instrument: Different Approaches across Europe”. N.p.: European Commission’s Network to Promote Women in Decision-making in Politics and the Economy, 2011. Web. women labour market higher GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economic growth tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity educational institutes Norway board quotas public companies municipal companies cooperative companies management boards European Union decision-making politics economy European Commission quota-instrument women's participation talent utilisation productivity increase economic support prejudices board representation economic study gender diversity corporate governance women's women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economy tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity level Norway quota law public companies state-owned municipal cooperative companies boards European Union gender quotas management boards European Commission decision-making politics economy female graduates educational institutes prejudices productivity increase economic growth employment women's participation mutual support economic development institutional measures policy interventions women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economic growth tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity higher education Norway board representation public companies state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies quota law management boards women in decision-making European Union European Parliament European Commission women in labor market higher GDP gender quotas gender equality labor force labor productivity talent pool business expansion innovation competition tax revenue social security economic growth social injustice executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström women’s productivity Europe’s GDP education Norway quota law board representation public companies state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies European Parliament gender quotas in management boards European Commission women in decision-making politics economy women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economic growth social injustice executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström economic productivity Europe educational institutes quota law Norway public companies board representation European Union management boards decision-making politics economy women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economic growth tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity education Norway quota law board membership public companies state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies European Parliament decision-making politics economy European Commission women in leadership workforce diversity economic policy gender diversity corporate governance legislative measures women's rights economic impact European Union gender parity women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool economic growth businesses tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns qualified women executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic support institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity level economic productivity education graduation rates Norway quota law public companies board representation women on boards European Commission decision-making politics economy women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force productivity talent pool economic growth tax revenue social security social injustice economic returns executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices institutional support Asa Löfström Europe education Norway board positions public companies state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies quota law European Parliament decision-making politics economy European Commission women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool businesses expand innovate compete tax revenue social security payments economic growth social injustice economic returns qualified women executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic support institutional support Asa Löfström Europe productivity higher education students Norway quota law public companies state-owned companies municipal companies cooperative companies board representation European Parliament gender quotas management boards European Commission women decision-making politics economy women labour market GDP gender quotas gender equality labour force labour productivity talent pool business expansion innovation competition tax revenue social security economic growth social injustice executive positions cultural beliefs societal practices economic support institutional support Asa Löfström women's productivity Europe higher education Norway quota law public companies board representation
test-politics-glghssi-con02a	The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, The union has worked for over three hundred years and most people feel comfortable with the joint Scots/British identity  For over three centuries the two nations have cooperated much to their mutual advantage. The majority of Scots are happy with their British-ness.  In terms of culture and art the two nations have maintained distinctive traditions but ones which have been enhanced by their interaction. There are many people who have relatives from Scotland and another of the Home Nations for whom British is the more obvious identity. [i]  After centuries of fighting with each other the Union brought peace and mutual benefit.  [i] Mitchell, David, ‘If Scotland does secede, I won’t be alone in mourning for my country’, The Observer, 15 May 2011, union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage culture art distinctive traditions interaction relatives Home Nations British-ness peace mutual benefit secession mourning country union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage culture art traditions interaction relatives Home Nations British-ness peace mutual benefit secession mourning country David Mitchell The Observer Union three hundred years Scots British identity mutual advantage culture art distinctive traditions interaction relatives Home Nations British identity centuries fighting peace mutual benefit secession mourning country union three hundred years Scots British identity mutual advantage majority Scots British-ness culture art distinctive traditions interaction relatives Home Nations British identity centuries fighting peace mutual benefit Scotland secede mourning country union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage Scottish culture British culture interaction relatives Home Nations British identity peace mutual benefit secession mourning country David Mitchell The Observer union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage culture art traditions interaction relatives Home Nations peace mutual benefit secession mourning country union three hundred years joint Scots/British identity cooperation mutual advantage Scots British-ness culture art distinctive traditions interaction relatives Home Nations British identity peace mutual benefit secession mourning country union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage Scottish culture British culture interaction Relatives Home Nations British identity peace mutual benefit Scotland secession mourning country David Mitchell The Observer 2011 union three hundred years Scots British identity mutual advantage Scottish culture British culture interaction relatives Home Nations British identity peace mutual benefit secession mourning country David Mitchell The Observer union Scots British identity cooperation mutual advantage Scottish culture British culture Home Nations British identity peace mutual benefit Scotland secession country David Mitchell The Observer
test-science-dssghsdmd-con02a	The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. The political consequences of the system make the world less safe  Many countries look upon the national missile defense program of the United States as a serious threat to their security. Russia stands at the forefront of this group, and has for several years actively opposed the development of an anti-ballistic missile technology. If the program is a success and only the United States and its close strategic allies possess the ability to develop such defenses, they will have a marked advantage over all other countries in terms of fighting ability, as the United States would be able to use its own ballistic missiles to intimidate and attack its opponents while being effectively immune to retaliation. Fears over the development of the system have led Russia to make extremely threatening postures on its European border; when the United States planned to deploy a battery of interceptor missiles in Poland in 2008, Russia responded by increasing troop numbers along its European borders and even threatened to deploy its own battery of short-range nuclear missiles on the border (Harding, 2007). This sort of conflict is extremely dangerous, and raises the chance of international conflict escalating into war. Such an outcome is extremely undesirable, and the defensive capabilities of a missile shield are not enough to warrant such risks. Furthermore, the United Nations has sought to end research into anti-ballistic missile technology, and has on several occasions called on the United States to stop its testing (Reuters, 1999). Much of the international community fears the instability that might arise from the breaking down of the current world order of nuclear deterrence between states. political consequences national missile defense United States security threat Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles retaliation threatening postures European border Poland short-range nuclear missiles international conflict war United Nations research end nuclear deterrence world order political consequences system world safety national missile defense United States threat security Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles intimidation attack retaliation European border Poland interceptor missiles short-range nuclear missiles international conflict war United Nations research anti-ballistic missile testing world order nuclear deterrence international community instability political consequences national missile defense United States security threat Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic advantage international conflict missile shield United Nations nuclear deterrence international stability security postures Poland interceptor missiles short-range nuclear missiles international opposition defensive capabilities risk assessment world order political consequences system stability world safety national missile defense United States international security Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles intimidation attack retaliation threatening postures European border Poland interceptor missiles short-range nuclear missiles international conflict war undesirable outcome missile shield defensive capabilities United Nations research ban testing stop international community nuclear deterrence world order political consequences national missile defense United States security threat Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles retaliation threatening postures European border interceptor missiles Poland short-range nuclear missiles conflict escalation international war missile shield defensive capabilities United Nations research end nuclear deterrence world order stability political consequences system world safety national missile defense United States security threat Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies marked advantage fighting ability ballistic missiles intimidation attack retaliation threatening postures European border interceptor missiles Poland troop numbers short-range nuclear missiles conflict international conflict war undesirable outcome missile shield defensive capabilities risks United Nations end research anti-ballistic missile testing international community instability world order nuclear deterrence states political consequences national missile defense United States security threats Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile technology strategic advantage retaliation international conflict war risk United Nations nuclear deterrence world order international community instability Poland interceptor missiles short-range nuclear missiles troop deployment European border conflict escalation defensive capabilities research prohibition testing halt political consequences national missile defense United States security threat Russia opposition anti-ballistic missile strategic advantage international conflict war United Nations nuclear deterrence global stability missile shield international relations defense technology military strategy geopolitical tension Cold War dynamics arms race peacekeeping diplomatic tensions European security nuclear weapons security architecture international law disarmament strategic balance military doctrine security studies missile defense policy international security strategic studies defense studies international politics global security military affairs strategic alliances strategic deterrence ballistic missiles missile technology security political consequences national missile defense program United States security threat Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles intimidation retaliation Russian threats European border international conflict war United Nations research halt nuclear deterrence world order stability political consequences national missile defense program United States threat to security Russia anti-ballistic missile technology strategic allies fighting ability ballistic missiles international conflict European border Poland short-range nuclear missiles conflict escalation United Nations research into anti-ballistic missile technology nuclear deterrence world order
test-law-ralhrilglv-pro01a	A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, A delay is necessary for national security  Kenya is at risk of terrorist attack. Al-Shabab, a group linked to Al Qaeda have launched a number of attacks against Kenya. In addition to the Westgate massacre, there have been grenade attacks on bus terminals [1] and suicide bombings in refugee camps [2] .  Kenya’s waters are also used by Somali based pirates as a ground for attacks on international shipping, including possibly targeting ships travelling towards the port of Mombasa.  It is more important to the international community to have credible action taken in order to protect the Kenyan people from terrorism. This needs a strong Kenyan government – which means that there cannot be a change due to an international trial.  [1] Associated Press, “Two grenade blasts rattle Nairobi; 1 dead”, USA Today, 25/10/2011   [2] Ombati, Cyrus, “Terror suspects die after bombs explode on them”, Standard Digital News, national security Kenya terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa international community credible action Kenyan government international trial national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa credible action strong government international trial Nairobi Standard Digital News Associated Press Kenya national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa credible action strong government international trial terror suspects Cyrus Ombati Standard Digital News Associated Press USA Today national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings refugee camps Kenyan waters Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa international community credible action Kenyan people strong Kenyan government international trial Nairobi Standard Digital News Associated Press Kenya national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping Mombasa credible action terrorism strong government international trial Nairobi Cyrus Ombati Standard Digital News Associated Press USA Today Kenya national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa credible action strong government international trial Nairobi Standard Digital News Associated Press national security terrorist attack Kenya Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Kenya waters Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa international community credible action terrorism strong government international trial national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Kenya Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa international community credible action Kenyan government international trial Nairobi Standard Digital News Kenya national security terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa credible action strong government international trial Nairobi Ombati Cyrus Standard Digital News Associated Press USA Today national security Kenya terrorist attack Al-Shabab Al-Qaeda Westgate massacre grenade attacks bus terminals suicide bombings refugee camps Somali pirates international shipping port of Mombasa international community credible action terrorism strong government international trial Nairobi Standard Digital News Associated Press USA Today
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro01a	As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. As a matter of principle, every country, including the United States, has the right to defend itself to the best of its technological and economic ability  The nation-state is the fundamental building block of the international system, and is recognized as such in all international treaties and organizations (Mearsheimer, 1993). States are recognized as having the right to defend themselves, and this right must extend to the possession of a strategic national missile defense system. The United States has every right to develop such a system if it will furnish a greater measure of defense for its citizens and interests. US military technology is the most advanced and prodigiously financed in the world, which is why it is generally the United States that stands at the forefront of new defense and combat systems. The National Missile Defense program is simply the newest tool in the arsenal of the world’s greatest military, whose purpose is entirely defensive. To shield itself from potential ballistic missile, and even nuclear, attack the United States has the right to build a missile shield to defend itself and its allies under its aegis. There is no principled justification for a country to not pursue defense initiatives that benefit itself and that it wishes to pursue. country United States right defend technological economic nation-state international system treaties organizations Mearsheimer 1993 states defense strategic national missile defense system citizens interests US military technology advanced prodigiously financed new defense combat systems National Missile Defense program newest tool arsenal world’s greatest military defensive shield ballistic missile nuclear attack allies aegis principled justification defense initiatives benefit national defense self-defense country rights international system nation-state military technology missile defense US military strategic defense ballistic missile nuclear attack defense initiatives international treaties military shield allies protection defense systems technological advancement economic capability combat systems principled justification self-defense national security sovereignty international law treaty rights state rights missile defense strategic defense US military advanced technology economic capability defensive systems ballistic missiles nuclear defense international system nation-state Mearsheimer military arsenal defense initiatives principled justification self-defense national sovereignty international system state rights missile defense US military technology National Missile Defense defensive systems ballistic missile nuclear attack principled justification defense initiatives international treaties United States strategic defense military arsenal technological advancement economic ability citizen protection ally defense self-defense national sovereignty international treaties state rights technological capability economic capacity strategic missile defense US military technology advanced military defense initiatives ballistic missile defense nuclear attack defense systems national security international system nation-state Mearsheimer defensive purposes allied protection principled justification national defense self-defense right international system nation-state rights missile defense system US military technology advanced defense systems National Missile Defense strategic missile shield defensive initiatives international treaties economic ability technological capability defensive measures ballistic missile defense nuclear attack defense ally protection military arsenal principled justification defense pursuit self-defense nation-state international system international treaties strategic national missile defense US military technology advanced technology national missile defense ballistic missile nuclear attack missile shield defense initiatives allies principled justification national missile defense strategic defense initiative US military technology international system nation-state sovereignty self-defense rights ballistic missile defense nuclear deterrence defensive arsenal military innovation international treaties defense initiatives allied protection technological advancement economic capability principled justification defensive measures global security Mearsheimer 1993 missile shield combat systems self-defense nation-state international system treaties state rights national missile defense US military technology advanced technology strategic defense ballistic missile nuclear attack missile shield defense initiatives legal justification international law sovereignty military capability defensive measures allied protection self-defense national sovereignty international law missile defense US military strategic security international treaties nation-state Mearsheimer military technology defensive initiatives ballistic missile nuclear attack allied defense technological advancement economic capability defense systems international system principled justification security policy
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro01a	"Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions can be successful given the right conditions.  Certain factors may increase the chance of success: for example imposing democracy on a nation with which there were once colonial relationships increases the expected lifespan of the democracy. Democratic transitions in general also tend to be more successful if economic conditions are better. Obviously we are not advocating imposing democracy on every country which does not have it, but if there are strong enough institutions and conditions, imposition can work and there have been past successes like Germany and Japan post WWII that show the worth of imposing democracy1/2.  1 Enterline, Andrew J. and Greig, J. Michael.""Against All Odds? Historical Trends in Imposed Democracy & the Future of Iraq & Afghanistan.""  2 Przeworski et al ""What Makes Democracies Endure?"" Journal of Democracy. Interventions success conditions factors democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions imposing democracy strong institutions historical trends Iraq Afghanistan Germany Japan post WWII What Makes Democracies Endure Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig Przeworski interventions success conditions democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions imposing democracy institutions past successes Germany Japan post WWII Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig Przeworski democracies endure Iraq Afghanistan Interventions success conditions democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions institutions imposed democracy post WWII Germany Japan historical trends Iraq Afghanistan democracies endure imposing democracy colonial relationships democratic transitions economic conditions successful interventions institutional strength post-WWII Germany post-WWII Japan democracy endurance Enterline and Greig Przeworski et al Iraq Afghanistan historical trends imposed democracy political stability Interventions democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions imposed democracy strong institutions post WWII Germany Japan Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig What Makes Democracies Endure Przeworski Journal of Democracy Iraq Afghanistan interventions success conditions democracy colonial relationships economic conditions imposing democracy democratic transitions institutions historical trends imposed democracy future Iraq Afghanistan democracies endure political science international relations governance state building interventions success conditions democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions institution strength historical trends imposed democracy future predictions Iraq Afghanistan Germany Japan post-WWII democracy endurance political science international relations governance imposed democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions institutional strength post-WWII Germany post-WWII Japan Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig Przeworski democracy endurance Iraq Afghanistan democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions imposed democracy post WWII Germany Japan Andrew J. Enterline J. Michael Greig Przeworski democracy endurance Iraq Afghanistan imposing democracy colonial relationships economic conditions democratic transitions strong institutions post WWII Germany Japan historical trends Iraq Afghanistan democracies endure Przeworski Enterline Greig"
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con02a	Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook has some dangerous consequences  Facebook is becoming more and more integrated into our lives, but unfortunately the uncertainty of who is at the other end of the computer is proving to be a massive threat to our mental and physical safety.  First of all, undoubtedly, rape is one of the most serious and unforgiveable crimes anyone can commit, as it leaves permanent physical and mental scars on women. Unfortunately, Facebook is used by troubled men to take advantage of naive women. They use Facebook in order to get in touch with their victims (often posing as someone who he is not), and after they get to know each other, after he gained the victims trust he deceives her into meeting him, a mistake she’ll regret forever. As physical integrity is one of the rights most fundamental rights, and as Facebook is facilitating the violation of this right, it is absolutely clear that these social networks are detrimental to the society.(1)(2)  Secondly, another level on which Facebook is harmful is cyber bullying. It affects many adolescents and teens on a daily basis. Cyber bullying involves using technology to bully or harass another person. Sending mean Facebook messages or threats to a person, spreading rumours online or posting hurtful or threatening messages on social networking sites are just a few of the ways in which a lot of children get bullied every single day.  “Despite the potential damage of cyber bullying, it is alarmingly common among adolescents and teens. According to Cyber bullying statistics from the i-SAFE foundation:  Over half of adolescents and teens have been bullied online, and about the same number have engaged in cyber bullying. More than 1 in 3 young people have experienced cyberthreats online.”(3)  (1) Justin Davenport “Hunt for ‘Facebook rapists’ before they can strike again” London Evening Standard, 15 November 2012   (2) “Two men gang-rape girl in Kota after befriending her on Facebook”, Times of India, Aug 21, 2013   (3) Bullying Statistics Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens social networks victim trust deceit meeting crime harassment rumors cyberthreats statistics violence online safety privacy security mental health physical integrity societal impact technology misuse bullying threats online predators digital footprint social media risks preventative measures awareness reporting safety tips support systems legal implications psychological effects victim support community response policy changes education awareness campaigns parental guidance mental scars emotional trauma online behavior personal boundaries digital literacy Facebook consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens online predators social media risks victim trust harassment technology cyberthreats bullying statistics i-SAFE sexual assault online crimes social networking danger Facebook dangers consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens cyber threats online predators social networks harm society bullying statistics technology misuse online harassment victim deception trust exploitation Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens cyber threats social networks detrimental society privacy security online predators harassment rumors i-SAFE foundation bullying statistics Facebook rapists gang rape befriending victims trust meeting physical integrity fundamental rights Facebook consequences mental safety physical safety online predators rape social media risks cyber bullying adolescents teens technology misuse online harassment social networking harms digital threats bullying statistics internet safety victim trust cyber threats online crime Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape crimes physical integrity cyber bullying adolescents teens bullying statistics technology harassment online threats social networks detrimental society Facebook rapists cyberthreats i-SAFE foundation bullying rumours victims trust naive troubled men social networking sites permanent scars fundamental rights violation harm cyber harassment Facebook dangerous consequences mental safety physical safety rape crime permanent scars troubled men naive women victims trust physical integrity fundamental rights social networks detrimental society cyber bullying adolescents teens technology harassment mean messages threats rumors online posts damage common cyber threats hunt Facebook rapists gang rape befriending bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation Facebook dangers mental safety physical safety rape cyber bullying adolescents teens threats online predators trust deception physical integrity societal harm bullying statistics i-SAFE foundation Facebook rapists gang-rape cyber threats social networks harassment Facebook dangers mental health physical safety online predators rape cyber bullying adolescents teens social networks harm society cyber threats technology abuse harassment online safety victim trust safety rights statistics bullying rumors online messages social networking sites crime sexual assault i-SAFE foundation London Evening Standard Times of India Bullying Statistics Facebook rape safety cyber bullying mental health physical integrity adolescents teens online predators trust deception social networks harm society cyber threats bullying statistics technology harassment rumours i-SAFE foundation victims crime permanent scars troubled men naive women mental scars physical scars fundamental rights detrimental social media online safety digital abuse emotional abuse psychological impact communication privacy identity online relationships grooming predators sexual assault violence online security awareness prevention support legal implications policy regulation education digital literacy
test-health-dhpelhbass-con02a	"If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) If someone is threatening to kill themselves it is your moral duty to try to stop them  Those who commit suicide are not evil, and those who attempt to take their own lives are not prosecuted. However, it is your moral duty to try and prevent people from committing suicide. You would not, for example, simply ignore a man standing on a ledge and threatening to jump simply because it is his choice; and you would definitely not assist in his suicide by pushing him. In the same way, you should try to help a person with a terminal illness, not help them to die. With the exception of the libertarian position that each person has a right against others that they not interfere with her suicidal intentions. Little justification is necessary for actions that aim to prevent another's suicide but are non-coercive. Pleading with a suicidal individual, trying to convince her of the value of continued life, recommending counseling, etc. are morally unproblematic, since they do not interfere with the individual's conduct or plans except by engaging her rational capacities (Cosculluela 1994, 35; Cholbi 2002, 252). [1] The impulse toward suicide is often short-lived, ambivalent, and influenced by mental illnesses such as depression. While these facts together do not appear to justify intervening in others' suicidal intentions, they are indicators that the suicide may be undertaken with less than full rationality. Yet given the added fact that death is irreversible, when these factors are present, they justify intervention in others' suicidal plans on the grounds that suicide is not in the individual's interests as they would rationally conceive those interests. We might call this the ‘no regrets' or ‘err on the side of life’ approach to suicide intervention (Martin 1980; Pabst Battin 1996, 141; Cholbi 2002). [2]  [1] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011)  [2] Cholbi, Michael, ""Suicide"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.),  #DutTowSui (accessed 7/6/2011) suicide moral duty prevention intervention mental illness depression rationality no regrets err on the side of life ethical considerations libertarian position non-coercive actions terminal illness euthanasia suicide attempts legal consequences moral philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Cholbi Cosculluela Martin Pabst Battin suicide prevention moral duty ethical responsibility mental health terminal illness non-coercive intervention rational capacities short-lived impulse ambivalence depression irreversible death no regrets approach err on the side of life libertarian view individual rights suicide assistance moral justification pleading counseling rational interests Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Cholbi Edward N. Zalta ethical dilemmas suicidal intentions non-interference rational conception life value suicide plans interpersonal ethics moral philosophy bioethics psychological disorders coercion persuasion duty to prevent legal implications ethical moral duty suicide prevention non-coercive intervention rational capacities mental illnesses depression short-lived impulse ambivalent terminal illness libertarian position no regrets err on the side of life Cholbi Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy ethical considerations suicide assistance legal consequences moral justification suicidal intentions counseling pleading rational interests irreversible death suicide plans suicidal individual value of life Cosculluela Pabst Battin Martin suicide prevention moral duty ethical responsibility non-coercive intervention mental illness depression rational capacities irreversible death no regrets err on the side of life libertarian position terminal illness assisted dying pleading counseling suicidal impulses ambivalence rational interests suicide moral duty prevent terminal illness libertarian position non-coercive actions rational capacities mental illnesses depression reversible intervention no regrets err on the side of life Cholbi Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy moral duty prevent suicide non-coercive intervention rational capacities mental illnesses depression short-lived impulse ambivalent terminal illness no regrets err on the side of life libertarian position suicidal intentions pleading counseling value of life irreversible death rational interests suicide intervention Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy suicide prevention moral duty ethical obligations interpersonal responsibility mental health depression terminal illness euthanasia libertarianism non-coercive intervention rational capacity impulse control no regrets approach err on the side of life Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Cholbi Edward N. Zalta Pabst Battin Cosculluela Cholbi 2002 Martin 1980 suicidal intentions self-harm human rights ethical philosophy moral philosophy suicide ethics duty to prevent suicide suicide prevention moral duty mental illness depression non-coercive intervention rational capacities terminal illness libertarian position no regrets approach err on the side of life ethical considerations suicidal intentions counseling value of life intervention justification irreversible death ambivalence short-lived impulses rational interests suicide prevention moral duty ethical responsibility non-coercive intervention rational capacities mental illness depression terminal illness libertarian position right to die no regrets approach err on the side of life suicidal intentions suicidal plans reversible death full rationality pleading counseling value of life short-lived impulse ambivalent feelings suicide justification suicidal individual interfering conduct engaging rationality moral unproblematic actions suicidal thoughts ethical considerations life intervention reversible consequences moral justification suicide intervention ethical debate moral obligations suicide ethics philosophical perspectives suicidal behavior mental health moral duty prevent suicide non-coercive intervention rational capacities mental illnesses depression irreversible death no regrets err on the side of life libertarian position suicidal intentions terminal illness ethical considerations suicide prevention pleading counseling short-lived impulse ambivalence rational interests"
test-health-dhpelhbass-con03a	Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) Only God can give and take away life  Life is Sacred so no one has the right to take a life, this includes ones own. As a result both suicide and assisted suicide are wrong. There are many passages within the bible that speak of the idea that God has appointed a time for all to die, 'Hebrews 9:27, “And as it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgement:” Ecclesiastes 3:1-2, “To every thing there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven: A time to be born, and a time to die; a time to plant, and a time to pluck up that which is planted;” Ecclesiastes 7:17, “Be not over much wicked, neither be thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time?” [1] In addition to this, physicians are nowhere in Scripture given authority to take someone's life. Apart from the government in the case of capital punishment, all other human beings are given the commandment “Thou shalt not kill,” Exodus 20:13 and “Thou shalt do no murder,” Matthew 19:18. [2]  [1] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011)  [2] Pastor Art Kohl, 'The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia', Political Science and the Bible, 2002  (accessed 6/6/2011) God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Bible euthanasia commandment thou shalt not kill Matthew 19:18 capital punishment Pastor Art Kohl Political Science and the Bible God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible passages Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 commandment thou shalt not kill Exodus 20:13 thou shalt do no murder Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl euthanasia capital punishment moral authority human life divine appointment religious ethics Christian doctrine sanctity of life biblical teachings physician's role moral boundaries God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 kill murder Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 euthanasia Pastor Art Kohl commandment government capital punishment life sacred God's authority suicide wrong assisted suicide wrong biblical passages Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Physicians not authorized Thou shalt not kill Exodus 20:13 Thou shalt do no murder Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl Bible Speaks on Euthanasia Political Science and the Bible God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl euthanasia capital punishment moral authority human life divine appointment judgement wickedness foolishness commandments murder God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 commandment thou shalt not kill Exodus 20:13 thou shalt do no murder Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl euthanasia capital punishment human life moral authority divine appointment seasons of life planting and plucking foolishness wickedness judgement death time to die purpose under heaven moral commandments physician's role human authority God life sacred suicide assisted suicide bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 physicians commandment Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 capital punishment euthanasia Pastor Art Kohl Political Science and the Bible God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 commandment Thou shalt not kill Exodus 20:13 Thou shalt do no murder Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl The Bible Speaks on Euthanasia Political Science and the Bible God life sacred suicide assisted suicide Bible Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 Scripture physicians authority kill murder Exodus 20:13 Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl euthanasia capital punishment Bible life sacred suicide assisted suicide passages Hebrews 9:27 Ecclesiastes 3:1-2 Ecclesiastes 7:17 God time die judgement plant pluck over much wicked foolish physicians authority commandment thou shalt not kill Exodus 20:13 thou shalt do no murder Matthew 19:18 Pastor Art Kohl Euthanasia Political Science Bible ethics moral Christian teaching death capital punishment humanity responsibility life-taking
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro04a	The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. The current House of Lords is undemocratic  The House of Lords is undemocratic. Currently the members of the House of Lords consist of hereditary peers, senior members of the Church of England and those appointed by political parties. Whether or not there is an abuse of power or the outcome of the House of Lords is beside the point – its very existence in its current state is undemocratic and as such it should be reformed. It seems nonsensical that a country that lectures to the rest of the world the importance of democracy, to the point of war, should overlook such a grievance in their own society. undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy UK politics parliamentary system legislative body aristocracy modern governance political representation democratic principles constitutional reform British democracy democratic deficit legislative process political legitimacy democratic accountability undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy UK politics legislative process parliamentary system constitutional monarchy democratic deficit political representation governmental structure bicameral legislature upper house legislative chamber aristocracy political power democratic principles national governance British democracy legislative reform political debate democratic institutions civic engagement political accountability governmental transparency public trust political legitimacy democratic oversight political representation national reform institutional change political dysfunction democratic values political equity legislative accountability government scrutiny political debate democratic standards international undemocratic hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy legislative body British politics constitutional reform second chamber democratic deficit peerage system royal prerogative political representation bicameral system parliamentary sovereignty democratic legitimacy citizen-led governance elected chamber undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments abuse of power democratic reform UK democracy political lecture domestic discrepancy democratic standards governance criticism representative government institutional critique parliamentary system democratic legitimacy political representation reform urgency democracy promotion international standards national inconsistency governance improvement political structure democratic principles constitutional debate parliamentary reform legislative scrutiny democratic deficit political accountability public trust democratic governance institutional reform political oversight democratic participation governance transparency democratic ideals political renewal constitutional change legislative process democratic evolution political modernization undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy societal contradiction political representation democratic governance legislative body constitutional debate parliamentary system tradition vs. progress national hypocrisy citizen rights electoral reform political legitimacy governance structures public opinion institutional change democratic principles political power hereditary privilege appointed officials democratic deficit government accountability undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy UK politics legislative body governmental structure democratic deficit national hypocrisy international democracy advocacy undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy governance British politics legislative body constitutional reform democratic principles political representation accountability public policy government structure parliamentary system citizen rights political ethics national values international criticism democratic standards institutional change political debate civic engagement representativeness legislative process political legitimacy democratic ideals national reform political system democratic governance institutional critique democratic oversight constitutional debate political transparency democratic society legislative reform democratic values political equity government accountability democratic participation political undemocratic House of Lords hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy governance UK politics parliamentary system legislative process democratic deficit constitutional reform British democracy representation political legitimacy democratic reform hereditary peers Church of England political appointments abuse of power democratic principles international democracy domestic governance parliamentary reform second chamber appointed members elected house constitutional change legislative process public representation democratic legitimacy political representation governance structures democratic values legislative body hereditary titles religious representation political nominees democratic oversight national democracy international hypocrisy democratic integrity governmental accountability citizen representation democratic institutions political transparency reform advocacy democratic dialogue legislative reforms democratic standards political balance representative government democratic system political reform democratic governance national debate undemocratic hereditary peers Church of England political appointments reform democracy lectures societal standards governance parliamentary system legislative process representation political power constitutional issues democratic principles national hypocrisy international criticism institutional critique legislative reform political representation democratic deficit appointed members hereditary privilege church-state relations political accountability democratic legitimacy government structure bicameral legislature upper house second chamber democratic governance political oversight constitutional monarchy British politics democratic reforms political debate democratic values representative government political tradition modern democracy legislative scrutiny democratic institutions
test-society-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights gender lens life course gender inequality discrimination body autonomy education employment choice workforce participation violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preference Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights access to education employment choices ending violence against women equal resource access participation opportunities gender lens life course Africa workforce participation labour market job preference discriminatory causes gender inequality Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment alternatives gender lens life course gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights women in Africa body control education employment choice ending violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market desired jobs Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality employment alternatives gender lens life course sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights body autonomy education employment choice violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preference Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights access to education employment choices violence against women equal resource access labor market participation gender lens life course Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality reproductive health rights sexual health gender lens life course employment alternatives workforce participation ending violence against women equal access to resources equal opportunities labor market participation women's rights Africa gender inequality Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment alternatives gender lens life course gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights body control education employment choice Africa agenda ending violence equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preference women empowerment gender lens sexual and reproductive health rights gender inequality body control education access employment choice ending violence against women equal resource access equal opportunities participation promotion labour market participation women's rights agenda Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment alternatives gender lens life course gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights women in Africa body autonomy education employment choices violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preferences Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender lens sexual and reproductive health rights gender inequality women's life course workforce participation ending violence against women equal access to resources equal opportunities women's labour market participation women's rights Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con01a	Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, Natural resources are key  Africa has a very significant amount of resources that have not yet been exploited and put to good use. The continent has 12% of the world's oil reserves, 40% of its gold, and 80% to 90% of its chromium and platinum. Moreover, it is home to 60% of the world’s underutilized arable land and has vast timber resources. [1]  Given the economic changes, and the recent continent’s economical upraise, Africa has now a real opportunity to capitalize on their resource endowments and high international commodity prices. [2] The major point is that Africa’s resources fuel the world. Commodities from laptops to cell phones, cars or airplanes, all are made from using minerals that come from Africa. For example, catalytic converters are fitted to cars in order to reduce air pollution. Platinum and rhodium are the key components, both resources found in abundance in Africa. Cell phones or laptops use parts made out of tantalum, which is exported from African countries such as Mozambique or Rwanda, and so on. [3]  Africa is also the continent, excluding Antarctica, which is least explored so has most potential growth in raw materials. New explorations reveal much larger reserves than previously known. If these resources and wealth are well managed, in an efficient and equitable way, it could boost Africa’s economy, helping all categories of people, from women to children, offering jobs and generally raising the level of life on the continent.  [1] Lopes, Carlos, and Tony Elumelu, ‘How Africa’s natural resources can drive industrial revolution’, CNN, 20 November 2013,   [2] Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Making the Most of Africa’s Commodities: Industrializing for Growth, Jobs and Economic Transformation’, uneca.org, 2013,   [3] Tutton, Mark, and Milena Veselinovic, ‘How Africa’s resources fuel the world’, CNN, 25 July 2013, natural resources Africa unexploited resources oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber resources economic changes economic uprise resource endowments international commodity prices resource fuel world economy commodities laptops cell phones cars airplanes minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda least explored continent raw materials potential growth new explorations resource management economic boost industrial revolution jobs economic transformation women children life improvement Natural resources Africa economic potential oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber resources economic upraise resource endowments international commodity prices mineral resources catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda least explored continent raw materials economic growth industrial revolution wealth management job creation life improvement women children Natural resources Africa oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber economic changes commodity prices mineral resources catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda unexplored potential resource management industrial revolution economic growth job creation life improvement women children CNN Economic Commission for Africa Natural resources Africa unexploited resources oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber economic changes economic uprise resource endowments high international commodity prices resource fuel world commodities catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda least explored continent raw materials economic growth wealth management industrial revolution job creation life improvement women children Economic Commission for Africa industrialization economic transformation Africa natural resources oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber resources economic uprise international commodity prices resource endowments commodities minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda least explored raw materials wealth management economic growth industrial revolution jobs life improvement women children economic transformation natural resources Africa unexploited resources oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber resources economic changes commodity prices resource endowments international demand minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda exploration raw materials economic growth industrial revolution wealth management equitable distribution job creation life improvement women children economic transformation natural resources Africa underutilized oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber economic upraise resource endowments commodity prices minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda raw materials exploration reserves wealth management industrial revolution economic transformation jobs life improvement women children economic growth natural resources Africa oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber economic changes commodity prices resource endowments catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda industrial revolution wealth management economic growth jobs life improvement women children resource exploration raw materials underutilized resources economic transformation Africa natural resources exploitation economic growth oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber commodity prices industrialization economic transformation minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium tantalum Mozambique Rwanda raw materials wealth management equity job creation poverty reduction women children CNN Economic Commission for Africa Carlos Lopes Tony Elumelu natural resources Africa unexploited resources oil reserves gold chromium platinum arable land timber resources economic changes commodity prices resource endowments international trade minerals catalytic converters platinum rhodium cell phones laptops tantalum Mozambique Rwanda exploration raw materials economic growth wealth management industrial revolution jobs life improvement Economic Commission for Africa CNN Lopes Elumelu Tutton Veselinovic
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con03a	China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China is a threat to regional stability  China poses a threat to regional and international peace and should not be encouraged and helped by European arms sales. It has territorial disputes with most of its neighbours, particularly over oil and gas reserves in the South China Sea. The regime has also encouraged an assertive nationalism, damaging relations with Japan, for example with protests over the Japanese detention of a Chinese fisherman who rammed a Japanese coast guard boat. [1] Most seriously, China claims ownership over Taiwan, [2] a pro-Western Chinese democracy, and is rapidly building up the kinds of military forces it would need for an assault on that island, which it is now believed could be taken in as little as three days, [3] as well as staging exercises designed to intimidate its people. In 2005 the Chinese parliament passed a law that force should be used against Taiwan if it declared formal independence. [4] Quite apart from the principle of backing a repressive state against a democratic one, it is not in the EU's interests to make a war between two of its major trading partners more likely, especially as other powers such as the USA, as has happened in the past in 1995-6, [5] and perhaps Japan are then very likely to be drawn into the conflict.  [1] Banyan, ‘Doth we protest too much’, 2010.   [2] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, ‘What is meant by the Taiwan question?’, 2000.   [3] Miks, Jason, ‘Taiwan War Games’, 2010.   [4] People Daily, ‘China’s parliament adopts Anti-Secession Law’, 2005.   [5] Ross, Robert S., ‘The 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation’, 2000. China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan relations Chinese fisherman Japan coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces assault military exercises intimidation Chinese parliament Anti-Secession Law independence EU interests war trading partners USA Japan Taiwan Strait Confrontation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil gas reserves assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault war exercises intimidation Anti-Secession Law EU interests repressive state democratic state major trading partners USA Japan conflict 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China threat regional stability European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Taiwan military forces intimidation Anti-Secession Law EU USA Japan trading partners conflict 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil gas assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces assault exercises intimidation Chinese parliament Anti-Secession Law formal independence EU major trading partners USA Japan 1995-6 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil gas reserves assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault military exercises intimidation Chinese Parliament Anti-Secession Law formal independence EU trading partners USA Japan 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China threat regional stability European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault intimidation Chinese parliament Anti-Secession Law EU interests major trading partners USA Japan Taiwan Strait Confrontation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault military exercises intimidation Chinese parliament Anti-Secession Law formal independence EU interests major trading partners USA Japan Taiwan Strait 1995-1996 confrontation Robert S. Ross Banyan People Daily Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China Miks Jason China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan Taiwan military forces military assault intimidation Anti-Secession Law EU interests USA Japan trading partners conflict 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China threat regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea oil gas reserves assertive nationalism Japan Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault military exercises intimidation Chinese parliament Anti-Secession Law formal independence EU major trading partners war United States Japan 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation China regional stability international peace European arms sales territorial disputes South China Sea assertive nationalism Japan protests Chinese fisherman Japanese coast guard Taiwan pro-Western democracy military forces military assault intimidation Anti-Secession Law EU interests trading partners USA conflict 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait Confrontation
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con01a	The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, The Settlements are justified based on the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands after 1967  Settlement construction, and in fact the whole settlement of Jews in the West Bank has to be viewed in the wider context of the Middle East conflict as a whole.  Jews lived in the West Bank for thousands of years before the creation of Israel, and it was only after the 1948 war when Jews were fully ethnically cleansed from the region. While a Diaspora took place among the Arabs of Israel it was neither as deliberate nor as thorough – a large Arab population remained. No Jews remained in the West Bank under Jordanian rule.  As such many of these settlements are not artificial constructions but built on the ruins of pre-1948 Jewish communities.  Furthermore, the same 1967 War that brought on the Israeli conquest of the West Bank was also followed by a new round of pogroms against the nearly 800,000 Jews living in Arab countries more than 95% of which were driven into exile in Israel. [1] Israel has not responded by expelling or compensating them at the expense of their own Arabs, as they would be morally justified in doing, but rather has settled them on empty land in the West Bank. Any claim that the Palestinians have an inherent right to property which they do not explicitly own must also take into account Israel’s need to compensate these refugees.  [1] Aharoni, Ada, ‘The Forced Migration of Jews From Arab Countries and Peace’, August 2002, Historical Society of Jews from Egypt, settlements justification expulsion Jews Arab lands 1967 War construction West Bank Middle East conflict historical context pre-1948 communities Jordanian rule ethnic cleansing Diaspora Arab population pogroms refugees compensation property rights Palestinians Israel Aharoni Ada Forced Migration Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Jewish expulsion Arab lands 1967 West Bank settlements Middle East conflict Jewish presence 1948 war ethnic cleansing Jordanian rule pre-1948 Jewish communities 1967 War pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries Diaspora Israeli conquest property rights compensation Palestinians Israeli Arabs historical context Ada Aharoni Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Jewish settlements Arab lands 1967 War West Bank Middle East conflict Jewish history 1948 war ethnic cleansing Jordanian rule pre-1948 Jewish communities pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries Israeli conquest property rights compensation Palestinian rights Moral justification Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Ada Aharoni expulsion of Jews Arab lands 1967 war settlement construction West Bank Middle East conflict Jewish communities 1948 war Jordanian rule Israeli conquest pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries compensation Palestinian property rights Israeli Arabs forced migration Jews from Egypt historical context settlement justification Jewish settlements West Bank Arab-Israeli conflict 1967 War Jewish expulsion Arab lands Middle East historical context Jewish presence 1948 war Jordanian rule ethnic cleansing Diaspora Arab population pre-1948 communities pogroms Jewish refugees compensation Palestinian property rights Ada Aharoni Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Settlements justification expulsion Jews Arab lands 1967 West Bank Middle East conflict Jewish history 1948 war ethnic cleansing Diaspora Arab population Jordanian rule pre-1948 Jewish communities 1967 War pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries compensation Palestinian property rights Israeli Arabs Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Ada Aharoni Jewish settlements West Bank Middle East conflict Jewish history 1948 war ethnic cleansing Jordanian rule pre-1948 Jewish communities 1967 War pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries Diaspora compensation Palestinian property rights Aharoni Forced Migration of Jews Historical Society of Jews from Egypt settlements West Bank Jews Arab lands 1967 expulsion Middle East conflict historical context Jewish communities 1948 war Jordanian rule Diaspora pogroms refugees compensation inherent right property Palestinians Israel Aharoni Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Jewish settlements West Bank Arab lands 1967 War Jewish communities Middle East conflict ethnic cleansing 1948 war Jordanian rule Diaspora pogroms Jewish refugees Arab countries compensation Palestinian property rights Israel historical context Ada Aharoni Forced Migration of Jews Jewish settlements Arab-Israeli conflict 1967 War expulsion of Jews Arab lands West Bank Israeli conquest Jordanian rule Jewish communities 1948 War Diaspora Arab population pogroms Jewish refugees compensation property rights Palestinians Historical Society of Jews from Egypt Aharoni Ada Middle East conflict
test-science-cpisydfphwj-con01a	Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook is bad for life satisfaction  Every single day, there are millions of users sharing photographs, messages and comments across Facebook. Unfortunately, this type of “online socialization” that Facebook has initiated is nothing but detrimental to the teenagers, the most frequent users of the platform. The emotion which is most common when staying online is envy. “Endlessly comparing themselves with peers who have doctored their photographs, amplified their achievements and plagiarised their bons mots can leave Facebook’s users more than a little green-eyed.”(1)  Not only do they get envious, but they also lose their self esteem. As a result, they have the tendency to be isolated and find it harder to socialize and make new friends due to the bad impression they have for themselves. In a poll, 53 per cent of the respondents said the launch of social networking sites had changed their behaviour - and of those, 51 per cent said the impact had been negative.(2 ) One study also backs this statistics up by finding that the more the participants used the site, the more their life satisfaction levels declined.(3)  In conclusion, daily use of social networks has a negative effect on the health of all children and teenagers by making them more prone to anxiety, depression, and other psychological disorders.(4)  (1) “Facebook is bad for you”, The Economist, Aug 17th 2013   (2) Laura Donnelly “Facebook and Twitter feed anxiety, study finds” The Telegraph, 08 Jul 2012   (3) “Facebook use 'makes people feel worse about themselves' “, BBC News, 15 August 2013   (4) Larry Rose ”Social Networking’s Good and Bad Impacts on Kids“ American Psychological Association August 6, 2011 Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health daily use negative effect Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization psychological disorders anxiety depression social networking health children daily use negative impact behavior change online comparison peer pressure societal impact mental health digital well-being technology effects social media addiction online presence user experience emotional well-being peer relationships cyberbullying loneliness social skills online vs offline psychological studies social media research digital detox screen time well-being mental health awareness digital literacy user engagement platform effects social interaction communication digital Facebook life satisfaction teenagers online socialization envy self-esteem isolation socializing mental health anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks daily use health impact negative effects Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization detrimental teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialize negative behavior anxiety depression psychological disorders The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association social networking sites daily use health children study Laura Donnelly Larry Rose Facebook life satisfaction teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization mental health anxiety depression social networking psychological disorders online socialization social media impact user behavior digital well-being peer comparison emotional well-being technological effects youth mental health Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking health effects daily use study findings Laura Donnelly The Telegraph BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networking sites study statistics daily use health children Twitter Laura Donnelly The Telegraph BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks daily use health children psychological effects social media The Economist The Telegraph BBC News American Psychological Association Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health impact children digital well-being mental health social media effects user behavior peer comparison achievements online presence social impact psychological studies technology influence youth mental health social networking sites daily use negative impact psychological well-being online interactions social comparison digital footprint online harassment cyberbullying screen time mental health awareness social media addiction lifestyle changes technological advancements digital generation social connectivity virtual Facebook life satisfaction online socialization teenagers envy self-esteem isolation socialization behavior change negative impact anxiety depression psychological disorders social networks health daily use Laura Donnelly The Telegraph The Economist BBC News Larry Rose American Psychological Association
test-international-gsciidffe-pro02a	It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 It is legitimate to undermine illegitimate governments to promote human rights  Autocratic governments that breach their people’s human rights have no legitimacy domestically as they do not represent the people or protect their interests. They also have no international legitimacy, as they are violating their obligations that they have signed up to through various international agreements such as the universal declaration of human rights [1] and the international covenant on civil and political rights [2] which oblige states to respect their citizen’s human rights. Other states therefore are legitimate in acting for the people of the repressed state to undermine their government and take up their cause. By imposing censorship the government is violating its people's freedom of expression which that government has promised to uphold therefore it is right that other governments should endeavour to uphold that standard. It was therefore right for the west to undermine the USSR and the communist governments of Eastern Europe through radio broadcasts such as Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, they gained immense audiences, a third of urban adults in the USSR and almost half of East Europeans with these sources often being considered more credible. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948, 217 A (III),   [2] UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 999, p. 171,   [3] Johnson, A. Ross, and Parta, R. Eugene, “Cold War International Broadcasting: Lessons Learned”, Briefing to the Rancho Mirage Seminar,  p.54 legitimacy undermining illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments domestic legitimacy international legitimacy international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations human rights violations freedom of expression censorship government responsibilities international intervention moral justification cold war USSR communist governments Eastern Europe Voice of America Radio Free Europe audience impact credibility broadcasting western intervention political repression legitimacy undermining illegitimate governments human rights autocratic domestic legitimacy international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations human rights violations freedom of expression censorship international broadcasting Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War USSR Eastern Europe credibility western intervention Ross Johnson Eugene Parta Rancho Mirage Seminar legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments domestic legitimacy international legitimacy international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations freedom of expression censorship undermining governments radio broadcasts Voice of America Radio Free Europe cold war broadcasting USSR Eastern Europe freedom of information international intervention state sovereignty legal obligations human rights violations political repression democratic principles international law moral justifications ethical considerations freedom of speech public opinion international relations propaganda information warfare human rights advocacy civil liberties state legitimacy legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights censorship freedom of expression undermining governments Voice of America Radio Free Europe communist governments Cold War international broadcasting Rancho Mirage Seminar legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments domestic legitimacy international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights censorship freedom of expression western intervention USSR communist governments Eastern Europe Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War international broadcasting Rancho Mirage Seminar legitimacy illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments domestic legitimacy international legitimacy international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights states obligations freedom of expression censorship undermining governments Voice of America Radio Free Europe Cold War USSR communist governments East Europe radio broadcasts credible sources western intervention human rights violations international broadcasting lessons learned Rancho Mirage Seminar legitimacy undermining illegitimate governments human rights autocratic domestic international obligations universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights states respect citizens freedom of expression censorship voice of america radio free europe cold war ussr eastern europe audiences credible cold war international broadcasting lessons learned rancho mirage seminar legitimacy undermining illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights freedom of expression censorship Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communist governments Eastern Europe cold war international broadcasting legitimacy undermining illegitimate governments human rights autocratic governments domestic legitimacy international legitimacy universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights state obligations human rights violations state representation state protection freedom of expression censorship government accountability international action repressed state undermining government western intervention USSR communist governments Eastern Europe radio broadcasts Voice of America Radio Free Europe audience impact credible sources cold war international broadcasting lessons learned Ross Johnson Eugene Parta Rancho Mirage Seminar legitimacy human rights autocratic governments international agreements universal declaration of human rights international covenant on civil and political rights freedom of expression censorship Voice of America Radio Free Europe USSR communist governments Cold War international broadcasting repressed state state obligations people's interests international legitimacy domestic legitimacy undermining governments interventions democratic values civil liberties propaganda information warfare historical precedents
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons copyright artists reach markets internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact name recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses content control distribution state sharing mandate art creative commons artists market expansion traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial use user content state facilitation art distribution sharing recognition control creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 commercial uses work control distribution state sharing mandating art arstechnica Creative Commons licenses Creative Commons copyright licensing artists market expansion internet mass media 21st century artistic freedom flexibility viral major impact name recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 album release commercial use content credit distribution control state facilitation art sharing licensing regulations creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails control commercial uses content state mandate distribution art sharing outmoded copyright Creative Commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century flexibility go viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails albums commercial uses work control distribution state sharing art licenses creative commons artists markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century flexibility viral impact recognition earnings nine inch nails commercial uses control distribution state facilitation sharing art licensing creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses control distribution sharing state mandating art distribution licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing arrangements internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 sales control commercial uses credited users content state sharing mandating distribution art outmoded copyright significance impact work creative commons copyright artists market expansion reach viral impact Nine Inch Nails commercial use artist control distribution sharing state mandate art distribution recognition earnings flexibility internet mass media 21st century traditional licensing constricting copyright outmoded copyright greater recognition profit user credit content users artistic work significant reach impact regulation license deployment conventional copyrights artistic control hamper creative commons licensing artistic works laymen freedom flexibility artistic name earnings generation copyright arrangements commercial uses licensing regulations
test-international-gmehwasr-con02a	Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming the rebels would be unpopular  Ten years after the Iraq war interventions in the Middle East are no more popular than they were back in 2003. Getting involved in Syria would not be popular no matter how small the commitment. In the United States voters oppose the idea of supplying arms to Syrian rebels by 45% against to only 16% in favour, in the United Kingdom opinion is even more opposed; while there are still 16% in favour there are 57% opposed. [1] Clearly arming the rebels would not be popular with voters - there can therefore be no domestic reason for this policy.  [1] Clark, Tom, ‘US and UK public reject stronger military support for Syrian rebels’, guardian.co.uk, 22 March 2013 Arming rebels unpopular Iraq war interventions Middle East Syria United States United Kingdom voter opinion military support Syrian rebels domestic policy public rejection military commitment international relations conflict resolution voter opposition political science foreign policy Middle East conflicts war consequences arming rebels unpopularity Iraq war interventions Middle East Syria involvement US voter opinion UK public opinion military support Syrian rebels domestic policy international relations public opposition military commitment public opinion voter sentiment Iraq war Middle East interventions Syria conflict arming rebels military support US voter opposition UK public opinion political policy domestic politics foreign intervention military commitment international relations political analysis poll data voter attitudes war support military aid geopolitical affairs Arming rebels unpopular interventions Middle East conflicts Iraq War aftermath Syria conflict US public opinion UK public opinion voter opposition military support Syrian rebels domestic policy political consequences international relations public sentiment war fatigue arming rebels Iraq war Middle East interventions Syria conflict US public opinion UK public opinion military support Syrian rebels voter opposition domestic policy international relations conflict resolution non-interventionism arming the rebels unpopularity Iraq war interventions in the Middle East Syria United States voter opinion UK voter opinion supplying arms Syrian rebels military support domestic policy public rejection Tom Clark guardian.co.uk 2013 arming rebels unpopular Iraq war interventions Middle East Syria US public opinion UK public opinion supplying arms Syrian rebels voter opposition domestic policy military support Tom Clark guardian.co.uk Syria rebels arming unpopular Iraq war interventions Middle East United States United Kingdom public opinion military support voter opposition policy domestic reasons foreign policy military commitment Syrian conflict international relations political science public attitudes conflict resolution diplomacy non-intervention humanitarian aid peacekeeping security studies geopolitical tensions regional stability armed conflict civilian impact war consequences international law military ethics national security strategic interests political science defense policy public diplomacy foreign affairs peace studies international politics conflict management arms supply voter sentiment arming rebels Iraq war Middle East interventions Syria conflict US public opinion UK public opinion military support Syrian rebels voter disapproval foreign policy domestic politics Tom Clark The Guardian 2013 survey arming rebels Iraq war Middle East interventions Syria conflict US public opinion UK public opinion military support Syrian rebels voter disapproval domestic policy foreign intervention public sentiment military commitment international relations political opposition
test-international-gmehwasr-pro01a	Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria clearly meets the standards for intervention  The Assad regime has clearly lost its legitimacy and has precipitated a humanitarian crisis in Syria. The February estimate of 70000 killed [1] is up from an estimate of 60000 only a month before, [2] so clearly the violence is escalating. The conflict is also affecting neighbours; refugees have flooded into Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, and Israel is already believed to have attacked a convoy or research facility involved in chemical and biological weapons development. [3] Clearly the presence of these weapons show how much worse the situation could get if Assad is not overthrown. Not intervening risks the whole region being slowly destabilised and drawn in to the conflict. [4]  [1] Nichols, Michelle, ‘Syria death toll likely near 70,000, says U.N. rights chief’, Reuters, 12 Feb 2012  [2] ‘Data suggests Syria death toll could be more than 60,000, says UN human rights office’, UN News Centre, 2 January 2013  [3] ‘Q&A: Israeli ‘strike’ on Syria’, BBC News, 3 February 2013  [4] Byman, Daniel, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis death toll escalating violence refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict international intervention arming rebels U.N. rights human rights Middle East politics war peacekeeping security military intervention diplomacy international law refugee crisis chemical warfare biological warfare military strategy political science international relations crisis management humanitarian aid peace processes armed conflict political instability refugee camps human rights violations arms control weapons proliferation conflict resolution geopolitical tensions Middle Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis escalating violence refugee crisis Jordan Lebanon Turkey chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict spread international response UN death toll arms supply rebel support Foreign Policy BBC News Reuters Byman Daniel arming rebels Syria conflict international intervention humanitarian intervention chemical weapons in Syria regional security UN human rights Syrian civil war Middle East conflict Syria crisis Syria war Assad government international community response Syria intervention debate Syria refugee impact Syria chemical weapons threat Syria biological weapons threat Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict spread UN reports international response arming rebels foreign policy Middle East security Syria Assad regime humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel attack chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization intervention Syria death toll UN rights chief UN human rights office Israeli strike arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugee crisis Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict spread international response armed rebellion foreign policy UN estimates death toll human rights armed intervention peacekeeping diplomacy sanctions political asylum chemical warfare biological warfare military intervention civil war international law human security Syria conflict regional security United Nations international community warfare global politics Middle East political violence humanitarian intervention crisis management international relations geopolitical instability arms control Syria Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilisation conflict expansion U.N. rights chief Reuters UN News Centre Israeli strike BBC News Foreign Policy arming Syrian rebels Daniel Byman Syria Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation February estimate 70000 killed UN rights chief refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel attack chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict spread intervention necessity Syria death toll UN human rights office Israeli strike arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy Daniel Byman Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict UN human rights death toll Syrian rebels arming foreign policy Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugees Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional destabilization conflict spread UN death toll arming rebels Foreign Policy BBC Reuters Syria intervention Assad regime legitimacy humanitarian crisis violence escalation refugee crisis Jordan Lebanon Turkey Israel chemical weapons biological weapons regional stability conflict resolution international response UN death toll arming rebels foreign policy
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-pro03a	A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. A handgun ban reduces crime and deaths  Aside from the fact that handguns are uniquely dangerous weapons, when the handgun ban was in place in DC, there was a reported decrease in crime in the area. In 1977 the year immediately following the ban the U.S. Conference of Mayors reported robberies, assaults and homicides using handguns had fallen in DC sharply. Further, in 1991 the University of Maryland published a study in the New England journal of Medicine suggesting the gun ban had saved lives in the decade before 1991, claiming that the ban had prevented 47 deaths in DC per year.5  It is theorised that the handgun ban does this because it makes other police tactics, such as stop and search, significantly more effective. If criminals wish to get the tactical advantage of power that opposition mention then they have to carry hand guns in order to do it. However, it means that if they are caught with a gun they become very easily identifiable and can easily be arrested to prevent harm coming to the populace of large. Specifically, the handgun ban means that the police have a much lower burden required in order to arrest suspects and given that a lot of the time the police have a strong idea of who the criminals are, but simply can’t pin them for arrest, such a tactical advantage helps them get dangerous people off the street. handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine lives saved police tactics stop and search criminal identification arrest prevention public safety tactical advantage police burden suspect arrest dangerous criminals removal handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine lives saved stop and search police tactics criminal identification arrest effectiveness public safety tactical advantage police burden suspect arrest dangerous criminals handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine saved lives police tactics stop and search tactical advantage criminal identification arrest prevention police burden suspect arrest dangerous people street safety handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England journal of Medicine stop and search effectiveness police tactics improvement criminal identification suspect arrest public safety enhancement dangerous people removal handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevented uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine stop and search effectiveness police tactics suspect arrest public safety criminal identification tactical advantage police burden reduction crime prevention societal impact gun control urban safety law enforcement strategies handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine saved lives stop and search effectiveness police tactics criminal identification arrest facilitation public safety tactical advantage suspect arrest dangerous individuals gun control firearm legislation crime reduction public safety handgun restriction violent crime statistics law enforcement effectiveness urban crime policy impact legislative outcomes criminology public health gun violence prevention legal enforcement criminal deterrence handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine stop and search effectiveness police tactics criminal identification suspect arrest public safety tactical advantage criminal behavior gun control efficacy handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England journal of Medicine lives saved tactical advantage police effectiveness stop and search criminal identification suspect arrest public safety handgun ban crime reduction deaths prevention uniquely dangerous weapons DC crime statistics U.S. Conference of Mayors University of Maryland study New England Journal of Medicine lives saved police tactics stop and search tactical advantage criminal identification lower police burden suspect arrest dangerous people off streets
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con03a	Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . Wikileaks is not a news organisation, it exists exclusively to disseminate classified information, no genuine news organisation has such an agenda.  News organisations provide a variety of functions, from reporting the weather to breaking news. Even the most hardened investigative outlet does not dedicate itself exclusively to revealing classified information. It appears to have no interest in what that information is or whether its disclosure causes more harm than good, the sole interest is that it is classified.  That isn’t journalism, at best it’s prurience and, at worst, egocentricity – ‘I know something you don’t know’. The fallout for people’s jobs, liberty and safety appears not to interest those involved.  Their own ‘About Us’ section makes a point of stating that “We accept (but do not solicit) anonymous sources of information [1] .” Interestingly, the whole of the rest of the page talks about maintaining anonymity for both readers and sources and little else. It provides screeds of text about themselves, a free press and the importance of releasing classified information. Unusually for a media organisation, there are no details about how to complain if a reader feels they or someone else has been misrepresented. This means that Wikileaks is denying someone’s freedom of speech by not giving them a right to reply and have corrections published.  In an age where even the most stentorian paper of record enshrines such rights, one might assume that such devout proclaimers of free speech would shout it from their mast head. Instead, their Chat page is mostly full of dire warnings that security forces are watching the reader’s every keystroke. Hardly encouraging for the little guy wishing to clear their name.  [1] The link to the page is here . wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply freedom of speech security forces privacy concerns investigative reporting media ethics public interest whistleblowing transparency accountability harm minimization editorial standards complaint mechanisms Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity harm safety anonymity free press right to reply corrections freedom of speech security forces transparency accountability Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply security forces transparency accountability media ethics investigative outlet public interest harm disclosure liberty safety complaint mechanism representation correction freedom of speech masthead watchdog stentorian enshrine dire warnings surveillance reader rights media criticism information dissemination classified leaks journalistic standards media responsibility editorial policy media law ethical journalism public scrutiny media accountability editorial practices media criticism news ethics journalistic integrity editorial Wikileaks news organisation disseminate classified information genuine news reporting weather breaking news investigative outlet revealing classified information journalism prurience egocentricity classified information disclosure harm safety anonymity free press complain misrepresented freedom of speech right to reply corrections stentorian paper security forces clear name Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply security forces transparency accountability investigative reporting media ethics public interest harm assessment editorial standards user safety reader representation complaint mechanisms press freedom classified leaks information disclosure whistleblowing media critique digital privacy editorial policies media responsibilities news functions weather reporting breaking news investigative outlets classified document release journalism standards press ethics media criticism leak sources reader rights editorial oversight media accountability journalistic integrity public discourse media Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply freedom of speech security forces complain corrections mast head investigative outlet harm disclosure agenda weather breaking news functions sources readers Chat page keystroke clear name Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity free speech anonymity sources readers complaints right to reply corrections security forces privacy ethics investigative reporting media standards public interest harm assessment transparency accountability Wikileaks classified information news organisation journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply freedom of speech security warnings reader complaints investigative outlet public safety ethical journalism media standards editorial responsibility Wikileaks news organisation classified information journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply freedom of speech security privacy media ethics investigative reporting public interest harm transparency accountability chat page warnings surveillance reader rights corrections masthead media standards classified leaks whistleblower protection media criticism digital safety information dissemination editorial policies media philosophy public discourse media functions investigative outlet classified data media responsibility media watchdog classified disclosures media implications press freedom media integrity media accountability media representation media Wikileaks classified information news organisation journalism prurience egocentricity anonymity free press right to reply security forces freedom of speech
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con01a	Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. Developed countries have a greater responsibility to take in migrants  Developed countries have a responsibility to take in large numbers of migrants. There are several reasons for this. First they have a historical responsibility resulting from a legacy of colonialism, imperialism, and industrialisation that benefited the developed world at the expense of the developing world. This helped create the inequalities in the world that drive migration so developed countries should accept that a greater responsibility for migrants is the price.  Second developed countries have a much greater capacity to absorb migrants than developing countries. Developed countries have more jobs, and the ability to create more through using the state’s financial resources to increase investment. They already have the legal framework for large numbers of migrants; laws that ensure equality and fair treatment regardless of religion or ethnicity. And in many cases they already have sizeable migrant communities (with some exceptions such as Japan) that help create a culture of tolerance that embraces the diversity migrants bring. historical responsibility legacy of colonialism imperialism industrialisation world inequalities capacity to absorb migrants job creation state financial resources legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialization inequality migration capacity absorption jobs state financial resources investment legal framework equality fair treatment religion ethnicity migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialization inequalities capacity absorb migrants jobs financial resources investment legal framework equality fair treatment religion ethnicity migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity Developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities migration capacity to absorb jobs financial resources investment legal framework equality fair treatment religion ethnicity migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity Developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities capacity absorb migrants jobs financial resources legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities tolerance diversity historical responsibility legacy of colonialism imperialism industrialisation world inequalities migration drivers capacity to absorb migrants job availability state financial resources legal framework equality laws fair treatment migrant communities cultural tolerance diversity拥抱 developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequality migration capacity absorb jobs financial resources investment legal framework equality fair treatment religion ethnicity migrant communities tolerance diversity developed countries responsibility migrants historical responsibility colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequality capacity absorb migrants jobs financial resources legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity historical responsibility legacy of colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities capacity to absorb job market financial resources legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities cultural tolerance diversity historical responsibility legacy of colonialism imperialism industrialisation inequalities greater capacity absorb migrants more jobs state’s financial resources legal framework equality fair treatment migrant communities culture of tolerance diversity
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro01a	It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 It is just to redistribute migrants  It is an accident of geography, or history, simple bad luck that has resulted in some countries getting large numbers of immigrants while many others get none. The first developed country on migrant routes get large numbers as those wishing to seek asylum have to apply in the first safe country. Similarly those countries next to conflict zones, or places affected by natural disasters, get very large influxes of migrants who hope to return home as soon as possible; there are more than 1.1 million refugees from Syria in Lebanon [1] a country of less than 6million. It is right that there should be a mechanism to help even out the burden of migrants and that rich developed countries should be those who pay that cost.  [1] ‘Syria Regional Refugee Response’, data.unhcr.org,  , accessed 19th August 2015 redistribute migrants accident geography history bad luck large numbers immigrants first developed country migrant routes asylum seekers first safe country conflict zones natural disasters large influxes migrants refugees Syria Lebanon rich developed countries pay cost even out burden migrant distribution immigration balance refugee allocation asylum seeker distribution equitable migration geographic migrant factors historical migration patterns immigration luck asylum application rules safe country principle migrant burden sharing refugee hosting conflict zone migration natural disaster refugees Syrian refugee crisis Lebanon refugee situation developed country migration responsibilities rich country migration costs fair migration distribution international migration policy migrant redistribution immigration balance geography impact historical factors asylum seekers safe country policy conflict zones natural disasters refugee influx Lebanon example Syrian refugees developed country responsibility migrant burden sharing rich country obligation humanitarian aid international support policy reform equitable distribution global migration refugee crisis management redistribute migrants accident of geography history bad luck developed country migrant routes asylum seekers first safe country conflict zones natural disasters large influxes refugees Syria Lebanon burden of migrants rich developed countries pay the cost even out the burden migrants geography history luck immigration asylum developed countries migrant routes conflict zones natural disasters refugees Syria Lebanon refugee response burden rich countries cost distribution global responsibility humanitarian aid international cooperation redistribute migrants accident of geography accident of history large numbers of immigrants first developed country migrant routes asylum seekers first safe country conflict zones natural disasters large influxes of migrants return home Syria refugees Lebanon even out the burden rich developed countries pay the cost migrant redistribution geographic inequality historical factors immigration burden asylum policies safe country原则 conflict zone proximity natural disaster impact refugee influx Syrian refugees Lebanon population developed country responsibility migrant support mechanisms international burden sharing wealthy nation obligations migrant redistribution asylum seekers geographical distribution historical migration patterns refugee burden sharing developed countries responsibility migration routes bordering conflict zones natural disaster migrants Syrian refugees Lebanon population international refugee support humanitarian aid equitable migrant allocation global migration policy migrant redistribution refugee burden sharing asylum application processes geographic distribution of migrants developed countries' migrant responsibility natural disaster displacement conflict zone refugees Syria refugee crisis Lebanon refugee population international refugee support mechanisms fair distribution of immigrants migrant flow management asylum seeker policies humane migration policies global immigration challenges migrant redistribution geographic factors historical context immigration patterns asylum seekers developed countries migrant routes conflict zones natural disasters refugee influx Lebanon Syria UNHCR data burden sharing international responsibility economic support humanitarian aid policy mechanisms equitable distribution global migration crisis
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con01a	A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, A threat to democracy  Yes the NSA is unlikely to look at individual’s personal information if the person in question is nobody of interest yet there are people who may be of interest to the state who are essentially innocent of anything except annoying the state. The ability for almost anyone in the intelligence apparatus to look up personal information has to worry anyone who might otherwise dissent, investigate the government, or turn whistleblower. Intelligence officials can hold the information as a weapon to ensure compliance and ruin careers if they don’t get their way. [1] This has happened before. In the US when diplomat Joseph C. Wilson published about the manipulation of intelligence on uranium from Niger being used as part of the justification for the invasion of Iraq his wife had her cover blown and career destroyed by people within the Department of Defense. [2] When we know that the Obama administration has been more determined than ever to prevent leaks and prosecute perpetrators can it really be said there is no damage to democracy if these courageous people are not coming forward?  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013,   [2] Wilson, Joseph C., ‘What I Didn’t Find in Africa’, The New York Times, 6 July 2003,   Lewis, Neil A., ‘Source of C.I.A. Leak Said to Admit Role’, The New York Times, 30 August 2006, NSA surveillance privacy democracy intelligence whistleblowers dissent government accountability leaks prosecution Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame Iraq War uranium Niger Obama administration First Amendment free speech national security civil liberties NSA surveillance personal data privacy government overreach intelligence abuses whistleblower protection Joseph Wilson Valerie Plame Iraq War justifications uranium from Niger Obama administration leak prosecutions democratic values civil liberties government accountability intelligence community oversight dissent in democracy investigative journalism state intimidation career retaliation covert operations foreign policy transparency NSA surveillance privacy democracy dissent whistleblowers intelligence government oversight censorship freedom of speech political persecution privacy rights civil liberties state power security vs. liberty Joseph Wilson Valerie Plame Iraq War uranium scandal leak prosecutions Obama administration First Amendment Fourth Amendment constitutional rights lawful surveillance unauthorized disclosure national security investigative journalism public interest government accountability whistleblower protection intelligence community classified information democratic values threats to democracy political retribution authoritarianism surveillance state digital privacy information security citizen rights government transparency political activism NSA surveillance personal information intelligence apparatus dissent government investigation whistleblowing intelligence officials weaponized information career destruction Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame uranium from Niger Obama administration leak prosecution damage to democracy courageous people coming forward Foreign Policy The New York Times NSA surveillance democracy personal information privacy state interest intelligence apparatus dissent government investigation whistleblowing compliance career destruction Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame uranium from Niger Iraq invasion Obama administration leak prosecution courage coming forward NSA surveillance personal information privacy government oversight intelligence apparatus abuse dissent suppression whistleblower protection intelligence leaks Obama administration leak prosecution Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame Iraq War justification uranium from Niger democracy erosion civil liberties state power individual rights government accountability intelligence community misconduct surveillance impact on democracy leaks and national security NSA personal information state surveillance innocent individuals intelligence apparatus dissent government investigation whistleblowers information weapon career destruction Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame uranium from Niger Iraq invasion Obama administration leak prevention prosecuted leakers democracy First Amendment privacy rights government accountability national security civil liberties surveillance state ปกป้องผู้เปิดเผยข้อมูล ความยุติธรรมทางสังคม ความโปร่งใสของรัฐบาล NSA surveillance democracy personal information intelligence apparatus dissent government investigation whistleblowers Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame uranium Iraq leaks Obama administration prosecution whistleblowing privacy civil liberties intelligence abuse political retaliation NSA personal information state surveillance innocent individuals dissent government investigation whistleblowers intelligence apparatus compliance career ruin Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame uranium from Niger Iraq invasion Obama administration leak prosecution democracy civil liberties privacy rights intelligence leaks political retaliation freedom of speech NSA surveillance privacy democracy intelligence dissent whistleblowers Joseph C. Wilson Valerie Plame leak prosecution Obama administration government oversight civil liberties uranium Niger Iraq invasion compliance career sabotage manipulation of intelligence Foreign Policy The New York Times
test-education-egtuscpih-con01a	Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. Financial model of online courses is unsustainable  At the moment some MOOC platforms are non-profit, while even for-profit ones do not pay universities, nor do universities pay MOOC platforms, they might only divide revenue if a revenue stream appears [18]. This essentially means that MOOCs have to rely on traditional financial models of universities to survive – they need the universities to provide materials and the academics and traditional models that are based on the fact that lots of students do not take online courses. However, MOOCs might undermine traditional university funding. For instance, Princeton professor Mitchell Duneier withdrew from Coursera claiming that states use MOOCs as a justification to withdraw state funding from universities [19]. Moreover, some MOOCs consider providing chargeable courses for credit but for a substantially lower price (around 100 dollars for a course), which might draw students away from traditional universities further undermining their existence [20]. This means a depletion of universities financial sources that MOOCs themselves rely on. At the moment there is no way for MOOCs to replace traditional university learning. financial model online courses unsustainable MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue universities traditional financial models academic materials traditional university funding state funding withdrawal chargeable courses credit lower price student enrollment depletion financial sources replacement traditional university learning Financial sustainability MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue sharing university funding online courses traditional education models state funding withdrawal credit courses pricing strategy educational disruption academic material provision revenue streams financial dependency MOOC business model university-academic collaboration online education impact financial depletion educational alternatives Financial model online courses unsustainable MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue universities traditional financial models materials academics student enrollment online courses traditional universities funding state funding MOOCs credit courses chargeable lower price financial sources university learning depletion replacement education technology business models educational disruption higher education digital learning revenue streams cost structure sustainability educational innovation market dynamics academic institutions course credits tuition fees economic impact educational policy learner engagement virtual classrooms instructional design pedagogical approaches learning outcomes financial model online courses unsustainable MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue division traditional financial models universities material provision academics traditional models student behavior online courses MOOCs university funding state funding state justification MOOC impact professor withdrawal credit courses chargeable courses lower price student attraction university financial depletion replacement challenge traditional learning financial sustainability MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue sharing traditional university models state funding online courses credit courses lower prices university financial sources traditional learning academic material course credit financial depletion educational technology online education university funding academic compensation revenue streams MOOCs online courses financial model unsustainable non-profit for-profit revenue universities traditional models state funding chargeable courses credit depletion financial sources traditional university learning online courses MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue universities financial models traditional education state funding credit courses pricing academic materials professors sustainability educational technology business models student enrollment financial sustainability higher education course credit online learning university funding revenue streams educational resources academic collaboration economic models educational impact financial dependency course fees educational innovation market trends academic participation institutional finance educational reform policy implications university teachings online education educational affordability financial challenges educational access academic innovation educational policy financial support academic contribution Financial model online courses unsustainable MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue universities traditional models students online courses traditional universities funding state funding chargeable courses credit lower price financial sources traditional learning MOOCs depletion existence replacement education business model revenue streams profit academic materials academics pricing market competition education sector higher education online education course fees university finance educational technology edtech revenue generation cost structure business sustainability educational models learning platforms educational institutions profit models educational Financial model online courses MOOCs non-profit for-profit revenue stream universities traditional financial models student enrollment online learning university funding state funding chargeable courses credit price financial sustainability educational technology academic resources revenue division financial reliance educational disruption financial sustainability MOOC platforms non-profit for-profit revenue sharing traditional universities academic materials online courses student enrollment state funding course credits pricing models university funding educational models financial models MOOC expansion credit courses traditional learning online education academic partnerships
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro04a	It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. It is simply impractical for a major international broadcaster to hand out powers of veto to small sectional interests.  The BBC would quickly be left with a content either devoid of interest or of content were it to allow such a veto to become normative. Especially were it, as appears to be the case here, to offer such a veto to people who didn’t watch the programme.  As a result, although some of the responsibility for avoiding offence lies with the broadcaster at least an equal share must lie with the viewer. Even at the more basic level of ‘will I like this’, responsibility lies with both parties. The BBC undertakes to provide a diverse range of programming so that there is a reasonable chance that the overwhelming majority should be able to find something of interest but does so on the assumption that people will watch what they find interesting.  Likewise, it is reasonable to assume that people will not go out of their way to watch things that they already expect to find offensive. BBC broadcaster content veto sectional interests programming diversity viewer responsibility offensive content audience expectations impractical broadcaster veto sectional interests BBC content devoid interest normative responsibility offence viewer diverse programming reasonable majority assumption offensive major international broadcaster BBC veto sectional interests content viewer responsibility diverse programming audience expectations broadcasting standards offensive content impractical international broadcaster veto sectional interests BBC content interest normative viewers responsibility offence diverse programming reasonable chance watch offensive major international broadcaster veto powers sectional interests BBC content diversity normative veto programme viewership responsibility for offence viewer responsibility broadcaster responsibility diverse programming viewer interest offensive content programme avoidance major international broadcaster hand out powers veto small sectional interests BBC content devoid of interest normative veto responsibility for avoiding offence broadcaster viewer diverse range programming reasonable chance find something interesting watch what interested not go out way watch offensive major international broadcaster BBC powers of veto sectional interests content devoid of interest normative veto avoid offence broadcaster responsibility viewer responsibility diverse programming reasonable chance find interest expect offensive broadcasting content veto sectional interests BBC programme offence viewer responsibility diverse programming expectations offensive content watch choices broadcasting censorship content regulation media responsibility viewer responsibility BBC programming diversity offensive content veto power sectional interests audience expectations content engagement media norms programming standards viewer choice media ethics public broadcasting content diversity media policy viewer behavior BBC broadcaster content veto sectional interests programming responsibility viewer offensive diverse assumption watch interest
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany currency deutschmark currency value competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection Eurozone uncertainty investment Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency Nick Parsons The Guardian Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future Eurozone competitiveness German currency Deutschmark Eurozone investment Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro Nick Parsons The Guardian Eurozone policy currency strength Eurozone uncertainty Eurozone fear Eurozone population Eurozone leaders single currency Eurozone members Eurozone recovery financial stability economic impact currency devaluation market confidence economic policy financial markets European economy European Union economic sanctions currency reform economic forecast financial analysis economic research European finance economic stability fiscal policy Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency Germany currency strength Deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection Greek departure Eurozone uncertainty investment Eurozone transactions Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves euro Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Euro survival new beginning German currency strength deutschmark return competitiveness loss Eurozone population single currency policy protection decreased uncertainty Eurozone investment transactions increase Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone continuity euro currency new beginning German currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction Eurozone investment transactions Eurozone members Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency impact financial stability Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future Euro continuation Germany currency Deutschmark value Eurozone competitiveness Eurozone investment Eurozone uncertainty Eurozone fear Eurozone transactions Parsons Nick Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro single currency Eurozone members currency strength policy protection Eurozone population new beginning Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Euro survival new beginning German currency strength Deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment attraction Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency impact financial stability economic policy currency value international finance economic competitiveness investment levels economic transactions European financial market Nick Parsons The Guardian Eurozone member states currency devaluation market confidence economic governance financial integration monetary policy economic resilience financial stability economic uncertainty investment climate European economy financial markets economic growth Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Euro survival new beginning German currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection decreased uncertainty investment attraction Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency impact economic stability financial policy Eurozone leaders currency value market confidence economic integration European economy Parsons Nick The Guardian May 2012 Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Euro survival new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase Eurozone transactions Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency implications Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future Euro continuity German currency Deutschmark valuation Eurozone competitiveness Eurozone investment Eurozone transactions Eurozone uncertainty Eurozone fear Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro Nick Parsons Eurozone policy Eurozone population Eurozone leaders single currency impact currency strength economic recovery financial stability market confidence international investment economic policy financial markets European economy Eurozone challenges Eurozone resilience economic analysis financial news The Guardian
test-international-ghbunhf-pro01a	: Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. : Main purpose of UN, to prevent war, has clearly not been achieved.  The UN was set up with the express purpose of preventing global wars, yet it has done absolutely nothing to prevent them. Indeed, the UN has often served merely as a forum for countries to abuse and criticise each other, rather than resolve disputes peacefully.  In some cases, such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq, UN resolutions have arguably been used as a justification for wars, rather than to prevent them. Research shows that the number of armed conflicts in the world rose steadily in the years after 1945 and has only begun to plateau or fall since the end of the Cold War. [1]  [1] Harrison, Mark & Wolf, Nikolaus. “The Frequency of Wars”. University of Warwick, 10th March 2011. UN effectiveness war prevention global conflicts UN resolutions international disputes Iraq invasion armed conflicts post-1945 wars Cold War impact peacekeeping failures international criticism UN forum conflict resolution research analysis historical wars global security international relations peace maintenance UN mission security council international law global governance humanitarian intervention state sovereignty diplomatic relations military interventions peace talks international community global peace conflict zones war causation political science global stability international security UN Charter world peace global conflicts trends peacebuilding international organizations peace processes UN prevent war global conflicts peacekeeping international disputes UN resolutions invasion of Iraq armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War research Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf University of Warwick frequency of wars international relations peace and security UN effectiveness criticism of UN global peace efforts conflict resolution international security diplomatic forum world peace UN success UN failures international law global governance peacebuilding conflict prevention humanitarian intervention global stability UN effectiveness global wars prevention UN successes international peacekeeping conflict resolution UN criticism UN resolutions Iraq invasion 2003 armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War impact peace forum global security international relations research on wars frequency University of Warwick study Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf UN prevent war global conflicts UN resolutions 2003 Iraq invasion armed conflicts post-1945 wars Cold War impact international peace global security UN effectiveness conflict resolution international relations peacekeeping failures criticism of UN global governance international law diplomatic forums war justification research on conflicts University of Warwick Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf Frequency of Wars UN prevent war global wars conflict resolution forum for criticism justification for wars 2003 Iraq invasion armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War peace international relations diplomatic failure Harrison Mark Wolf Nikolaus University of Warwick Frequency of Wars research statistics war trends peacekeeping failures international peace global security conflict prevention UN effectiveness geopolitical tensions diplomacy international law UN resolutions military intervention peace negotiations global governance world peace conflict analysis war prevention strategies peacebuilding international community global conflicts war UN prevent war global conflicts peace resolution UN effectiveness international forum abuse criticism 2003 Iraq invasion UN resolutions armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War research Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf University of Warwick frequency of wars UN prevent war global wars UN resolutions 2003 invasion of Iraq armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War research war frequency University of Warwick Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf conflict resolution international peace UN effectiveness criticism of UN war justification peaceful disputes forum for criticism abuse in UN war prevention failure international relations global conflict trends post-Cold War era UN prevent war global wars peace conflict resolution criticism forum abuse 2003 Iraq invasion UN resolutions armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War research Harrison Wolf University of Warwick frequency of wars UN main purpose prevent war global conflicts UN effectiveness forum for criticism dispute resolution 2003 Iraq invasion UN resolutions justification for war armed conflicts post-1945 Cold War end research Harrison Wolf University of Warwick UN prevent war global conflicts peacekeeping international disputes forum abuse UN resolutions 2003 Iraq invasion armed conflicts post-1945 wars Cold War impact research Mark Harrison Nikolaus Wolf University of Warwick
test-international-siacphbnt-con04a	Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology has only benefited private companies.  Ultimately, technology, its provision, distribution, and function, is based on a business model. Profits are sought and losers emerge. The technology hype has attracted global technology giants, ranging from IBM to Google – a key issue as to whether entrepreneurialism can emerge amongst youths and technology used sustainably. The monopolisation of technology markets by multinational companies puts constraints on the ability for small businesses to break through. Any profits created are not recirculated in their locality, or Africa, but return to the country of origin.  For entrepreneurialism to be gained, and youth jobs emerge, the technological giants investing in Africa’s rising future need to partner with communities and small businesses. Technology private companies business model profits losers technology hype global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability technology markets multinational companies small businesses profits recirculation Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs investment local development technology private companies business model profits global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability monopolisation multinational companies small businesses constraints profits recirculation Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs Africa's rising future private companies business model profits losers technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability monopolisation technology markets multinational companies small businesses profit recirculation locality Africa technological giants community partnership youth jobs Africa's future technology benefits private companies business model of technology profits in technology technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism among youths sustainable technology use monopolization of technology markets constraints on small businesses profit recirculation technological giants in Africa community partnerships youth job creation Technology private companies business model profits losers technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability monopolisation technology markets multinational companies constraints small businesses profits recirculation Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs investment Africa's future technology private companies business model profits global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youth sustainability monopolisation multinational companies small businesses profits recirculation Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs Technology private companies business model profits losers technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainable technology monopolisation multinational companies small businesses local economy Africa profits recirculation technological giants community partnerships youth employment technology private companies business model profits losers global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainable technology monopolisation technology markets multinational companies small businesses profits recirculation Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs Africa's future technology private companies business model profits losers technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainability monopolisation multinational companies small businesses profit recirculation Africa community partnerships youth employment technological investment technology private companies business model profits global technology giants IBM Google entrepreneurialism youths sustainable technology monopolisation multinational companies small businesses Africa technological giants community partnerships youth jobs local economy profit recirculation
test-science-dssghsdmd-con03a	The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. The system is an incredibly expensive venture that may not even work  Research and development of effective strategic defense systems has been ongoing since the Reagan administration, to little lasting benefit. The US government has spent hundreds of billions of dollars in the past two decades on developing missile defense technology, including nearly $60 billion in the past five years, and still it is incomplete and its effectiveness questionable. Many scientists have attested to the ineffectiveness of missile defense, as it currently stands. It is very difficult to hit a flying missile with another missile, and test-runs of the technology have been patchy at best (Sessler et. al., 2000). The dream of an effective missile defense shield that can successfully intercept enemy intercontinental ballistic missiles has yet to come to fruition. It would be better to stop throwing good money after bad and to fold up the project entirely. missile defense R&D effectiveness Reagan administration government spending strategic defense technology development ineffectiveness scientists' opinions test results ICBM interception fiscal responsibility project termination missile defense strategic defense Reagan administration research and development US government spending ineffective missile defense scientists' opinions interception technology ICBM defense fiscal responsibility defense budget military technology ballistic missile defense defense policy national security strategic weapons missile testing defense contracts government oversight military innovation technological challenges defense procurement strategic investments military strategy international security defense systems missile shield defense expenditures technology assessment missile interception defense effectiveness policy analysis military preparedness security studies defense research military spending strategic studies security policy missile technology defense capabilities missile defense strategic defense R&D Reagan administration US government spending defense technology effectiveness scientists' opinions test-runs intercept intercontinental ballistic missiles cost-benefit project termination strategic defense systems missile defense technology Reagan administration hundreds of billions past two decades $60 billion past five years ineffectiveness scientists hit a flying missile test-runs patchy effective missile defense shield intercontinental ballistic missiles good money after bad fold up the project missile defense effectiveness research and development Reagan administration US government spending strategic defense systems ineffectiveness scientists test-runs intercontinental ballistic missiles folding project budget allocation technology assessment policy evaluation missile defense strategic defense systems research and development Reagan administration government spending ineffective technology scientists' criticism test-runs intercepting missiles intercontinental ballistic missiles project cessation fiscal responsibility missile defense research and development Reagan administration US government spending strategic defense systems effectiveness scientists ineffectiveness test-runs intercontinental ballistic missiles project shutdown financial waste technological challenges defense shield missile defense Reagan administration R&D strategic defense systems US government spending effectiveness scientists' opinions interception technology ICBM test results funding criticism project continuation debate missile defense strategic defense systems research and development Reagan administration US government spending missile technology effectiveness of missile defense scientists' opinions intercepting missiles test-runs intercontinental ballistic missiles project evaluation fiscal responsibility defense budget technology assessment public policy government expenditures defense systems ballistic missile defense military technology fiscal prudence strategic inefficacy missile interception technology defense project management aerospace technology military spending defense procurement technological feasibility strategic defense initiatives missile defense shield national security defense strategy military research technological challenges defense innovation government accountability missile missile defense R&D costs Reagan administration US government spending technology effectiveness scientific opinions test results interception challenges ICBM defense project evaluation budget allocation defense strategy strategic alternatives fiscal responsibility technology assessment
test-politics-ypppdghwid-pro02a	"Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy Imposing democracy can be a way to support individuals unable to fight for democracy themselves.  If the people within a nation want democracy, it is not wrong -- indeed it may even be morally required -- for us to assist them by imposing democracy against the will of the governing class. Often internal movements lack resources, weapons, or organization, making the fight for democracy very difficult. When individuals seek to defend their rights against an oppressive regime, other nations do them a disservice by allowing evil to win out. Thus NATO's intervention in Libya was in support of rebels often seen as part of the 'Arab spring' wave of democratization but the internal movement even if it had large amounts of support was being suppressed and would have been destroyed without outside intervention1.  1 Traub, James. ""Stepping In"", Foreign Policy imposing democracy supporting individuals fighting for democracy moral requirement assisting nations opposing governing class internal movements lack of resources lack of weapons lack of organization defending rights oppressive regime NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization external intervention suppressing movements destroying movements international support human rights political freedom self-determination international ethics just war theory humanitarian intervention democracy promotion regime change civil resistance external assistance moral justification political struggles global governance international relations conflict resolution peacekeeping democratic transitions political repression foreign policy state sovereignty international imposing democracy supporting individuals fight for democracy morally required assisting nations opposing governing class internal movements lack of resources weapons organization defending rights oppressive regime NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization internal support suppressed movement outside intervention James Traub Foreign Policy imposing democracy support individuals fight for democracy moral requirement assist nations impose democracy governing class internal movements lack resources weapons organization defend rights oppressive regime nations disservice evil win NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization internal movement suppressed outside intervention James Traub Stepping In Foreign Policy imposing democracy supporting individuals fight for democracy morally required assist nations internal movements lack resources oppressive regime NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization external support Traub James Foreign Policy imposing democracy support individuals fight for democracy morally required assist nations internal movements lack resources weapons organization defend rights oppressive regime NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization external intervention suppress internal movement destroy opposition James Traub Foreign Policy imposing democracy supporting individuals moral requirement assistance opposing governing class lack of resources weapons organization fight for democracy defending rights oppressive regime international intervention NATO Libya Arab Spring democratization internal movement suppression external support political ethics human rights international relations democracy promotion military intervention political change regime change civil resistance international responsibility state sovereignty collective action humanitarian intervention imposing democracy support individuals fight for democracy morally required assist nations governing class internal movements lack resources weapons organization defend rights oppressive regime NATO intervention Libya Arab spring democratization internal support external intervention James Traub Foreign Policy Imposing democracy supporting individuals moral obligation external assistance resource limitations organizational challenges fighting oppression international intervention NATO Libya Arab Spring democratization external support internal movements oppressive regimes human rights defense ethical foreign policy just war theory humanitarian intervention state sovereignty international law democratic transitions peacebuilding conflict resolution global governance civil resistance political repression freedom fighters international community involvement democratic ideals lawful governance legitimacy of intervention consequences of non-intervention historical precedents political stability social justice international relations ethical dilemmas strategic interests democratic governance democracy imposition external intervention moral obligation internal movements resources weapons organization oppressive regime NATO Libya Arab Spring democratization rebels suppression external support ethical justification political change governance international relations humanitarian intervention state sovereignty civil rights freedom political philosophy democracy promotion regime change conflict resolution peacebuilding international law human security global politics political stability civic engagement public policy governance reform political transitions democratic values human rights authoritarianism power dynamics social change international community collective action political resistance external assistance democracy imposition support internal movement resources weapons organization oppression intervention NATO Libya Arab Spring rebels suppression external assistance moral governance rights regime democracy promotion international relations political change conflict aid humanitarian justification ethical considerations state sovereignty civil society resistance power structures political reform democratization governance reform civil liberties political rights international law humanitarian intervention regional stability international community peacekeeping political transition human rights authoritarianism democratic transition international support political struggle freedom political changeovers"
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro02a	A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. A strategic missile defense shield will be an effective defense against ballistic missile attacks targeted at the United States and its allies  The missile defense shield the United States intends to build is the most effective and complete ballistic missile shield ever devised. When fully armed with a complement of anti-ballistic missiles both within the United States itself, and in allied nations in Europe, the shield will be virtually impregnable to external missile attack. This means the chance of a nuclear attack succeeding against it will be very unlikely, reducing the chance not only of a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and another nuclear power, but also against missiles fired by rogue states or terrorists, the biggest threats in terms of actual use of nuclear weapons (The Economist, 2009). Technologically speaking, anti-ballistic missile missiles have developed by leaps and bounds in recent years. The current system being put into operation by the United States is the Aegis combat system, designed for deployment on US Naval vessels. This new development has served to sidestep the problems associated with ground and space-based missile defense arrays, due to the slow response time of ground missiles, and the still unfeasible orbital deployment. The sea-based defense array, furthermore, lacks the problem of the land-based system in that it does not need to be placed in countries other than the United States in order to be effective (thus avoiding the political problems of the past). Technology and diplomacy have clearly made a national missile defense system highly desirable. strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective ballistic missile shield anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense sea-based defense political problems national missile defense system technology diplomacy strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies most effective missile shield anti-ballistic missiles Europe impregnable to missile attack nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons The Economist anti-ballistic missile technology Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense sea-based defense array land-based missile defense political problems national missile defense system technology diplomacy strategic missile defense ballistic missile shield United States allies anti-ballistic missiles Europe nuclear attack rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense political problems national missile defense system technology diplomacy strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies most effective missile shield anti-ballistic missiles Europe virtually impregnable nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons The Economist technologically advanced Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground and space-based missile defense slow response time unfeasible orbital deployment sea-based defense array land-based system political problems national missile defense system highly desirable strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective defense anti-ballistic missiles missile defense shield nuclear attack rogue states terrorists nuclear war Aegis combat system US Naval vessels sea-based defense land-based system political problems technology diplomacy national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective defense anti-ballistic missiles Europe impregnable to attack nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons The Economist anti-ballistic missile technology Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense sea-based defense land-based system political problems national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective defense anti-ballistic missiles Europe nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense sea-based defense political issues technology diplomacy national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective defense anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack full-scale nuclear war rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense sea-based defense political problems technology development diplomacy national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective ballistic missile shield anti-ballistic missiles nuclear attack prevention rogue states terrorist threats nuclear weapons Aegis combat system US Naval vessels ground-based missile defense space-based missile defense diplomatic issues national missile defense system strategic missile defense ballistic missile attacks United States allies effective defense anti-ballistic missiles Europe nuclear attack rogue states terrorists Aegis combat system sea-based defense technological development diplomatic issues national missile defense system
test-international-siacphbnt-pro01a	Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). Technology will lead job growth for youths.  The rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan Africa remains above the global average, at 7.55% in 2011, with 77% of the population in vulnerable employment [1] . Economic growth has not been inclusive and jobs are scarce. In particular, rates of youth unemployment, and underemployment, remain a concern [2] . On average, the underutilisation of youths in the labour market across Sub-Saharan Africa stood at 67% in 2012 (Work4Youth, 2013). Therefore 67% of youths are either unemployed, inactive, or in irregular employment. The rate of unemployment varies geographically and across gender [3] .  There remains a high percentage of youths within informal employment. Technology can introduce a new dynamic within the job market and access to safer employment.  Secure, high quality jobs, and more jobs, are essential for youths. Access to technology is the only way to meet such demands. Technology will enable youths to create new employment opportunities and markets; but also employment through managing, and selling, the technology available.  [1] ILO, 2013.  [2] Definitions: Unemployment is defined as the amount of people who are out of work despite being available, and seeking, work. Underemployment defines a situation whereby the productive capacity of an employed person is underutilised. Informal employment defines individuals working in waged and/or self employment informally (see further readings).  [3] Work4Youth (2013) show, on average, Madagascar has the lowest rate of unemployment (2.2%) while Tanzania has the highest (42%); and the average rate of female unemployment stands higher at 25.3%, in contrast to men (20.2%). technology job growth youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth youth employment underemployment vulnerable employment informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs technology access employment opportunities job market female unemployment male unemployment Madagascar Tanzania ILO Work4Youth technology job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth inclusivity youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities technology access market creation technology management technology selling gender differences Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment Technology job growth youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic inclusivity informal employment youth underemployment gender disparity Madagascar Tanzania labor market dynamics tech-enabled employment high-quality jobs tech-driven entrepreneurship employment opportunities technology access secure employment productive capacity workforce engagement regional variation female unemployment male unemployment work4youth ILO global average vulnerable employment workforce development digital economy innovation career advancement skill development labor statistics economic development employment challenges formal employment tech solutions youth engagement market creation sales management technology utilization labor force youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa technology-driven job growth economic inclusivity informal employment underemployment youth labor market job creation through technology secure employment gender disparity in unemployment Madagascar unemployment rate Tanzania unemployment rate global youth unemployment trends technology and job opportunities vulnerable employment productive capacity underutilization high-quality jobs technology management technology sales regional unemployment variations Technology job growth youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth inclusive jobs youth underemployment vulnerable employment informal employment secure jobs technology access employment opportunities market creation technology management female unemployment gender differences Madagascar Tanzania technology job growth youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth underemployment vulnerable employment informal employment secure jobs high-quality jobs youth opportunities technology access market creation employment management gender differences Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment Technology job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth inclusivity youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high-quality jobs employment opportunities technology access job creation market creation employment management technology selling gender differences Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment youth unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa job growth technology economic growth vulnerable employment underemployment informal employment gender disparity labor market secure jobs high-quality jobs technology access employment opportunities market creation technology management technology selling Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment Technology job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth inclusivity youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high quality jobs employment opportunities technology access market creation gender disparities Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment Technology job growth youths unemployment Sub-Saharan Africa vulnerable employment economic growth inclusivity youth unemployment underemployment labour market informal employment secure jobs high-quality jobs new employment opportunities technology access market creation employment management technology selling gender differences Madagascar Tanzania female unemployment male unemployment
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro04a	Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. Bilingual education hurts students  Bilingual education segregates students in its system from those outside it. This limits the opportunities for interaction.  This is harmful in a number of ways. For one thing, it limits their interaction with peers who will speak English. While it’s possible they may practice English with their friends in a bilingual school, it seems unlikely, as it would be easier to talk in the existing language.  Furthermore, it also limits the exposure of English-speaking students to immigrants who don’t speak English, allowing negative stereotypes to arise out of ignorance that then can influence governmental policy through the ballot box.  Finally, this segregation may extend to within bilingual schools themselves, since not everyone seeking bilingual education has the same non-English language. The result might well be that students would group socially into groups based on country of origin, and due to simple demographics this would place the Spanish-speaking students at a significant advantage as there are nearly 30 million of them in the country. This polarization in turn could lead to splits between minority language groups that could reduce their overall social capital. bilingual education student segregation language barriers social interaction English practice peer diversity negative stereotypes governmental policy social capital minority languages Spanish speakers demographic advantage language groups social polarization Bilingual education student interaction language segregation English practice peer communication negative stereotypes governmental policy voter influence social grouping country of origin Spanish-speaking students minority language groups social capital demographic advantage bilingual school dynamics language barriers cultural isolation education impact social integration bilingual education student interaction language segregation English practice peer communication negative stereotypes governmental policy voter influence social grouping country of origin Spanish-speaking advantage minority language groups social capital reduction bilingual education student segregation limited interaction language practice negative stereotypes governmental policy ballot influence social grouping minority languages social capital reduction English-speaking students non-English speakers Spanish-speaking advantage demographic impact polarization educational impact social dynamics language barriers cultural integration policy implications Bilingual education student segregation language interaction English practice social grouping language diversity immigrant integration English-speaking students negative stereotypes governmental policy ballot influence Spanish-speaking advantage social capital minority language groups polarization demographic impact bilingual education student interaction language segregation English practice negative stereotypes governmental policy social grouping Spanish speakers minority languages social capital bilingual education student harm segregation interaction limits language isolation English practice peer interaction negative stereotypes governmental policy ballot influence social grouping language advantage Spanish speakers social capital minority groups polarization bilingual education student interaction language barriers peer communication English practice social segregation negative stereotypes governmental policy voter influence immigrant integration language diversity Spanish speakers minority languages social capital educational policy language acquisition cultural integration social polarization peer grouping demographic advantage language minorities interaction opportunities educational segregation linguistic diversity communication skills social integration policy impact bilingual schools language groups educational outcomes social dynamics language proficiency cultural exchange educational equity Bilingual education student segregation language barriers interaction limitations English language acquisition peer interaction negative stereotypes governmental policy voter influence social grouping country of origin Spanish-speaking advantage minority language groups social capital reduction Bilingual education segregation interaction English-speaking peers negative stereotypes governmental policy ballot box social grouping country of origin Spanish-speaking students minority language groups social capital
test-politics-glghssi-con03a	Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland needs English economic muscle as through the Barnett formula England, especially the Southeast effectively subsidizes the rest of the UK in general and Scotland in particular  The Barnett established the model by which money is divided up within the regions and nations of the UK. The formula works greatly to Scotland’s advantage with a net flow of funding heading north.  The English taxpayer subsidizes Scots to the tune of £19bn a year (2009-10). [i] Without that subsidy The Scottish government would not have been able to give away the many benefits that have been handed out by the devolved authorities.  Scotland needs English support financially just as she does in terms of diplomatic representation or political muscle.  [i] McLaren, John et al., ‘Financial Implications of Different Fiscal Arrangements For Scotland’, CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, June 2011, Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding distribution English taxpayer Scottish government financial benefits devolved authorities Scottish financial dependency diplomatic representation political support fiscal arrangements Scotland-England financial relationship Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding distribution Scottish subsidies English taxpayer Scottish government benefits fiscal arrangements Scottish financial dependence diplomatic representation political support Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding distribution Scottish financial dependence English taxpayer subsidy Scottish government benefits fiscal arrangements Scottish devolved authorities diplomatic representation political influence Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding Scottish government financial benefits devolved authorities English taxpayer subsidy Scottish independence fiscal arrangements diplomatic representation political support Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK regional funding Scottish financial dependency English taxpayer subsidy Scottish government benefits fiscal arrangements public policy regional economics Scottish independence UK government funding economic interdependence financial transfers devolved authorities political muscle diplomatic representation Scotland English economic muscle Barnett formula England Southeast UK funding subsidy Scottish government devolved authorities financial support diplomatic representation political muscle taxpayer financial implications fiscal arrangements CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding distribution Scottish subsidies English taxpayer contribution Scottish government benefits fiscal arrangements financial dependency diplomatic representation political support Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding Southeast England Scottish subsidy financial dependence Scottish government devolved authorities fiscal arrangements CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions English taxpayer Scottish benefits diplomatic representation political support Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding Scottish government financial dependence English taxpayer subsidies devolved authorities fiscal arrangements diplomatic representation political influence Scotland English economic support Barnett formula UK funding model regional financial distribution Scottish subsidies English taxpayer Scottish government benefits devolved authorities Scottish financial dependency diplomatic representation political support fiscal arrangements financial implications CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions
test-health-dhpelhbass-con01a	It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) It is vital that a doctor's role not be confused  The guiding principle of medical ethics is to do no harm: a physician must not be involved in deliberately harming their patient. Without this principle, the medical profession would lose a great deal of trust; and admitting that killing is an acceptable part of a doctor’s role would likely increase the danger of involuntary euthanasia, not reduce it. Legalising assisted suicide also places an unreasonable burden on doctors. The daily decisions made in order to preserve life can be difficult enough; to require them to also carry the immense moral responsibility of deciding who can and cannot die, and the further responsibility of actually killing patients, is unacceptable. This is why the vast majority of medical professionals oppose the legalisation of assisted suicide: ending the life of a patient goes against all they stand for. The Hippocratic Oath that doctors use as a guide states 'I will neither give a deadly drug to anybody if asked for it, nor will I make a suggestion to this effect.' [1]  [1] Medical Opinion, religiouseducation.co.uk  (accessed on 4/6/2011) medical ethics do no harm physician patient trust involuntary euthanasia legalising assisted suicide moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical profession patient life end-of-life decisions healthcare provider medical practice ethical guidelines professional integrity patient care medical ethics principles doctor's role assisted dying medical ethics doctor's role do no harm medical profession trust involuntary euthanasia legalising assisted suicide unreasonable burden preserving life moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical professionals opinion medical ethics doctor's role do no harm patient trust involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath medical profession deadly drug euthanasia legalisation physician life preservation ethical guidelines professional standards medical ethics do no harm trust in medical profession involuntary euthanasia legalising assisted suicide unreasonable burden on doctors moral responsibility decisions to preserve life opposition to assisted suicide Hippocratic Oath deadly drug ethical guidelines for doctors patient care end-of-life decisions medical professionalism legal and ethical considerations physician's role medical trust patient autonomy medical ethics do no harm trust in medical profession involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide burden on doctors preserving life moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical professionals legalisation of assisted suicide medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility trust in medical profession involuntary euthanasia legalising assisted suicide burden on doctors moral responsibility medical professionals opposition Hippocratic Oath deadly drug euthanasia ethics medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility patient trust involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide moral burden life preservation Hippocratic Oath medical profession patient care ethical guidelines legalisation concerns professional stance medical ethics do no harm physician patient trust involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical profession legalisation patient life ethical guidelines professional integrity end-of-life care palliative care ethical dilemmas medical practice doctor's role patient autonomy medical ethics do no harm physician responsibility trust in medical profession involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide moral burden life preservation Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical professional opinion medical ethics do no harm physician patient trust involuntary euthanasia assisted suicide moral responsibility Hippocratic Oath deadly drug medical profession legalisation patient care end-of-life decisions doctor's role ethical guidelines professional standards medical practice healthcare ethics patient safety medical community
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-pro03a	Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform would strengthen the House of Lords  Reform of the House of Lords would strengthen the legitimacy of the house and therefore improve its functions. By electing the second chamber they would gain the legitimacy to not simply stall bills but reject them all together or drafts bills of their own, thus facilitating a more dynamic government, able to change. Using a different electoral technique, for example Proportional Representation with members sitting for longer periods would allow them to still be of a different composition to the House of Commons and not sway to short-term political popularity. Electing different portions at different times would also guard against a freak landslide result affecting the house’s balance. By creating a worthy opposition to the House of Commons all issues would be debated and decided upon more fairly and government would be more closely monitored. Reform strengthen House of Lords legitimacy functions electoral Proportional Representation long-term balanced opposition debate monitoring dynamic government elected second chamber stall bills reject draft bills short-term political Freak landslide portions times worthy fair closely monitored electing second chamber proportional representation legitimacy dynamic government opposition House of Commons monitor fairness electoral technique longer periods freak landslide balance debate reject bills stall bills draft bills strengthen functions reform House of Lords Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy functions electing second chamber reject bills draft bills dynamic government proportional representation longer periods different composition House of Commons short-term popularity electing portions freak landslide worthy opposition debate issues fair decisions government monitoring House of Lords reform strengthen legitimacy improve functions elect second chamber gain legitimacy reject bills draft bills dynamic government change Proportional Representation longer periods different composition House of Commons short-term political popularity elect different portions guard against landslide worthy opposition debate issues decide fairly government monitoring House of Lords reform legitimacy functions electing second chamber reject bills draft bills dynamic government change electoral technique Proportional Representation long-term members different composition House of Commons short-term popularity portions times freak landslide balance opposition debate fair decisions government monitoring Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy improve functions electing second chamber reject bills draft bills dynamic government proportional representation longer periods different composition short-term political popularity electing portions guard against freak landslide worthy opposition debate issues fair decisions government monitoring reform House of Lords legitimacy functions electing second chamber reject bills draft bills dynamic government change Proportional Representation longer periods different composition short-term popularity electing portions different times freak landslide balance worthy opposition House of Commons debate fair decisions government monitoring Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy functions electing second chamber stall bills reject draft bills dynamic government proportional representation longer periods composition short-term popularity electing portions landslide result opposition debate fairness government monitoring Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy improve functions elect second chamber stall bills reject draft bills dynamic government change electoral technique Proportional Representation longer periods different composition House of Commons short-term political popularity electing portions different times freak landslide balance worthy opposition debate decide fairly monitor government Reform House of Lords strengthen legitimacy improve functions elect second chamber reject draft bills dynamic government change electoral technique Proportional Representation longer periods different composition short-term popularity electing portions times guard freak landslide balance worthy opposition debate decide fairly monitor government
test-society-epiasghbf-con03a	Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. Who are the women?  Women are a diverse group, and the feminisation of labour has incorporated a range of women of different ages, race, socioeconomic backgrounds and education. Such intersectionalities are important to recognise, as not all women are empowered and the empowerment is not equal.  For example, a study by Atieno (2006) revealed female participation in the labour market was influenced by education. Human capital influenced the transition into work: who was able to access labour opportunities, and which ones. Therefore inequalities among women determine the degrees, and capability, of empowerment it is therefore not labour force participation that empowers but education. women feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment inequality education labour market human capital labour opportunities socioeconomic backgrounds race age Atieno 2006 female participation workforce capability degrees of empowerment women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age women feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment inequalities education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age Atieno 2006 labour opportunities capability empowerment degrees women diverse group feminisation of labour intersectionalities empowerment inequality education labour market participation human capital capability Atieno 2006 women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education labour market human capital participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age capability Atieno 2006 women feminisation of labour diverse group intersectionalities empowerment inequality education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age labour opportunities capability transition into work women diverse group feminisation of labour race socioeconomic backgrounds education intersectionalities empowerment inequality labour market human capital labour opportunities capability labour force participation Atieno 2006 female participation education influence transition into work women diversity feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education human capital labour market participation socioeconomic backgrounds race age Atieno 2006 labour opportunities capability diverse feminisation labour intersectionalities empowerment inequalities education human capital labour opportunities capability participation women feminisation of labour intersectionality empowerment inequality education human capital labour market socioeconomic backgrounds race age capability participation Atieno 2006
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con05a	A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. A UN standing army is unnecessary  A UN standing army is unnecessary; in many cases UN missions are very successful. In Guatemala for example, a UN peacekeeping mission was essential in enabling the conclusion of a decades-long civil war in 1997. When there are problems these are more to do with lengthy and difficult Security Council deliberations, inadequate mandates, etc. rather than how long it took to gather a force together. In Srebrenica for example, where thousands of Bosnian men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian troops, the problem was not the absence of peacekeepers on the ground, but an inadequate mandate to use force. The UN would be much better spending its efforts on setting up a proper peacekeeping department, and streamlining the UN as a whole. UN standing army UN missions UN peacekeeping Guatemala civil war Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica massacre Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops peacekeepers on the ground UN peacekeeping department streamlining the UN UN standing army unnecessary UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping civil war Security Council inadequate mandates Srebrenica Bosnian men Serbian troops peacekeepers absence force use UN peacekeeping department streamlining UN UN standing army unnecessary UN missions successful Guatemala peacekeeping mission civil war 1997 Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops absence of peacekeepers inadequate mandate use of force peacekeeping department streamlining UN reform UN standing army unnecessary UN missions successful Guatemala peacekeeping mission civil war Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops absence of peacekeepers inadequate mandate UN peacekeeping department streamlining UN UN standing army unnecessary UN missions success Guatemala peacekeeping civil war Security Council mandates Srebrenica Bosnian Serbian troops peacekeepers inadequate mandate force UN peacekeeping department streamline UN UN standing army UN missions Guatemala peacekeeping civil war conclusion Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica massacre Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops peacekeeping mandate UN peacekeeping department UN streamlining UN standing army unnecessary UN missions successful Guatemala peacekeeping mission civil war Security Council inadequate mandates Srebrenica Bosnian men Serbian troops absence of peacekeepers use of force proper peacekeeping department streamlining UN UN standing army unnecessary UN missions successful Guatemala civil war peacekeeping mission Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica Bosnian men boys Serbian troops peacekeepers inadequate mandate use of force proper peacekeeping department streamline UN UN standing army UN missions UN peacekeeping Guatemala civil war Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica massacre Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops peacekeeping department UN streamlining UN standing army UN missions Guatemala peacekeeping civil war conclusion Security Council deliberations inadequate mandates Srebrenica massacre Bosnian men and boys Serbian troops peacekeeper absence inadequate force mandate UN peacekeeping department UN streamlining
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con04a	"There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. There is no reason to strengthen China militarily  Lifting the arms ban will strengthen China militarily. The US fears less the Chinese purchase of EU weaponry and armour, than that the regime will get hold of advanced communications and control systems, as well as high-technology guidance systems, night-vision equipment, etc. [1] - all of which would make its existing military far more effective. Even if the EU is reluctant to sell such material to China, the possibility will give the Chinese leverage in negotiations with existing suppliers like Israel and Russia, who will feel under more pressure to sell China their most modern technology. In time, China's ability to ""reverse engineer"" high-technology equipment will also boost their own military research and development programmes. [2]  [1] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p16.   [2] Page, Jeremy, ‘China Clones, Sells Russian Fighter Jets’, 2010. China militarily arms ban US fears Chinese EU weaponry armour advanced communications control systems high-technology guidance systems night-vision equipment military effectiveness negotiations suppliers Israel Russia modern technology reverse engineering military research development programmes European Union arms embargo Clones Russian Fighter Jets China militarily strengthen arms ban US fears Chinese EU weaponry armour advanced communications control systems high-technology guidance night-vision equipment military effectiveness existing suppliers Israel Russia modern technology reverse engineering military research development European Union arms embargo Clones Russian Fighter Jets EU arms embargo China military strengthening advanced communications systems control systems high-technology guidance systems night-vision equipment Chinese military effectiveness EU arms sales Chinese leverage Israeli and Russian suppliers reverse engineering military research and development Chinese weaponry US concerns European Union policy Kristin Archick Jeremy Page strengthen China militarily lifting arms ban advanced communications systems high-technology guidance systems night-vision equipment Chinese military effectiveness EU weaponry Chinese negotiations existing suppliers military research development programmes reverse engineering Chinese leverage pressure on suppliers modern technology Chinese military capability military strengthening arms ban advanced communications control systems high-technology guidance night-vision equipment military effectiveness EU weaponry Chinese military purchases leverage in negotiations existing suppliers military research development programmes reverse engineering technological advancement military hardware international arms trade security concerns strategic implications technological transfer defense technology military modernization European Union United States China Russia Israel arms embargo military capability defense policy geopolitical tensions security studies international relations defense industry military technology strategic technology arms control defense cooperation military industrial complex technological espionage military China militarily arms ban advanced communications control systems high-technology guidance night-vision equipment EU weaponry US fears Chinese purchases military effectiveness negotiation leverage existing suppliers Israel Russia reverse engineering military research development programmes European Union arms embargo clones sells Russian fighter jets military strength arms ban EU weaponry advanced communications control systems guidance systems night-vision equipment military effectiveness Chinese military US concerns EU reluctance technology leverage military suppliers Israel Russia reverse engineering military research development programmes China cloning Russian fighter jets military strengthening arms ban China EU weaponry advanced communications control systems guidance systems night-vision equipment military effectiveness US fears Chinese purchases EU reluctance technology leverage military research development reverse engineering Russian technology Israeli suppliers modern technology military negotiations strengthen China militarily lifting arms ban EU weaponry advanced communications systems control systems high-technology guidance systems night-vision equipment Chinese military effectiveness negotiations with suppliers Israel Russia reverse engineering military research development programmes arms ban Chinese military EU weaponry advanced communications systems control systems high-technology guidance night-vision equipment US fears Chinese leverage military negotiations technology transfer reverse engineering military research development programmes Russian technology Israeli suppliers Chinese military strength international arms trade military effectiveness"
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-pro01a	Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. Just shock-tactics, at the cost of better art  Sometimes artists go too far in a bid to get their message across. Simply grabbing the headlines with shock tactics does not constitute art of the sort that should be receiving either public support or attention. It is important to recognise that public displays and funding of art are limited commodities, so every time one piece is chosen for an exhibition, or an artist is given money, this comes at the cost of other possible pieces of art. It is surely better to support those artists who have chosen to express their ideas and messages in a way that does not rely on simple attention-grabbing horror: it is surely more artistically meritorious to create a work that conveys its message in a way that rewards close attention and careful study, with layers of meaning and technique. shock-tactics public support artistic merit attention-grabbing horror limited commodities close attention careful study layers of meaning technique meritorious art public funding exhibition choices message conveyance artistic expression headline-grabbing artistic value impactful art thoughtful creation shock-tactics attention-grabbing public funding artistic merit close attention careful study layers of meaning technique public displays limited resources message conveyance horror headlines art quality support criteria artistic expression meritorious works superficial shock deep artistic value shock-tactics attention-grabbing public support artistic merit limited resources deeper meaning careful study artistic technique message conveyance exhibition choices funding priorities headline art meritorious art complex layers artistic expression shock-tactics better art artists going too far message across public support attention public displays funding of art limited commodities exhibition artist funding attention-grabbing horror artistically meritorious close attention careful study layers of meaning technique shock-tactics public support artistic merit attention-grabbing horror layers of meaning technique close attention careful study public displays funding limited commodities exhibition artistically meritorious message conveyance shock-tactics public support artistic merit attention-grabbing careful study layers of meaning limited commodities public funding artistic expression meritorious work shock-tactics art public support attention-grabbing horror artistically meritorious layers of meaning technique public funding exhibition limited commodities message conveyance close attention careful study shock-tactics public support artistic merit attention-grabbing horror limited commodities public funding artistic expression close attention careful study layers of meaning technique meritorious art public displays exhibition better art artistically valuable meaningful expression thoughtful art deep messaging shock-tactics art public support attention-grabbing headlines artistic merit close attention careful study layers of meaning technique limited commodities exhibitions funding public displays better art meritorious message horror artists recognition choices expression ideas shock-tactics better art public support attention-grabbing artistic merit close attention careful study layers of meaning technique public displays funding limited commodities artistically meritorious expressive ideas careful craftsmanship
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con03a	The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 The government has no right to prevent children from doing what they enjoy and are good at  Many child performers would undoubtedly protest if their right to perform were taken away from them, and justly so. This can be seen in quotes from the likes of Roddy McDowall, who said in an interview in 1963 that he “had a particularly wonderful time” as a child actor, [1] and would presumably have been quite upset had a ban been enforced in his lifetime. It is beyond the rights of the government to make illegal an opportunity that allows those talented on the stage, in front of a camera, on the pitch, etc. (who might well not be so strong in other, e.g., academic, areas) to make a living from doing what they do best.  Some child performers have also proved to be extremely business savvy – the ‘Olsen Twins’ have built a massive industry off of their Disney stardom.  [1] BBC News. ‘Actor McDowall dies aged 7 0 government regulation children's rights child performers artistic freedom child actors child labor laws talent expression Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child stardom business acumen entertainment industry performance rights legal constraints childhood development academic versus artistic skills child welfare legislative interference professional opportunities minors in media government rights children's rights child performers talent Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child actors child actresses child labor child employment entertainment industry child stardom business savvy academic performance government intervention legal restrictions child artistry child sports child rights advocacy performance rights 禁令影响 childhood achievements stage performers camera performers pitch performers government intervention children's rights child performers child actors talent expression legal restrictions Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins business acumen child stardom performance opportunities academic abilities entertainment industry child welfare legal rights professional development career choice government overreach child labor laws youth empowerment government rights child performers protest rights Roddy McDowall child actor experience ban enforcement talents on stage camera pitch academic performance Olsen Twins business savvy Disney stardom child labor laws performance opportunities child welfare governmental intervention young entertainers career impact government children rights performance child performers protest Roddy McDowall 1963 interview ban talent stage camera pitch living opportunities Olsen Twins business Disney stardom BBC News Actor McDowall dies aged 70 child performers government regulation talent expression Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins performance rights child actors child labor laws entertainment industry young talents stage performance child stardom business acumen academic abilities professional development legal restrictions childhood enjoyment talent showcase government intervention career opportunities government rights children's rights child performers performance rights Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child actor child actor rights talent business savvy child actors government intervention child welfare entertainment industry child labor laws young performers stage performers child stardom child talent child rights government children rights performance child performers Roddy McDowall prohibition talent stage camera pitch academic living Olsen Twins business savvy Disney stardom opportunity ban interview BBC News actor protest stage talent employment entertainment child labor legislation ethics minor career achievement success impact regulation freedom opportunity childhood exploitation welfare advocacy rights entertainment industry minors rights professional development support legal restrictions public policy debate discussion opinion quotes historical perspective government rights children's rights child performers Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child actors child talent performance rights child labor child stardom child entertainment child exploitation child employment child welfare legal restrictions young performers entertainment industry child actors' rights government intervention child保护 child performer protection child actor protection child talent protection child welfare laws child labor laws child employment laws child performer regulations child actor regulations child talent regulations child rights advocacy child performer advocacy child actor advocacy child talent advocacy young performer advocacy child rights movement child performers government intervention rights of children talented minors child actors Roddy McDowall Olsen Twins child entertainment rights child labor laws minors in entertainment child stardom child actor rights government restrictions on children child performers' protest business-savvy children child performance careers
test-economy-egiahbwaka-con02a	Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, Women are not the future for Africa’s economy  In the short to medium term women are unlikely to be the key to Africa’s economic future. Even in western economies, there is still a gap between genders at the workplace. Women are still paid less than men, there are more men CEO’s than women and so forth. This is likely to remain replicated in Africa for decades after there has been full acceptance that women should be treated equally as has happened in the west.  In some parts of Africa there are cultural reasons why women are unlikely to obtain a key role in the near future. In Egypt for example, where 90% of the populations is Muslim, women account for 24% of the labour force, even though they have the right to education. This is true across North Africa where women amount for less than 25% of the work force. [1] Just because there is clearly a large amount of potential being wasted here does not mean that is going to change. Women often have few political or legal rights and so are unlikely to be able to work as equals except in a very few professions such as nursing or teaching.  [1] International Labour Organisation, ‘Labour force, female (% of total labor force)’, data.worldbank.org, 2009-2013, gender equality women's participation economic development workforce diversity cultural barriers labor force statistics women's rights occupational segregation gender pay gap leadership roles female employment North Africa Egypt Muslim population political rights legal rights professional opportunities nursing teaching economic potential gender disparities international labor organization world bank data women Africa economy short-term medium-term gender gap workplace pay disparity male CEOs cultural barriers Muslim Egypt North Africa labor force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching International Labour Organisation World Bank women Africa economy short-term medium-term gender gap Western economies workplace inequality CEO cultural reasons North Africa Muslim labor force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching International Labour Organisation data.worldbank.org Women Africa economy short term medium term gender gap workplace CEO cultural reasons North Africa Muslim labour force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching potential change International Labour Organisation data.worldbank.org women Africa economy gender gap workplace equality cultural reasons Muslim labour force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching International Labour Organisation data.worldbank.org Women economy Africa short term medium term gender gap workplace pay CEOs cultural reasons North Africa Muslim education labor force political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching potential change International Labour Organisation data.worldbank.org women Africa economy workforce gender gap equality cultural reasons Muslim North Africa political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching International Labour Organisation labour force data.worldbank.org women Africa economy future workforce gender gap pay disparity leadership cultural factors North Africa Muslim labour force International Labour Organisation political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching gender equality economic development women in workforce labor force participation cultural barriers gender pay gap female education political rights legal rights professional opportunities North Africa Muslim population workforce statistics International Labour Organisation World Bank data Women Africa economy workforce gender gap equality cultural barriers Muslim North Africa political rights legal rights professions nursing teaching ILO World Bank
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-con02a	Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, Large influxes of migrants will create conflict in unprepared countries  It is regrettable that difference is a major source of conflict among humans with differences in religion and ethnicity having regularly been the source of conflicts household human history. While many countries have traditions of accepting migrants others don't and even those that are tolerant may not be prepared for a large influx of migrants.  This policy would bring about such an influx in those countries that take up the offer of aid for taking in migrants. A new community is likely to be labelled the ‘other’ by the natives of that country and be blamed for taking jobs and putting pressure on services. This happens because the newcomers are easy to blame and have few influential voices in the country to speak out in their defence.  Places with existing large migrant communities are less likely to experience anti immigrant hostility. Thus in India Delhi with 38.4% of the population immigrants (not just international) has less conflict thant Mumbai with 26.5%, and in the US New Mexico with a 45% Hispanic population has less anti-Hispanic sentiment than Florida with 21%. [1]  [1] ‘Causes of Conflict’, University of North Carolina, accessed 20 August 2015, migrants conflict unprepared countries differences religion ethnicity traditions large influx policy aid new community labeled natives jobs services newcomers influential voices existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic population anti-Hispanic sentiment Causes of Conflict University of North Carolina migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity traditions tolerance large influx policy aid new community natives jobs services blame influential voices existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility India Delhi Mumbai US New Mexico Florida Hispanic causes of conflict University of North Carolina migrants conflict unprepared countries difference conflict sources religion ethnicity traditions migrant acceptance large influx policy impact community labeling job competition service pressure migrant defense existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility population percentage conflict reduction Hispanic population anti-Hispanic sentiment migrant influx unprepared countries conflict sources human differences religion ethnicity migrant acceptance large influx consequences new community labeled 'other' job competition service pressure migrant defense existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic population conflict causes migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity traditions large influx policy new community 'other' natives jobs services blame influential voices migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic Causes of Conflict University of North Carolina migrant influx conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity migrant acceptance tolerance large influx policy community labeling job competition pressure on services blame influential voices existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic population conflict causes migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity history accepting migrants tolerance large influx policy aid new community other natives jobs services blame influential voices migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility India Delhi Mumbai United States New Mexico Hispanic Florida anti-Hispanic sentiment causes of conflict University of North Carolina migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity traditions large influx policy aid new community other natives jobs services newcomers influential voices existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic University of North Carolina Causes of Conflict migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity conflicts household human history accepting migrants large influx policy aid new community other natives jobs pressure on services newcomers influential voices migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic population anti-Hispanic sentiment Causes of Conflict University of North Carolina migrants conflict unprepared countries difference religion ethnicity traditions large influx policy aid new community other natives jobs services newcomers influential voices existing migrant communities anti-immigrant hostility Delhi Mumbai New Mexico Florida Hispanic causes of conflict University of North Carolina
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. copyright Creative Commons licensing attribution reuse public domain orphan works democratization globalization knowledge innovation creativity legal reform intellectual property information sharing cultural enrichment commercial availability printing press digital age access distribution contracts agreements default rights creator protections stagnation permission enrichment market of ideas commercial viability copyright infringement confusion availability historical works legal barriers public funding standardization normative force artistic works intellectual commons legal ownership reuse permissions legislative change societal benefit technological advancement cultural heritage access barriers legal default copyright harmful effects information spreading experience sharing current copyright law automatic rights creator protections full copyright protection restrictive reuse contracts agreements Creative Commons licenses publicly-funded works normalizing force copyright alteration creator rights attribution for-profit deals distributors absolute control reuse consideration stagnation special permissions art forms creative commons licensing greater access enrichment orphan works unknown ownership copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercial viability democratization globalization knowledge printing press copyright duration creativity public domain intellectual property legal reform cultural heritage digital copyright Creative Commons default rights information spreading experience sharing copyright law rights assignment reuse restrictions contracts agreements public funding legal standard default settings absolute control content creation stagnation permissions access works enrichment orphan works copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercial viability democratization globalization printing press shorter copyright creativity freedom default copyright harmful spreading information restrictive reuse rights creative commons licenses public funding copyright protection attribution creators for-profit deals creator control work reuse stagnation permissions orphan works copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercial viability democratization globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom Creative Commons copyright reform intellectual property public domain orphan works copyright law information dissemination cultural enrichment democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge copyright protection creator rights licensing schemes fair use open access copyright infringement commercial viability printing press access to information legal standards default settings reuse rights attribution non-commercial use for-profit deals legislative change information stagnation knowledge sharing creative output legal barriers public funding artistic works enrichment of society legal protection innovation digital age cultural heritage public interest legal framework creative reuse traditional copyright default copyright harmful spreading information creator rights automatic full protection restrictive reuse Creative Commons licenses public-funded works attribution creator for-profit deals absolute control creator considerations reuse stagnation art forms greater access orphan works copyright infringement knowledge languishing commercial viability democratization knowledge globalization ideas printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom copyright Creative Commons default settings reuse attribution orphan works commercial availability democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright infringement creator protections public-funded works restrictive reuse knowledge enrichment creative output legal rights automatic copyright copyright law contracts agreements non-commercial use licensing scheme information spreading experience sharing artistic works cultural heritage digital age intellectual property public domain innovative use collaboration access to information economic barriers cultural enrichment legal reform copyright term access barriers knowledge stagnation permission barriers literary works artistic expressions technological default copyright harmful spreading information automatic rights creator protections restrictive reuse creative commons licenses publicly-funded works attribution creator for-profit deals absolute control reuse stagnation orphan works copyright infringement commercially viable knowledge enrichment democratization globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom default copyright harmful spreading information automatic rights creator full copyright protection restrictive reuse creative commons licenses public-funded works normalization copyright creator protections attribution creator for-profit deals absolute control creation stagnation special permissions greater access orphan works unknown ownership copyright infringement knowledge creative output copyright ownership confusion commercially viable available works democratization globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright free creativity Creative Commons licensing copyright law public domain orphan works attribution non-commercial use democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge information spreading copyright infringement default copyright restrictive copyright full copyright protection commercial viability printing press knowledge enrichment creative output legal reform information access cultural heritage digital rights management fair use intellectual property public funding artistic works legal agreements content distribution knowledge stagnation creator rights user rights legal default legal standards copyright duration creative commons licenses information reuse copyright ownership commercial availability market of ideas copyright reform intellectual
test-international-gmehwasr-con03a	Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Unforeseeable consequences  We do not know where arming the rebels will lead. The most obvious parallel has to be Afghanistan in the 1980s where the United States armed the mujahideen and succeeded in their objective of damaging the USSR through a war of attrition much as the US had suffered in Vietnam. Afghanistan became an albatross around the Soviet Union’s neck. [1] But the US did not win the peace, Afghanistan descended into civil conflict which had a Taliban victory that sheltered Osama bin Laden; US arms in Afghanistan unintentionally lead more than a decade later to September 11. In this case we would be arming a movement that has many jihadi elements that could end up with the weaponry. Other countries such as Turkey are also worried about where powerful weapons such as anti aircraft missiles could end up if provided to the rebels. They fear they could easily find their way across the border to militant Kurds. [2] Other paths that this could lead to are just as bad; for example helping the Libyan rebels lead to the conflict in Mali. [3] In this case the short term consequences could be just as bad. Arming the Sunnis could provoke retaliation from either Iran or Hezbollah who could feel undermined by the move, in the worst case scenario they could even attack western assets in the area. [4]  [1] Hoffman, David E., The Dead Hand: Reagan, Gorbachev and the Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race, Icon Books Ltd, 2011, p.211  [2] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013  [3] Jones, Owen, ‘The war in Libya was seen as a success, now here we are engaging with the blowback in Mali’, The Independent, 13 January 2013  [4] Yacoubian, Mona, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan mujahideen Soviet Union Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements weaponry Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali Sunni Iran Hezbollah western assets blowback conflict escalation international relations Middle East politics Cold War arms race Reagan Gorbachev proxy wars terrorism insurgency civil conflict state sponsorship of terrorism military intervention geopolitical consequences regional stability unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s United States mujahideen USSR Vietnam Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements Turkey anti aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya rebels Mali short term consequences Iran Hezbollah western assets blowback Syria Mona Yacoubian Emile Hokayem David E. Hoffman Owen Jones unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s US foreign policy mujahideen Soviet Union Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali conflict escalation Sunni arming Iran Hezbollah western assets regional stability blowback international relations Cold War arms race Reagan Gorbachev proxy wars civil conflict weapons proliferation political instability military intervention unintended outcomes unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s US mujahideen USSR Vietnam civil conflict Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libyan rebels conflict in Mali arming Sunnis Iran Hezbollah attack western assets Cold War arms race Syria blowback international security foreign intervention regional stability Unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan mujahideen USSR Vietnam Soviet Union Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali Sunnis Iran Hezbollah western assets Cold War arms race Syria blowback regional stability international relations terrorist groups weapon proliferation Middle East conflicts historical parallels strategic decisions geopolitical risks peacekeeping security studies military aid humanitarian intervention policy analysis Arms control political violence insurgency state sponsorship terrorism international security foreign Unforeseeable consequences arming rebels historical parallels Afghanistan mujahideen Soviet Union Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali Sunni Iran Hezbollah western assets blowback Mona Yacoubian Emile Hokayem Owen Jones David E. Hoffman The Dead Hand Cold War arms race Roundtable Foreign Policy The Independent unforeseeable consequences arming rebels Afghanistan 1980s US-Afghanistan relations mujahideen Soviet Union Vietnam War Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements weaponry Turkey Kurdish militants anti-aircraft missiles Libya conflict Mali conflict Sunni rebels Iran Hezbollah Western assets regional retaliation Cold War arms race foreign policy Syria blowback international relations militant groups civil conflict unforeseeable consequences arming rebels historical parallels Afghanistan 1980s US arming mujahideen Soviet Union war of attrition Vietnam US arms Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libyan rebels conflict in Mali arming Sunnis Iran Hezbollah western assets regional instability long-term repercussions short-term consequences international relations Middle East arms proliferation security concerns foreign policy historical consequences military intervention unintended outcomes political violence militant groups Unforeseeable consequences arming rebels historical parallels Afghanistan 1980s US arming mujahideen Soviet Union war of attrition Vietnam Taliban victory Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements weapon proliferation Turkey border concerns militant Kurds Libya Mali conflict short-term consequences Sunni arming Iran retaliation Hezbollah western assets Cold War arms race Syrian conflict foreign policy blowback regional security international relations Unforeseeable consequences arming rebels historical parallels Afghanistan 1980s mujahideen USSR Taliban Osama bin Laden September 11 jihadi elements weapons proliferation Turkey anti-aircraft missiles militant Kurds Libya Mali Sunni Iran Hezbollah western assets retaliation blowback Cold War arms race Syrian conflict foreign intervention regional stability international relations security studies militant groups non-state actors military assistance geopolitical consequences
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con02a	"It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, It is a basic principle of journalism that sources should be checked and verified by another, independent, source.  British Foreign Secretary William Hague has pointed out that the actions of Wikileaks put British lives at risk. [1] Congressman Peter King described the mass leaking of documents as “Worse even than a physical attack” on America and Assange as “an enemy combatant”. [2] Vice-President Joe Biden refers to him as a “High-tech terrorist.” [3]  He has condemned governments, endangered operations and undermined diplomatic activities, all without knowing the identity or motives of his sources. For all we know the information could be quite false or released only in part by someone with an axe to grind. Those parties who are damned by the revelations are hardly in a position to say, “No that isn’t one of our cables and here’s the real one to prove it.""  Furthermore, as the site itself proudly proclaims, it has no way of knowing who the source is and, therefore, no way of knowing the accuracy of the information published beyond the educated guesswork of their editorial staff [4] . Who is it making these guesses? It is impossible to say as only Assange’s name is associated with the site.  It’s an interesting exercise – how many other Editors-in-Chief could you name? How many star reporters can you name? Wikileaks must be the only media organisation – or such is its claim – where the only name that is widely known is that of the publisher.  It is a fairly basic principle of journalism that not only should more than one person know the identity of the source but that the information should be possible to ratify. To prove the confidence that journalist has in the source, they are prepared to put their name to it.  Assange cannot say whether he has confidence in the sources because he has no way of telling whether that is really a person with access to information or whether it is the agent of and unfriendly power, a disaffected employee or is simply making the whole thing up  [1] BBC News, 'Julian Assange ready to meet police says his lawyer', 7 December 2010,   [2] James, Frank, 'Wikileaks Is A Terror Outfit: Rep. Peter King', NPR, 29 November 2010,   [3] The Sydney Morning Herald, 'Joe Biden calls Julian Assange a 'hi-tech terrorist', 20 December 2010,   [4] The Slate. “The Wikileaks Paradox: Is Radical Transparency Compatible with Total Anonymity?” Farhad Manjoo. 28 July 2010, journalism source verification William Hague British Foreign Secretary Wikileaks Julian Assange Peter King Joe Biden high-tech terrorist leaked documents diplomatic activities editorial staff journalism principles source identity information accuracy editor-in-chief media organization ratified information journalist confidence unfriendly power disaffected employee misinformation radical transparency total anonymity journalism principles source verification independent sources British Foreign Secretary William Hague WikiLeaks risks Congressman Peter King enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist government condemnation diplomatic undermining source identity information accuracy Julian Assange media organization journalist confidence source ratification unfriendly power disaffected employee information fabrication BBC News NPR The Sydney Morning Herald The Slate Farhad Manjoo Wikileaks Paradox radical transparency total anonymity journalism source verification William Hague Wikileaks British lives Peter King physical attack Julian Assange enemy combatant Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments diplomatic activities source identity motives information accuracy editorial staff guesses publishers media organization journalism principles source confidence hostile power disaffected employee fraud journalism principles source verification independent sources British Foreign Secretary William Hague Wikileaks British lives at risk Congressman Peter King enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments endangered operations undermined diplomacy unknown sources inaccurate information source motives WikiLeaks editorial staff Assange media organization Editors-in-Chief star reporters journalist confidence unfriendly power disaffected employee information fabrication journalism source verification independent sources British Foreign Secretary William Hague Wikileaks British lives at risk Congressman Peter King Worse than a physical attack Julian Assange enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments endangered operations undermined diplomacy source identity source motives information accuracy editorial staff guesswork Editors-in-Chief star reporters media organization basic journalism principles journalist confidence source access unfriendly power disaffected employee making things up journalism principles source verification independent sources British Foreign Secretary William Hague Wikileaks British lives at risk Congressman Peter King mass leaking documents worse than physical attack Assange enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments endangered operations undermined diplomacy unknown sources motives false information partial releases axe to grind Wikileaks editorial staff educated guesswork editors-in-chief star reporters media organization source ratification journalist confidence source identity unfriendly power disaffected employee making up information journalism source verification independent source British Foreign Secretary William Hague risk to British lives Congressman Peter King physical attack enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments endangered operations undermined diplomacy source identity source motives information accuracy editorial staff educated guesswork Editors-in-Chief star reporters media organization Julian Assange police meeting Wikileaks paradox radical transparency total anonymity unfriendly power disaffected employee misinformation journalism source verification independent source British Foreign Secretary William Hague British lives risk Congressman Peter King physical attack enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments endangered operations undermined diplomacy false information axe to grind Wikileaks Julian Assange editor-in-chief star reporters media organization confidence in sources unfriendly power disaffected employee radical transparency total anonymity journalism source verification independent sources British Foreign Secretary William Hague British lives risk Congressman Peter King physical attack enemy combatant Vice-President Joe Biden high-tech terrorist condemned governments diplomatic activities source identity motives information accuracy educated guesswork editorial staff Editors-in-Chief star reporters media organization Julian Assange BBC News NPR The Sydney Morning Herald The Slate Farhad Manjoo Wikileaks Julian Assange Parsons radical transparency total anonymity journalism source verification independent sourcing William Hague British Foreign Secretary Julian Assange Wikileaks Peter King Joe Biden enemy combatant high-tech terrorist diplomatic activities source identity editorial staff journalist confidence media organization transparency anonymity radical transparency Farhad Manjoo Slate Wikileaks paradox"
test-international-gsciidffe-pro01a	Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 Advancing national interests  A nation’s foreign policy should be primarily concerned with advancing the national interest. By the national interest we mean promoting the interest of the nation as a whole rather than any of its subnational groups; whether this is building up the state's military power to protect its citizens through alliances or military bases, benefiting the nation's economy through trade deals, or encouraging the creation of friendly governments around the globe. [1] Circumventing censorship helps obtain this last objective for democracies by encouraging peoples in autocracies to find their own voice and push for democracy; a system of government that is more compatible to other democracies. Ultimately this will also provide other benefits; friendly governments with similar political systems are more likely to create trade agreements with each other so providing economic benefits, in the 1990s the volume of trade between a democracy and autocracy was on average 40% less than two democracies. [2] Equally importantly democracies do not fight other democracies so helping to create stability. [3]  [1] Realism emphasises the alliances bit, Liberalism the economic self interest, and constructivists spreading values. Walt, Stephen M, “International Relations: One World, Many Theories”, Foreign Policy, Spring 1998,   [2] Mansfield, Edward D., et al., “Free to Trade: Democracies, Autocracies, and International Trade”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2,  p.318  [3] Rousseau, David L., et al., “Assessing the Dayadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-88”, The American Political Science Review, Vol.90, No.3,  p.515 advancing national interests foreign policy national interest state's military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits democratic peace realism liberalism constructivism political values international relations alliances military bases subnational groups global stability democratic nations autocracies trade agreements political systems international trade democracies autocracies war prevention government systems political compatibility national interests foreign policy state's military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits political stability realism liberalism constructivism democratic peace international trade autocracies democracies alliances military bases subnational groups global interests government systems political systems trade agreements economic self-interest spreading values international relations democratic governance non-aggression security studies political science international politics global governance foreign relations national security economic policy political theory state sovereignty international community global cooperation peace studies international alliances strategic national interests foreign policy military power trade deals friendly governments democracies autocracies censorship economic benefits political stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations democratic peace trade agreements security alliances military bases economic self-interest spreading values dayadic nature political systems economic growth global security state sovereignty diplomatic relations international trade democratic governance autocratic regimes trade volume conflict prevention peace studies international cooperation global politics security studies political science international affairs peacekeeping diplomacy state security economic sanctions global governance political alliances advancing national interests foreign policy national interest subnational groups military power alliances military bases economic benefits trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship democracies autocracies political voice democracy economic agreements trade volume stability realism liberalism constructivists international relations political theories democratic peace dyadic nature conflict avoidance state security global governance strategic alliances economic interdependence political values international trade democratic norms governmental systems policy objectives national security global stability economic growth international cooperation political stability governmental alliances trade policies national interests foreign policy state's military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits political stability realism liberalism constructivism democratic peace theory international trade autocracies democracies alliances military bases subnational groups global governance international relations security studies political economy democratic values state sovereignty human rights non-proliferation terrorism soft power hard power diplomatic relations global security economic sanctions international organizations United Nations World Trade Organization NATO European Union international law global governance international cooperation national interest foreign policy military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits political stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations democratic peace autocracies democracies trade agreements political systems global alliances state security economic growth ideological spread non-aggression mutual benefits governance improvement strategic partnerships international cooperation security alliances diplomatic relations political influence cultural exchange human rights sovereignty global governance peaceful coexistence regional stability economic integration military alliances defense pacts intelligence sharing diplomatic immunity strategic locations national interests foreign policy state's military power economic benefits trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy political systems trade agreements realism liberalism constructivism international relations democratic peace stability autocracies democracies economic self-interest spreading values alliances military bases subnational groups global interests democratic compatibility trade volume conflict avoidance political stability international trade government systems diplomacy security economic growth political influence global governance international cooperation international security geopolitical strategy democratic transition state security international economics political science democratic governance national interests foreign policy state's military power economic benefits friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy trade agreements political stability realism liberalism constructivism economic self-interest spreading values democratic peace international relations alliances military bases subnational groups global democracy autocracies democracies trade volume political systems governmental stability international trade non-aggression democratic nations autocratic nations global governance foreign alliances policy objectives national security global economics democratic values international cooperation political influence global stability trade policies international security national sovereignty national interests foreign policy state's military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits political stability realism liberalism constructivism international relations democratic peace theory trade agreements autocracies democracies military alliances global security promoting values economic self-interest spreading values international trade political systems global governance human rights international law peacebuilding conflict resolution geopolitical strategy soft power hard power state sovereignty international cooperation global economics diplomatic relations national security democratic governance authoritarian regimes civil society international organizations global national interest foreign policy military power trade deals friendly governments circumventing censorship promoting democracy economic benefits democratic peace realism liberalism constructivism international relations political stability alliances subnational groups state's military global governance autocracies democracies economic self-interest spreading values trade agreements political systems international security global stability democratic governance international trade political science democratic peace theory international relations theories global politics foreign relations democratic states autocratic states international cooperation security alliances economic diplomacy political values international order global democracy
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-con02a	Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. Lack of trust  The problem is that when it comes to privacy it is not really our personal physical security that we are worried about. Part of the problem is that we value our right to a private life and that we should have control over that to the extent of being able to decide how much information others know about us. To a large extent this is an issue of trust; we (sometimes wrongly) trust our friends and others with information about us. We often trust faceless entities; companies and governments too though usually to less of an extent. But a lot of that trust is as a result of their willingness to tell us what they know about us, to provide information in return, or to provide methods for us to restrict what they know. In cases like this that trust has not been earned; we were not asked, and not obviously given anything back, and there seems little change of us changing the terms of the relationship. privacy personal security private life information control trust friends entities companies governments transparency data sharing user consent relationship terms accountability privacy personal security private life control information trust friends entities companies governments transparency information sharing data control consent relationship terms earned trust privacy personal security private life control information trust friends faceless entities companies governments transparency information sharing data control earned trust consent relationship terms data privacy user consent data transparency corporate trust government surveillance Lack of trust privacy concerns personal physical security right to private life control over personal information issue of trust trust in friends trust in entities trust in companies trust in governments willingness to disclose information methods to restrict information trust not earned lack of consent transparency in data sharing changing relationship terms privacy personal security private life information control trust friends entities companies governments data disclosure transparency informed consent relationship terms privacy rights information sharing digital trust user autonomy data protection ethical data use privacy personal security private life control over information trust friends faceless entities companies governments information disclosure methods to restrict information trust not earned relationship terms privacy personal security private life information control trust friends entities companies governments information sharing transparency consent relationship terms data protection personal data digital privacy informational self-determination corporate trust government surveillance privacy personal security private life control information sharing trust friends faceless entities companies governments transparency data control informed consent relationship terms trustworthiness privacy personal security private life information control trust friends faceless entities companies governments information transparency data control trustworthiness informed consent relationship terms data privacy digital trust user empowerment data protection privacy rights corporate responsibility privacy personal security private life information control trust friends entities companies governments data sharing transparency informed consent relationship terms information restriction
test-education-egtuscpih-con02a	Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. Online courses make it impossible to ensure academic honesty  With online courses, unlike with actual tests and lectures, there is no way to ensure the person is not cheating on the other side of the screen. There is no way to ensure that essays and papers are written by people who will be getting degrees, and especially that tests and examinations are taken by the people who will be getting the degrees. But even if they are the same people, there is no way to prevent cheating during tests and examinations, as people can just have the cheat sheets in front of them and there are no supervisors to stop them from doing so. The crucial point about university degrees is that they ensure that the person is the professional. With online courses, that is not possible, which undermines the whole idea of the university degree. online courses academic honesty cheating supervision test integrity degree validity professional certification online assessments examination monitoring remote learning challenges educational standards degree authenticity virtual classroom ethics academic integrity online education drawbacks degree credibility exam supervision cheating prevention virtual proctoring remote examination methods online courses academic honesty cheating online tests online lectures essay writing degree authenticity supervised exams professional integrity degree value online education challenges academic integrity remote learning examination supervision educational quality degree credibility online courses academic honesty cheating prevention supervision degree integrity remote learning educational assessment exam monitoring plagiarism detection virtual proctoring academic credentials educational technology student authentication learning outcomes academic standards online education challenges degree validity academic ethics remote invigilation honor code online testing educational quality degree value professional competence academic fraud online assessment methods degree authentication online learning platforms academic misconduct virtual classroom online course design academic integrity measures online exam security academic performance educational innovation higher education digital learning academic governance online degree programs remote online courses academic honesty cheating supervision integrity degree validity professional assurance online assessment examination security educational credentials remote learning challenges academic fraud test integrity digital supervision online proctoring academic trust degree credibility learning authenticity online education issues academic standards online courses academic honesty cheating supervising essays papers tests examinations degrees professionals university online learning integrity authentication education remote testing academic integrity supervision plagiarism examination malpractice online courses academic honesty cheating online tests online lectures essays papers degrees supervision cheat sheets university degrees professional integrity academic integrity online education assessment reliability degree authenticity educational standards remote learning academic fraud supervisory presence examination integrity online courses academic honesty cheating supervision integrity university degrees professionalism distance learning examination integrity educational assessment academic credentials online education challenges student authentication academic fraud virtual supervision digital academic integrity online testing degree validity professional competence academic standards online courses academic honesty cheating supervisors university degrees professional integrity examinations essays papers cheat sheets educational integrity remote learning academic credentials online supervision digital proctoring honor code academic authenticity learning assurance degree validity online assessment online courses academic honesty cheating remote learning supervision integrity degree validity professional assurance examination monitoring virtual classrooms honor code plagiarism detection educational technology online proctoring test security academic credentials learning outcomes student authentication educational assessment quality assurance online courses academic honesty cheating prevention supervised exams degree integrity virtual proctoring honor code educational technology remote learning academic credentials online education challenges student authentication exam integrity digital learning academic assessment online test security educational standards online learning environment academic trust degree validity
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con05a	"Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, Attempting to impose democracy may escalate conflict.  Intervening in a country, and attempting to impose a different government, is likely to a) result in backlash and b) destabilize the country by destroying infrastructure and disrupting services. Both these things make it far more likely that violent conflict will emerge, either between the country and the imposers, or within the country, as rival factions are forced to compete for scarce resources and rights protection. Iraq is a prime example of intervention causing a civil war. The previous gulf war combined with sanctions and weeks of bombing destroyed Iraq's infrastructure resulting in what General Odierno called 'societal devastation'1 and the disbanding of the army and debaathification forced the experienced administrators who ran the country out of their jobs.(Kane, 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', 2011) The result was the attempt to impose democracy was bloody and only partially successful.  1 Parrish, Karen, ""Odierno, Crocker: Iraq's Future Still Hinges on U.S. Support"", American Forces Press Service, November 15, 2010,  2 Kane, Sean., 'Don't repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya', ForeignPolicy.com, April 27, 2011, democracy conflict intervention government backlash destabilize infrastructure services violent conflict civil war Iraq Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation disbanding army debaathification administrators mistakes Libya partial success imposing democracy conflict escalation government intervention backlash country destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq example gulf war sanctions bombing societal devastation disbanding army debaathification experienced administrators Don't repeat mistakes Libya partial success Sean Kane Foreign Policy Karen Parrish American Forces Press Service democracy imposition conflict escalation intervention backlash government destabilization infrastructure destruction services disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq example societal devastation army disbanding debaathification experienced administrators resource competition rights protection bloody imposition partial success foreign policy Libya comparison U.S. support Karen Parrish General Odierno Sean Kane ForeignPolicy.com Gulf War sanctions weeks of bombing Iraq's future imposing democracy escalation of conflict intervention consequences backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq gulf war sanctions bombing societal devastation disbanding army debaathification experienced administrators bloodshed partial success Iraq intervention Libya foreign policy General Odierno Sean Kane Karen Parrish American Forces Press Service ForeignPolicy.com democracy imposition conflict escalation government intervention backlash country destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq societal devastation army disbanding debaathification ForeignPolicy.com Sean Kane Karen Parrish American Forces Press Service U.S. support Libya partial success resource competition rights protection imposing democracy escalating conflict intervention consequences government imposition backlash country destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq example societal devastation disbanding army debaathification experienced administrators bloody imposition partial success foreign intervention policy mistakes international relations military intervention political instability resource competition rights protection Gulf War sanctions bombing impact societal impact Karen Parrish General Odierno Sean Kane Libya context ForeignPolicy.com American Forces Press Service democracy conflict intervention government backlash destabilization infrastructure services violent conflict civil war Iraq societal devastation disbanding army debaathification administrators bloodshed partial success Libya mistakes U.S. support Karen Parrish General Odierno Sean Kane ForeignPolicy.com democracy conflict escalation intervention government imposition backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq Gulf War sanctions bombing societal devastation army disbanding debaathification experienced administrators mistakes Libya partial success foreign policy military intervention political instability resource competition rights protection democracy imposition conflict escalation government intervention backlash country destabilization infrastructure destruction service disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq societal devastation army disbanding debaathification experienced administrators partial success U.S. support ForeignPolicy.com Sean Kane Karen Parrish Odierno Crocker democracy imposition conflict escalation government intervention backlash destabilization infrastructure destruction services disruption violent conflict civil war Iraq example societal devastation army disbanding debaathification administrative displacement partial success U.S. support foreign policy Kuwait Libya comparison resource competition rights protection"
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-pro03a	There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. There is a duty for a broadcaster that is not dependent on either commercial or state funding to give a platform to controversial works of art.  The BBC is in an unusual position, simply because of its funding structure, to promote new or challenging works of art. The licence fee means that it is freed of many of the pressures brought to bear by either commercial or political masters. Although it has never taken that to mean it has a carte blanche, it does allow for opportunities simply not available to many broadcasters in terms showcasing new works of art and encouraging creative development.  The BBC’s global audience in 2007 was 233 million [i] . That audience provides some context for the 1,500 who actively protested this particular broadcast.  It seems reasonable to suggest that many of those millions follow the BBC because they trust the Corporation’s approach of providing the widest possible range of output and opinion. For such an organisation to capitulate to a prudish group – who were outside BBC venues at the time so couldn’t have seen the broadcast – would be a huge betrayal of that trust.  [i] BBC News Website. “BBC Global Audience Hits New High”. 21 May 2007. public service broadcaster editorial independence artistic freedom cultural diversity media regulation audience trust broadcast standards censorship creative industries public funding media landscape international reach viewer engagement content variety artistic expression cultural dialogue protest response media ethics broadcasting policy stakeholder influence BBC broadcaster funding commercial state controversial works of art licence fee pressures commercial pressures political pressures new works creative development global audience protest trust output opinion prudish capitulate betrayal duty broadcaster funding commercial state controversial works of art BBC licence fee pressures commercial political masters new challenging creative development global audience protest trust Corporation output opinion prudish group capitulate betrayal BBC broadcaster controversial art licence fee commercial funding state funding creative development global audience protest trust prudish group widest range output opinion capitulate betrayal duty broadcaster non-commercial non-state funding platform controversial art BBC unique position funding-structure licence-fee pressures commercial political masters carte-blanche opportunities showcasing new works art creative development global audience protest trust corporation approach range output opinion capitulate prudish group betrayal BBC broadcaster funding structure controversial works of art licence fee commercial pressures political pressures showcasing new works creative development global audience protest trust prudish group capitulate betrayal widest range of output opinion broadcasting public service artistic freedom controversial art BBC licence fee non-commercial non-state global audience creative development public trust protest censorship range of output opinion diversity prudish group betrayal of trust BBC broadcaster duty controversial art funding structure licence fee new works creative development global audience protest trust prudish group betrayal range of output opinion BBC broadcaster funding controversial art licence fee commercial pressures political pressures creative development global audience protest trust censorship public service range of output opinion prudish group capitulation betrayal broadcasting BBC funding controversial art creative development licence fee commercial funding state funding global audience protest trust censorship artistic freedom public service broadcasting editorial independence viewer expectations diverse content programming decisions prudish groups broadcast regulations audience trust media impact cultural responsibility
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro04a	"Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 Quota-led gender equality in executive boards will help shape a gender sensitive and highly performing business environment.  There are many reports showing that there is a positive correlation between the number of women on high positions and the companies’ performance. A report from The McKinsey Organizational Health Index (OHI) argues that companies with three or more women in top positions (executive committee and higher) scored higher than their peers. Companies that score highly on all the OHI measures have also shown superior financial performance. [1]  This is often related to the high overall education level of women on boards. In Norway, there has been some advancement in firms’ human capital as a result of the quotas, [2] which may result in increased profits in the future due to the increasing number of well educated women.  Female managers tend to promote a communal and collaborative style of leadership that can improve a company’s performance and work culture. Organizations with women in top leadership positions are also more likely to provide work-life assistance to all employees. [3] Norwegian scholars have found that the increased number of women on boards has led to more focused and strategic decision-making, increased communication, and decreased conflict. [4] In fact, many successful business women, such as Sheryl Sandberg, also argue that more women in business could change business ethics and the male-associated image of successful business model that will bring competitive advantages to companies and thus, to the EU economies. [5]  [1] Barsh, Joanna, and Lareina Yee. ""Unlocking the Full Potential of Women in the US Economy."" McKinsey & Company. N.p., 2011. Web .  [2] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013  [3] Matos, Kenneth, and Galinsky, Ellen, “2012 National Study of Employers”, Families and Work Institute, 2012, p.45  [4] Sweigart, Anne. ""Women on Board for Change: The Norway Model of Boardroom Quotas As a Tool For Progress in the United States and Canada."" Northwestern Journal of International Law & Business 32.4, 2012  [5] Sandberg, Sheryl, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead, New York, 2013 gender equality executive boards business performance women in leadership quotas McKinsey Organizational Health Index financial performance well-educated women human capital communal leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making business ethics competitive advantage EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In gender equality executive boards business performance women in leadership quotas McKinsey Organizational Health Index human capital work-life balance strategic decision-making business ethics Sheryl Sandberg Lean In Norway model boardroom quotas EU economies female managers collaborative leadership superior financial performance education level corporate governance diversity in leadership competitive advantages women on boards leadership styles organizational health corporate social responsibility gender diversity women's empowerment corporate culture organizational performance EU business environment Quota-led gender equality executive boards business environment women high positions company performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index top positions executive committee human capital education level female managers communal leadership collaborative leadership work-life assistance focused decision-making strategic decision-making decreased conflict business ethics competitive advantages EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In Norway model boardroom quotas United States Canada quota-led gender equality executive boards gender-sensitive business environment women in high positions company performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index women in top positions financial performance education level of women on boards Norway quotas firms’ human capital increased profits female managers communal leadership collaborative leadership company performance work culture work-life assistance strategic decision-making increased communication decreased conflict successful business women Sheryl Sandberg business ethics male-associated image competitive advantages EU economies Quota-led gender equality executive boards business environment women in high positions company performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index women in top positions superior financial performance high education level women on boards human capital increased profits female managers communal leadership collaborative leadership work-life assistance strategic decision-making decreased conflict business ethics male-associated image competitive advantages EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In Women in Business Norway Model Boardroom Quotas quota-led gender equality executive boards business performance women high positions McKinsey Organizational Health Index superior financial performance women top positions human capital advancement work-life assistance strategic decision-making female leadership communal leadership business ethics competitive advantages EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In Norway model boardroom quotas United States Canada Quota-led gender equality executive boards gender-sensitive business environment women in high positions company performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index women in top positions superior financial performance education level of women Norwegian quotas human capital advancement female managers collaborative leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making decreased conflict business ethics male-associated business model EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In workforce diversity gender quotas corporate governance women leadership organizational health financial success inclusive work culture gender diversity business performance corporate leadership women representation economic benefits gender parity professional development quota-led gender equality executive boards business performance women in leadership McKinsey Organizational Health Index female leadership work-life balance strategic decision-making communication conflict reduction Sheryl Sandberg competitive advantages EU economies Lean In women on boards Norway model boardroom quotas human capital education level collaborative leadership superior financial performance communal leadership style successful business women male-associated business model organizational health female managers top positions work culture increased profits advanced firms female representation business ethics women's leadership impact economy competitiveness gender equality executive boards business performance women in leadership quotas McKinsey Organizational Health Index female managers work-life balance decision-making leadership style competitive advantages Sheryl Sandberg Norway model boardroom quotas EU economies educational level human capital strategic leadership communication conflict reduction quota-led gender equality executive boards business environment women high positions company performance McKinsey Organizational Health Index OHI female leadership education level Norway human capital profits female managers communal leadership work-life balance decision-making business ethics competitive advantages EU economies Sheryl Sandberg Lean In Kenneth Matos Ellen Galinsky Anne Sweigart women on board Norway model boardroom quotas United States Canada"
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, default economic recovery Greece recession debt Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses austerity measures defaulting Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis Greek economy financial stability economic growth international market economic factors policy freedom economic strategy financial default economic conditions fiscal policy economic uncertainty economic challenges economic solutions economic benefits economic impact economic consequences economic discussions economic perspectives economic analysis financial strategies economic predictions economic forecasts economic default economic recovery Greece Eurozone recession devaluation monetary policy exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses austerity measures corporate tax regulations Pettifor Lapavitsas BBC News The Guardian default economic recovery recession Greek economy debt defaulting Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures foreign investors local businesses risk financial stability fresh start economic growth international market economic factors Argentina Greece Pettifor Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis single currency economic analysis economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt default Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness exports investment tourism economic uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses fiscal policy ann pettifor costas lapavitsas eurozone crisis defaulting economic recovery Greek economy recession debt Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism unpredictability uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses austerity measures corporate tax regulations fresh start Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis Greece single currency BBC News The Guardian Greece default economic recovery recession monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses Eurozone economic growth Argentina Pettifor Lapavitsas BBC News The Guardian defaulting economic recovery Greek economy recession debt Eurozone monetary policy devaluation currency competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty unpredictability austerity measures corporate tax regulations foreign investors local businesses fresh start Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis BBC News The Guardian default economic recovery Greek economy recession defaulting Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness exports investment tourism economic uncertainty foreign investors local businesses austerity measures corporate tax regulations risk fear fresh start Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis Greece BBC News The Guardian economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty unpredictability risk foreign investors local businesses Eurozone crisis Greece single currency Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses eurozone crisis economic growth sovereign debt financial stability market confidence
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro05a	You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. You cannot own an idea, and thus cannot hold patents, especially to vital drugs  An individual's idea, so long as it rests solely in his mind or is kept safely hidden, belongs to him. When he disseminates it to everyone and makes it public, it becomes part of the public domain, and belongs to anyone who can use it. If individuals or firms want to keep something a secret, like a production method, then they should keep it to themselves and be careful with how they disseminate their product. One should not, however, expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea one has, since no such ownership right exists1. No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over something like a drug formula is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their asset. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share this right to protection, because an idea, once spoken, enters the public domain and belongs to everyone. This should apply all the more with vital drugs that are fundamentally for the public good by improving health.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. patents vital drugs public domain intellectual property idea ownership monopoly power equitable use physical property tangible safeguards public good health improvement Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property: In Principle intellectual property patent law public domain idea ownership drug patents vital drugs public good health improvement property rights monopolies equitable use physical property intangible assets dissemination production methods secrets legal protection reasoning ethics innovation patent law intellectual property public domain idea ownership drug patents monopoly power equitable use tangible assets intangible assets public good health improvement legal protection dissemination of ideas innovation incentives research and development pharmaceutical industry patent rights copyright trademark trade secrets proprietary information fair use ethical considerations economic efficiency societal impact legal principles Fitzgerald's perspective legal theory property rights idea property public health pharmaceutical patents patent validity patent abuse compulsory licensing drug pricing patent law reform intellectual commons creativity invention legal safeguards moral rights idea ownership patent rights vital drugs public domain intellectual property equitable use monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards public good health improvement Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property: In Principle Lawbook Company 2004 patents vital drugs public domain intellectual property monopoly power equitable use physical property tangible safeguards public good health improvement intellectual property patent law public domain idea ownership drug patents monopoly power equitable use physical property tangible safeguards public good health improvement legal protection dissemination production method secret keeping Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property In Principle idea ownership patent limitations public domain intellectual property vital drugs public good health improvement monopoly power equitable use tangible assets intangible protection production method secrecy Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property: In Principle patent idea ownership public domain intellectual property drug patents vital drugs public good equitable use monopoly power tangible property intangible assets dissemination production method secrecy health improvement legal protection Fitzgerald Brian Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property: In Principle patent law intellectual property public domain ideas dissemination ownership rights monopoly vital drugs health equity efficiency tangible assets intangible assets property rights public good Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property: In Principle idea ownership patent rights public domain intellectual property drug patents monopoly power equitable use property rights tangible assets public good health improvement dissemination of ideas production method secrecy FitzGerald intellectual property principles
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro03a	Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. Jurors are already aware of information which might ‘bias’ their verdict.  Jurors are frequently affected by media coverage of particular cases, which makes it almost impossible for them to remain impartial in the idealistic way which opposition naively believes possible. This creates a situation where the jury may be more affected by information which they have found out elsewhere – for example on the news or in newspapers – than the information which is presented to them in court. There have been some cases where jurors search the internet to find the backgrounds to their cases, despite the fact that this is not allowed [1] . This evidently reflects that jurors feel that they have not been adequately informed and so seek facts elsewhere. Given that this need has been reflected by the jurors themselves, the court should give jurors all possible information and bring previous convictions into the open to ensure that they can base their verdict on reliable fact presented in court rather than resorting to sensationalist media.  [1] Attorney General’s Office, ‘Juror convicted for internet research’, 23 January 2012. bias verdict jurors media coverage impartial opposition information court internet research previous convictions reliable facts sensationalist media juror misconduct legal procedure judicial system trial fairness juror bias media influence impartiality jury prejudice internet research case background previous convictions sensationalist media court information juror misconduct legal procedures jury trial fairness public information courtroom evidence juror responsibilities legal ethics verdict reliability judicial transparency legal reforms juror education jurors bias verdict media coverage impartiality trial fairness judicial process internet research legal procedures sensationalism reliable evidence court information prior convictions juror misconduct Attorney General’s Office juror bias media influence impartiality challenges internet research court information adequacy sensationalist media legal procedures jury verdict reliability prior convictions disclosure juror misconduct Attorney General's Office internet research consequences judicial transparency juror education legal ethics jurors bias verdict media coverage impartiality internet research previous convictions sensationalist media court information juror conviction legal procedures judicial fairness juror bias media influence impartiality court information internet research prior convictions sensationalism jury verdict legal ethics judicial process jurors bias verdict media coverage impartiality internet research legal proceedings previous convictions reliable information court procedures judicial system sensationalism factual basis juror misconduct juror bias media influence impartiality trial fairness jury misconduct internet research previous convictions sensationalist media courtroom information juror education legal transparency jurors bias media coverage impartiality internet research court information previous convictions reliable facts sensationalist media legal procedures jury selection verdict influence judicial transparency juror misconduct attorney general case background information access trial fairness legal ethics bias media coverage impartiality internet research previous convictions reliable facts sensationalist media jury influence court information juror behavior legal procedures verdict integrity
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro02a	Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, Avoids the costs and uncertainty of elections  It is hard to see what the benefit of an election that can change nothing is, but there are certainly all the costs associated with a normal election. Elections can be costly in financial terms, the United States elections cost several billion dollars but even much smaller and less extravagant elections need financing. Zimbabwe’s elections in 2013 forced the government to ask its neighbours for $85 million to carry out the polls, for a nation that is essentially bankrupt this is a lot of money. [1]  Another cost is uncertainty. In fully democratic elections the uncertainty is with what the policies will be when the government changes. With sham elections the uncertainty is whether the elections will be a focus for violence. Sometimes this is during campaigning itself as with Zimbabwe in 2008 where up to 200 people were killed. [2] Otherwise violence occurs when there is a perception that an election has been stolen so the Green Movement in Iran took to the streets and was met with a violent crackdown in 2009. [3]  [1] VOA News, ‘Zimbabwe Seeks Help to Cover Election Costs’, Voice of America, 10 July 2013,   [2] ‘Zimbabwe: No Justice for Rampant Killings, Torture’, Human Rights Watch, 8 March 2011,   [3] AFP, ‘Iran opposition says 72 killed in vote protests’, Google, 3 September 2009, election costs financial costs sham elections election uncertainty policy change uncertainty election violence election funding Zimbabwe elections Iran election protests election campaigning Green Movement election integrity electoral violence political violence election financing democratic elections election outcomes election-related deaths international election assistance election-related expenditures electoral process political campaigning election security voting costs electoral fraud post-election violence electoral reforms election management election transparency political instability electoral disputes election oversight voter suppression election meddling campaign financing election monitoring electoral corruption election day costs pre-election tensions post-election tensions costs uncertainty elections financial United States Zimbabwe sham elections violence campaigning Green Movement Iran election financing policy changes election theft crackdown political instability election funding international aid electoral violence protest deaths election-related deaths electoral costs democratic elections sham election costs election uncertainties electoral process political violence electoral fraud protest suppression election integrity voter confidence election expenses government finances electoral reforms political campaigning electoral security election management election observation international support election legitimacy democratic processes election outcomes political transitions election impacts election controversies costs uncertainty elections financial United States Zimbabwe Sham elections violence campaigning Green Movement Iran protest election financing policy changes democratic elections election violence election theft political instability electoral costs international assistance election funding government expenditure electoral process democratic transition political risk voter intimidation electoral fraud political repression civil unrest political transition social unrest election security electoral management political participation democratic governance election monitoring political violence electoral justice human rights political reform election integrity democratic values political mobilization election outcomes political representation avoiding election costs reducing election uncertainty financial burden of elections election financing cost of US elections Zimbabwe election funding sham elections election-related violence election violence in Zimbabwe stolen election perception Iran Green Movement election violence in Iran cost of democratic elections uncertainty in policy changes election financing challenges international election funding election cost implications violence during campaigns post-election unrest election integrity issues democratic process costs election financial support election security concerns election cost-benefit analysis election costs in developing countries election funding sources election violence prevention election legitimacy challenges election costs and benefits election financial costs uncertainty elections financial United States Zimbabwe 2013 funding neighbours democratic policies government sham violence campaigning 2008 Green Movement Iran 2009 protests stolen crackdown costs uncertainty elections financial costs United States Zimbabwe election financing sham elections election violence campaigning Green Movement Iran election theft violent crackdown costs uncertainty elections financial United States Zimbabwe sham elections violence campaigning Green Movement Iran election financing policy change election costs international aid electoral violence protest crackdown political instability democratic elections government change voter perception election fraud election costs financial burden Zimbabwe election funding election uncertainty policy changes sham elections election violence Zimbabwe 2008 elections Iran 2009 election protests election integrity electoral violence democratic elections cost of democracy election financing political instability electoral disruption election manipulation post-election conflict electoral fraud public unrest election costs financial burden campaign financing election uncertainty policy change sham elections electoral violence post-election unrest election fraud political instability international aid for elections Zimbabwe election costs US election expenses Iran election protests Zimbabwe 2008 election violence Iran 2009 Green Movement election costs financial burden sham elections election violence political uncertainty democratic elections policy changes election funding Zimbabwe elections Iran protests Green Movement election financing costly elections United States elections election-related violence electoral uncertainty government change electoral costs political campaigning election theft perception
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro04a	Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Historically the donor of Foreign Aid has always set down pre-requisites  When a donor nation parts with foreign aid for development to a nation, it must always choose who it prefers to give it to as there is a limited pot of money to donate there needs to be a way of allocating it. It is not surprising therefore that countries with shared colonial histories tend to dominate aid flows, thus Britain has historically given most aid to countries that were its colonies; in 1960 Malta and Cyprus received most, while India was the biggest recipient for much of the rest of the 20th Century. [1] Further, often countries offering aid, such as the US, the UK, and the EU, require the pre-requisite of democracy or the start of a democratisation process. Therefore, it is justified to add a pre-requisite for better standards of business and labour as it helps implementation, and principally meets the goals of the developmental aid itself. [2]  [1] Provost, Claire, ‘UK aid: where does it o and how has it changed since 1960?’, Datablog guardian.co.uk, 14 April 2011,   [2] Dollar, David and Alesina, Alberto. “Who Gives Foreign Aid to Whom and Why?” Journal of Economic Growth, Volume 5, No. 1(Mar., 2000). Foreign Aid donor nations pre-requisites colonial histories aid allocation democracy democratisation business standards labour standards developmental goals UK aid US aid EU aid aid recipients historical aid patterns aid effectiveness international development economic growth aid distribution recipient selection criteria Foreign Aid donor countries pre-requisites aid allocation colonial histories UK aid US aid EU aid democracy democratisation business standards labour standards developmental goals aid recipients historical aid flows Malta Cyprus India aid distribution economic growth international development policy conditions aid effectiveness foreign aid donor countries recipient countries pre-requisites colonial history democracy democratisation labour standards business standards aid allocation developmental goals UK aid US aid EU aid historical aid flows Malta Cyprus India economic growth aid effectiveness international development policy requirements aid recipients aid donors developmental assistance global aid international aid political conditions economic conditions social conditions aid distribution aid targeting bilateral aid multilateral aid aid priorities aid strategies development cooperation international relations foreign policy international assistance aid impact aid recipients selection aid pre Foreign aid donor nations pre-requisites aid allocation shared colonial histories Britain colonies Malta Cyprus India US UK EU democracy democratisation business standards labour standards developmental aid goals Foreign Aid pre-requisites donor nations aid allocation shared colonial histories UK aid US aid EU aid democracy democratisation business standards labour standards developmental goals aid recipients historical context economic growth policy conditions international development colonial ties aid distribution recipient selection global governance international relations development economics Foreign Aid Donor Nation Pre-requisites Aid Allocation Shared Colonial Histories Dominant Aid Flows Democratisation Process Developmental Aid Business Standards Labour Standards UK Aid Colonial Dependencies Aid Recipients Economic Growth Political Conditions Development Goals International Aid Historical Aid Patterns Donor Preferences Aid Effectiveness foreign aid donor nations pre-requisites allocation colonial histories Britain Malta Cyprus India democracy democratisation US UK EU business standards labour standards developmental aid aid flows economic growth international development aid recipients policy conditions historical aid patterns strategic aid distribution developmental goals aid effectiveness international relations global development aid policy governance political conditions socioeconomic criteria development cooperation international assistance aid prioritization recipient selection colonial legacy aid commitments bilateral aid multilateral aid development partnerships aid strategies international aid frameworks global aid architecture Foreign Aid Donor Nation Pre-requisites Aid Allocation Limited Funds Shared Colonial Histories Dominant Aid Flows UK Aid Colonial Legacy US Aid EU Aid Democracy Democratisation Business Standards Labour Standards Developmental Aid Aid Recipients Historical Aid Patterns Aid Distribution Economic Growth International Development Foreign Aid donor pre-requisites aid allocation shared colonial histories UK aid US aid EU aid democracy pre-requisite business standards labour standards developmental aid goals aid recipients colonial ties aid distribution economic growth international development policy conditions recipient country selection historical aid patterns aid effectiveness Foreign Aid donor nations pre-requisites allocation colonial histories aid flows democracy democratisation business standards labour standards developmental goals UK aid US aid EU aid economic growth recipient countries aid distribution historical context international development policy conditions
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro01a	Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, Checks and balances  By having both parties in charge of different parts of the Government, there can be a greater degree of scrutiny over policy as the opposition party will force the president to justify his policies.  Under single-party rule, there is a risk of a President being able to push through his/her agenda with little oversight from a legislative branch that is largely in agreement with the policy. One need only look to authoritarian governments the world over to see that governments with too much power are likely to abuse that power.  Divided Government provides a check on the executive, preventing agendas to be pushed through, allowing for compromise to be made between the two major parties, ensuring that the best possible policy for Americans is enacted. As Benjamin Franklin wrote “It is not enough that your Legislature should be numerous; it should also be divided.” [1]  [1] Franklin, Benjamin, Writings, ‘III. On the Legislative Branch.’ 10:55 – 60, 1789, checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny opposition party presidential justification single-party rule policy oversight authoritarian governments governmental power abuse executive check bipartisan compromise legislative division Benjamin Franklin legislative branch American policy checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative branch authoritarian governments power abuse compromise legislative division Benjamin Franklin legislative branch division checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative branch division government abuse authoritarian regimes political compromise Benjamin Franklin legislative division legislative quantity government power distribution checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule presidential agenda legislative oversight authoritarian governments government abuse executive check policy compromise best policy legislative division Benjamin Franklin quote legislative branch government structure political oversight democratic process American politics policy enactment checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative agreement authoritarian governments power abuse executive check bipartisan compromise optimal policy legislative division Benjamin Franklin legislative branch checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification executive oversight single-party rule authoritarian governments power abuse compromise between parties legislative division Benjamin Franklin quote American policy-making checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative agreement authoritarian governments power abuse government checks policy compromise best policy Benjamin Franklin legislative division numerous legislature legislative branch 1789 writings checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight authoritarian governments power abuse compromised policy legislative division Benjamin Franklin legislative branch American governance political opposition government accountability bipartisan cooperation presidential power legislative power democratic principles policy enactment checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative branch authoritarian governments power abuse compromise legislative division Benjamin Franklin legislative branch division policy enactment American policy government accountability political parties executive power legislative power government structure checks and balances divided government legislative scrutiny policy justification single-party rule executive oversight legislative branch compromise authoritarian governments power abuse best policy Benjamin Franklin legislative division
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro03a	Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. Pornography fuels unreachable ideals  Pornography presents a distorted perception of people, sexuality, and relationships, which has a further effect on a broader societal level. It promotes unreachable ideals of how both women and men should be in bed, and pushes both in the direction of what is idealised in pornography. This may push men to be more dominating than otherwise and women to suffer from anorexia, low self-esteem, and promiscuity. We can expect women to be the most affected by this, simply because the porn industry is owned almost entirely by men, and because there are pre-existing patriarchal structures in society ready to promote the idea that women are there to serve men.  Altogether, pornography merely promotes a new stereotype: that women are generally happy to have sex at any time, that they will respond positively to any man’s advances, and if a woman does not, there is something wrong with her. unreachable ideals distorted perception societal impact gender roles sexual expectations male dominance female self-esteem anorexia promiscuity patriarchal structures pornography industry stereotyping sexual consent unrealistic standards relationship dynamics pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact gender roles male dominance female objectification anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchy stereotypes sexual expectations consent issues pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact gender roles men women bed behavior dominance anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchal structures industry ownership stereotypes sexual availability consent sexual norms media influence body image mental health gender inequality pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact gender roles male dominance female objectification anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchy stereotypes sexual expectations women's rights mental health body image sexual consent media influence gender inequality Pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal impact gender roles male dominance female submissiveness anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchy stereotypes sexual expectations women's rights men's behavior sexual norms media influence cultural norms body image self-worth sexual freedom consent sexual health gender equality unreachable ideals distorted perception societal impact idealised behaviour dominating behaviour low self-esteem promiscuity porn industry patriarchal structures stereotypes women's role sexual expectations male dominance female subordination harmful effects gender inequality unreachable ideals distorted perception societal impact gender roles sexual expectations male dominance female objectification anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchy media influence sexual stereotypes sexual consent gender inequality Pornography distorted perception unreachable ideals sexuality relationships societal impact gender stereotypes male dominance female objectification anorexia low self-esteem promiscuity patriarchy sexual expectations women's rights gender equality sex positivity consent mental health pornography unreachable ideals distorted perception sexuality relationships societal level gender roles dominance self-esteem anorexia promiscuity patriarchy stereotypes sexual expectations women's rights men's behavior sexual health mental health body image consent unrealistic expectations gender stereotypes sexual objectification body image issues patriarchal influence media representation sexual behavior norms relationship dynamics mental health impacts female sexuality male dominance consent issues societal values pornography industry structure gender roles
test-international-siacphbnt-pro02a	Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology has driven youths to identify new markets  A key technology for youths are mobile phones and devices. Across West and East Africa the possession of mobile phones has enabled citizens to network and form solutions to social problems. By 2015, there are expected to be 1 billion mobile cellular subscriptions in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sambira, 2013). This is the first African generation directly accessing high-technology, although uncertainty remains in the amount of youths having access to technology. Through mobile phones new business opportunities, and flows of money, are being created. Furthermore, mobile phones are providing innovative solutions to health care treatment, ensuring better health for future entrepreneurs and youths.  SlimTrader is a positive example [1] . SlimTrader uses mobile phones to provide a range of vital services - from airplane and bus tickets to medicine. The innovative e-commerce provides a space to advertise skills, products, and opportunities - to, on the one hand, identify new consumer demands; and on another hand, create notices to exchange goods.  Mobile technology is making it faster, quicker, and simpler to tap into new markets [2] .  [1] See further readings: SlimTrader, 2013; Ummeli, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Nsehe, 2013. Inspite of challenges Patrick Ngowi has earned millions through the construction of Helvetic Solar Contractors. Technology youths markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa Sub-Saharan Africa mobile subscriptions high-technology business opportunities money flows health care entrepreneurs SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors Technology youth new markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa mobile subscriptions Sub-Saharan Africa high-technology business opportunities money flows health care SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands goods exchange mobile technology market access challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors Technology youths new markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa Sub-Saharan Africa social problems business opportunities health care SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology Helvetic Solar Contractors Patrick Ngowi challenges millions construction Technology youths new markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa Sub-Saharan Africa mobile cellular subscriptions high-technology business opportunities money flows health care SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors Technology youth markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa Sub-Saharan Africa cellular subscriptions high-technology business opportunities money flows health care treatment entrepreneurs SlimTrader e-commerce airplane tickets bus tickets medicine advertising consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors technology driven youths identify new markets mobile phones devices West East Africa citizens network solutions social problems 2015 1 billion subscriptions Sub-Saharan generation accessing high-technology uncertainty access business opportunities money health care treatment entrepreneurs SlimTrader airplane bus tickets medicine e-commerce advertise skills products consumer demands exchange goods faster simpler challenges Patrick Ngowi millions Helvetic Solar Contractors technology youth markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa cellular subscriptions Sub-Saharan Africa high-technology business opportunities money flows health care SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors technology youths new markets mobile phones devices West Africa East Africa social problems Sub-Saharan Africa mobile cellular subscriptions high-technology business opportunities money flows health care treatment future entrepreneurs SlimTrader e-commerce airplane tickets bus tickets medicine advertising consumer demands exchange goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors solar energy innovation entrepreneurship digital divide access to technology economic growth social impact technology adoption Technology youths new markets mobile phones devices Africa Sub-Saharan Africa social problems business opportunities money health care SlimTrader e-commerce consumer demands goods mobile technology challenges Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors technology youth mobile phones Africa social solutions business opportunities health care SlimTrader e-commerce market access Patrick Ngowi Helvetic Solar Contractors innovation entrepreneurship Sub-Saharan Africa cellular subscriptions social problems networking technology access uncertain access new markets health for entrepreneurs airplane tickets bus tickets medicine advertising skills product exchange consumer demands mobile technology challenges earnings construction solar energy
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro03a	Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. Avoids self-segregation  In a time when the US has begun to overcome racial segregation, and legal discrimination in other fields, one of the great challenges it faces is self-segregation.  Linguistic diversity worsens these problems because it inevitably leads to self-segregation. All things being equal, and even if they are not, people like to be around people they can communicate with.  This was not a huge problem in years past when most immigrant groups were small enough to be easily swallowed, and too small to maintain their linguistic unity, but the Hispanic population in the United States has grown at such a rate, that it is possible to get by with Spanish in many major US cities. Restaurants, businesses and services all exist which cater to it, and there is an entire industry of Spanish language television available.  This in turn makes the risk of social balkanization much stronger. While a small minority of people may learn new languages because they want to, the vast majority learn them when they have to – and if individuals can get by without doing so, it’s likely that they will not. Rather than assimilation, you will have a divergence between the linguistic minority and the majority. self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity communication barriers immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization assimilation linguistic minority majority culture racial integration language barriers cultural assimilation ethnic enclaves linguistic isolation social integration community cohesion multilingualism immigrant adaptation societal fragmentation self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity communication barriers immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language linguistic unity social balkanization assimilation linguistic minority majority language multilingualism cultural integration language barriers urban linguistics ethnic enclaves social cohesion language policy racial segregation legal discrimination self-segregation linguistic diversity social integration immigrant communities Hispanic population language barriers social balkanization linguistic minority majority language cultural assimilation language learning communication barriers ethnic enclaves multilingualism social cohesion demographic changes urban diversity cultural preservation self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity communication barriers immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization linguistic minority assimilation cultural divergence racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity self-segregation communication barriers immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization linguistic minority majority assimilation language acquisition cultural integration linguistic isolation self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity communication barriers immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization language learning assimilation linguistic minority majority divergence self-segregation racial segregation legal discrimination linguistic diversity communication immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization assimilation linguistic minority majority racial segregation legal discrimination self-segregation linguistic diversity immigrant groups Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization language learning assimilation linguistic minority majority culture self-segregation linguistic diversity racial segregation legal discrimination Hispanic population Spanish language social balkanization linguistic minority assimilation divergence communication barriers immigrant groups linguistic unity American society cultural integration multilingualism language learning social cohesion ethnic enclaves
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con03a	Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 Televising court cases undermines the right to privacy for the victim and the defendant’s family  Court proceedings can be extremely stressful for the families of the accused, and publicising them in this way only makes this worse. Again, a good example of this is the Milly Dowler case, when her father’s pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Not only did he then have to try and come to terms with his daughter’s disappearance, but also the knowledge that the media – and his family – now knew intensely personal details about him which were not even relevant to the case, but used to try and condemn him anyway. Meanwhile, although the family members have done nothing wrong, they are forced to listen to critical evidence of another family member which is suddenly now broadcast into peoples’ homes directly from the court. Their public and private lives would be irrevocably transformed by this experience. Secondly, because the defence must try to protect the defendant, these vilifying tactics can also be used against the victim – which could then lead to fewer people being prepared to testify. There is already a problem in society where not all crimes are even reported, sometimes because the victims are afraid of how people will then think of them [2] [3] . The knowledge that the defence will try to expose them as a fraud, or deny that the offence took place – in front of millions of people watching the case on television – suddenly becomes a much bigger obstacle for victims, especially if they are emotionally shaken by their experience [4] , to come forward and help a criminal to be convicted.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11  [4] Support group for women who have been victims of rape; helping them to testify in court  , accessed 19/08/11 televising court cases right to privacy victim's family defendant's family court stress media exposure Milly Dowler case irrelevant evidence public condemnation family trauma private life disruption defence tactics victim vilification reporting crimes victim testimonies emotional impact criminal conviction rape victims court testimony support televising court cases undermines privacy victim's rights defendant's family stress on families publicizing evidence Milly Dowler case irrelevant personal details media scrutiny public and private lives defence tactics victim vilification reduced willingness to testify societal impact crime reporting emotional trauma support for victims testifying in court Televising court cases right to privacy victim defendant’s family stress publicizing court proceedings Milly Dowler case personal details media impact public scrutiny defence tactics victim vilification testifying crime reporting societal attitudes rape victims emotional trauma conviction public trials legal ethics judicial transparency media ethics privacy laws victim support groups courtroom publicity public opinion criminal justice system trial by media legal proceedings family impact emotional impact legal defense strategies witness testimony public reaction crime victims privacy invasion legal consequences media role courtroom televis televising court cases right to privacy victim defendant’s family court proceedings stress publicising Milly Dowler case media impact personal details irrelevant evidence public life private life defence tactics vilifying victims reporting crimes victim support emotional impact testifying in court televising court cases right to privacy victim defendant's family court proceedings stress Milly Dowler case media exposure irrelevant evidence public condemnation family members broadcast evidence public life private life defence tactics victim vilification crime reporting societal issues emotional impact testifying障碍 support group rape victims court testimony televising court cases right to privacy victim defendant’s family stress publicising media intense personal details Milly Dowler case irrelevant evidence public condemnation emotional trauma court proceedings broadcast public life private life defence tactics vilifying victims crime reporting societal problem emotional impact testifying criminal conviction victim support rape victims court testimony televising court cases right to privacy victim's family defendant's family stress publicizing court proceedings Milly Dowler case media publicity irrelevant evidence personal details public and private life court broadcast critical evidence defence tactics victim vilification testimony reluctance crime reporting societal stigma emotional trauma criminal conviction victim support televising court cases right to privacy victim defendant’s family court proceedings stress Milly Dowler case media exposure personal details evidence public and private lives defence tactics victim vilification crime reporting emotional trauma testimony criminal conviction societal perception media impact legal process privacy rights public scrutiny family impact stress on families court television legal ethics victim support trial publicity judicial integrity media influence legal fairness testimony reluctance crime underreporting victim protection legal defense strategies public opinion courtroom drama televised trials privacy violation televising court cases privacy rights victim's family defendant's family court stress media exposure Milly Dowler case irrelevant evidence public condemnation court proceedings family trauma public scrutiny defence tactics victim vilification witnessing trauma crime reporting victim fear public trial emotional impact testimonial reluctance rape victims court support Televising court cases privacy rights victim families defendant families stress media exposure Milly Dowler case irrelevant evidence public scrutiny emotional impact crime reporting victim intimidation societal impact court broadcasting legal ethics public opinion trauma victim support testimonial reluctance criminal justice system
test-international-segiahbarr-pro01a	Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa’s Economies are growing rapidly  Africa has recently experienced some of the most significant economic growth in the world. Amongst the top ten growing economies in the world are five African countries; The Gambia, Libya, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and South Sudan [1] . The latter, South Sudan, witnessed GDP growth of 32% in 2013. Other economies in Africa are also doing exceptionally well, such as Ethiopia and Ghana. As ever, natural resources are a key export for these countries. Recent investments from China in exchange for Africa’s abundant natural resources have enabled many African countries to develop at a significantly faster rate, with trade between the continent and China increasing by $155 billion [2] . All of this has contributed to an average GDP growth of 4.8% in the past ten years. There is a rapidly expanding middle-class and it is predicted that by 2015 there will be over 100 million Africans living on $3,000 a year [3] , showing an increasingly positive future for Africa.  [1] Maps of World, ‘Top Ten Countries with Fastest Growing Economies’, 2013  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011 Africa economies growing rapid growth top ten Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan GDP 2013 Ethiopia Ghana natural resources exports China investments trade middle-class future Maps of World The Economist Africa Rising The hopeful continent Africa economies growing GDP The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investment trade middle-class future development economic growth Maps of World The Economist Africa economies growth The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investments trade GDP middle-class future Maps of World The Economist Africa's economic growth top ten growing economies The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan GDP growth Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investment trade with China average GDP growth expanding middle-class future of Africa economic development Maps of World The Economist Africa economies rapid growth Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan GDP Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investments trade middle-class future prospects Maps of World The Economist Africa economies growing rapid growth top ten Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan South Sudan GDP Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investment trade GDP growth middle class future prospects Maps of World The Economist Africa Rising The hopeful continent Africa economies rapid growth top ten growing economies The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan GDP growth natural resources China investment trade increase average GDP growth expanding middle-class future predictions Maps of World The Economist Africa Rising hopeful continent Africa economic growth GDP The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China investment trade middle-class expansion future outlook Maps of World The Economist Africa economies growing rapid growth top ten countries Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan GDP 32% 2013 Ethiopia Ghana natural resources key export China investments trade $155 billion average GDP 4.8% ten years middle-class 100 million $3 000 year positive future Maps of World The Economist Africa Rising The hopeful continent Africa economic growth GDP The Gambia Libya Mozambique Sierra Leone South Sudan Ethiopia Ghana natural resources China trade middle-class Maps of World The Economist Africa Rising The hopeful continent
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro03a	Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] Overwhelmingly alternative therapies are used in conjunction with established remedies - oddly the latter tends not to get the credit for the miracle cure  Thankfully only 4.4% of the 60million or so Americans who say they use alternative therapies rely on them exclusively. It is odd that in the cases of anecdotal accounts of the success of alternative medicines this statistic is rarely mentioned [i] .  Equally, the impact of other treatment which may have been used by patients eager to credit complementary and alternative medicines with curing their conditions, tend not to get a look in, neither do the relative successes of conventional medicine.  This is probably why in every trial alternative medicine has a success rate of between 0% and 0%. By contrast there needs only be one instance of harm caused to demonstrate that this motion must stand. Interestingly, although conventional medicine publishes its mistakes in an effort to correct them, nothing similar exists for alternatives. Moreover, there are many accounts of fatalities caused by alternatives – both directly and indirectly through delaying accurate diagnosis as seen above (Oh, the same applies to animals too [ii] ).  The food supplements industry alone is worth $250 a year worldwide, with little examination of the medical impact of merrily shoving things into your system that were bought at WalMart or Tesco.  [i] JA Astin “Why patients use alternative medicine: results of a national survey” Journal of the American Medical Association 279 (19) 1548-53. May 1998.  [ii] alternative therapies established remedies conventional medicine anecdotal accounts complementary medicines success rate harm fatalities diagnosis delay food supplements medical impact publication of mistakes regulation placebo effect integrative medicine health outcomes clinical trials evidence-based practice patient education healthcare policy alternative therapies established remedies anecdotal accounts complementary medicine conventional medicine trial success rates harm instances medical mistakes fatalities food supplements Walmart Tesco diagnosis delay animals national survey American Medical Association treatment impact success rate placebo effect health claims regulation oversight evidence-based medicine holistic approaches patient credits therapeutic synergy healthcare integration public perception scientific scrutiny market value consumer behavior therapeutic practices medical publications alternative medicine fatalities direct harm indirect harm delayed diagnosis holistic health integrative medicine healthcare statistics treatment efficacy medical research clinical alternative therapies established remedies anecdotal success conventional medicine complementary medicine clinical trials treatment efficacy medical statistics patient credit treatment integration healthcare skepticism alternative medicine harm conventional medicine transparency alternative therapy fatalities supplement industry healthcare regulation medical examination diagnostic delay therapeutic misuse public health safety alternative therapies established remedies anecdotal success complementary medicines conventional medicine trial success rates medical mistakes fatalities food supplements industry Walmart Tesco accurate diagnosis direct harm indirect harm animals statistical significance medical impact public perception health regulation scientific scrutiny consumer awareness placebo effect treatment efficacy healthcare integration professional oversight patient outcomes therapeutic claims evidence-based medicine regulatory oversight healthcare consumerism natural remedies holistic health mainstream medicine clinical trials medical research health policy patient safety pharmaceutical industry healthcare economics treatment alternatives health education informed consent alternative therapies established remedies anecdotal accounts conventional medicine clinical trials success rates harm fatalities diagnosis delay food supplements industry value medical impact publication of mistakes complementary medicines American users exclusive reliance odd credit attribution treatment impact WalMart Tesco alternative therapies established remedies anecdotal accounts conventional medicine clinical trials harm fatalities food supplements WalMart Tesco medical impact delayed diagnosis complementary medicines national survey American Medical Association statistical significance treatment efficacy placebo effect regulatory oversight public health alternative therapies established remedies miracle cure anecdotal accounts success rates conventional medicine clinical trials complementary medicine fatalities alternative treatments delayed diagnosis food supplements medical impact treatment efficacy health statistics placebo effect patient behavior therapeutic outcomes healthcare alternatives medical research regulatory oversight public health consumer safety alternative therapies established remedies credit miracle cure exclusive use Americans anecdotal accounts success complementary medicines impact conventional medicine success rate harm mistakes fatalities direct causes indirect causes delayed diagnosis food supplements industry value medical impact over-the-counter purchases alternative therapies established remedies complementary medicines conventional medicine anecdotal accounts success rates clinical trials harm fatalities diagnosis food supplements industry value medical impact regulation research public health treatment efficacy patient behavior healthcare integration placebo effect scientific scrutiny publication bias transparency error reporting consumer awareness safety standards evidence-based medicine holistic approaches integrative health policy considerations health education market oversight therapeutic modalities healthcare outcomes patient satisfaction clinical guidelines healthcare spend alternative medicine statistics conventional medicine statistics treatment overlap holistic care alternative health practices mainstream alternative therapies established remedies credit miracle cure Americans anecdotal accounts success complementary medicines conventional medicine trial success rate harm fatalities diagnosis delay food supplements industry value medical impact Walmart Tesco
test-international-gmehwasr-pro03a	The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 The Free Syrian Army is outgunned  The Syrian army is one of the biggest armies in the world; it is nothing like the poorly equipped Libyan army that was beaten by western backed rebels in 2011. The government has aircraft, and helicopters that are used to bomb the rebels, and heavy Russian built tanks that are impervious to most of the small arms the free Syrian army has. Providing arms would quickly even the odds; light anti-tank weapons would be effective against Syrian armoured vehicles repeating the success with which Hezbollah employed them when they knocked out sixty Israeli armoured vehicles in 2006, [1] while man portable air defence systems would quickly make the skies too dangerous for the Syrian airforce so protecting free Syrian controlled areas from the threat of attack from the air. [2]  [1] Cordesman, Anthony H., ‘Preliminary “Lessons” of the Israeli-Hezbollah War’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, 17 August 2006, P.18  [2] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army Western backed rebels Aircraft Helicopters Bombing Heavy Russian tanks Small arms Anti-tank weapons Man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce Air attacks Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Military equipment Armed conflict Syria Rebel support Foreign intervention Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels government aircraft helicopters bomb rebels heavy Russian tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons man portable air defense systems Syrian airforce free Syrian controlled areas Hezbollah Israeli-Hezbollah War arm the Syrian rebels Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters bomb heavy Russian tanks small arms providing arms light anti-tank weapons man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce free Syrian controlled areas Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles arms race military equipment conflict Middle East warfare rebels military strategy defense systems combat effectiveness international intervention strategic analysis Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters bomb rebels heavy Russian built tanks small arms providing arms even the odds light anti-tank weapons effective Syrian armoured vehicles man portable air defence systems skies Syrian airforce protect free Syrian controlled areas threat attack air Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Anthony H. Cordesman Israeli-Hezbollah War Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Arm the Syrian Rebels Foreign Policy Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters Russian built tanks small arms anti-tank weapons man portable air defence systems Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Syrian airforce Syrian controlled areas Anthony H. Cordesman Israeli-Hezbollah War Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels government aircraft helicopters bomb rebels Russian built tanks small arms provide arms anti-tank weapons Syrian armoured vehicles man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce free Syrian controlled areas Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Anthony H. Cordesman Israeli-Hezbollah War Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Arm the Syrian Rebels Now Foreign Policy Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels government aircraft helicopters Russian tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons man portable air defence systems Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Syrian airforce protected areas arm the rebels military equipment conflict zones strategic advantages defence systems aerial bombardment ground forces combat effectiveness military strategies armed rebellion international support military aid (opposition forces) Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army Western backed rebels Aircraft Helicopters Bombing Heavy Russian tanks Small arms Light anti-tank weapons MANPADS Syrian airforce Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Israeli-Hezbollah War Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy Free Syrian Army Syrian army heavily armed poorly equipped Libyan army Western-backed rebels government aircraft helicopters bombing Russian-built tanks small arms light anti-tank weapons man-portable air defense systems Syrian airspace Israeli-Hezbollah War Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles Michael Doran Salman Shaikh arming rebels Free Syrian Army Syrian army Libyan army western backed rebels aircraft helicopters bomb rebels heavy Russian built tanks small arms providing arms light anti-tank weapons anti-tank Hezbollah Israeli armoured vehicles man portable air defence systems Syrian airforce free Syrian controlled areas attack from the air Anthony H. Cordesman Israeli-Hezbollah War Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Arm the Syrian Rebels Foreign Policy
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con04a	A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 A U.N. standing army renders the United Nations a de facto state, but without a territory or a population.  Essentially only governments have standing armies, so this plan would inevitably make the UN more like a world government – and one which is not democratic and where, in China, a totalitarian state has veto power over key decision-making. This means a standing army may actually be counter-productive, impairing current perceptions of the UN’s selfless neutrality, undermining its moral authority and its ability to broker peace agreements. If the UN becomes an institution with its own voice, the fears that the UN would lose its role as the honest broker in international affairs would come to fruition 1.  1.Miller, 1992-3, p.787 U.N. standing army United Nations de facto state governments standing armies world government not democratic totalitarian state China veto power key decision-making counter-productive UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army United Nations de facto state territory population governments standing armies world government democratic totalitarian state China veto power decision-making counter-productive UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army United Nations de facto state world government democratic totalitarian state China veto power decision-making neutral moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army de facto state governments with standing armies world government non-democratic Chinese veto power UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements UN as honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army de facto state moral authority democratic deficit totalitarian state veto power China peace agreements honest broker international affairs selfless neutrality world government perceptions institutional voice counter-productive decision-making neutrality impairment brokering peace UN role Miller 1992-3 UN standing army de facto state world government democratic concerns China veto power UN neutrality moral authority peace broker institutional voice international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army de facto state governments standing armies world government democratic totalitarian state veto power China UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army de facto state governments standing armies world government non-democratic totalitarian state veto power China counter-productive UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army United Nations de facto state governments standing armies world government democracy totalitarian state veto power China UN neutrality moral authority peace agreements honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3 U.N. standing army de facto state territory population governments standing armies world government non-democratic totalitarian state veto power counter-productive impair perceptions UN neutrality moral authority broker peace honest broker international affairs Miller 1992-3
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con01a	The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ The arms ban is still necessary  The European Union should stick to its principles. The arms ban was imposed for a reason - the massacre of students demonstrating for democracy and openness in 1989. Nothing China has done since shows it regrets its savage actions in Tiananmen Square - indeed many of the demonstrators are still in prison today. [1] If the ban is lifted, the EU will be implying that it should never have placed the ban on arms sales in the first place, and signalling that China can do what it likes to its own people without fear of EU objections. Indeed if there is an end to the arms ban, the next time that peaceful demonstrators are attacked by the armed forces in China, they may be able to do it with European weapons. Overall, China's human rights record is still very bad. It still hasn't ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and is regularly criticised by Amnesty International [2] and Human Rights Watch [3] for imprisoning political and religious activists without trial. This is not a state that should be rewarded with EU favours.  [1] Jiang, Shao, ‘List of “June Fourth Tiananmen Prisoners” still held in custody and their backgrounds’, 2010.   [2] Amnesty International, ‘Annual Report 2011 China’, 2011.   [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘China’ arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square massacre democracy openness human rights political prisoners Amnesty International Human Rights Watch International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights arms sales EU objections peaceful demonstrators Chinese government EU relations China human rights record religious activists trial state behavior international criticism political repression punitive measures democratic values international law human rights violations international sanctions global governance international community arms control ethical foreign policy diplomatic relations international pressure political accountability human rights advocacy international organizations state sponsored violence democratic movement international arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square massacre democracy openness China regret prisoners human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists EU favours arms sales arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square massacre democracy openness human rights China prisoners international covenant civil and political rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political prisoners religious activists EU objections arms sales peaceful demonstrators armed forces European weapons state favours arms ban European Union principles massacre students democracy openness Tiananmen Square human rights prison EU objections peaceful demonstrators European weapons human rights record International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists trial state EU favours arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square massacre democracy openness human rights Chinese government international criticism Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political prisoners religious activists International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights arms sales peaceful demonstrators EU objections state favor arms ban European Union principles massacre students democracy openness Tiananmen Square China regret actions prisoners lift ban implications European weapons human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists trial EU favours arms ban European Union principles massacre students democracy openness Tiananmen Square imprisonment lifting ban EU objections human rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists trial arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square massacre democracy openness Chinese government human rights political prisoners Amnesty International Human Rights Watch International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights EU sanctions military sales peaceful demonstrators state violence international criticism political activism religious freedom arms ban European Union principles Tiananmen Square 1989 massacre democracy human rights Chinese government international covenant civil and political rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political prisoners religious activists EU-China relations arms sales peaceful demonstrators repression international criticism moral implications lifting sanctions arms ban European Union principles massacre students democracy openness Tiananmen Square human rights China international covenant civil and political rights Amnesty International Human Rights Watch political activists religious activists imprisonment EU favours arms sales peaceful demonstrators armed forces EU objections
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con03a	The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, The Palestinians were full participants in the 1948 War against Israel  Before the discussion of the Palestinians as the innocent victims of Israeli oppression can be established, it should be noted that the Palestinian leadership were full participants in rejecting the 1948 partition plan and the war that followed. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejected any form of compromise, and urged the removal of the region’s Jewish population, while massacres of Jewish settlers at Palestinian hands and the complete elimination of the Jewish presence in the areas of Palestine that the Israelis did not secure in 1948 speaks to a certain degree of popular enthusiasm. [1]  Following 1948, Israeli law provided for compensation or the return of land for any exiled Palestinians who returned to Israel proper and took an oath to the state.  This does not justify the actions of Israel in their entirety, but the tragedy of the Palestinian people is partially of their own making, and if one accepts the principles of the right of return, then the creation of Israeli settlements furthers this on the Israeli side.  Furthermore, it calls into question what, if any legal claim the Palestinians can have to any land on the basis of a UN partition plan they rejected, and on the basis of principles and practices they themselves have subverted.  [1] Dershowitz, Alan, ‘Has Israel’s Victimization of the Palestinians Been the Primary Cause of the Arab-Israeli Conflict?’, The Case for Israel, Chapter 10, 2003, Palestinians 1948 War Israel participants victimization Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan rejection Grand Mufti Jerusalem compromise Jewish population massacres Jewish settlers Palestinian leadership popular enthusiasm Israeli law compensation land return exiled Palestinians state oath Israeli settlements right of return legal claim UN partition plan subversion Arab-Israeli conflict Dershowitz Alan The Case for Israel Palestinians 1948 War Israel participants partition plan rejection Grand Mufti Jewish settlers massacres compensation Israeli law right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan Arab-Israeli Conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel 1948 War Palestinian participation Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish settlers massacres Israeli law compensation Palestinian exiles right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan rejection Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel 1948 War Palestinian participation rejection of 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Palestinian leadership Jewish massacres Israeli compensation law right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan Palestinian legal claims Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz 1948 War Palestinians Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish population massacres Jewish settlers Israeli law compensation return of land exiled Palestinians Israeli settlements right of return UN partition plan Arab-Israeli Conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel 1948 War Palestinian leadership 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish population removal massacres of Jewish settlers Palestinian hands Jewish presence elimination Israeli law compensation return of land exiled Palestinians oath to the state right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan rejection legal claim Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel Palestinians 1948 War Israel participants partition plan rejection Grand Mufti compromise massacres Jewish settlers compensation Israeli law right of return Israeli settlements legal claim UN partition plan Alan Dershowitz Arab-Israeli conflict 1948 War Palestinian participation Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem rejection of compromise Jewish population removal massacres of Jewish settlers Jewish presence elimination Israeli law compensation return of land exiled Palestinians Israeli settlements right of return UN partition plan legal claim Arab-Israeli Conflict Dershowitz Alan The Case for Israel 1948 War Palestinian participation Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan rejection Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish population removal massacres of Jewish settlers Palestinian leadership Israeli law compensation exiled Palestinians right of return Israeli settlements Palestinian legal claim UN partition plan rejection Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel Palestinian participation 1948 War Israeli oppression 1948 partition plan Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Jewish population Palestinian leadership massacres Jewish settlers Israeli law compensation exiled Palestinians right of return Israeli settlements UN partition plan Arab-Israeli conflict Alan Dershowitz The Case for Israel
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con01a	The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The threat of terrorism and security risks are overstated.  The threat of terrorism is greatly over exaggerated. Western governments all over the world are effectively selling the threat of terrorism to their citizens in order to increase their powers of control. The threat, however, has to be exaggerated in order for the electorate to believe that the security measures are needed. The motives of governments doing this vary; some just want the new security measures to make their jobs easier; others however, see it as an opportunity to increase state control and power over the average citizen. There is not enough evidence to show that terrorism has evolved into something more threatening since than it had been for several decades. For example there was the bombing of Pan Am 103 in 1988 killing 270 people or the 1983 bombing of the US embassy in Beirut which killed 63. [1] While the scale is smaller than the 9/11 attacks they are just as terrible and were met with a much more measured response that did not involve infringing civil liberties. Governments are likely to take advantage of anti-terrorist mania and seize the moment to strengthen their regimes. Modern government bodies fighting terrorism are sophisticated enough to counteract terrorism with little use of 'draconian' measures. It is not acceptable to curb citizen rights because of isolated events.  [1] PBS Frontline, ‘terrorist attacks on americans, 1979-1988’,  , accessed 9 September 2011 terrorism security risks overstated threat exaggerated threat government control expanded powers citizen control state control civil liberties security measures anti-terrorist mania terrorist evolution terrorist history Pan Am 103 Beirut bombing 9/11 attacks measured response curbing rights isolated events government motives sophisticated counterterrorism draconian measures terrorism security risks overstatement exaggeration government control civil liberties anti-terror measures post-9-11 policies historical terrorist attacks Pan Am 103 Beirut bomber state power citizen rights evidence of terrorism evolution government motives measured response infringement of liberties sophisticated counter-terrorism isolated events draconian measures anti-terrorist mania regime strengthening PBS Frontline terrorist attacks on Americans 1979-1988 terrorism security risks overstatement exaggeration government control civil liberties anti-terror measures state power citizen rights draconian measures isolated events historical attacks Pan Am 103 1983 Beirut bombing 9/11 Attacks measured response government motives terrorism evolution sophisticated counter-terrorism infringing liberties anti-terrorist mania strengthen regimes PBS Frontline terrorist attacks Americans 1979-1988 terrorism security risks government control civil liberties exaggerated threat security measures state power citizen rights terrorist attacks historical terrorism 9/11 Pan Am 103 US embassy Beirut anti-terrorist policies modern government sophisticated counterterrorism draconian measures infringing rights political opportunism measured response terrorism security risks overstated threat government control civil liberties exaggerated threat security measures state power citizen rights anti-terrorist policies 9/11 attacks Pan Am 103 Beirut embassy bombing measured response sophisticated counterterrorism isolated events government regimes terrorist attacks history Frontline PBS terrorism security risks government control exaggerated threat civil liberties security measures state power anti-terrorist policies citizen rights terrorism history government motives measured response sophisticated counter-terrorism infringement of liberties terrorist attacks 9/11 Pan Am 103 Beirut embassy bombing terrorism security risks overstated government control exaggerated threat security measures civil liberties state control power over citizens evidence terrorism evolution Pan Am 103 Beirut bombing 9/11 anti-terrorist mania sophisticated counter-terrorism draconian measures citizen rights isolated events PBS Frontline terrorist attacks 1979-1988 terrorism security risks overstatement government control civil liberties exaggerated threat anti-terror measures state power citizen rights historical attacks terrorism evolution measured response sophisticated counter-terrorism 9/11 Pan Am 103 Beirut embassy bombing draconian measures isolated events government motives public perception anti-terrorist mania regime strengthening terrorism security risks government control civil liberties exaggerated threat anti-terror measures Pan Am 103 Beirut embassy bombing 9/11 attacks sophisticated counter-terrorism state power citizen rights isolation events PBS Frontline terrorist attacks measured response draconian measures terrorism security risks government control civil liberties exaggerated threat measured response anti-terrorist measures citizen rights state power sophisticated counterterrorism terrorism evolution historical attacks 9/11 Pan Am 103 US embassy Beirut infringement of liberties government motives increased surveillance public fear terrorism propaganda
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro01a	The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, The appropriate setting for sexual relations is within marriage, contraception encourages pre-marital sex  The population of the Philippines are overwhelmingly Catholic, it seems reasonable to accept that many, if not most, accept the teaching of the Church that safe sex is married sex. Appropriate sexual relations between husband and wife can lead to a fulfilling family life including children.  However, freely available contraception leads to a rise in premarital sex with the rises in unwanted pregnancies that go along with that. In the US, women having premarital sex increased from 2% in 1920 to 75% in 1999, a period that saw a massive increase in the availability of contraception [i] .. This runs against the teaching of the Church, which, itself, is one of the cornerstones of Filipino culture.  The first Mass was celebrated in 1521 and by the early 1600s, Catholicism was unquestionably the countries’ dominant creed [ii] . The teaching of the Church on this issue is absolutely clear – and for four centuries those have been the values of the Filipino people. This bill undermines that understanding, it will lead to an increase in pre-marital sex with devastating consequences for, particularly, the young people of the archipelago [iii] . There is a reason why the Church argues against contraception and those values – that sex should take place within marriage, are deeply ingrained in the Filipino way of life.  [i] Greenwood, Jeremy and Nezih Guner “Social Change: The Sexual Revolution.” Population Studies Center PSC Working Paper Series University of Pennsylvania.2009   [ii] Wikipedia. Roman Catholicism in the Philippines.  [iii] Bishop Filomeno Bactol, ‘Naval diocese continues fight against RH’,. CBCP News., 23 December 2012, sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex population Philippines Catholic Church teaching safe sex married sex family life children unwanted pregnancies US statistics premarital sex increase contraception availability Filipino culture Catholicism historical context Church values social consequences young people RH bill sexual ethics religious beliefs moral teachings sexual behavior contraception debate Filipino society cultural values social impact sexual revolution demographic changes religious opposition public policy sexual health reproductive rights sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex unwanted pregnancies Catholic Church Filipino culture family life children sexual revolution contraception availability US statistics pre-marital sex increase Catholic teachings Filipino values RH bill young people Bishop Filomeno Bactol Roman Catholicism Philippines social change sexual behavior moral values religious impact demographic trends sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex population Philippines Catholic Church teaching safe sex married sex family life children unwanted pregnancies US statistics premarital sex increase contraception availability Filipino culture Catholicism history Church values sexual revolution social change RH bill Bishop Filomeno Bactol CBCP News sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex Catholic Church Philippines population safe sex family life children unwanted pregnancies US statistics Filipino culture Catholicism values sexual revolution history RH bill young people social impact Bishop Filomeno Bactol CBCP News sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex unwanted pregnancies Catholic Church Filipino culture family life safe sex Philippine history Catholicism social values moral teachings reproductive health bill sexual revolution demographic changes religious influence youth social consequences sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex Philippines Catholic Church teaching family life unwanted pregnancies US premarital sex statistics Filipino culture Catholicism history RH bill sexual values Bishop Filomeno Bactol sexual revolution social change contraception availability moral values youth impact sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex population Philippines Catholic Church teaching safe sex married sex family life children unwanted pregnancies US women premarital sex increase contraception availability Filipino culture Catholicism Church values sexual revolution social change Roman Catholicism RH bill Bishop Filomeno Bactol Naval diocese RH fight CBCP News sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex unwanted pregnancies Catholic Church Filipino culture family life children US premarital sex statistics Catholicism in Philippines Church teaching sexual morality RH bill social consequences youth Bishop Filomeno Bactol sexual revolution social change population studies sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex population Philippines Catholic Church teaching safe sex married sex family life children unwanted pregnancies US statistics premarital sex increase contraception availability Filipino culture Catholicism history Church values sexual revolution social change RH bill Bishop Filomeno Bactol Filipino way of life sexual relations marriage contraception pre-marital sex unwanted pregnancies Catholic Church Filipino culture family life children US statistics sexual revolution social change Roman Catholicism Philippines religious values RH bill Bishop Filomeno Bactol sexual morality contraceptive availability historical context cultural impact youth consequences
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con02a	If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” If child performers were banned, many children would find a way to perform illegally, now without legal protection.  While being a child performer is legal, these children’s working circumstances are under the protection of the law and monitored by government departments such as the Inland Revenue, Health and Safety, etc. Were child performers to be banned, it is certain that some children would still perform, but would not be thus protected. This has already happened in certain professional sports where athletes can benefit by lying about their age. For example, it is easier for Latin American baseball players to sign with U.S. Major League teams if the teams think they are young. As a result, countless players have lied about their age, including a number of high-profile cases, such as Miguel Tejada who was named Most Valuable Player in 2002. [1] Many of these young players, however, have been less successful. There are too many unfortunate examples of players who came to the United States at a young age and, under the increased pressure, fell victim to serious drug problems, often resulting in overdose and death. [2] [3] A ban would not prevent children from performing; it would actually further expose them to whatever risks may be involved.  [1] Schmidt and Schwartz. “Baseball’s Use of DNA Raises Questions.”  [2] Zirin, “Can’t Knock the Hassle: Chavez Challenges Baseball.”  [3] Helfgott, “The international game.” child performers illegal performances legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age falsification Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban effectiveness performance risks international sports young athletes legal framework working conditions child welfare sports industry age verification legal consequences performance pressure safety regulations underage workers sports ethics athlete welfare youth sports professional sports regulation international sports policies child labor laws performance monitoring age fraud sports contracts athlete health child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age falsification Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada drug problems performance risks international athletes youth in sports child labor laws underage performers legal versus illegal performance regulatory oversight athlete welfare sports industry child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age deception Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban ineffectiveness performance risks child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age fraud Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban on child performers risks to child performers international sports youth in sports legal vs illegal performance child labor laws athlete welfare youth sports safety age verification in sports performance monitoring child exploitation sports industry regulation child performer rights youth sports development sports ethics athlete age fraud consequences child performers illegal performance legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age fraud Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban performance risks Schmidt Schwartz Zirin Helfgott international game child performers legal protection government monitoring Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age falsification Latin American baseball players Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death international athletes youth in sports performance risks legal versus illegal performance child actor regulation child labor laws sports industry ethics young athletes' safety international sports recruitment baseball age fraud minor performers child exploitation underage workers sports governance player welfare youth in entertainment performance industry regulation child protection policies sports and age verification young performers' rights child performers illegal performance legal protection government regulation Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age fraud Latin American baseball players Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban consequences performance risks international sports youth athletes pressure exploitation worker protection child labor laws sports industry age verification legal framework performance safety youth sports athlete welfare child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety illegal performances professional sports age deception Latin American baseball players Miguel Tejada drug problems performance risks ban inefficacy underage athletes international sports youth exploitation legal oversight performance monitoring child labor laws youth sports safety child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age lying Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban consequences performance risks child performers legal protection government departments Inland Revenue Health and Safety professional sports age fraud Latin American baseball players U.S. Major League teams Miguel Tejada Most Valuable Player drug problems overdose death ban risks performance safety international athletes youth exploitation labor laws child welfare
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro02a	Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would be the quickest route to economic recovery  Under the status quo, the Greek economy is only headed in one direction: deeper recession. There are no signs of the situation changing any time soon. Were the Greek Government to default on its debts, after a period of recession, conditions would quickly be favourable for economic growth once more. This is what was observed when Argentina and other nations [1] recently defaulted and can be explained by many factors. Firstly, defaulting and exiting the Eurozone would allow Greece to conduct monetary policy more freely: they would be able to quickly devalue their currency in order to make Greek goods and services more competitive on the international market. This would increase exports and attract investment, as well as tourists looking for cheaper holidays – all of which would contribute towards the rebuilding of the Greek economy. [2] Moreover, were Greece to default, it would put an end to the huge degree of unpredictability and uncertainty about the Greek economy. At the moment, nobody knows if the banks are safe, if the government will default etc. The constant chopping and changing of current austerity measures such as increases in varieties of corporate tax and changes in regulations also contribute to the huge degree of uncertainty in the Greek economy. Uncertainty breeds risk and risk breeds fear: a recipe that drives away foreign investors and makes it difficult for local businesses to start up. Were Greece to default, however, such elements of uncertainty would be seriously diminished, and conditions would be ripe for investment from abroad and locally. Greek would be able to start afresh.  [1] Pettifor, Ann: “Greece: The upside of default”, 23 May 2012, BBC News,   [2] Lapavitsas, Costas: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, economic recovery default Greece recession monetary policy devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses Eurozone crisis Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas economic recovery default recession greek economy exit eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty banks government default austerity measures corporate tax regulations foreign investors local businesses fresh start ann pettifor costas lapavitsas eurozone crisis greece leaves euro default economic recovery Greek economy recession Greece default on debts economic growth Argentina monetary policy devalue currency exports investment tourism uncertainty banks government default unpredictability foreign investors local businesses start afresh Eurozone single currency austerity measures corporate tax regulations risk fear economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses fiscal independence economic growth Eurozone austerity measures financial unpredictability fresh start Argentina Pettifor Lapavitsas The Guardian BBC News economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty unpredictability austerity measures foreign investors local businesses risk fiscal independence financial crisis economic growth international market economic stability financial recovery policy freedom economic recovery default Greek economy recession debt monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses fresh start Eurozone crisis Ann Pettifor Costas Lapavitsas default economic recovery Greek economy recession debt default Argentina monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness exports tourism economic uncertainty investor confidence local businesses Eurozone costas lapavitsas ann pettifor foreign investment fiscal policy sovereign debt crisis economic recovery default Greece Greek economy recession defaulting Eurozone monetary policy currency devaluation competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty austerity measures foreign investors local businesses risk economic growth Argentina debt financial crisis economic policy international market economic stability fiscal policy economic reform financial markets economic theory economic development financial regulation financial stability economic conditions economic environment fiscal austerity economic indicators economic change financial strategies economic strategies financial outcomes economic outcomes default economic recovery Greek economy recession default on debts monetary policy currency devaluation international competitiveness exports investment tourism uncertainty unpredictability foreign investors local businesses fresh start Pettifor Lapavitsas Eurozone crisis Greece Eurozone single currency economic recovery default Greek economy recession monetary policy currency devaluation exports investment tourism uncertainty risk foreign investors local businesses Eurozone Pettifor Lapavitsas Argentina economic growth fiscal policy financial crisis economic stability international market economic reform debt crisis European Union financial unpredictability economic predictability economic rebuilding economicstartdate economic fresh start
test-culture-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible safeguards intangible assets profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial use artistic experience commercial rights financial gain society benefits outmoded notions creative process equitable use invention encouragement property rights legal protection social good sharing artistic works monopoly copyright protection intellectual assets tangible property intangible reality creative commons licenses creators rights public use economic incentive legal doctrine individual creation idea dissemination intellectual ownership legal monopoly equitable distribution creative commons non-commercial commercial exploitation intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ownership ideas monopoly power tangible property intangible assets investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain society creators artists equitable use outmoded notions compromise social good experienced sharing works rights infringement legislation ethical considerations digital age fair use patents trademarks intellectual assets proprietary rights legal doctrines public interest cultural goods innovation legal protections economic incentives property rights legal theories intellectual commons distributive justice intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets investment invention profit motives creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience financial gain commercial use creative sharing societal benefit legal protection property rights creative process art social good legal doctrine equitable use outmoded notions compromise creator rights society rights Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K Walsh Creative Commons proposal intellectual property legal fiction copyright protection public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards investment encouragement invention promotion profit motives creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience social good commercial use financial gain artistic sharing outmoded copyright fair compromise society growth creative process Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald Intellectual Property In Principle K Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets monopoly power creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain societal benefit creative process invention profit motives equitable use legal protection artistic sharing Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain creative process outmoded notions society's right artists' rights Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain societal benefit legal protection creative process artistic works sharing fair compromise commercial rights outmoded notions Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K. Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets investment invention profit motives creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain societal benefit creative sharing copyright protections outmoded notions fair compromise artistic creation social good legal protection equitable use creative process intellectual assets public interest innovation incentives intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ideas ownership monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain society creative works outmoded notions fair compromise creators inventors legal protection equitable use social good investment invention creative process experience sharing art culture legal rights economic incentives public interest policy law ethics philosophy copyright law intellectual property law legal theory property rights creative commons licenses fair use intellectual assets cultural intellectual property copyright public domain creative commons non-commercial licenses property rights monopoly artistic creation profit motives social good commercial use financial gain legal fiction tangible assets intangible assets equitable use invention society artistic experience sharing outmoded notions creative process
test-international-atiahblit-pro01a	Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. Social Policy: encouraging teaching careers  UNESCO (2013) report the need for 6.8mn teachers by 2015 for the right to primary education to be achieved. The teaching workforce requires includes both replacements and additional teachers. Africa has a reality of low teacher-student ratios. In 2012, 80 students were reported per teacher in the Central African Republic (World Bank, 2013). Positive schemes are needed to incentivise potential teachers to enter the profession and meet demand.  Careers can be encouraged through multiple paths. For example, providing incentives to study teaching as a profession. Tanzania’s Ministry of Education provides grants to students entering University to study teaching. teacher recruitment teacher shortages teacher incentives teaching grants teaching careers teacher education teacher supply teacher demand primary education UNESCO World Bank Africa teacher-student ratio Central African Republic Tanzania Ministry of Education career incentives professional development teacher training programs educational policies global education initiatives Social Policy teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortage primary education teaching workforce replacements additional teachers Africa low teacher-student ratios Central African Republic World Bank incentives teacher incentives career encouragement teaching profession grants Ministry of Education Tanzania Social Policy Teaching Careers UNESCO Teacher Shortage Right to Primary Education Teaching Workforce Replacements Additional Teachers Africa Low Teacher-Student Ratios Central African Republic Positive Schemes Incentivise Teachers Meet Demand Careers Multiple Paths Incentives Study Teaching Professional Development Tanzania Ministry of Education Grants University Teacher Training Education Policy Teacher Recruitment Professional Incentives Career Opportunities Education Systems International Education Policy Recommendations Teacher Retention Education Reform Global Education Challenges Rural Education Urban Education Quality Education Education Statistics Education social policy teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortage right to primary education teaching workforce replacements additional teachers Africa low teacher-student ratios Central African Republic World Bank incentives potential teachers demand careers encouragement multiple paths incentives to study teaching Tanzania Ministry of Education grants University teaching profession social policy teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortages primary education teaching workforce replacements additional teachers low teacher-student ratios Africa Central African Republic World Bank incentives potential teachers demand careers encouragement paths incentives teaching profession Tanzania Ministry of Education grants university teacher recruitment education policy teacher supply professional development teaching incentives educational funding teacher training career motivation educational reform public policy teacher retention teacher shortage UNESCO report primary education teaching workforce teacher-student ratio Africa education incentives for teachers career encouragement teaching profession Tanzania education grants 吸引教师 教师激励计划 师范教育资助 非洲教育资源 教师招聘策略 教育政策支持 提升师资力量 促进教学职业化 教育发展计划 教师需求预测 social policy teaching careers UNESCO report teacher shortage primary education teaching workforce replacements additional teachers Africa low teacher-student ratios Central African Republic World Bank positive schemes incentives potential teachers demand careers multiple paths incentives study teaching profession Tanzania Ministry of Education grants university teacher recruitment education policy career development teacher training educational incentives teaching careers UNESCO teacher shortage primary education teacher-student ratio Africa incentives career encouragement teacher grants education policy workforce development teacher recruitment professional incentives educational funding teaching as profession ministry of education teacher supply educational demand student-teacher ratio career paths educational schemes teacher replacement additional teachers right to education global education statistics World Bank report educational improvement career motivation professional development teaching incentives teacher support educational resources career opportunities teaching profession teacher shortage primary education UNESCO report teacher-student ratio incentives for teachers teaching careers education policy Africa education Tanzania education grants teacher recruitment teacher replacement education workforce World Bank data career incentives teacher training programs education funding professional development for teachers teacher recruitment teacher retention education incentives teaching grants teacher-student ratio primary education UNESCO World Bank Africa education teaching career paths teacher shortages educational policy incentive schemes teacher training professional development educational funding teacher motivation educational reform teacher supply teacher demand
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro02a	Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education is expensive and encourages balkanization  One of the goals of the government in providing education is to prepare students for success in the work place, and therefore the government has an obligation to spend its money in the most efficient way possible to accomplish this.  This is relevant because Bilingual education is expensive, requiring the hiring of bilingual teachers, the organization of bilingual classes, and the acquisition of bilingual curriculum materials. [1]  These costs might be justified if they actually helped students. But the reality is that they do not. For one thing, they allow students to get by without learning English. One of the great obstacles to learning a new language is the fact that parents of students may well speak another language at home. If students suddenly use that language at school as well, they will spend the vast majority of their day speaking a language other than English, with the consequence that they may not pick it up at all, and find themselves at a large disadvantage when they attempt to join the workforce.  As a consequence, it seems likely that the money could be better used subsidizing tutoring for students learning English than running an entirely separate and parallel educational system.  [1] Rossell, Christine, ‘Does Bilingual Education Work? The Case of Texas’, Texas Public Policy Foundation, September 2009, Bilingual Education Expense Balkanization Government Obligation Workforce Preparation Efficient Spending Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Bilingual Curriculum English Language Learning Parental Influence Tutoring Separate Educational System Economic Efficiency Student Success Language Barriers Cultural Integration Cost-Benefit Analysis Policy Evaluation Texas Education Policy Bilingual Education Expenses Balkanization Government Obligation Workforce Preparation Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Bilingual Curriculum Learning English Parent Language Tutoring Subsidies Educational Efficiency Texas Public Policy Foundation Christine Rossell Bilingual Education Cost-Effectiveness Government Spending Workforce Preparation Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Bilingual Curriculum Language Acquisition English Proficiency Tutoring Educational System Texas Public Policy Foundation Christine Rossell Bilingual Education Expense Balkanization Government Obligation Efficient Spending Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Bilingual Curriculum Learning Outcomes English Acquisition Parental Influence Workforce Preparation Tutoring Parallel Educational System Texas Rossell Christine Bilingual Education Cost Efficiency Workforce Preparation Government Spending Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Curriculum Materials Language Acquisition English Proficiency Parental Influence Tutoring Separate Educational System Economic Justification Student Success Workforce Readiness Texas Rossell Christine Bilingual Education Expense Balkanization Government Obligation Efficient Spending Bilingual Teachers Bilingual Classes Bilingual Curriculum Language Learning English Proficiency Workforce Success Tutoring Separate Educational System Rossell Study Texas Example Bilingual education costs efficiency workforce preparation government obligation bilingual teachers curriculum materials language learning English acquisition parental influence tutoring educational systems Texas Rossell Christine bilingual education effectiveness bilingual education expense balkanization government obligation efficient spending workplace success hiring bilingual teachers organizing bilingual classes acquiring bilingual materials language learning English proficiency tutoring separate educational system workforce disadvantage Christine Rossell Texas Public Policy Foundation bilingual education expense balkanization government obligation workforce preparation bilingual teachers bilingual classes bilingual curriculum cost justification language learning parental influence English acquisition tutoring parallel educational system Rossell Texas Public Policy Foundation Bilingual education cost efficiency workforce preparation government obligation bilingual teachers curriculum materials language acquisition English proficiency tutoring educational systems workforce success Rossell Texas public policy
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-con01a	Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Assange is mostly interested in self-promotion, not being a serious journalist.  Journalists are judged by far more than their ability to acquire and disseminate knowledge or information. The quality of their writing, the skills and contacts developed to acquire it, the training used to enter the trade (which incidentally would have included the difference between the legitimate use of privileged information and espionage) and many other characteristics.  Assange doesn’t seem to have taken any interest in any of this. He undertook no formal training – he studied but did not graduate in Physics – and worked as a computer programmer and hacker before founding Wikileaks. His interest in data seems to do with the technological side of the process rather than the ideas.  Were a printer in the same situation to attempt the same defence, it would be ignored. Assange is an irresponsible geek, self-proclaimed hacker and someone who clearly has no interest in, or understanding of, the notion that there are occasions when a responsible journalist does not release information, frequently out of concern for those whose lives it might engender.  His entire background has been in hacking, he is described as a cryptographer in articles written by or about him before the launch of Wikileaks. This sudden commitment to journalism seems awfully convenient in the event of the threat of a trial. Julian Assange self-promotion serious journalist journalism standards writing quality information acquisition journalistic training privileged information espionage formal education computer programming hacking WikiLeaks data technology printer analogy irresponsible geek self-proclaimed hacker journalistic responsibility information withholding life concerns hacking background cryptographer journalism commitment trial defense Assange self-promotion journalist writing quality information acquisition training privileged information espionage formal education physics computer programmer hacker Wikileaks data technological process irresponsible geek cryptographer hacking responsible journalism information release trial defense Assange self-promotion serious journalist writing quality information acquisition journalism training privileged information espionage formal training physics computer programmer hacker wikileaks data interest technological process printer defence irresponsible geek hacker cryptographer journalism commitment trial threat Assange self-promotion serious journalist writing quality information acquisition journalistic training privileged information espionage formal education computer programmer hacker Wikileaks data interest technological focus irresponsible geek cryptographer hacking background convenient journalism trial defense journalist responsibility information release life concerns Assange self-promotion journalism writing quality journalistic skills contacts training privileged information espionage formal education physics computer programming hacking Wikileaks technological focus printer analogy irresponsible geek cryptographer information release responsibility trial defense opportunism Assange self-promotion serious journalist writing quality acquisition skills contacts training privileged information espionage formal training physics computer programmer hacker Wikileaks technological interest ideas printer defence irresponsible geek cryptographer hacking background convenient journalism trial threat Assange self-promotion serious journalism journalist standards writing quality information acquisition professional training journalism ethics privileged information espionage formal education physics computer programming hacking WikiLeaks technological focus irresponsible behavior hacker cryptographer information release journalistic responsibility trial defense opportunism Assange self-promotion journalism writing quality information dissemination journalist training privileged information espionage formal education physics computer programming hacker Wikileaks technological focus irresponsible geek cryptographer hacker background convenient journalism trial defense Assange self-promotion serious journalist journalism standards writing quality information acquisition skills journalistic training privileged information espionage formal education physics computer programming hacking Wikileaks technological focus irresponsible geek cryptographer hacker journalistic responsibility information release trial defense Assange WikiLeaks journalism self-promotion hacker responsible journalism information dissemination formal training cryptography hacker ethics trial defense journalist standards privileged information espionage
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro05a	Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost Allowing children to perform pushes them to grow up too soon  Child performers are exposed to a much higher level of responsibility than their peers, without the maturity to deal with it. They may be exposed to sex, drugs, or alcohol, in a context too far removed from a normal life that they don’t learn adequate coping mechanisms. It is no surprise that many child performers “burn out” by the time they reach adulthood, often experiencing problems long before, as in the case of actress Drew Barrymore, who entered rehab at the age of 13. [1] Children should not be encouraged to enter into these adult worlds of acting, modeling, dancing, etc. Michael Jackson attributed his obsession with children and childhood as a consequence of having missed out on a childhood himself.  [1] Barrymore, Little Girl Lost child performers early responsibility maturity issues exposure to adult content sex drugs alcohol inadequate coping mechanisms burnout childhood deprivation acting modeling dancing Drew Barrymore Michael Jackson Little Girl Lost rehab adolescent pressures premature adulthood psychological impact career risks young entertainers stunted development public scrutiny emotional challenges industry demands fame at a young age child performers early responsibility maturity issues exposure to adults sex drugs alcohol coping mechanisms burn out adulthood problems Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson missed childhood acting modeling dancing child exploitation psychological impact entertainment industry youth in media child performers early responsibility maturity issues exposure to adults sex drugs alcohol coping mechanisms burn out adulthood problems Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson missed childhood acting modeling dancing child performers grow up too soon responsibility maturity issues exposure to sex drugs alcohol inadequate coping mechanisms burn out adult worlds acting modeling dancing Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson missed childhood child exploitation early adulthood problems psychological impact child entertainment industry child performers early responsibility maturity issues exposure to vices inadequate coping burnout Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson missed childhood adult worlds acting modeling dancing child performers grow up too soon higher responsibility lack of maturity exposure to sex drugs alcohol inadequate coping mechanisms burn out child actors Drew Barrymore rehab at 13 Michael Jackson missed childhood acting modeling dancing adult worlds childhood trauma long-term effects early exposure psychological impact child performers adult responsibilities premature maturity exposure to vices inadequate coping mechanisms burnout Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson missed childhood acting modeling dancing child exploitation early adulthood problems child performers grow up too soon responsibility maturity exposure sex drugs alcohol coping mechanisms burn out adulthood problems Drew Barrymore rehab age 13 children adult worlds acting modeling dancing Michael Jackson obsession children childhood missed out child performers early responsibility maturity issues exposure to vices inadequate coping burnout adult worlds acting modeling dancing missed childhood long-term effects Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson childhood obsession child performers burn out Drew Barrymore rehab Michael Jackson childhood acting modeling dancing responsibility maturity coping mechanisms sex drugs alcohol adult worlds Little Girl Lost
test-society-epiasghbf-con04a	Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? Where are the men?  Is the feminisation of labour emerging with a de-masculinisation of jobs? If so, how do women cope in the work environment? Are methods being integrated to ensure a just work environment is maintained?  Overa’s (2007) study on gender relations within the informal economy indicates how tensions emerge with women and men being forced into similar occupations. The informal economy of retail trade in Ghana is becoming overcrowded as men enter into female jobs; competition is causing reductions in returns, and further, frustrations are rising against the state. Therefore if more women are entering male jobs, what are the reactions? gender relations feminisation of labour de-masculinisation work environment women coping strategies just work environment informal economy gender tensions retail trade Ghana job competition state response male jobs female jobs economic returns social frustrations feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana men entering female jobs competition in work state policies women entering male jobs gender tensions occupational shifts economic overcrowding returns reduction work frustration gender integration job market dynamics female-dominated industries male-dominated industries gender equality in workforce social implications of job gender shifts policy responses to gender shifts feminisation de-masculinisation labour market gender roles job competition informal economy retail trade Ghana gender relations work environment just work environment state response male jobs female jobs occupational shifts economic tensions social frustrations men in female-dominated jobs feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women coping in work environment just work environment gender relations in informal economy tensions in gender relations women and men in similar occupations overcrowding in informal economy competition in retail trade reductions in returns frustrations against the state women entering male jobs societal reactions to gender role changes Overa 2007 study gender dynamics in Ghana economic implications of gender shifts social implications of gender shifts policy responses to gender shifts in labour market feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs gender roles in workforce women in male-dominated jobs men in female-dominated jobs gender relations in informal economy Overa 2007 gender tensions in retail trade Ghana informal economy competition in female jobs state response to gender shifts just work environment gender integration methods feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade in Ghana men entering female jobs competition in job market reductions in returns frustrations against state women entering male jobs reactions to gender shifts men feminisation labour de-masculinisation jobs women work environment just work environment Overa 2007 gender relations informal economy tensions women men occupations retail trade Ghana competition reductions returns frustrations state women male jobs reactions feminisation of labour de-masculinisation of jobs women in work environment just work environment gender relations in informal economy tensions in informal economy competition in female-dominated jobs reductions in returns frustrations against state women entering male jobs reactions to women in male jobs Overa 2007 gender and employment gender roles in workforce economic gender shifts gender dynamics in retail trade Ghana informal economy male and female job competition economic gender integration state response to gender shifts gender equality in labor market feminisation labour de-masculinisation jobs women work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy tensions occupations retail trade Ghana competition returns frustrations state reactions Overa 2007 gender roles job market employment trends social dynamics economic changes gender equality workforce integration occupational segregation gender bias labor market socio-economic impact policy responses gender studies labor economics work-life balance female empowerment male adaptation occupational mobility economic development cultural norms gender stereotypes labor force participation employment opportunities feminisation labour de-masculinisation job market women work environment just work environment gender relations informal economy retail trade Ghana competition job returns state intervention gender roles economic shifts occupational overlap social tensions male employment female employment gender dynamics labor market economic changes occupational segregation job competition income reduction gender equality workforce integration employment trends social impacts policy responses gender studies labor studies economic studies social science anthropology sociology gender studies cultural studies international relations development studies economic sociology labor economics
test-science-ciidfaihwc-pro01a	Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 Governments have a moral duty to protect its citizens from harmful sites.  In recent years, supposedly innocent sites such as social networking sites have been purposely used to harm others. Victims of cyber bullying have even led victims to commit suicide in extreme cases [1] [2] . Given that both physical [3] and psychological [4] damage have occurred through the use of social networking sites, such sites represent a danger to society as a whole. They have become a medium through which others express prejudice, including racism, towards groups and towards individuals [5] . Similarly, if a particularly country has a clear religious or cultural majority, it is fair to censor those sites which seek to undermine these principles and can be damaging to a large portion of the population. If we fail to take the measures required to remove these sites, which would be achieved through censorship, the government essentially fails to act on its principles by allowing such sites to exist. The government has a duty of care to its citizens [6] and must ensure their safety; censoring such sites is the best way to achieve this.  [1] Moore, Victoria, ‘The fake world of Facebook and Bebo: How suicide and cyber bullying lurk behind the facade of “harmless fun”’, MailOnline, 4 August 2009,  on 16/09/11  [2] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [3] BBC News, ‘England riots: Two jailed for using Facebook to incite disorder’, 16 August 2011,  on 16/09/11.  [4] Good Morning America, ‘Parents: Cyber Bullying Led to Teen’s Suicide’, ABC News, 19 November 2007,  on 16/09/11  [5] Counihan, Bella, ‘White power likes this – racist Facebook groups’, The Age, 3 February 2010,  on 16/09/11  [6] Brownejacobson, ‘Councils owe vulnerable citizens duty of care’, 18 June 2008,  09/09/11 government moral duty protect citizens harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism religious majority cultural majority censorship duty of care safety online harm digital harm online safety digital ethics internet regulation societal protection online prejudice cultural sensitivity religious sensitivity legal responsibility cyber governance government duty protect citizens harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism religious majority cultural majority censorship duty of care citizen safety online harm digital safety internet regulation harmful content online prejudice cultural sensitivity religious sensitivity internet governance youth protection mental health digital ethics online responsibility governmental responsibility cyber safety harmful online behavior regulatory measures online censorship societal protection internet safety policies digital well-being cyber bullying suicide social networking psychological damage physical damage racism cultural sensitivity religious majority government responsibility duty of care censorship harmful sites online safety prejudice cyber harm digital ethics internet regulation societal protection online harassment cyber governance government duty citizen protection harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological harm prejudice racism religious majority cultural values censorship duty of care online safety cyber governance moral responsibility online harm social media regulation digital citizenship internet safety cyber ethics public health societal well-being online abuse digital welfare internet policy youth protection online security hate speech online harassment cyber laws digital rights online content regulation internet governance digital safety cyber threats online community digital inclusion online conduct digital ethics internet ethics online behavior government duty citizen protection harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism religious majority cultural majority censorship duty of care safety Facebook Bebo England riots racist groups vulnerable citizens moral duty protect citizens harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism religious majority cultural majority censorship duty of care government responsibility online safety cyber harm online prejudice cultural principles religious principles social media regulation internet censorship online protection digital ethics societal harm government intervention online harassment digital citizenship internet policy cyber governance government duty citizen protection harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism cultural majority censorship duty of care safety online harm digital ethics internet regulation content moderation cyber safety public policy digital citizenship government duty protect citizens harmful sites social networking cyber bullying suicide physical damage psychological damage prejudice racism religious majority cultural majority censorship duty of care citizen safety online harm online racism social media dangers government responsibility internet safety online prejudice cultural protection religious protection cyber harm digital well-being online incitement online disorder vulnerable citizens legal duty online welfare cyber bullying suicide social networking sites physical harm psychological harm racism prejudice cultural values religious values government responsibility duty of care censorship online safety harmful content incitement to disorder racist groups vulnerable citizens legal duty protection of citizens digital well-being online ethics public health societal impact free speech moral obligation regulatory measures internet governance cyber bullying social networking sites government responsibility online safety moral duty harmful content psychological damage physical damage racism cultural sensitivity religious principles censorship duty of care citizen protection online prejudice societal danger cyber safety legal responsibility digital ethics internet governance
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con04a	Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. Effective gun control is not achievable in democratic states with a tradition of civilian gun ownership  Much like the failure of the prohibition era to stop alcohol consumption, trying to restrict the use of guns that are already widely owned and prevalent in a society is an impossible task. [1]  The people who intend to use guns for illegitimate purposes are obviously unconcerned with the fact that it is illegal to acquire the guns in the first place in countries where this is already the case such as in the UK . [2] [3]  [1] Kates, Don B. ‘Why a Civil Libertarian Opposes Gun Control’. The Civil Liberties Review. June/July 1976   [2] The Independent. ‘Up to 4m guns in UK and police are losing the battle’. 4th September 2005.   [3] The Guardian. ‘Firearms: cheap, easy to get and on a street near you’ 30th August 2008. gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal acquisition civil libertarian UK gun laws firearms prevalence police challenges illegal firearms societal prevalence gun restriction effectiveness legislative limitations underground market illegal weapons trade public policy gun ownership tradition legislative impact crime prevention civil rights Second Amendment law enforcement crime rates gun violence social norms cultural factors regulatory challenges international comparisons policy effectiveness political debate public opinion legislative history legal reforms criminal behavior social control public safety constitutional rights gun policy firearm regulation social impact gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian Don B. Kates UK gun statistics police challenges firearm prevalence illegal firearms street availability gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition UK gun laws civil libertarian opposition gun prevalence firearms availability police challenges illegal firearms market gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition UK gun laws civil libertarian Don B. Kates The Independent The Guardian firearm prevalence illegal firearms gun legislation crime prevention societal gun culture gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal acquisition civil libertarian UK gun situation firearms availability street-level gun trade gun regulation challenges law enforcement limitations societal gun prevalence gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian UK gun laws police challenges firearms availability gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian Kates UK gun laws police challenges firearm availability societal prevalence illegitimate gun use civic rights legislative effectiveness crime prevention public safety historical comparisons policy impact enforcement difficulties gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian UK gun crime firearms prevalence societal gun culture legal restrictions inefficacy gun regulation challenges black market guns law enforcement difficulties gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian UK gun laws firearm prevalence police effectiveness illegal weapons societal gun culture legal restrictions gun policy firearm regulation legislative challenges crime prevention public safety weapon trafficking gun control democratic states civilian gun ownership prohibition era alcohol consumption illegal gun acquisition civil libertarian UK gun situation firearms prevalence societal gun restriction challenges
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro04a	"When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", When generic drugs are legalized firms and individuals no longer feel the incentive to misallocate resources to the race to patent new drugs and to monitor existing patents, or to spend resources stealing from one another  Patent regimes cause firms to inefficiently allocate resources. One such inefficiency arises from the duplication of effort by firms seeking to develop the same or very similar drugs, though only the first to do so may profit from it due to the winner-takes-all patent system. This leads to brutal races and excessive expenditure of resources to be first over the line and to monopolize the production, at least for a time. These races can thus lead to efforts by firms to steal research from one another, thus resulting in further wastes of resources in engaging and attempting to prevent corporate espionage. Another serious inefficiency arises in the production of similar products to existing ones, seeking to get around existing patents. Such has been the case for years in the pharmaceutical industry, which has succeeded, for example, in curing erectile dysfunction dozens of times. An overemphasis on such spinning off of similar products is the result of patent-generated inefficiency 1. The inefficiency does not end with production, however, as firms likewise devote great amounts of resources and effort to the development of non-duplicable products, in monitoring for infringement, and in prosecuting offenders, all of which generates huge costs and little or no return 2. Furthermore, the deterrent effect to patent piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. Clearly, in the absence of patent protection for pharmaceuticals, markets and firms will behave more efficiently. This is shown by the introduction of generic antiretroviral drugs for treating AIDS where the introduction of generic drugs forced the price of the branded drugs down from $10439 to $931 in September/October 2000 3.  1 Gabb, Sean. 2005. ""Market Failure and the Pharmaceutical Industry: A Proposal for Reform"". National Health Federation. Available: 2 World Intellectual Property Organization. 2011. ""Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property"". Available: 3 Avert.org, ""AIDS, Drug Prices and Generic Drugs"", generic drugs patent regimes resource misallocation pharmaceutical industry patent duplication winner-takes-all corporate espionage patent infringement monitoring patents prosecuting offenders patent piracy market efficiency drug pricing antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment branded drugs cost reduction healthcare economics intellectual property rights generic drugs patent laws resource allocation pharmaceutical industry patent inefficiency corporate espionage duplicate research patent infringement monitoring patents patent piracy market efficiency drug pricing antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment economic impact patent reform market failure intellectual property pharmaceutical patents drug development costs patent inefficiency resource misallocation drug development races corporate espionage redundant pharmaceuticals patent monitoring costs patent infringement litigation generic drug impact pharmaceutical market efficiency patent reform proposals intellectual property challenges antiretroviral drug pricing AIDS treatment cost reduction market failure pharmaceuticals state deterrence patent piracy pharmaceutical industry inefficiencies non-duplicable product development patent-generated resource wastage branded drug price reduction generic drug competition pharmaceutical innovation incentives patent system reform intellectual property enforcement drug patent circumvention pharmaceutical research duplication patent protection removal market-based pharmaceutical solutions global health economics generic drugs patent regimes resource misallocation pharmaceutical industry patent inefficiency corporate espionage patent infringement market efficiency drug prices generic antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment patent reform intellectual property market failure drug development winner-takes-all system non-duplicable products patent piracy state intervention drug monopolization production inefficiency resource expenditure patent monitoring prosecution costs deterrent effect branded drugs market behavior patent protection drug pricing healthcare economics pharmaceutical patents generic drugs legalized patent races resource misallocation drug patents pharmaceutical industry patent inefficiency duplicate research corporate espionage non-duplicable products patent infringement prosecution costs patent piracy market efficiency generic antiretroviral drugs drug pricing AIDS treatment market reform intellectual property World Intellectual Property Organization National Health Federation Avert.org patent inefficiency resource misallocation drug patent races corporate espionage pharmaceutical patents generic drugs drug price reduction patent reform market efficiency pharmaceutical industry generic drugs legalized patent inefficiency resource allocation corporate espionage drug development production costs patent infringement prosecution market efficiency drug prices antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment branded drugs generic drugs impact intellectual property pharmaceutical industry market failure reform proposals World Intellectual Property Organization Avert.org patent inefficiency resource misallocation drug development race corporate espionage patent duplication similar product development infringement monitoring patent prosecution generic drugs drug price reduction pharmaceutical market efficiency patent reform intellectual property issues AIDS treatment costs branded vs generic drugs patent system resource allocation inefficiency duplication of effort corporate espionage pharmaceutical industry generic drugs market efficiency patent infringement patent piracy drug prices antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment market failure intellectual property reform economic incentives drug development proprietary drugs innovation competition healthcare costs legal protections economic analysis policy implications research and development monopolization commercial espionage regulatory frameworks public health economic welfare drug pricing strategies patent law market dynamics drug patents therapeutic equivalence healthcare economics intellectual property rights drug monopolies economic inefficiencies generic drugs patent reform resource allocation pharmaceutical industry patent races corporate espionage patent infringement non-duplicable products market efficiency drug pricing antiretroviral drugs AIDS treatment patent protection pharmaceutical patents market failure intellectual property economic inefficiency duplicated effort incentive structures drug development patent law healthcare costs innovation incentives generic drug legalization branded drugs patent systems winner-takes-all pharmaceutical competition legal costs research and development patent monitoring patent prosecution patent piracy deterrent effect state intervention market behavior economic analysis pharmaceutical market patent-generated"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro02a	Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries need to have all the information possible in order to reach a fair verdict.  It is nonsensical to withhold evidence from a jury that might be necessary for them to reach an accurate verdict. Just because their verdict might be more prone to conviction rather than acquittal does not necessarily mean that this is an unfair or even inaccurate conclusion; given that violent offenders are likely to re-offend [1] , it may illuminate the truth rather than confuse it. Jurors should be allowed to weigh the relevance of previous convictions and compare them with the accusations of the trail at hand. A criminal justice system which currently relies on the ability of the jury to make a decision [2] cannot legitimately choose to withhold evidence from them without innately biasing the trial itself. As the UK Government’s White Paper states, ‘we want less evidence to be withheld from the courts, on the principle that relevant evidence should be admissible . . . magistrates, judges and juries have the common sense to evaluate relevant evidence and should be trusted to do so’ [3] . If we cannot trust juries to decide which evidence is relevant to the verdict and which is not, then the entire use of juries in the criminal justice system should be reconsidered.  [1] CBC News, ‘Getting out of prison’, March 2008.  [2] Direct Gov, ‘Jury service – what happens in court and after the trial’, 10 October 2011.  [3] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Juries information fair verdict withhold evidence accurate conclusion violent offenders re-offend previous convictions accusations criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate trust reconsider CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all Stationary Office jury information verdict evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate reconsider CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all jurors information fair verdict evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system bias trial UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate trust jury service court reconsideration jury information fair verdict evidence withholding conviction likelihood offender reoffense previous convictions trial evidence jury decision making criminal justice system evidence admissibility jury trust court common sense evidence evaluation jury service trial fairness legal system bias verdict accuracy relevant information legal evidence judicial trust Juries information fair verdict evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions accusations criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate reconsider CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office jury information fair verdict withhold evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system admissible evidence courts magistrates judges common sense relevant evidence jury service trial verdict Direct Gov CPS Justice for all CBC News Juries information fair verdict evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate reconsider CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all Juries evidence fair verdict conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate reconsider Jury service court trial CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office juries information fair verdict withhold evidence conviction acquittal violent offenders re-offend previous convictions accusations criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper admissible evidence magistrates judges common sense relevant evidence jury service court trial reconsideration CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office Juries information fair verdict withhold evidence accurate conclusion violent offenders re-offend previous convictions criminal justice system bias UK Government White Paper relevant evidence admissible magistrates judges common sense evaluate jury service reconsideration prison CBC News Direct Gov CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office
test-politics-cpecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP unemployment recession credit shortage investment media depression tax increase minimum wage government spending budget deficit suicide rates healthcare default euro exit citizen wellbeing economic policy fiscal measures financial crisis economic reform international finance public health social impact economic depression media influence economic competitiveness default benefits eurozone crisis financial austerity economic hardship policy failure economic recovery alternative measures economic well-being fiscal austerity economic strategy financial measures economic contraction public services austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP ratio competitiveness tax increases minimum wage reduction economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline recession cycle GDP fall government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access citizen wellbeing default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt % GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession unemployment credit shortage company financing economic depression media influence investment decline GDP fall government spending cuts budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access default euro exit economic suffering policy failure citizen wellbeing austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP ratio economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession unemployment rate credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline recession cycles GDP fall budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access government duties citizen wellbeing default euro exit economic alleviation austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt percentage GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage reduction recession unemployment credit shortage economic depression media influence investment decline GDP fall government spending cuts budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access citizens' wellbeing economic hardships default euro exit austerity failure new economic approach financial crisis management public health crisis social impact of austerity economic policy alternatives international financial support economic recovery strategies Greece economic conditions fiscal policy economic reforms societal impact of economic policies European economic integration financial austerity effects austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt ratio GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts recession unemployment credit shortage corporate financing economic depression media influence investment decline recession cycle government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access government duties economic suffering default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt to GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media impact investment decline government spending cuts budget deficit GDP reduction public health suicide rates healthcare access economic hardship government responsibilities default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP ratio competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts recession unemployment credit shortage company financing economic depression media impact investment decline GDP fall budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access government duties economic suffering default euro exit Greek economy austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission debt GDP ratio competitiveness tax increases minimum wage reduction economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing media impact investment decline GDP fall budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access default euro exit economic suffering Louise Armitstead The Telegraph austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt crisis GDP competitiveness recession unemployment credit shortage business financing media impact investment decline depression budget deficit default euro exit healthcare suicide rates economic policy fiscal measures social impact economic reforms debt relief Eurozone crisis Louise Armitstead The Telegraph
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro03a	Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 Allows the ruler to make necessary but unpopular decisions  Democracy and elections are about popularity but popular decisions are not always the right ones. Even mature democracies have sometimes seen their government’s make use of the levers of government to boost their electoral chances; for example Margaret Thatcher’s government stoked the economy in the Lawson boom in 1987 which just happened to be an election year. [1] Governments without elections can engage in long term planning and make unpopular decisions without fear of the consequences. Thus for example Saudi Arabia is willing to pump less oil (and so get less money in the short term at least) in order to create stability in the oil market by having enough excess capacity to prevent price spikes.  [1] Congdon, Tim, Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, 2007, p.73 unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity government manipulation electoral chances long-term planning short-term sacrifices economic stability political systems governance Saudi Arabia oil market price control Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom economic policy electoral cycles political economy Keynesian economics monetarism unpopular decisions mature democracies electoral chances long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability government levers election year short-term gains economic manipulation political popularity democratic shortcomings monarchial advantages economic planning strategic governance electoral cycle political strategy economic policy government intervention policy longevity unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity government electoral chances long term planning Saudi Arabia oil market price stability Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom 1987 election Congdon Tim Keynesians Monetarism unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity right decisions government levers electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom 1987 long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability price spikes Tim Congdon Keynes Keynesians Monetarism 2007 unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity government manipulation electoral chances long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability short-term sacrifices political levers economic manipulation Thatcher Lawson boom Keynes monetarism Congdon unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity mature democracies government levers electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom 1987 election long-term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability excess capacity price spikes Tim Congdon Keynes Keynesians Monetarism ruler unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity right decisions mature democracies government levers electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom 1987 long term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability excess capacity price spikes Tim Congdon Keynes Keynesians Monetarism unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity government levers electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom long term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability short term sacrifices price spikes economic planning political consequences mature democracies short-term vs long-term unpopular policies electoral cycle government manipulation economic cycles political economy governance models decision-making in politics unpopular decisions democracy elections popularity right decisions mature democracies government levers electoral chances Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom 1987 long term planning Saudi Arabia oil market stability excess capacity price spikes Congdon Keynes Keynesians Monetarism unpopular decisions long-term planning electoral chances government levers short-term benefits economic manipulation political popularity democratic shortcomings non-democratic governance strategic economic policies oil market stability Saudi Arabia oil policy Margaret Thatcher Lawson boom economic planning governance without elections political decision-making popularity vs right decisions mature democracies government intervention
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro03a	Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 Increasing a standard, even if not as high as the donor would want, increases the standard of the present situation  Increasing the required standard of business and labour will result in increases to the current standard labour and business standards even before aid is entirely tied as countries implement changes to ensure they get the most possible aid. Simply setting an expected level of labour and business standards will therefore create improvement in those standards. In the case of the Decent Work Country Programme for Bangladesh 2006-2009 Bangladesh has been implementing the program due to its positive benefit towards achieving the millennium development goals. This is despite challenges such as the lack of employment opportunities in the country. The programme has been successful in improving social protection, working conditions and rights for female, male, and children workers in a few sectors and areas [1] .  [1] International Labour Organization, Bangladesh: Decent Work Country Programme 2012-2015, 2012 increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation changes Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals employment opportunities social protection working conditions workers' rights female workers male workers child workers ILO International Labour Organization increasing standards donor expectations business standards improvement labor standards enhancement aid conditionality implementation of changes standard setting Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions worker rights employment challenges international labour organization programme success sector improvements development aid economic improvement labor rights advancement business environment improvement standard increase donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation changes Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers' rights employment opportunities International Labour Organization increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness aid conditions improvement in standards Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers' rights employment opportunities female workers male workers child labor international labour organization developmental impact program success economic development policy changes standard setting global aid labor market improvements social development sustainable development development cooperation international development labor standards enforcement economic policies aid programs poverty reduction human rights labor rights economic growth standards enforcement workforce development international aid development programs increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation changes expected levels labour improvements business improvements Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers' rights female workers male workers children workers employment opportunities ILO international labour organization programme success development aid policy changes standard setting socio-economic impact global development labor reforms business regulations international cooperation aid incentives development programs country-specific programmes economic development poverty reduction sustainable development worker protection labor market labor policies business environment increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation changes expected levels labour improvement Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals employment challenges social protection working conditions worker rights female workers male workers children workers sector improvements ILO international labour organization increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation of changes expected levels Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions worker rights employment opportunities programme success female workers male workers child workers ILO international labour organization development cooperation economic improvement social development standard increase donor expectations business standards labour standards aid conditions implementation changes millennium development goals Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh social protection working conditions workers' rights female workers male workers children workers employment opportunities programme success international labour organization increasing standards donor expectations business standards labour standards aid effectiveness implementation challenges Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers' rights female workers male workers child labor employment opportunities international labour organization development programs economic improvement policy changes aid dependency sustainable development global aid strategies labor reforms business environment economic development social impact international cooperation development aid poverty reduction human rights worker protection labor market economic policies government initiatives international standards global labor laws aid allocation development goals international support increasing standards donor expectations business standards labor standards aid country implementation changes for aid setting expectations improvement in standards Decent Work Country Programme Bangladesh millennium development goals social protection working conditions workers rights female workers male workers children workers employment opportunities International Labour Organization
test-international-siacphbnt-pro03a	Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 Technology is building a platform for sharing ideas.  Entrepreneurialism can be encouraged through an awareness, and sharing, of new ideas. The technological revolution has provided a platform for personal expression, delivery of up-to-date news, and the vital sharing of local ideas and thoughts. In Nigeria the Co-Creation Hub has emerged, encouraging an entrepreneurial spirit. Further, Umuntu and Mimiboards’ are connecting individual communities to the web by encouraging local content creation [1] .  Such platforms are enabling the transfer of knowledge and innovative ideas. Innovative solutions are being introduced to routine problems, such as ‘Mafuta Go’ an app to find the best price for petrol (Christine Ampaire).  [1] See further readings: Co-Creation Hub Nigeria, 2013 technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas routine problems Mafuta Go petrol price app Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas innovative solutions routine problems Mafuta Go petrol price Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas Mafuta Go petrol price app Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub entrepreneurial spirit Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation transfer of knowledge innovative ideas innovative solutions routine problems Mafuta Go petrol price Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative solutions routine problems Mafuta Go petrol price Christine Ampaire Technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation transfer of knowledge innovative ideas Mafuta Go best price petrol Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas innovative solutions routine problems Mafuta Go petrol price Christine Ampaire technology platform sharing ideas entrepreneurialism awareness new ideas technological revolution personal expression up-to-date news local ideas thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards local content creation knowledge transfer innovative ideas Mafuta Go petrol price Christine Ampaire Technology Platform Sharing Ideas Entrepreneurialism Awareness Technological Revolution Personal Expression News Local Ideas Thoughts Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards Web Local Content Knowledge Transfer Innovative Solutions Routine Problems Mafuta Go App Petrol Christine Ampaire Co-Creation Hub Nigeria 2013 innovative solutions local content creation entrepreneurial spirit technology platform sharing ideas personal expression up-to-date news local ideas Nigeria Co-Creation Hub Umuntu Mimiboards Mafuta Go petrol price app Christine Ampaire knowledge transfer community web connection routine problem solving technological revolution
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con02a	Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 Invoking public reaction can damage the lives of those concerned in the court case.  Proposition may well argue that televising court cases gains a sense of ‘sympathy’ and justice for the victims of the case. However, this is double-edged. Firstly, particularly emotive and controversial court cases concerning crimes such as sexual assault could blind the public (or ‘audience’) to any untruthfulness from the ‘victim’, by virtue of being perceived as vulnerable and wronged. Secondly, any sympathy which is gained for one person often arises out of increased hatred or outrage against another – namely the defendant. This could lead to public condemnation of an individual who is never actually convicted of a crime; they will be exposed to public reaction that might be wholly unjustified if he is subsequently acquitted. One example of this is when Milly Dowler’s father was questioned in court as a suspect of his daughter’s death and his personal, pornographic magazines were used as evidence against him [1] . Although he was completely innocent, the prosecution’s job was to explore any possibility of perversion or dangerous character. This is an infringement upon that individual’s rights, as being publicly portrayed as a villain could go on to affect their future private life, such as their chances of future employment or anonymity.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11 public reaction court cases sympathy justice victims untruthfulness sexual assault public condemnation innocence acquitted rights privacy employment anonymity Milly Dowler legal ethics media influence trial by media public opinion defendant rights victim rights judicial fairness emotional bias legal process televisual courts public exposure character assassination public reaction court cases televising trials sympathy justice victims untruthfulness sexual assault public condemnation defendant acquitted Milly Dowler pornographic magazines prosecution innocence rights employment anonymity public reaction court cases televising trials sympathy justice victims defendants public condemnation untruthfulness emotive cases controversial crimes sexual assault innocence acquittal rights infringement privacy employment anonymity Milly Dowler public perception media influence legal ethics trial by media public opinion jury bias emotional manipulation criminal justice system legal procedures evidence presentation character assassination societal impact legal repercussions media scrutiny personal rights defendant protection victim portrayal public sympathy judicial fairness public reaction court case televising trials sympathy justice victims double-edged emotive cases sexual assault public perception untruthfulness audience bias defendant public condemnation unjustified acquitted Milly Dowler father suspect personal life pornography prosecution character employment anonymity rights infringement public reaction court case sympathy justice victims double-edged emotive controversial sexual assault untruthfulness vulnerability public condemnation acquittal unjustified infringement rights future employment anonymity Milly Dowler prosecution perversion dangerous character public reaction court case sympathy justice victims public condemnation defendant acquitted unjustified rights privacy employment anonymity sexual assault untruthfulness emotional bias public opinion media influence legal proceedings Milly Dowler father suspect pornographic magazines prosecution character assessment court cases public reaction televising trials sympathy justice victims defendants sexual assault public condemnation innocence acquitted rights infringement privacy Milly Dowler employment anonymity public reaction court cases televising trials victim sympathy justice sexual assault public opinion untruthfulness defendant public condemnation acquitted Milly Dowler father pornographic magazines innocence prosecution rights infringement private life employment anonymity public reaction court case televising trials sympathy justice victims public condemnation defendants untruthfulness sexual assault emotive cases controversial crimes hatred outrage acquitted unjustified exposure rights infringement personal life impact employment chances anonymity Milly Dowler prosecution perversion dangerous character evidence innocence public reaction court cases televising trials sympathy justice victims emotive cases sexual assault public opinion untruthfulness vulnerability public condemnation acquittal unjustified reaction individual rights privacy infringement future employment anonymity Milly Dowler case prosecution tactics character assessment
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro02a	Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. Porn is inherently dehumanising  Pornography necessarily objectifies people: it presents a sexual desire, an urge, which is immediately attended by another person, often performing acts which we would find demeaning, until the original urge is satisfied. The use of others for pleasure treats them as means to one’s own ends, and denies them any value as rational subjects with a will of their own. This affects, naturally, the participants in pornography, but also their viewers who adopt corrupted notions of what to value in others, and furthermore other women who are later affected by men using the same metric to interact with them. dehumanizing objectification sexual desire demeaning acts pleasure rational subjects viewer impact corrupted values interaction metric societal effects gender relations ethical concerns consent exploitation dignity sexualization psychological impact relational dynamics media influence human worth dehumanisation objectification sexual desire demeaning acts pleasure rational subjects corrupted notions viewer impact interaction metrics female objectification male perception pornography effects sexual ethics human dignity moral psychology sexual agency consent issues feminist critique media influence social norms sexualization exploitation relational ethics intimacy respect gender equality sexual autonomy dehumanisation objectification sexualisation exploitation dignity consent gender sexual ethics moral philosophy human rights autonomy personhood sexual agency media influence viewer impact social norms gender relations sexual objectification pornography addiction feminist theory sexual violence power dynamics moral psychology sexual ethics objectification theory sexual respect sexual dignity sexual freedom human sexuality sexual health sexual rights sexual education sexual culture sexual norms sexual attitudes sexual behavior sexual expression sexual identity sexual relationships sexual communication sexual boundaries sexual empowerment sexual autonomy sexual Porn is dehumanizing Pornography objectifies Sexual desire and objectification Demeaning acts in porn Using others for pleasure Treating people as means Denying rational value Corrupted notions of value Affecting porn participants Impact on viewers Negative effects on women Porn and human interaction Pornography and gender relations Sexual exploitation Moral implications of pornography Ethical concerns in porn Pornography and objectification Psychological effects of porn Societal impact of pornography dehumanisation objectification sexual desire demeaning acts means to ends rational subjects corrupted notions value in others interaction metric pornography impact viewer behavior societal effects gender relations moral implications ethical considerations human dignity consent issues exploitation power dynamics sexual autonomy dehumanizing objectification sexual desire demeaning acts pleasure rational subjects will corrupted values viewers interaction metric women men dehumanization objectification sexual desire demeaning acts pleasure rational subjects corrupted values viewer impact societal effects gender relations dehumanising objectification sexual desire urge demeaning acts use of others pleasure means to an end rational subjects will viewers corrupted notions value interaction women men metric pornography participants ethical concerns moral implications dehumanising objectification sexual desire demeaning acts use of others pleasure rational subjects corrupted notions value in others interaction metrics pornography participants viewers societal impact gender relations moral ethics human dignity sexual autonomy consent feminist critique media influence dehumanization objectification sexual desire urge satisfaction demeaning acts use of others pleasure rational subjects corrupted notions viewer impact women affected male interaction ethical concerns feminist theory sexual autonomy consent media influence social norms power dynamics exploitation
test-international-segiahbarr-pro02a	Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators have significantly improved in recent years.  Human development index (HDI) indicators are used to assess levels of life expectancy, education and income indices throughout the world. The majority of African states have seen an improvement in these scores since 2001, and are predicted to continue this trend. Some African states, such Seychelles, Libya and Tunisia, are in the ‘High Human Development’ category and are positioned in the top 100 for HDI indicators, an improvement from 1990 [1] . Life expectancy has increased by 10% on the continent and infant mortality has decreased as well, thanks to the greater availability of mosquito nets and the attention given to HIV/AIDS [2] . Education is seen as a cornerstone to growth as it allows the quicker attainment of the skills required for knowledge-intensive industries (such as agriculture and services), which will in turn lead to greater development [3] . The level of literacy in Africa has seen an increase in reports on human development from 2001 [4] and 2011 [5] . Finally, levels of poverty throughout Africa have generally decreased, including in notable countries such as Ghana and Zimbabwe.  [1] Watkins, ‘Human Development Report’, 2005, p.219  [2] The Economist, ‘Africa Rising’, 2013  [3] Haddad, ‘Education and Development’, 1990  [4] Fukuda-Parr, ‘Human Development Report’, 2011  [5] ‘United Nations Human Development statistical annex’, 2011, pp.159-161 Human development indicators improvement recent years Human Development Index HDI life expectancy education income indices world African states trend 2001 Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development top 100 1990 life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth skills knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy human development reports poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Human development indicators HDI life expectancy education income Africa improvement trends Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS literacy poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe United Nations statistical annex human development report economics development knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services global trends regional analysis public health education policy economic growth social development international development poverty inequality health care education systems literacy rates economic indicators demographic trends sustainable development development economics global health public Human development HDI life expectancy education income indices African states improvement trends Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development life expectancy increase infant mortality mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education cornerstone growth skills knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy reports poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Watkins The Economist Haddad Fukuda-Parr United Nations statistical annex Human development indicators recent improvements Human Development Index HDI life expectancy education indices income indices African states improvement trend High Human Development top 100 HDI Seychelles Libya Tunisia life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS attention education cornerstone growth skills knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy increase poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe Watkins Human Development Report The Economist Africa Rising Haddad Education and Development Fukuda-Parr Human Development Report United Nations Human Development statistical annex Human development HDI life expectancy education income Africa improvement trends Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS literacy poverty reduction Ghana Zimbabwe development report United Nations statistical annex Human development indicators recent years HDI life expectancy education income indices African states improvement 2001 Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development top 100 1990 life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education cornerstone growth skills knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy increase Africa 2001 2011 poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Watkins Human Development Report The Economist Africa Rising Haddad Education and Development Fukuda Human development indicators HDI life expectancy education income indices Africa improvement 2001 Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth knowledge-intensive industries literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Watkins The Economist Haddad Fukuda-Parr United Nations Human Development statistical annex Human development HDI improvement African states life expectancy education indices income indices Seychelles Libya Tunisia high human development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education cornerstone skill attainment knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Human Development Report United Nations statistical annex Human development HDI life expectancy education income Africa African states Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy increase poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Watkins Human Development Report The Economist Africa Rising Haddad Education and Development Fukuda-Parr United Nations Human Development statistical annex Human development HDI life expectancy education income indices African states improvement Seychelles Libya Tunisia High Human Development life expectancy increase infant mortality decrease mosquito nets HIV/AIDS education growth skills knowledge-intensive industries agriculture services literacy poverty decrease Ghana Zimbabwe Human Development Report The Economist Africa Rising United Nations Human Development
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-con01a	Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers are necessary for roles in some films, television shows, etc., and for the survival of some sports  In some films or television shows, child actors are absolutely necessary in order to realistically portray society and the roles children play. The incredibly popular Harry Potter films, for example, would not have been half as convincing without the large cast of actors under the age of 18 playing the schoolchildren. Child actors are also necessary in the advertising industry, in order to make products appealing to a younger audience. Some sports, too, would be endangered if children were not allowed to compete. Ice skaters and dancers, for example, benefit greatly from training starting at an early age. [1]  [1] Sagolla, ‘Dance Training for Children and Teens’ Child performers roles films television shows survival sports realistic portrayal society Harry Potter convincing large cast actors under 18 schoolchildren advertising industry younger audience ice skaters dancers early training child actors necessity competition dance training children teens child performers roles films television shows sports survival realistic portrayal society Harry Potter advertising industry younger audience ice skaters dancers early training child actors necessary convincing endangered training children teens dance Sagolla child performers roles films television shows survival sports realistic portrayal society child actors Harry Potter convincing large cast actors under 18 schoolchildren advertising industry products younger audience ice skaters dancers training early age Dance Training for Children and Teens child performers roles in films television shows survival of sports realistic portrayal society children's roles Harry Potter films young actors advertising industry appealing to youth young audience sports endangerment child competition ice skating dance training early age training children and teens Child performers roles films television shows sports survival realistic portrayal society Harry Potter advertising industry young audience ice skating dancing early training Sagolla Dance Training for Children and Teens child performers roles films television shows survival sports realistic portrayal society Harry Potter advertising industry young audience ice skating dance early training child performers film television sports survival roles society realism Harry Potter child actors advertising younger audience ice skating dance early training Sagolla Dance Training children teens child performers child actors roles films television shows survival sports realistic portrayal society Harry Potter films advertising industry younger audience ice skaters dancers early training dance training children competition teen performers child performers roles films television shows survival sports realistic portrayal society Harry Potter convincing cast under 18 advertising industry younger audience ice skaters dancers training early age dance training children teens child performers films television shows sports Harry Potter advertising ice skating dancing young actors child actors necessary roles training youth competition realistic portrayal society representation product appeal early training Sagolla Dance Training for Children and Teens
test-international-eghrhbeusli-con02a	Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Prevents a competitor from building a high tech military  The arms ban is very effective in preventing the Chinese military gaining access to the best modern technologies. A convincing code of conduct has yet to be drawn up, but even if it looks very tight, it has a major flaw. Individual EU member states will be able to judge for themselves whether a proposed arms sale breaks the code. Past experience suggests that when exports are at stake, perhaps with the risk of job losses in an election year, then politicians interpret codes like this very loosely, so for example despite this code UK arms exports may have been used in the conflict against the Tamils in Sri Lanka. [1] This will be made worse by the thought of an EU state that if it refuses a particular military sale to China, then another member state will be more flexible. This means that each individual member will make decisions based upon what is best for it individually and not think of what is best for the Union as a whole – such as providing high tech weapons that bring in export dollars but helps undermine security.  [1] Prince, Rosa, ‘UK arms used against civilians in Sri Lanka and Gaza’, 2009. Arms ban military technology Chinese military code of conduct EU member states arms sales political interpretation export risks job losses election years UK arms exports Sri Lanka conflict EU state decisions export dollars security undermined arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale exports job losses election year UK arms exports conflict Tamils Sri Lanka EU state security high tech weapons export dollars Union individual decisions arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sales political interpretation job losses election years UK arms exports conflict Tamils Sri Lanka EU state decisions individual benefit Union security high tech weapons export dollars arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale exports job losses election year UK arms exports conflict against Tamils Sri Lanka security high tech weapons export dollars Union coherence arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale exports job losses election year politicians code interpretation UK arms exports conflict Tamils Sri Lanka EU state military sale Union security export dollars high tech weapons arms ban Chinese military high tech technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale code interpretation UK arms exports conflict against Tamils security undermining export dollars individual decision making union interest Arms ban Chinese military high tech technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sales political interpretation job losses election year UK arms exports conflict Tamils Sri Lanka Union security export dollars high tech weapons undermining security individual state decisions collective Union benefit arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale political interpretation UK arms exports conflict against Tamils election year job losses individual decision-making Union security high tech weapons export dollars security undermining arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sales political interpretation job losses election years UK arms exports conflict against Tamils Sri Lanka EU state flexibility high tech weapons export dollars Union security arms ban Chinese military modern technologies code of conduct EU member states arms sale political interpretation UK arms exports Sri Lanka conflict EU state decisions security undermining high tech weapons export dollars job losses election year Rosa Prince UK arms civilian conflicts Gaza
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con02a	Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, Settlements provide economic investment in the Occupied Territories  The fundamental fact is that the West Bank, whatever its status, is not an economically viable entity on its own. It produces few goods, while Gaza produces next to none, and independence without a major influx of capital will not change this situation.  The best source for a supply of capitol in the region lies in Israel, which has an enormous demand for a low-wage work-force. Millions of Palestinians worked in Israel until after 2000, and with travel into Israel proper restricted, settlement construction and cultivation provide economic development opportunities for the region and create jobs for Palestinians. [1] This is an important prospect when the unemployment figures for the Palestinians are at nearly 30%. [2]  Furthermore the very need for such labor is likely to further incentivise Israel to loosen restrictions on Palestinian workers in the West Bank and Gaza.  [1] Hass, Amira, ‘Israel to lift restrictions on Palestinian Jordan Valley travel’, Haaretz.com, 26 April 2007,   [2] ‘Palestinian unemployment shows gradual decline’, Jmcc, 21 February 2010, economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian workers settlement construction cultivation economic development job creation unemployment travel restrictions labor demand restrictions loosening Palestinian unemployment gradual decline economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian labor settlement construction cultivation economic development job creation unemployment travel restrictions labor demand incentive work opportunities West Bank Gaza economic viability low-wage workforce settlement construction Palestinian unemployment economic development Israeli restrictions Palestinian workers capital influx economic investment Occupied Territories independence job creation economic opportunities labor demand travel restrictions investment prospects unemployment decline Haaretz Jmcc Economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian employment settlement construction cultivation economic development job creation unemployment travel restrictions labor demand Palestinian workers West Bank travel Gaza travel economic opportunities capital supply economic prospects unemployment figures economic incentive labor market regional economy economic conditions Palestinian economy Israeli economy economic cooperation economic interdependence economic growth economic stability economic challenges economic benefits economic impact economic policy economic development opportunities economic restrictions economic improvement economic West Bank Gaza economic viability independence capital influx Israeli economy low-wage workforce Palestinian employment settlement construction economic development unemployment rates travel restrictions Israeli restrictions Palestinian workers Jordan Valley economic opportunities labor demand incentivization economic prospects regional development Economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian workers settlement construction economic development job creation unemployment travel restrictions labor demand Palestinian unemployment restrictions loosening economic opportunities West Bank Gaza economic viability independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian employment unemployment rates settlement construction economic development labor restrictions Palestinian workers Haaretz JMCC economic investment Occupied Territories settlements economic opportunities travel restrictions Jordan Valley Amira Hass Palestinian unemployment gradual decline economic prospects capital supply regional economy workforce demand economic facts economic support Palestinian economy Israeli-Palestinian relations economic integration labor market economic integration economic incentives economic challenges economic policies economic cooperation economic impact economic growth economic stability Settlements economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian workers settlement construction cultivation economic development job creation unemployment labor demand travel restrictions Palestinian unemployment economic opportunities travel liberalization economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian employment settlement construction economic development job creation unemployment travel restrictions incentive labor demand Palestinian workers West Bank travel Gaza travel unemployment decline economic investment Occupied Territories West Bank Gaza economic viability goods production independence capital influx Israel low-wage workforce Palestinian workers settlement construction cultivation economic development job creation unemployment labor demand travel restrictions West Bank travel Gaza travel economic opportunities Palestinian unemployment economic prospects
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro02a	Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, Poor families would be helped far more by investment in education and healthcare  This has been an urban and political obsession from the outset. The idea that the hungry and homeless need condoms more than food and shelter is clearly absurd. The poor would be better helped through “accessible education, better hospitals and lesser government corruption.” [i] Rather than interfering in the moral life of the nation, parliamentarians would be better exercised in tackling these concerns.  This issue has consumed political energy for over a decade and received massive national and international attention and yet there are far more pressing concerns for the nation – and its political leaders.  Instead this bill, which carries the marks of both political and moral corruption has been the main focus of the president and congress. At the very least this suggests a questionable sense of priority, at worst a gross lack of interest in the welfare of the Filipino people.  [i] Villegas, Socrates B., ‘Contraception is Corruption!’, CBCP News, 15 December 2012, education healthcare investment urban political obsession hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible better hospitals lesser government corruption parliamentarians moral life political energy national attention international attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people contraception CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas 2012 poor families investment education healthcare urban obsession political focus hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals lesser government corruption moral life political energy national attention pressing concerns political leaders contraception corruption welfare Filipino people CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas poor families education healthcare urban obsession political obsession hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption political energy national attention international attention pressing concerns political leaders moral life contraception corruption presidential focus congressional focus Filipino welfare CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas poor families investment education healthcare urban obsession political focus hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life nation political energy national attention international attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people Socrates B. Villegas CBCP News Contraception is Corruption poor families education healthcare urban obsession political focus condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life political energy national attention pressing concerns political leaders contraception corruption Filipino people CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas poor families investment education healthcare urban obsession political obsession hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life parliamentarians political energy national attention international attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people contraception CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas poor families investment education healthcare urban obsession political focus hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life nation political energy national attention international attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people contraception corruption CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas investment in education healthcare accessible education better hospitals lesser government corruption political obsession moral life pressing concerns Filipino people contraception controversy welfare priorities government focus national attention international attention political energy moral corruption questionable priority gross lack of interest poor families education healthcare urban obsession political obsession hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life political energy national attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people contraception CBCP News Socrates B. Villegas poor families education healthcare urban obsession political focus hungry homeless condoms food shelter accessible education better hospitals government corruption moral life national concerns political energy international attention pressing concerns political leaders bill political corruption moral corruption priority welfare Filipino people contraception corruption
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con03a	Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. Realistic costs for users and providers of bandwidth and phones  The example of mobile devices is, perhaps the most clear-cut. Manufacturers of mobile devices expect to make their money back and make a profit. They need to do this to pay salaries, invest in the next project and keep their shareholders happy. To do that they make a calculation based on the price of the original product and what additional revenue they are likely to make over the lifetime of that product’s use.  Phone companies in particular have complained that major content providers are simply not paying a fair share of the costs with the VP of Verizon, for example, accusing Google of getting “a free lunch” at the expense of network providers [i] .  Net neutrality compels some companies to ignore basic financial realities [ii] . For all that Proposition – and others such as politicians in Amsterdam and Santiago – may think that changing the basic rules of economics is a good idea, they have yet to explain how this Socialist utopia will work.  [i] Washington Post. Ashad Mohammed. “Verizon Executive Calls for End to Google’s ‘Free Lunch”. 7 February 2006.  [ii] The Economist. “The Difference Engine: Download Dilemma”. 6 May 2011. realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders additional revenue lifetime of product phone companies content providers fair share costs VP of Verizon Google free lunch network providers net neutrality financial realities basic rules of economics socialist utopia Washington Post Ashad Mohammed The Economist Difference Engine Download Dilemma realistic costs bandwidth phone providers mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders revenue lifetime use phone companies content providers fair share costs Verizon Google free lunch network providers net neutrality financial realities basic rules economics socialist utopia Amsterdam Santiago politicians download dilemma economics technology telecommunications business models market dynamics regulatory issues internet governance realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders additional revenue lifetime use phone companies content providers fair share costs VP Verizon Google free lunch network providers net neutrality financial realities basic rules of economics socialist utopia Proposition Amsterdam Santiago politicians Washington Post Ashad Mohammed The Economist Difference Engine Download Dilemma realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders calculation product price additional revenue lifetime use phone companies content providers fair share costs VP Verizon Google free lunch network providers net neutrality financial realities changing economics politicians Amsterdam Santiago socialist utopia download dilemma Washington Post The Economist realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders revenue product lifetime phone companies content providers fair share costs VP Verizon Google free lunch network providers net neutrality financial realities basic rules economics socialist utopia Amsterdam Santiago politicians download dilemma Washington Post The Economist Realistic costs bandwidth providers phone costs mobile device manufacturers profit calculation revenue lifetime phone companies content providers fair share costs Verizon Google free lunch net neutrality financial realities economic rules socialist utopia Amsterdam Santiago Washington Post The Economist realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders revenue lifetime use phone companies content providers fair share Verizon Google free lunch net neutrality financial realities economics socialist utopia Washington Post Ashad Mohammed The Economist Difference Engine download dilemma realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit investment shareholder satisfaction product pricing lifecycle revenue phone companies content providers cost sharing net neutrality financial realities economic rules socialism policy debate Verizon Google free lunch Washington Post The Economist download dilemma Amsterdam Santiago politicians economic principles technology industry telecommunications internet governance digital economy user experience service delivery infrastructure investment market dynamics regulatory issues business models revenue streams cost distribution fair use technological advancement policy-making stakeholder interests network management realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholder satisfaction product pricing lifetime revenue phone companies content providers cost-sharing fair share Verizon Google free lunch net neutrality financial realities economic rules politicians Amsterdam Santiago socialist utopia economic principles bandwidth costs mobile phone economics content delivery costs network provider costs digital economics telecommunications economics realistic costs users providers bandwidth phones mobile devices manufacturers profit salaries investment shareholders calculation original product additional revenue lifetime use phone companies content providers fair share costs VP Verizon Google free lunch net neutrality financial realities Proposition politicians Amsterdam Santiago economics Socialist utopia Washington Post Ashad Mohammed The Economist The Difference Engine Download Dilemma
test-health-dhpelhbass-con04a	It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) It would have a damaging effect on society  Some people who do not agree with voluntary euthanasia argue that if it was legalised, it would damage the moral and social foundation of society by removing the traditional principle that man should not kill, and reduce the respect for human life. It might also be the case that once voluntary euthanasia has been legalised, this might lead to cases of involuntary euthanasia being carried out. With people deciding that someone else's life such as the elderly or the terminally ill is not worth living and therefore performing euthanasia without their consent. [1] A recent study discovered that some sufferers of locked-in syndrome – as many as three out of four of the main sample – were happy and did not want to die. [2]  [1] The case against, religiouseducation.co.uik  (accessed 4/6/2011).  [2] Barbara Ellen, Who is to judge which lives are worth living?, guardian.co.uk, 17 April 2011  (accessed 6/6/2011) damaging effect society voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation traditional principle man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome lives worth living religious education Barbara Ellen guardian.co.uk society moral foundation social foundation voluntary euthanasia legalisation principle man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill consent locked-in syndrome happiness life worth living religiouseducation.co.uk Barbara Ellen guardian.co.uk voluntary euthanasia involuntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation respect for human life traditional principles killing legalisation elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome quality of life bioethics patient autonomy end-of-life decisions medical ethics palliative care religious perspectives societal values human dignity suffering compassion legislative implications public opinion ethical dilemmas right to die physician-assisted suicide autonomy vs. paternalism legal precedents slippery slope argument mental competence advocacy debated medical practices end-of-life care patient rights healthcare policies voluntary euthanasia legalisation moral foundation social foundation man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome happiness quality of life consent religious views ethical concerns slippery slope patient autonomy dignity in dying medical ethics end-of-life decisions healthcare policy human rights suffering palliative care life worth living damaging effect society voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation traditional principle man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome life worth living religiouseducation.co.uk guardian.co.uk voluntary euthanasia legalisation moral foundation social foundation man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome lives worth living religious perspectives ethical considerations patient autonomy medical ethics societal values end-of-life decisions quality of life palliative care human dignity voluntary euthanasia moral and social foundation traditional principle man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia terminally ill locked-in syndrome quality of life religious perspectives ethical concerns legalisation impacts patient autonomy medical ethics end-of-life decisions societal values compassionate care human dignity lawmaker considerations public opinion bioethics palliative care mental health decision-making capacity vulnerable populations healthcare policy ethical dilemmas terminal care assisted dying euthanasia debate life worth living suffering pain management advance directives elder care voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation principle of not killing respect for human life involuntary euthanasia elderly terminally ill locked-in syndrome quality of life end-of-life decisions medical ethics patient autonomy legalisation of euthanasia slippery slope argument bioethics human dignity religious perspectives ethical considerations palliative care patient rights physician-assisted suicide living wills advance directives healthcare proxy decision-making capacity mental competency public health policy societal values legal implications medical law bioethics committees ethical dilemmas moral voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation principle of not killing respect for life involuntary euthanasia terminally ill elderly locked-in syndrome quality of life ethical concerns legalisation human dignity patient autonomy medical ethics end-of-life decisions compassion suffering healthcare policy religious perspectives societal values patient rights physician-assisted suicide palliative care euthanasia regulation bioethics humanitarian considerations legal implications mental health disability rights public opinion cultural norms moral relativism bioethical debates healthcare resources terminally ill care voluntary euthanasia moral foundation social foundation man should not kill respect for human life involuntary euthanasia terminally ill religious perspective locked-in syndrome quality of life ethical concerns legal implications patient autonomy end-of-life decisions medical ethics humane treatment dignity in dying suffering palliative care
test-international-gmehwasr-pro02a	It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 It is in the national interest for democracies to support those seeking to oust dictators  Democracies should support moderate groups seeking to oust dictators because the result will hopefully be a moderate, democratic state. This would then be a reliable partner for the future that would be more willing to help engage and resolve the region's problems. But this is not all about being high minded and wanting to promote democracy in the Middle East, arms need to be provided in order to ensure future influence in Syria. We already know that there are jihadis operating in Syria so it is plain that this is a conflict that will eventually have wider implications for the west. If we want to have influence in Syria after Assad is overthrown then we need to begin helping opposition groups. It is in our interest to build up the moderate groups so as to deny support to the extremists; once this is over we would be in a much better position if we have grateful friends on the ground rather than groups who are resentful that we provided fine words but no real help. We don't want to find ourselves having to root out terrorists from the air using UAVs. [1]  [1] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future influence Syria arms jihadis conflict wider implications west influence opposition groups moderate extremists grateful friends terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future influence Syria arms provision conflict wider implications west influence opposition groups moderate groups deny support extremists grateful friends real help root out terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner resolve problems promote democracy Middle East provide arms future influence Syria jihadis conflict implications influence post-Assad build moderate groups deny support extremists grateful friends UAVs root out terrorists Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner resolve problems promote democracy Middle East provide arms future influence Syria jihadis conflict implications west influence post-Assad Syria build moderate groups deny support extremists grateful friends resentful groups root out terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy 2013 national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner engage resolve region's problems promote democracy Middle East arms future influence Syria jihadis conflict wider implications west influence Assad opposition groups moderate groups deny support extremists grateful friends resentful real help root out terrorists UAVs Hokayem Emile Roundtable arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy 2013 national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future engagement resolve problems promote democracy Middle East provide arms future influence Syria jihadis conflict wider implications western interest influence opposition groups build moderate groups deny support extremists grateful friends resentful groups root out terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy 2013 national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner resolve problems promote democracy Middle East provide arms future influence Syria regional stability counterterrorism prevent extremists build alliances grateful allies UAVs Emile Hokayem arming rebels Foreign Policy national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future engage resolve region's problems promote democracy Middle East arms influence Syria jihadis conflict wider implications west influence opposition groups moderate groups extremists grateful friends terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy 2013 national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future resolve problems promote democracy Middle East provide arms influence Syria jihadis conflict western influence post-Assad build moderate groups deny extremists grateful friends terrorists UAVs Hokayem Emile Foreign Policy arming Syrian rebels national interest democracies support oust dictators moderate groups democratic state reliable partner future influence Middle East arms Syria jihadis conflict wider implications west influence opposition groups build up extremists grateful friends terrorists UAVs Emile Hokayem arming Syrian rebels Foreign Policy
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro01a	The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, The current austerity measures are not working  The Austerity measures put in place by the ECB, IMF and European Commission have led to nothing but misery for the Greek people. They have failed to cut down the total debt % GDP ratio and have also failed to increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy. This is because raising taxes and slashing the minimum wage has sent the economy deeper and deeper into recession. Unemployment is at a record high of 21% and there is a severe shortage of credit leading to severe difficulties in companies financing their day to day projects. What’s more, the country itself is plunged into depression. Escalated (inevitably) by the local and international media, the climate is one of despair and investment is at the bottom of anyone’s priorities. This further perpetuates the cycles of recession and prevents any of the austerity measures having their desired effect. Additionally, the drastic fall in GDP every quarter means that cuts in government spending are also not having their desired effect on reducing the budget deficit % GDP ratio. Worst of all, the economic hardships have drawn many people to despair and the suicide rates in Greece have dramatically risen over the last year and access to healthcare has drastically declined. [1] In this manner, the government is failing in fulfilling its most basic duties of safeguarding the lives and wellbeing of its citizens. If the current measures are not working then a new approach is needed. A default would alleviate much of the suffering caused by austerity.  [1] Armitsead, Louise: “Why Greece should default and exit the euro” 23 February 2012, The Telegraph, austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP competitiveness taxes minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage investment media impact economic depression budget deficit government spending suicide rates healthcare access default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP competitiveness tax increase minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage company financing economic depression media influence despair investment decline budget deficit GDP ratio government spending suicide rates healthcare access citizen wellbeing default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek people debt GDP economic competitiveness taxes minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage company financing economic depression media influence investment decline GDP fall government spending cuts budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access citizen wellbeing default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt-to-GDP ratio economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession high unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media impact investment decline recession cycles GDP decrease government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships rising suicide rates healthcare access government duties default exit euro economic suffering policy failure new economic approach austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt reduction GDP ratio competitiveness tax increase minimum wage reduction economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline government spending cuts budget deficit suicide rates healthcare access default euro exit economic hardship citizen wellbeing austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt % GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline recession cycle GDP reduction government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access government duties default euro exit economic suffering Louise Armitstead The Telegraph austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP competitiveness taxes minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline recession cycle government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access citizen wellbeing economic default euro exit Louise Armitsead The Telegraph austerity ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt GDP competitiveness taxes minimum wage recession unemployment credit investment depression media GDP growth budget deficit suicide rates healthcare default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek people debt GDP economic competitiveness taxes minimum wage recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media influence investment decline economic cycles GDP fall government spending cuts budget deficit economic hardships suicide rates healthcare access government duties default euro exit austerity measures ECB IMF European Commission Greek economy debt % GDP economic competitiveness tax increases minimum wage cuts economic recession unemployment credit shortage business financing economic depression media impact investment decline GDP decline government spending cuts budget deficit social impact suicide rates healthcare access citizen wellbeing economic default euro exit
test-culture-cgeeghwmeo-pro01a	"The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, The Identity and History of the United States are intrinsically linked to the English Language  From its very founding, English was the common language of the United States, and full participation in the national life was dependent on the ability to speak it. Theodore Roosevelt himself once noted that ""We have one language here, and that is the English language, and we intend to see that the [assimilation] crucible turns our people out as Americans ” [1]  Declaring English as the official language will give legal force to this history, and help provide unity to Americans at a time when many come from different backgrounds and hold different political views.  Furthermore, it will help immigrants with the process of assimilation. Rather than simply learning English for pragmatic reasons, the act of learning English will tie immigrants into a political and historical tradition going back to Thomas Jefferson.  [1] Opposing Views, ‘Linguistic Unity Is Critical in an Increasingly Diverse Society’, 2010, United States English Language history identity national participation Theodore Roosevelt official language legal force national unity diverse backgrounds political views assimilation immigrants Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity critical society opposing views English language United States history national identity language assimilation Theodore Roosevelt official language linguistic unity immigrant assimilation political tradition cultural diversity historical tradition Thomas Jefferson legal force national life participation identity history United States English language founding national life Theodore Roosevelt assimilation official language legal force unity immigrants political tradition Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity diverse society identity history United States English Language founding national life Theodore Roosevelt official language legal force unity Americans different backgrounds political views assimilation immigrants political tradition historical tradition Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity diverse society Identity History United States English Language Founding National Life Theodore Roosevelt Official Language Legal Force Unity Americans Backgrounds Political Views Assimilation Immigrants Pragmatic Reasons Political Tradition Historical Tradition Thomas Jefferson Linguistic Unity Diverse Society identity history United States English language founding national life Theodore Roosevelt assimilation official language legal force unity immigrants political tradition Thomas Jefferson linguistic unity diverse society English language United States history national identity Theodore Roosevelt official language legal recognition national unity immigrant assimilation political tradition Thomas Jefferson linguistic diversity societal cohesion cultural integration language policy historical significance linguistic unity diverse society civic participation language and identity American heritage Identity History United States English Language Founding National Life Theodore Roosevelt Assimilation Official Language Legal Force Unity Americans Backgrounds Political Views Immigrants Pragmatic Reasons Political Tradition Historical Tradition Thomas Jefferson Linguistic Unity Diverse Society Identity History United States English Language Founding National Life Theodore Roosevelt Assimilation Official Language Legal Force Unity Diversity Political Views Immigrants Pragmatic Reasons Thomas Jefferson Linguistic Unity Society Cultural Integration Historical Tradition United States English Language Identity History Theodore Roosevelt Official Language Unity Assimilation Immigrants Thomas Jefferson Linguistic Unity Diversity Society Political Tradition Cultural Integration National Participation Language Policy"
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro06a	Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. Just as the state creates laws to protect child performers it could ban child performers  Child performers are currently protected by laws about all sorts of things from the minimum amount of education they may get to their pay and how many hours they can work. Many of these laws would be much more difficult to enforce than a blanket ban. It would be simple to enforce as child performers would in most cases be easy to spot – as they are performing for the public. The government could then bring charges against those who are employing the child and fine them. child performers laws protection education pay working hours enforcement blanket ban public performance government penalties employment fines child performers laws protection education pay working hours enforcement blanket ban public performance government charges fines child performers laws protection education pay working hours enforcement ban public performance government charges fines child performers legal protection minimum education pay regulations work hours enforcement difficulty blanket ban public performance government fines employment charges child performers laws protection education pay work hours enforcement blanket ban public performance government charges fines child performers laws protection education pay work hours enforcement ban public performance government charges fines child performers laws protection education pay work hours enforcement blanket ban public performance government charges fines child performers protection laws minimum education pay regulations work hours enforcement difficulties blanket ban public visibility government charges employer fines child performers laws protection education pay hours enforcement blanket ban public performance government charges fines child performers laws protection education pay hours enforcement blanket ban public government charges fines
test-international-gmehwasr-con01a	"Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 Sovereignty and non intervention in internal affairs  It is a clear international rule that nations are sovereign and other states are simply not allowed to be making interventions into another country’s domestic affairs. The UN Charter emphasises “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state”. [1] Within a state only the government is legitimate as the supreme authority within its territory. [2] This is to prevent the bigger and richer powers from doing exactly this sort of thing to obtain the result they want inside another country. This is why Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stated ""International law does not permit the supply of arms to non-governmental actors and our point of view is that it is a violation of international law,"" in response to suggestions that the UK would arm the Syrian rebels. [3]  [1] UN General Assembly, Article 2, Charter of the United Nations, 26 June 1945  [2] Philpott, Dan, ""Sovereignty"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)  [3] Abbas, Mohammed, ‘Russia says arming Syrian opposition would be illegal’, Reuters, 13 March 2013 sovereignty non-intervention international law UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority foreign interference Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov international relations arms supply non-governmental actors UK Syrian rebels Mohammed Abbas Reuters sovereignty non-intervention internal affairs international law UN Charter state authority foreign intervention Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov UK Syrian rebels arming non-governmental actors international relations state sovereignty domestic jurisdiction legal authority political intervention UN principles arms supply international norms state jurisdiction illegality foreign policy security council sovereignty violation territorial integrity sovereignty non-intervention internal affairs international rule UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority international law foreign intervention Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov UK Syrian rebels arming non-governmental actors violation of international law UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Mohammed Abbas Reuters sovereignty non-intervention international law UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority international relations Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov arming rebels Syrian conflict UK intervention international rules state sovereignty foreign interference legal norms international security diplomatic relations state rights territorial integrity Sovereignty non-intervention international law UN Charter domestic affairs state authority international relations foreign policy interventions state sovereignty international rules domestic jurisdiction supreme authority foreign interference power dynamics international conflict Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov arming rebels Syrian conflict UK foreign policy legal perspectives international community state integrity territorial integrity international norms diplomatic relations sovereignty non-intervention internal affairs international rule UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority international law foreign intervention military aid Syrian conflict Russian stance UK policy political sovereignty legal principles state sovereignty international relations arms supply non-governmental actors international ethics UN principles state independence foreign policy international conflicts legal prohibitions diplomatic relations territorial integrity national self-determination international community security council peacekeeping state autonomy international norms humanitarian intervention state responsibility legal framework international governance state authority foreign influence conflict resolution international Sovereignty non-intervention international law UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority foreign intervention international relations Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov UK Syrian rebels arms supply international legality UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Mohammed Abbas Reuters sovereignty non-intervention international rule UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority international law Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov arming rebels Syrian conflict UK foreign policy international relations state sovereignty domestic affairs foreign intervention legal principles international community diplomatic relations state legitimacy sovereignty non-intervention international law UN Charter domestic jurisdiction state authority foreign intervention power dynamics Russia Syria UK arming rebels international relations legal norms state sovereignty territorial integrity international rules foreign policy diplomatic relations humanitarian intervention state autonomy sovereignty non-intervention international rule UN Charter domestic jurisdiction government authority international law Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov UK Syrian rebels arming non-governmental actors violation of international law UN General Assembly Philpott Dan Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Mohammed Abbas Reuters"
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con03a	There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. There are better alternatives to solving the problems of contemporary warfare.  If it is granted that the UN currently reacts too slowly to crises, alternatives for an improved response could be implemented without resorting to a standing army. A Rapid Reaction Force made up of fast-response units from member states with elite military capability, pledged in advance for UN operations, would build upon the best features of the current system. Security Council reform to remove the veto powers from the Permanent 5 members would allow deadlocks in decision-making to be rapidly broken and avoid the compromises which produce weak mission mandates. An improved prediction capability through better intelligence and analysis, and central logistical planning at UN headquarters would allow forces to be assembled and mandates drafted before problems became full-blown crises. Security Council rules could be changed so that resolutions requiring force could not be passed until troops have been pledged in advance. warfare UN rapid response military Security Council reform veto powers intelligence logistical planning mandate crisis management standing army member states elite units prediction capability decision-making peacekeeping resolutions troop commitment alternatives contemporary warfare UN response standing army Rapid Reaction Force elite military Security Council reform veto powers decision-making weak mandates improved prediction intelligence central logistics UN headquarters Security Council rules troop pledges force resolutions UN reform Rapid Reaction Force elite military units Security Council veto improved intelligence central logistical planning pre-pledged troops crisis prediction mandate strengthening decision-making efficiency Rapid Reaction Force Security Council reform veto power removal elite military units improved prediction capability central logistical planning UN operations fast-response units mission mandates Security Council rules pre-pledged troops contemporary warfare alternatives UN crisis response standing army alternative Rapid Reaction Force Security Council reform veto powers elite military units UN operations improved response prediction capability central logistical planning mission mandates intelligence analysis troop pledges crisis management decision-making deadlocks contemporary warfare alternatives contemporary warfare UN response standing army Rapid Reaction Force elite military units Security Council reform veto powers decision-making deadlocks mission mandates prediction capability intelligence analysis central logistical planning troop pledges resolution passing Rapid Reaction Force fast-response units elite military capability Security Council reform veto power removal improved prediction intelligence and analysis central logistical planning UN operations standing army alternative crisis response mandate strengthening pre-pledged troops resolution passing criteria Rapid Reaction Force member states elite military UN operations Security Council reform veto powers Permanent 5 decision-making weak mission mandates improved prediction intelligence analysis central logistical planning UN headquarters force deployment mission mandates Security Council rules troop pledges crisis prevention Rapid Reaction Force Security Council reform veto powers elite military units UN operations improved prediction intelligence analysis central logistical planning mission mandates force resolution troop pledging contemporary warfare solutions crisis response standing army alternative Rapid Reaction Force Security Council reform elite military units prediction capability logistical planning UN operations veto powers mission mandates force resolutions member states decision-making contemporary warfare standing army crisis response intelligence analysis Security Council rules troop pledging
test-international-siacphbnt-pro04a	Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. Changing education systems and democracy.  Technology has enabled access to e-books and resources for students and teachers [1] . Such changes have enabled improved efficiency in teaching, with the availability of up-to-date resources and awareness of relevant theories. Furthermore, the ease by which students are able to access multiple resources and buy books online is expanding their intellectual curiosity and library.  In addition to raising new students, technology can be seen as a tool for democracy. Technology provides a tool for government accountability, transparency in information, and for good governance. Organisations, such as Ushahidi (Crowdmapping) following Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence; and mySociety which updates citizens on parliamentary proceedings in South Africa, show how technology is feeding democratisation for youths [2] .  [1] See further readings: Turcano, 2013.  [2] See further readings: Treisman, 2013; Usahidi, 2013. education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date resources theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date resources theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya 2007 post-election violence mySociety citizens parliamentary proceedings South Africa youths democratisation Turcano 2013 Treisman 2013 Usahidi 2013 Changing education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers improved efficiency teaching up-to-date resources relevant theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya 2007 post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers teaching efficiency up-to-date resources intellectual curiosity government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi mySociety Kenya 2007 post-election violence South Africa parliamentary proceedings democratisation youths changing education systems democracy technology e-books resources teaching efficiency up-to-date resources theories student curiosity library expansion government accountability transparency good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping mySociety parliamentary proceedings democratisation youths Turcano 2013 Treisman 2013 Usahidi 2013 education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date resources theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths Turcano 2013 Treisman 2013 Usahidi 2013 education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date resources theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date resources theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi mySociety Kenya post-election violence parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths education systems democracy technology e-books resources students teachers efficiency teaching up-to-date theories intellectual curiosity library government accountability transparency information good governance Ushahidi Crowdmapping Kenya post-election violence mySociety parliamentary proceedings South Africa democratisation youths Turcano 2013 Treisman 2013 Usahidi 2013
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro03a	The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, The increasing effectiveness of the African Union  The African Union has been taking a much more active stance in preventing and resolving conflict. Since 2003 responsibility for peace in Africa has been with the Peace and Security Council. This body has authorised AU interventions in Somalia, Sudan, Burundi, and the Central African Republic. [1] The African Union is not the only organisation engaged in peacekeeping; the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has also been actively engaged in peacekeeping, having been deployed in numerous conflicts since the 1990s, most recently in Mali where they took part alongside French forces in defeating an Islamist insurgency. [2]  The AU is also boosting its collective capacity to respond to crises creating the African Standby Force made up of five regional brigades of 4000 soldiers. This force, when complete, will enable rapid deployment anywhere in Africa so helping to prevent crises becoming full scale wars. [3]  [1] ‘Peace and Security Council’, peaceau.org, 23 July 2013,   [2] News24, ‘Ecowas urges members to send troops to Mail’, 23 October 2013,   [3] Cilliers, Jakkie, ‘The African Standby Force An update on progress’, Institute of Strategic Studies, March 2008, African Union Peace and Security Council AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response rapid deployment conflict prevention African Union Peace and Security Council conflict resolution peacekeeping ECOWAS African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic Mali French forces Islamist insurgency collective capacity rapid deployment prevention full scale wars African Union Peace and Security Council conflict prevention conflict resolution AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis response full scale wars Jakkie Cilliers Institute of Strategic Studies African Union Peace and Security Council conflict resolution peacekeeping AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS West African States peacekeeping missions Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis prevention Jakkie Cilliers Institute of Strategic Studies African Union Peace and Security Council conflict resolution peacekeeping interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response rapid deployment full scale wars Cilliers Jakkie Institute of Strategic Studies African Union peace and security conflict resolution Peace and Security Council AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic peacekeeping ECOWAS West African States Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force rapid deployment crisis prevention collective capacity regional brigades soldiers African Union Peace and Security Council conflict resolution peacekeeping AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response rapid deployment Cilliers Jakkie Institute of Strategic Studies African Union Peace and Security Council conflict prevention conflict resolution AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades crisis response rapid deployment full scale wars Jakkie Cilliers Institute of Strategic Studies African Union Peace and Security Council AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force regional brigades rapid deployment crisis prevention Cilliers Jakkie Institute of Strategic Studies African Union Peace and Security Council conflict resolution AU interventions Somalia Sudan Burundi Central African Republic ECOWAS peacekeeping Mali French forces Islamist insurgency African Standby Force rapid deployment crisis prevention collective capacity regional brigades
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro04a	Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, Forces the ruler to find another way to placate the people  Not having any elections – or only elections for a powerless advisory parliament – may actually have a benefit in putting responsibility squarely on the shoulders of the rulers. Only a country that is comparatively well governed, or successful, can manage without a democratic safety valve. It is notable that the remaining absolute monarchies or those where the King rules as well as reigns are mostly very wealthy petro states. Several of the remaining communist regimes, China and Vietnam, rely on rapid economic growth to cement their legitimacy combined with meritocracy in their selection of leaders. In both cases there is an incentive for good governance by those in power as they are in for the long term. The leaders know they are not going to be elected out of office so have the motivation to reduce corruption and create long term growth through investment in infrastructure because this will benefit them in the future. [1]  [1] Feldman, Noah, ‘Feldman examines corruption and political legitimacy in China’, Harvard Law School, 11 March 2013, absolute monarchies petro states wealth governance legitimacy rapid economic growth meritocracy anti-corruption infrastructure investment long-term growth democratic safety valve advisory parliament elections rulers' responsibility political stability China Vietnam communist regimes good governance Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states rapid economic growth meritocracy long-term governance corruption reduction infrastructure investment political legitimacy democratic safety valve advisory parliament economic success good governance communist regimes China Vietnam absolute rulers electoral systems civic responsibility Noah Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states communist regimes economic growth meritocracy good governance long-term leadership democratic safety valve political legitimacy rapid economic growth infrastructure investment corruption reduction China Vietnam Noah Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states economic growth meritocracy communist regimes good governance democratic safety valve long term growth infrastructure investment political legitimacy rapid economic development reduction of corruption advisory parliament rulers' responsibility absolute monarchy petro states communism economic growth meritocracy good governance long-term planning infrastructure investment political legitimacy democratic safety valve rulers' responsibility elections powerless advisory parliament corruption reduction leadership stability Noah Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states economic growth meritocracy good governance rapid economic growth long-term investment infrastructure development corruption reduction political legitimacy democratic safety valve advisory parliament rulers' responsibility communist regimes China Vietnam electoral systems power distribution governance quality leader selection long-term leadership incentives absolute monarchy petro states democratic safety valve communist regimes rapid economic growth meritocracy good governance long-term motivation corruption reduction infrastructure investment political legitimacy China Vietnam Noah Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states communism China Vietnam economic growth meritocracy governance legitimacy democratic safety valve rapid economic growth corruption infrastructure investment long-term growth rulers' responsibility advisory parliament elections no elections well-governed countries political legitimacy Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states economic growth meritocracy good governance corruption reduction long-term investment democratic safety valve advisory parliament rulers' responsibility political legitimacy communist regimes China Vietnam rapid economic growth infrastructure investment long-term leadership electoral systems governance quality Feldman Harvard Law School absolute monarchy petro states non-democratic governance economic growth meritocracy legitimacy corruption long-term governance infrastructure investment China Vietnam rapid economic growth advisory parliament democratic safety valve rulers' responsibility good governance electoral systems political stability
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro03a	How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, How Congress Works  Congress is a bicameral body, with its constituent parts, the House of Representatives and Senate, working largely independent of each other to create bills. However necessary for both the house and Senate to pass laws in identical form in order for it to become law. [1] A period of ‘Reconciliation’ is usually required to find a compromise between two different versions of the same bill in order to maintain and improve what is best about proposed reforms and eliminate flaws before it becomes law. [2]  This independence between the two chambers, with Reconciliation being one of the few areas where the two meet can allow for division in Congress between the two major parties. Indeed this can be seen as beneficial, as the broadest ideological range will be considered when making a policy work by reconciling two bills, making sure that centrist policy is enacted, preventing an ideological swing against the wishes of the people.  [1] Goldman et al., The Challenge of Democracy, Brief ed., Fourth ed., New York 2001, p.196  [2] United States Senate, ‘reconciliation process’, Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills laws identical form Reconciliation compromise proposed reforms flaws division major parties ideological range policy centrist ideological swing people Goldman The Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills laws reconciliation compromise legislative process policy ideology centrist Goldman United States Senate Challenge of Democracy Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bill creation lawmaking identical passage reconciliation compromise policy reform legislative process party division centrist policy ideological range democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Goldman The Challenge of Democracy Congress bicameral body House of Representatives Senate bill creation law passing reconciliation compromise policy making ideological range centrist policy ideological swing democratic process government structure legislative process United States politics Goldman et al. United States Senate reconciliation process bicameral House of Representatives Senate bill creation law passage identical form Reconciliation compromise proposed reforms eliminate flaws policy enactment ideological range centrist policy ideological swing public wishes Goldman et al. The Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral body House of Representatives Senate create bills pass laws identical form Reconciliation compromise proposed reforms eliminate flaws independence chambers major parties division ideological range policy centrist ideological swing wishes of the people Goldman et al. The Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills law Reconciliation compromise policy ideological centrist Goldman The Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills law Reconciliation compromise policy centrist ideological Goldman Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral House of Representatives Senate bills laws Reconciliation compromise policy centrist ideological Goldman Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process Congress bicameral body House of Representatives Senate bill creation law passage reconciliation compromise policy-making ideological range centrist policy ideological swing Goldman The Challenge of Democracy United States Senate reconciliation process
test-international-siacphbnt-con01a	Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology will not result in entrepreneurialism without providing a foundational basis.  The key constraint for entrepreneurship is the lack of access to finance, credit, and basic infrastructure - whether a computer or technical skills on how to use different systems. Limited accessibility acts as an obstacle to entrepreneurialism.  In order to encourage an inclusive capability for youths to get involved in entrepreneurial ideas, technology training and equal start-up credit is required. Furthermore, dangers arise where credit has become easily accessible - putting individuals at risk of debt where a lack of protection and payment planning is provided.  Kenya’s Uwezo Fund provides a positive example, whereby action has been taken to provide youths with safe credit. The government collaboration is calling for youths to apply for grants and loans in a bid to encourage entrepreneurial activity for all. Loans are interest-free. Technology Entrepreneurialism Foundational Basis Access to Finance Credit Basic Infrastructure Computer Technical Skills Limited Accessibility Inclusive Capability Youth Technology Training Equal Start-up Credit Debt Protection Payment Planning Kenya Uwezo Fund Government Collaboration Grants Loans Interest-free technology entrepreneurship foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility entrepreneurialism technology training equal start-up credit debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration interest-free loans grants youth empowerment inclusive capability technology entrepreneurship foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility obstacle technology training equal start-up credit debt risk protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration youth grants loans interest-free technology entrepreneurship foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility technology training equal start-up credit debt risk payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration interest-free loans entrepreneurial activity youth grants technology entrepreneurialism foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility obstacle inclusive capability technology training equal start-up credit debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration grants loans interest-free youth entrepreneurial activity technology entrepreneurialism foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility technology training equal start-up credit debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration grants loans interest-free entrepreneurial activity youths technology entrepreneurialism foundational basis access to finance credit basic infrastructure computer technical skills limited accessibility obstacle technology training equal start-up credit debt risk protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government collaboration interest-free loans grants youth entrepreneurship technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure computer technical skills accessibility youth training start-up debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government grants loans interest-free technology entrepreneurship finance credit infrastructure computer technical skills accessibility youth training start-up debt protection payment planning Kenya Uwezo Fund government grants loans interest-free technology entrepreneurialism finance credit infrastructure computer technical skills accessibility youth technology training start-up credit debt protection payment planning Uwezo Fund Kenya government collaboration grants loans interest-free
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro03a	"Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. Production of generic drugs reduce medical costs by allowing increased production and the development of superior production methods, increasing market efficiency  The sale of generic drugs invariably reduces costs to consumers. This is due to two reasons. It may be the case that an individual or firm with a patent, essentially a monopoly right to the production of something, may not have the ability to efficiently go about meeting demand for it. Patents slow, or even stop the dissemination of the production methods, especially when a patent-holder is unwilling to license production to others1. Such an outcome is deleterious to society, as with no restrictions on drug production an efficient producer, or producers, will emerge to meet the needs of the public, producing an amount of drugs commensurate with demand, and thus equilibrating market price with that demand2. This market equilibration is impossible under conventional patent laws, as it is in the interest of firms to withhold production and to engage in monopolist rent-seeking from consumers3. This leads firms to deliberately under-produce, which they have been shown to do in many cases, as for example the case of Miacalcic, a drug used to treat Paget's Disease, in which its producer deliberately kept production down in order to keep prices high4. When a firm is given monopoly power over a drug it has the ability to abuse it, and history shows that is what they are wont to do. By allowing the production of generic drugs, this monopoly power is broken and people can get the drugs they need at costs that are not marked far above their free market value.  1 Kinsella, Stephan. 2010. ""Patents Kill: Compulsory Licenses and Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug"". Mises Institute. Available: 2Stim, Rishand. 2006. Profit from Your Idea: How to Make Smart Licensing Decisions. Berkeley: Nolo. 3 Lee, Timothy. 2007. ""Patent Rent-Seeking"". Cato at Liberty. Available: 4 Flanders Today. 2010. ""Big Pharma Denies Strategic Shortages"". Flanders Today. generic drugs medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency patent laws monopoly rights efficient production demand fulfillment market equilibration consumer costs patent licensing drug dissemination rent-seeking deliberate underproduction free market value Miacalcic Paget's Disease Compulsory Licenses Genzyme generic drugs medical costs market efficiency patent laws monopoly production methods consumer costs patent licensing drug dissemination efficient producer market equilibration rent-seeking drug under-production Paget's Disease Miacalcic compulsory licenses free market value Big Pharma strategic shortages production generic drugs medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency consumer costs monopoly patent dissemination production methods efficient producer market price demand patent laws rent-seeking under-produce Miacalcic Paget's Disease monopoly power free market value compulsory licenses pharmaceutical industry drug pricing patents kill licensing profit intellectual property innovation competition regulatory barriers economic benefits societal impact production of generic drugs medical costs reduction increased production superior production methods market efficiency reduced consumer costs patent monopolies inefficient demand meeting dissemination of production methods patent license refusal deleterious societal effects efficient producers public demand satisfaction market price equilibration patent law limitations monopolist rent-seeking deliberate under-production abuse of monopoly power free market value people's drug access cost reduction Miacalcic Paget's Disease drug price manipulation Genzyme's Life-Saving Drug compulsory licenses Patent Rent-Seeking Big Pharma strategic shortages production generic drugs medical costs market efficiency patent monopoly demand dissemination production methods efficient producer market price patent laws rent-seeking under-produce Miacalcic Paget's Disease compulsory licenses free market value Big Pharma strategic shortages generic drugs reduce medical costs increased production superior production methods market efficiency consumer costs patent monopoly production inefficiency patent licensing societal benefit drug demand market price patent laws monopolist rent-seeking deliberate under-production drug abuse free market value Miacalcic Paget's Disease Compulsory Licenses Genzyme Profit from Your Idea Patent Rent-Seeking Big Pharma Strategic Shortages production generic drugs medical costs market efficiency sale consumer costs patent monopoly production methods dissemination efficient producer market price demand patent laws rent-seeking under-produce Miacalcic Paget's Disease monopoly power free market value compulsory licenses Genzyme life-saving drug licensing decisions Big Pharma strategic shortages production generic drugs medical costs market efficiency patent monopoly dissemination production methods efficient producer market price demand patent laws rent-seeking under-produce Miacalcic Paget's Disease monopoly power free market value compulsory licenses Profit from Your Idea Patent Rent-Seeking Big Pharma Strategic Shortages Kinsella Stephan Rishand Stim Timothy Lee Flanders Today generic drugs medical costs production methods market efficiency patent monopoly production dissemination efficient producer market equilibration patent laws rent-seeking drug production Miacalcic Paget's Disease compulsory licenses licensing decisions strategic shortages drug pricing free market value production generic drugs reduce medical costs increased production superior methods market efficiency consumer costs patent monopoly production methods dissemination efficient producer market price demand patent laws rent-seeking under-produce Miacalcic Paget's Disease monopoly power free market value licensing strategic shortages"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro05a	Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure of convictions leads to an inconsistent justice system.  At present in Britain, some previous convictions may be disclosed if they bear a striking resemblance to the case at trial, if the defendant falsely claims to be of good character, or if they attack the character of a prosecution witness [1] . However, different judges invariable interpret these criteria in different ways, which leads to a wavering standard of trail where previous convictions may or may not be revealed. It would be much more efficient and transparent to allow this motion and make court procedures more accessible.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions disclosed striking resemblance case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges interpret criteria different ways wavering standard revealed efficient transparent court procedures accessible The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain trial defendant character prosecution witness judges criteria standard efficient transparent court procedures The Economist Tilting the balance 2003 Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions case at trial defendant good character prosecution witness judges interpretation criteria wavering standard trial revealed efficient transparent court procedures The Economist Tilting the balance occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions striking resemblance case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges different interpretations wavering standard trial revealed efficient transparent court procedures The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions disclosed striking resemblance case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges interpret criteria wavering standard trail revealed efficient transparent motion court procedures accessible The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain striking resemblance case at trial defendant false claims good character attack character prosecution witness judges variable interpretation criteria wavering standard trial previous convictions efficient transparent court procedures accessibility The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions disclosed case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges interpret criteria different ways wavering standard revealed efficient transparent court procedures accessible The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 Occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain striking resemblance case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges variable interpretation criteria wavering standard previous convictions revealed efficient transparent court procedures accessible The Economist Tilting the balance occasional disclosure convictions inconsistent justice system Britain previous convictions disclosed striking resemblance case at trial defendant good character attack character prosecution witness judges interpret criteria different ways wavering standard trial revealed efficient transparent court procedures accessible The Economist Tilting the balance 2 January 2003 judicial discretion legal transparency previous convictions court procedures disclosure criteria judicial consistency legal reform trial fairness character evidence prosecution standards
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats destroyed protection animals prevention locals human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals environment destruction West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa conservation wildlife protection habitat conservation human-wildlife conflict lion conservation endangered species agricultural expansion environmental impact protected areas wildlife management biodiversity ecological balance sustainable agriculture land use conservation strategies ecosystem services human impacts habitat loss species preservation environmental policy wildlife corridors reforestation community involvement environmental education sustainable practices ecosystem restoration natural habitats protection animals destruction locals human expansion agriculture Africa endangered species cotton plantations food crops West African lion population decline fencing human activity South Africa conservation methods wildlife preservation biodiversity loss environmental impact sustainable practices ecosystem restoration Natural habitats destroyed protection animals locals human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa conservation wildlife habitat loss agricultural encroachment lion conservation environmental protection wildlife management biodiversity ecosystem preservation community involvement sustainable practices Natural habitats animal protection agricultural expansion endangered animals West African lion population decrease tough protection measures fencing off areas human activity environmental destruction South Africa success lion conservation wildlife preservation habitat loss cotton plantations food crops human-wildlife conflict biodiversity ecological impact conservation strategies natural habitats protection of animals agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa extinction conservation methods wildlife protection environmental impact human-wildlife conflict lion conservation Natural habitats destruction animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decline cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa conservation methods wildlife preservation habitat loss species extinction environmental impact land use biodiversity Natural habitats destruction animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa conservation extinction BBC Morelle wildlife management environmental impact habitat loss ecosystem preservation natural habitats destruction animal protection tougher approach human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease large scale cotton plantations food crops fencing South Africa conservation success lion extinction human-wildlife conflict Natural habitats protection of animals agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease fencing human activity conservation habitat destruction environmental impact South Africa lion conservation wildlife protection agricultural development land use wildlife management species preservation ecological balance Natural habitats protection of animals human activity agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion cotton plantations food crops population decrease fencing human-wildlife conflict conservation strategies South Africa lion conservation extinction risk environmental impact land use wildlife management habitat preservation
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro02a	International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour and business standards go hand in hand with development standards and will de facto increase implementation levels  What are international labour and business standards? They are globally acceptable methods of doing business and employing labour. These include Conventions Against Forced Labour [1] , Discrimination [2] and Child Labour [3] . These also form guideline structures for social policy such as labour dispute resolution bodies, employment services and good industrial relations. Therefore, this goes hand in hand with reducing poverty and increasing the standard of living of the employees, and hence the standard is a facet of development in itself. This helps in achieving the goals of a stable long term plan for economic growth as well paid workers are necessary for consumer spending. Employing higher standards would be a way to tackle the problems with distribution of aid at the grassroots and increase efficiency within the system organically. [4]  The poorest countries invariably have the lowest standards of labour and business. It is essential to raise these standards to an international level, implementing standards against practices like child labour. If this is done then the purpose of development aid, which is to increase the day to day standard of living of the people, will improve. In an absence of such a pre-requisite, a developing country will be free to employ standards that do not reflect the same principles of the donor nation. Thus, to avoid a hypocritical scenario, this pre-requisite is necessary.  [1] C029 - Forced Labour Convention, Adoption: Geneva, 14th ILC session, 28 June 1930,   [2] International Labour Office, ‘Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention’, International Labour Organisation, 1958 No.111,   [3] ‘ILO Conventions and Recommendations on child labour’, International Labour Organisation,   [4] ‘How International Labour Standards are used’, International Labour Organisation, International labour standards business standards development standards Forced Labour Convention Discrimination Convention Child Labour Convention social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots efficiency poorest countries labour standards development aid donor nation principles hypocritical scenario International labour standards business standards development standards forced labour discrimination child labour social policy labour dispute resolution industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots efficiency donor principles recipient standards ILO conventions ILO recommendations employment services stable long-term plan hypocritical scenario pre-requisite development international implementation global standards employment practices worker rights fair employment decent work sustainable development poverty alleviation social protection economic development international cooperation human rights labor market workplace regulation global labor standards international business practices International labour standards business standards development standards poverty reduction economic growth consumer spending aid distribution social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations forced labour child labour discrimination ILO conventions global business practices worker welfare sustainable development economic stability social development international cooperation human rights employment conditions working environment fair trade corporate social responsibility grassroots development donor alignment recipient standards development aid effectiveness pre-requisite conditions international norms ethical labor practices social protection decent work global governance international development workforce quality productivity improvement social justice international labour standards business standards development standards poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency forced labour discrimination child labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations development aid donor nation principles ILO conventions ILO recommendations globally acceptable business practices stable long term planning poverty alleviation worker rights international cooperation sustainable development ethical employment practices fair trade social development human rights in labor global economic standards international labour standards business standards development standards implementation levels globally acceptable methods Conventions Against Forced Labour Discrimination Child Labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency poorest countries labour and business standards development aid day to day standard of living donor nation principles hypocritical scenario International labour standards business standards development standards poverty reduction economic growth consumer spending aid distribution grassroots efficiency Forced Labour Convention Discrimination Convention Child Labour Convention social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations stable long-term planning poorest countries international level implementation donor nation principles day-to-day living standards hypocritical scenarios ILO conventions recommendations global business practices employment standards worker rights fair trade sustainable development social protection decent work occupational safety health regulations ethical business practices corporate social responsibility global economy workforce productivity worker well-being International labour standards business standards development standards implementation levels globally acceptable methods Conventions Against Forced Labour Discrimination Child Labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations reducing poverty standard of living economic growth consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency poorest countries labour and business standards development aid donor nation principles hypocritical scenario Forced Labour Convention Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention ILO Conventions Recommendations on child labour International Labour Organisation ILO International labour standards business standards development standards implementation levels globally acceptable methods business practices employment practices Conventions Against Forced Labour Discrimination Child Labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living economic growth consumer spending aid distribution efficiency grassroots level development aid day-to-day living donor nation principles hypocritical scenario pre-requisite standards ILO Conventions ILO Recommendations International Labour Organisation Forced Labour Convention Discrimination Convention Child Labour Conventions International Labour Standards usage International labour standards business standards development standards poverty reduction economic growth forced labour discrimination child labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations consumer spending distribution of aid grassroots efficiency day-to-day living standards donor nation principles pre-requisite standards ILO conventions ILO recommendations global business practices worker rights sustainable development human rights fair trade corporate social responsibility ethical business practices legal frameworks international cooperation poverty alleviation social justice wage levels working conditions employment quality sustainable development goals global economy labor market industrialization International labour standards business standards development standards forced labour discrimination child labour social policy labour dispute resolution employment services industrial relations poverty reduction standard of living consumer spending economic growth development aid grassroots efficiency poorest countries international level donor nation hypocritical scenario ILO conventions ILO recommendations ILO Geneva 1930 1958 No.111
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro01a	"Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism explains the cause of integration  Spill-over is the following concept – in order to enjoy the full benefits of integration of the first sector you need to integrate the related sectors. An example of this is the ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community) evolving into other energy sectors and forming Euratom. There are three types of spill-over – functional spill-over, political spill-over and cultivated spill-over. Firstly, functional spill-over, which regards spill-over in an economic context. For example, this might involve integrating coal and steel, then integrating transport systems so that coal and steel are moved around more easily. Secondly, there is Political spill-over, where political actors shift their allegiance to a new centre, for example from the national parliament to Brussels. Thirdly, there is cultivated spill-over, which is the idea that institutions drive further integration by being in practice; for example the European Commission’s growing autonomy. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over economic integration transport systems political spill-over national parliament Brussels cultivated spill-over European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal new dynamism EC Millennium Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over economic context political spill-over national parliament Brussels cultivated spill-over European Commission institution-driven integration Tranholm-Mikkelsen European Union sectoral integration policy transfer supranational governance institutional autonomy European Community international studies political economy regional integration institutional dynamics New Dynamism of the EC Millennium Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over economic integration transport systems political actors national parliament European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Neo-functionalism reappraisal EC Millennium Journal of International Studies Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over economic context political spill-over allegiance shift cultivated spill-over institutional drive European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism reappraisal EC Millennium Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over economic integration political spill-over cultivated spill-over European Commission Brussels Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Journal of International Studies EC Millennium Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over economic context political spill-over political actors national parliament Brussels cultivated spill-over European Commission autonomy Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe New Dynamism EC Millennium Journal of International Studies Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over economic context transport systems political actors national parliament Brussels institutions European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal EC Millennium Journal of International Studies Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC European Coal and Steel Community Euratom functional spill-over economic context coal steel transport systems political spill-over political actors national parliament Brussels cultivated spill-over institutions European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Neo-functionalism Obstinate or Obsolete Journal of International Studies EC Millennium new dynamism Neo-functionalism integration spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over economic context transport systems political actors national parliament Brussels institutions European Commission autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal EC Millennium Journal of International Studies Neo-functionalism spill-over ECSC Euratom functional spill-over political spill-over cultivated spill-over European Coal and Steel Community European Commission integration economic context political actors Brussels institutions autonomy Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Journal of International Studies EC Millennium reappraisal dynamism"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro02a	If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. If personhood accrues at birth, then abortion after inducing birth is wrong  If birth is the crucial dividing-line we use to decide when legal personhood begins, then we should not be allowed to induce birth and then deliberately kill a foetus during that process - this is different from early abortion in which birth is induced and the foetus dies naturally. Partial-birth abortion is murder, even on the pro-choice understanding of personhood. personhood birth abortion induced birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder personhood birth abortion induced birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder ethical considerations medical ethics fetal rights reproductive rights personhood birth abortion partial-birth abortion legal personhood foetus induced birth pro-choice murder ethical arguments moral status legal arguments medical practices human rights reproductive rights personhood birth abortion induced birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion partial-birth abortion pro-choice understanding murder personhood birth abortion inducing birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion natural death partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder personhood birth abortion inducing birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line deliberately kill early abortion natural death partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder personhood birth abortion foetus legal moral pro-choice partial-birth murder induced dividing-line early-abortion natural-death deliberately-killed personhood birth abortion induced birth foetus legal personhood dividing-line partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder early abortion natural death personhood birth abortion inducing birth foetus legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder moral status ethical implications neonatal euthanasia induced labor intentional termination fetal viability bioethics human rights legal ethics personhood birth abortion inducing birth legal personhood crucial dividing-line early abortion natural death partial-birth abortion pro-choice murder
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro01a	The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. The feminist movement should not allow women to sell themselves  In most cases, pornography is not entered into willingly. Similarly to prostitution, the sale of one’s own body and one’s dignity is so drastic that consent is often not sufficiently informed to be legitimate. There are patriarchal structures in society that force women into these industries, particularly when they are vulnerable and this seems to be a good last resort. This leads to a loss of integrity, a strong stigma in society, and most importantly, abusive conditions in the production process. As well as high risks of unwanted pregnancies or sexually transmitted diseases, violent sex practices and abusive conditions after filming often occur (Lubben). [1]  Furthermore, the harms of pornography do not exclusively affect the consenting participants. Other women across the world who are not supporting this industry are equal victims of society and the norms promoted by pornography of how women should be, and how it is acceptable to treat them. These people have not consented.  [1] Lubben, Shelley. “Ex-Porn Star Tells the Truth About the Porn Industry.” Covenant Eyes. 28 October 2008. feminism pornography prostitution consent patriarchal structures vulnerability integrity stigma abusive conditions unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices social norms exploitation gender equality human rights sexual objectification coercion trauma mental health legal regulation public health feminist theory ethical concerns industry standards women's rights victimization sexual autonomy empowerment advocacy awareness education prevention support services feminist movement women's rights pornography prostitution informed consent patriarchal structures societal pressures exploitation abuse sex work integrity stigma unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-production abuse societal norms non-participant harms Shelley Lubben Covenant Eyes feminist movement women's rights pornography prostitution informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability integrity loss social stigma abusive conditions production risks unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent practices post-filming abuse societal norms non-participant victims treatment of women Shelley Lubben Covenant Eyes feminist movement women's rights anti-pornography sexual exploitation informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerable women loss of integrity societal stigma abusive conditions unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices harmful norms non-consenting victims Covenant Eyes Shelley Lubben feminist movement women's rights pornography prostitution consent patriarchal structures societal vulnerability loss of integrity social stigma abusive production conditions unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-filming abuse harm to non-participants societal norms treatment of women Shelley Lubben ex-porn star covenant eyes feminist movement women's rights pornography prostitution informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability last resort loss of integrity stigma abusive conditions unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-filming abuse societal norms non-participants victimization Shelley Lubben Covenant Eyes feminist movement women selling pornography prostitution consent informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability last resort loss of integrity stigma abusive conditions production process unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-filming abuse societal norms non-participants victimization Shelley Lubben Covenant Eyes feminist movement women's rights sexual exploitation informed consent patriarchal structures societal vulnerability integrity loss social stigma abusive conditions unwanted pregnancies STDs violent sex practices post-filming abuse global impact non-consenting victims societal norms anti-pornography arguments Shelley Lubben Covenant Eyes feminism women's rights pornography prostitution consent patriarchal structures exploitation abuse sexual health societal norms stigma integrity violence gender equality sex work ethical considerations human rights industry critique victimization public health societal impact women's dignity informed consent LastResort sexual exploitation CovenantEyes ShelleyLubben feminist movement women's rights sexual exploitation pornography prostitution informed consent patriarchal structures vulnerability last resort loss of integrity societal stigma abusive conditions production process unwanted pregnancies sexually transmitted diseases violent sex practices post-filming abuse Lubben Shelley Covenant Eyes global impact non-participants societal norms treatment of women
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con01a	This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 This turns court cases into entertainment, rather than legitimate legal proceedings.  Several television shows, such as ‘Judge Judy’, assert the style of a legal courtroom [1] . These shows are based on entertainment value from scrutinising the accused and defendant; it would be dangerous to remove a barrier which currently separates genuine legal proceedings from entertainment by televising them. The risk that the public would see them as one and the same is increased by an incident where a man really did believe that the Judge Judy trial was a real trial [2] . The trial of Casey Anthony in Florida, where cameras are allowed, escalated into a media frenzy where legal justice became unimportant in comparison to television ratings [3] . Court cases, then, are at risk of not being taken seriously and used instead for the public to satisfy their curiosity into other peoples’ lives. Televising court cases also immediately undermines some fundamental principles of the justice system, such as rehabilitation. If somebody is convicted of a crime on national television, his or her anonymity or chance of future employment is severely compromised. The rights of the victims, their families, and the defendants should be placed ahead society’s assumed ‘right’ to sensationalist portrayals of the courtroom.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 court cases entertainment legal proceedings television shows Judge Judy legal justice television ratings media frenzy Casey Anthony public curiosity rehabilitation anonymity employment victim rights defendant rights sensationalism court cases entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings public perception media influence televising trials legal justice Casey Anthony television ratings court seriousness public curiosity rehabilitation principle national television crime conviction anonymity future employment victim rights defendant rights sensationalism justice system fundamental principles television courtroom Judge Judy legal proceedings entertainment media Casey Anthony Florida trials privacy rehabilitation employment victims defendants sensationalism justice system public curiosity media frenzy national television anonymity rights society sensationalist portrayals legal justice television ratings public view legal principles televising court cases legitimate legal proceedings entertainment value scrutiny accused defendant legal courtroom barrier genuine legal proceedings public perception risk trial legal system crime future employment victim rights defendant rights sensationalist media public interest legal ethics court cases entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings television shows scrutiny accused defendant public perception television ratings media frenzy legal justice seriousness public curiosity televising court cases justice system rehabilitation anonymity future employment victims' rights defendants' rights sensationalism courtroom televisions media influence legal integrity public interest media responsibility judicial process legal ethics television impact court televising legal proceedings integrity media scrutiny legal professionalism public education legal awareness judicial proceedings media coverage legal impartiality jury influence trial publicity legal principles media court cases entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings television scrutiny public perception media frenzy Casey Anthony legal justice television ratings seriousness public curiosity televising court cases fundamental principles justice system rehabilitation anonymity employment victims families defendants rights sensationalism court cases entertainment television shows Judge Judy legal proceedings media scrutiny public perception televised trials legal justice media frenzy public curiosity rehabilitation justice system national television anonymity employment victim rights defendant rights sensationalism courtroom portrayals court cases entertainment legitimacy television shows Judge Judy legal courtroom scrutiny accused defendant danger barrier genuine legal proceedings public perception media frenzy legal justice television ratings seriousness public curiosity televising court cases fundamental principles justice system rehabilitation anonymity future employment rights of victims families defendants sensationalist portrayals courtroom society's right court cases entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings media frenzy Casey Anthony televising trials public curiosity rehabilitation anonymity employment victims' rights defendants' rights sensationalism justice system court cases entertainment Judge Judy legal proceedings media frenzy television shows televising trials Casey Anthony public curiosity rehabilitation victim rights sensationalism legal justice national television defendant anonymity employment prospects fundamental principles justice system public scrutiny media influence court cases entertainment legal proceedings television shows Judge Judy scrutiny public perception media frenzy legal justice television ratings seriousness public curiosity televising court cases fundamental principles justice system rehabilitation anonymity future employment victim rights defendant rights sensationalism
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con01a	Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. Nutrition is the parents responsibility  Parents are responsible for their children, and this includes responsibility for their meals. The parent has had to provide meals up until the start of school. They know their own child’s preferences there is little reason for this to change. Splitting responsibility between parents and schools means the burden of responsibility will no longer be clearly don't placed. nutrition parents responsibility children meals school preferences splitting burden nutrition parental responsibility children's meals school meals child preferences shared responsibility clear responsibility meal provision dietary needs parental involvement school nutrition programs child health feeding practices family meals school-age children nutritional guidance food choices healthy eating parent-school collaboration meal planning nutrition parents responsibility children meals preferences school burden clearly placed nutrition parental responsibility children's meals school meals child preferences responsibility division parent-school collaboration meal provision dietary needs education system involvement nutrition parent responsibility children meals school start child preferences shared responsibility clear responsibility meal provision nutrition parent responsibility children's meals school meals child preferences responsibility sharing parent-child relationship meal provision education system dietary habits nutrition parents responsibility children meals school preferences burden clarity shared responsibility nutrition parental responsibility children's meals school involvement meal preferences responsibility sharing clear responsibility child feeding duties nutrition parenting child meals school meals meal preferences parental responsibility school responsibility responsibility sharing meal provision child nutrition dietary needs school diet parental involvement dietary habits healthy eating nutrition education meal planning caregiver roles parental duties school policies nutrition parents responsibility children meals school preferences burden clarity dietary health education collaboration involvement policy meal-planning childhood-development dietary-needs parental-role school-nutrition-programs
test-international-segiahbarr-pro03a	Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment to the continent has increased  Foreign investment into Africa has seen a large increase in recent years, which has enabled Africa to invest significant amounts of funding in to infrastructure, jobs creation and acquisition of technology [1] . In Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, foreign businesses account for a much larger percentage of employment than any domestic firm, hence increasing the standard of living for a greater number of people [2] . FDI has gone from $15 billion in 2002 to $37 billion in 2006 and $46 billion in 2012. The vast majority of this investment is based on extractive industries such as agriculture and raw resources. However, Africa has recently seen an increase in FDI for manufacturing and services as well [3] . Central Africa alone received $10 billion in 2012-3, due to an increased interest in the DRC’s copper-cobalt mines. The sources of this FDI vary, but China has become the major investor in the region, with investment rising from $11 billion to $166 billion in the past decade. China has helped build vast infrastructure projects in return for natural resources and food for its growing population.  [1] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.2  [2] Moss, ‘Is Africa’s Skepticism of Foreign Capital Justified?’, 2004, p.19  [3] UNCTAD, ‘Foreign Direct Investment to Africa increases’, 2013 Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China major investor infrastructure projects natural resources food security investment growth economic development FDI trends UNCTAD Moss skepticism foreign capital capital flow investment destinations economic impact policy analysis international business trade relations development economics investment strategies regional development economic research investmentEnvironment resource extraction industrialization socio-economic improvement Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China major investor infrastructure projects natural resources food population growth UNCTAD Moss Foreign Capital Skepticism investment trends economic development international investment business expansion employment impact resource extraction industrial development service sector growth regional investment bilateral trade economic partnerships development projects investment analysis capital flow economic trends Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China major investor infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa economic growth infrastructure development jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment trends extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa copper-cobalt mines China investment increase infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China major investor infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living FDI growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China investor infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China investor infrastructure projects natural resources food population growth UNCTAD Moss foreign capital skepticism foreign direct investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living investment growth extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China major investor infrastructure projects natural resources food security Foreign Direct Investment Africa infrastructure jobs creation technology acquisition Kenya Uganda Tanzania employment standard of living extractive industries agriculture raw resources manufacturing services Central Africa DRC copper-cobalt mines China infrastructure projects natural resources food security
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro01a	Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. Many alternative remedies, such as homeopathy, offer nothing but a false hope and can discourage patients from consulting a doctor with what may be serious symptoms  There are good reasons why new therapies are tested in scientific trials first, rather than just released on the public that it might work. The first is to weed out side-effects but the other is that if you give most people a medicine they will, not unreasonably, expect it to make them better.  An entire industry has grown out of alternative medicines. No doubt many alternative practitioners are well meaning, but this does not change the fact that people are making money out of something that, as far as anyone can determine, is basically snake oil.  Although many people take both alternative and established treatments, there are a growing number of patients who reject conventional medical wisdom ( there’s an account of one such case here [i] ) in cases that prove fatal the availability of alternative medicines raises serious ethical and legal concerns, and also undermines the stringent regimes of monitoring and supervision that qualified medical professionals are subjected to..  [i] David Gorski. “Death by ‘Alternative Medicine”: Who’s to blame?”. Science-Based Medicine 2008. alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discouragement serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects patient expectation alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom rejection fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski death alternative medicine blame science-based medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms scientific trials new therapies side-effects patient expectations alternative medicines industry growth well-meaning practitioners profit motives snake oil conventional treatments medical wisdom fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine death by alternative medicine blame attribution alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects patient expectations alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatment fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine death by alternative medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage doctor consultation serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners profit from snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatment fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns undermine medical supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski death by alternative medicine blame science-based medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine death by alternative medicine patient safety alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners making money snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatments fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski death by alternative medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage doctor serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms new therapies scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners making money snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatment fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatment fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine alternative remedies homeopathy false hope discourage patients serious symptoms scientific trials side-effects placebo effect alternative medicine industry well-meaning practitioners snake oil conventional medical wisdom reject conventional treatment fatal cases ethical concerns legal concerns medical monitoring supervision qualified medical professionals David Gorski Science-Based Medicine
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con05a	Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 Birth control within monogamous relationships.  Contraception is not just used in casual sex but within monogamous couples who want to control when they have children. The reason for this could be so they ensure that they don’t have more children than they can afford to reasonably look after.  Contraception can help monogamous couples to give more to the children they do decide to have and to the community, since less of their time and money will be used in maintaining a family which is larger than they can reasonably afford to control. The current cost of raising a child in Britain is calculated to be over £210,000, a very substantial sum that any responsible parent must think about before having more children 1.  Since, in this case, contraception promotes a good in the community, as well as more responsible reproduction, the Catholic Church is unjustified in its blanket ban over barrier contraception.  1. Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning responsible reproduction financial responsibility community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception child raising costs Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning financial responsibility child-rearing costs community impact responsible reproduction Catholic Church barrier contraception ethical considerations reproductive health family size economic burden social benefits religious perspectives contraceptive methods sexual health reproductive rights birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning responsible reproduction child-rearing costs financial planning community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception ethical considerations reproductive rights casual sex child welfare socioeconomic factors Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning responsible reproduction child cost community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception casual sex family planning financial responsibility child-rearing costs community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception reproductive rights responsible parenting socio-economic factors Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception casual sex family planning financial responsibility child-rearing costs community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception responsible reproduction Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning childbearing financial responsibility parenting community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception ethical considerations reproductive rights cost of raising a child Britain Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning child rearing costs financial responsibility community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception responsible reproduction family size child welfare community welfare religious views ethical considerations Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning childbearing financial responsibility community impact Catholic Church barrier contraception moral justification responsible parenting cost of raising children Britain Insley 2011 birth control monogamous relationships contraception family planning child rearing costs financial responsibility Catholic Church barrier contraception community impact responsible reproduction
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-con01a	Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. Sexist advertising is profitable  Business has a compelling self interest to make a profit and advertising is integral to that endeavour. The profit from business allows for economic growth without which individual states and the world's economy could not survive. Competition drives the marketplace of products and ideas. And, advertising is the primary method through which those products, services and ideas are made known to the public. When banning is placed upon advertising, the ability to compete and survive in the economic marketplace is threatened. Therefore, the compelling need to make a profit is legitimizes the need for advertising. sexist advertising profitability business interests economic growth market competition advertising necessity banning advertising economic survival profit legitimacy advertising methods product promotion idea dissemination marketplace dynamics economic threats advertising regulation commercial success free market consumer awareness economic stability advertising impact sexist advertising profitable business economic growth competition marketplace product promotion advertising ban profit motive survival economic survival legislative restrictions advertising necessity sexist advertising profitability business self-interest economic growth competition marketplace products ideas dissemination advertising ban economic survival profit legitimization advertising necessity sexist advertising economic growth business profit marketplace competition advertising necessity banning advertising economic survival profit legitimacy advertising ethics market ideas product promotion consumer awareness economic marketplace business self-interest advertising regulation profit-driven economy sexist advertising profitability business interests economic growth competition marketplace product promotion service promotion idea promotion advertising ban economic survival profit justification advertising necessity sexist advertising profitability business self-interest economic growth competition marketplace of products ideas dissemination advertising ban economic survival profit legitimacy advertising importance market competition product promotion service promotion idea promotion profit-driven advertising economic marketplace advertising regulation business profitability economic threats advertising freedom economic benefits profit motivation advertising necessity business strategy economic stability market dynamics advertising impact economic growth drivers advertising legislation business ethics sexist ads economic impact profit maximization advertising restrictions market efficiency business sustainability advertising role economic policies advertising influence market expansion profit sexist advertising profitability business self-interest economic growth competition marketplace product promotion service promotion idea dissemination advertising ban economic survival profit legitimacy advertising necessity sexist advertising profit business self-interest economic growth competition marketplace product promotion idea dissemination advertising ban economic survival profit legitimization advertising necessity sexist advertising profitability business interests economic growth market competition advertising regulation profit motive economic survival free market consumer awareness advertising bans economic marketplace business ethics commercial speech sexist advertising profitability business self-interest economic growth competition marketplace advertising ban profit legitimacy product promotion service promotion idea promotion public awareness economic survival market competition advertisement regulation commercial speech consumer influence economic impact business ethics gender bias in marketing
test-international-gmehwasr-pro05a	Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy is not going anywhere  The best solution would be a ceasefire between the two sides in the Syrian civil war and a negotiated settlement, but it is clear we are long past the point where this approach stood a chance of success. The United Nations peace effort under Kofi Annan failed in the middle of last year [1] and there has been no progress since. Similarly all attempts to bring pressure to bear throughout the security council have failed as a result of Russia supporting Assad's regime. This leaves the unilateral initiatives to help the rebels. No state wants full intervention as France did in Mali [2] so the only alternative is simply to help the Free Syrian Army. To do so means providing what they need to win the conflict; primarily arms that can defeat the Syrian army. This need not be considered to be exclusive with diplomacy; the intervening state should continue to try to find a diplomatic solution just as before the Dayton accords NATO helped the Croats militarily while at the same time looking to diplomacy to provide an overall solution to the conflict. [3]  [1] Plett, Barbara, ‘Syria crisis: Kofi Annan quits as UN-Arab League envoy’, BBC News, 2 August 2012  [2] See the debatabase debate ‘ This House believes France is right to intervene in Mali ’.  [3] Hokayem, Emile, in ‘Roundtable: arming the Syrian rebels’, Foreign Policy, 21 February 2013 Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army full intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton accords arming rebels Emile Hokayem Foreign Policy Diplomacy Ceasefire Syrian civil war Negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan Security Council Russia Assad's regime Unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army Military intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton accords Foreign Policy Arming rebels Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army full intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton accords arming rebels Foreign Policy Emile Hokayem Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton accords arming rebels Foreign Policy Emile Hokayem Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort Security Council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army state intervention France Mali military intervention NATO Dayton accords arming rebels Emile Hokayem Foreign Policy Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army full intervention France Mali NATO Dayton accords arming rebels military support diplomatic solution Emile Hokayem Foreign Policy intervention conflict resolution international relations peacekeeping security studies humanitarian intervention political science military intervention Middle East conflict war peace state actors non-state actors political violence geopolitics humanitarian aid arms supply diplomatic negotiations military Diplomacy Ceasefire Syrian Civil War Negotiated Settlement United Nations Kofi Annan Peace Effort Security Council Russia Assad's Regime Unilateral Initiatives Free Syrian Army Arms Supply Military Intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton Accords Emile Hokayem Arming Rebels Foreign Policy Diplomacy ceasefire negotiated settlement Syrian civil war United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army full intervention France Mali military support arms NATO Croats Dayton accords Emile Hokayem arming rebels Foreign Policy Diplomacy ceasefire Syrian civil war negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort Security Council Russia Assad regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army state intervention full intervention France Mali military aid arms Syrian army diplomatic solution Dayton accords NATO Croats Foreign Policy Emile Hokayem arming rebels Syrian civil war ceasefire negotiated settlement United Nations Kofi Annan peace effort security council Russia Assad's regime unilateral initiatives Free Syrian Army full intervention France Mali NATO Croats Dayton accords arming rebels military support diplomatic solution
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro02a	Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 Citizens have a right to know what is done in their name  The nation exits for its citizens; it depends on their consent to maintain order and to raise finances. The main purpose of the state is law and order, and national defence, both of which are covered by security. As an area that is so central to the role of the government it is vital that the stakeholders in that government, its citizens, know what it is the state is doing in their name for their security.  The Obama administration for example refuses to acknowledge that it is carrying out a campaign using drones while at the same time saying it is “the only game in town in terms of confronting and trying to disrupt the al-Qaeda leadership.” [1] If the US government is bombing another country then the US people have a right to know with much less ambiguity what exactly is being done, who is being hit, when and where. They also need to be informed of any possible consequences.  [1] Kaufman, Brett, ‘In Court Today: Fighting the CIA’s Secrecy Claims on Drones’, ACLU, 20 September 2012 right to know government transparency citizen consent national security state responsibility transparency in governance public information government accountability drone strikes al-Qaeda CIA secrecy US government policies military operations informed citizenship democratic principles security policies foreign interventions stakeholder rights government disclosure covert operations accountability in democracy informed public executive transparency security measures policy openness military transparency government-citizen relationship intelligence operations public awareness democratic governance state-citizen interaction legal oversight political transparency military ethics government surveillance public trust international law human rights democratic participation government secrecy right to know government transparency citizen consent law and order national defence security state responsibilities government stakeholders drone campaign Obama administration CIA secrecy al-Qaeda US government bombing inform citizens possible consequences right to know government transparency citizen consent law and order national defense security state responsibilities government stakeholders drone campaign Obama administration CIA secrecy ACLU al-Qaeda US bombing informed citizens government accountability public information security consequences right to know government transparency citizen's role state responsibilities law and order national defense security measures government actions stakeholder awareness Obama administration drone campaign CIA secrecy al-Qaeda confrontation bombing transparency informed citizens public accountability security consequences government consent financial support order maintenance national security stakeholder rights transparency claims judicial challenge ACLU involvement drone strikes targeted killings international operations US foreign policy citizen rights governmental secrecy public information state activities security operations terrorist targeting government-citizen relationship democratic principles executive power intelligence activities covert operations right to know government transparency national security citizen consent law and order state responsibilities government accountability drone warfare US foreign policy CIA secrecy al-Qaeda military transparency public information national defence government-citizen relationship democratic principles informed citizenry security operations executive power covert operations stakeholder rights transparency in warfare civilians' rights government actions informed consent military campaigns government secrecy ACLU legal challenges government disclosure right to know government transparency national security citizen consent law and order national defence state responsibilities government accountability drone warfare US drone policy al-Qaeda CIA secrecy public information informed citizens government actions stakeholder rights security measures official acknowledgment bombing transparency possible consequences transparency governance citizen rights government accountability national security drone strikes public information state responsibility democratic principles informed consent open government security policies executive secrecy civilian oversight military operations international law privacy rights ethical governance governmental transparency right to know stakeholders in governance democratic governance informed citizenship policy transparency security transparency government-citizen relationship operational secrecy public awareness government disclosure democratic oversight accountability in democracy combat transparency ethical military operations security state open society democratic values US foreign policy drone policy right to information government secrecy public right to know government transparency citizen consent state security national defence law and order drone campaign US government secrecy informant citizens public awareness government accountability CIA secrecy al-Qaeda confrontation bombing transparency consequences disclosure right to know government transparency citizen consent state responsibilities security measures national defense law and order government stakeholders Obama administration drone campaign CIA secrecy al-Qaeda confrontation US government bombing public information potential consequences ACLU Brett Kaufman legal challenge government accountability democratic principles informed citizenship security ethics international relations US foreign policy transparency in warfare drone ethics civilian impact propaganda media freedom whistleblowing classified information national security vs public knowledge right to know government transparency citizen consent security measures national defense state responsibilities drone strikes US government CIA secrecy al-Qaeda public information democratic principles government accountability stakeholder awareness military operations foreign policy civic engagement informed citizens ethical governance political oversight
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro03a	It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ It is unethical to expose children to the pressures of performing  Even experienced adults can find it difficult to deal with stage fright or performance anxiety. Children, more emotionally vulnerable than adults by nature, should not be exposed to this sort of pressure. This is especially true in situations where the child is being paid for their performance, since the added necessity to perform well can lead to even more pressure. Although suicide among children is rare, it is believed often to occur as a result of the child feeling like she is under too much pressure, or failing to meet the expectations of others. [1]  There are also consequences that continue long past the child has stopped performing; former child actors often have the problem as young adults as feeling as having already ‘peaked’ and find themselves without a sense of drive or ambition or a coherent adult identity, consequentially they often suffer from substance abuse and addiction  [1] Lipsett, ‘Stress driving pupils to suicide, says union’ unethical children pressures performing adults stage fright performance anxiety emotionally vulnerable paid performance pressure suicide rare expectations consequences long-term former child actors peaked drive ambition identity substance abuse addiction stress pupils union unethical children performance pressure stage fright emotional vulnerability paid performances performance expectations child suicide long-term consequences former child actors substance abuse addiction identity issues stress pupils suicide union statement unethical children performance pressure stage fright emotional vulnerability paid performances pressure suicide expectations long-term consequences former child actors lack of drive identity issues substance abuse addiction stress pupils union statement unethical child performance stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability pressure child actors paid performances suicide children expectations long-term consequences former child actors substance abuse addiction identity crisis Lipsett stress pupils union unethical children performance pressure stage fright emotional vulnerability paid performances adult expectations suicide long-term consequences former child actors substance abuse addiction identity issues ambition loss stress pupil suicide union statement child performers stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability paid performances pressure suicide expectations long-term consequences former child actors substance abuse addiction identity issues lack of ambition peak performance stress pupils union statement unethical children performance pressure stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability paid performance pressure expectations suicide rare consequences long-term effects former child actors lack of drive ambition adult identity substance abuse addiction stress pupils union unethical children performance pressure stage fright emotional vulnerability paid performances pressure suicide expectations consequences former child actors young adults lack of drive ambition identity issues substance abuse addiction stress pupils union unethical children performance pressure stage fright emotional vulnerability paid performances performance anxiety suicide pressure expectations consequences former child actors adult identity substance abuse addiction Lipsett stress pupils union unethical child performers stage fright performance anxiety emotional vulnerability pressure paid performances suicide child expectations long-term consequences former child actors substance abuse addiction stress pupils suicide union statement
test-international-emephsate-con01a	Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey is not enough economically developed to join the EU.  Turkey has many economic problems ranging from high inflation, high regional disparities, high wealth disparity, unemployment, bad infrastructure and poverty among others. The country must solely focus itself onto improving those problems, before obtaining EU-membership. Not resolving economic problems before joining the EU can lead to problems as exemplified by Greece, Portugal and Italy, countries which had their big economic problems that were overlooked upon joining the Eurozone. Turkey’s GDP per capita is less than half the average of the EU [1] and as a large country with more than seventy million people it would pose an immense strain on the rest of the Union.  The effect of this economic disparity is likely to lead to a massive influx of immigrants from Turkey to the rest of the EU, because they will take advantage of free movement of people in the European Union and these immigrants. This immigration is likely to have the effect of forcing down the wages of workers in the existing EU nations as the Turks will be willing to work for less. [2]  [1] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,  ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [2] Turkey is part of Europe. Fear keeps it out of the EU. The Guardian. August 6 2009.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012. Turkey EU economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty GDP per capita Eurozone Greece Portugal Italy economic problems immigration free movement wages workers European Union Turkey population economic strain immigration impact wage pressure EU membership criteria economic stability economic reform political fear geopolitical considerations Turkey EU membership economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita immigration wage competition free movement European Union economic strain population economic problems Eurozone crisis economic stability Turkey EU relations European integration economic criteria accession criteria Solvency fiscal policy economic convergence labor market social welfare economic reforms institutional capacity political economy economic governance financial assistance economicunion economic indicators euro convergence economic challenges economic policies economic forecasts economic disparities economic Turkey EU membership economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty economic problems Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita population size economic strain EU nations immigration free movement wage pressure workers economic disparity Turkey in Europe EU fears political barriers Turkey EU membership economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty economic problems Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita population strain on EU immigration free movement wages workers existing EU nations Turks economic disparity fear political barriers Turkey economic development EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone GDP per capita economic disparity population immigration free movement wages workers existing EU nations Turkey-EU relations European Union policies economic criteria political climate Fear European integration economic challenges social impact immigration pressure wage competition economic strain EU economic standards Turkey's economic status EU membership requirements economic reform societal impact economic performance Eurozone criteria economic stability EU membership benefits economic assessment economic indicators Turkey EU membership economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty GDP per capita economic problems Greece Portugal Italy Eurozone economic disparity immigration free movement wages workers existing EU nations Turks work for less Fear EU accession Turkey EU economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty GDP per capita Eurozone economic problems Greece Portugal Italy economic disparity immigration free movement wages workers fear Europe EU membership strain Union Turks less wages existing EU nations economic development EU membership high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment infrastructure poverty GDP per capita economic problems Eurozone Greece Portugal Italy immigration free movement wage pressure economic strain population size Turkey EU The World Factbook The Guardian Turkey EU membership economic development high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment bad infrastructure poverty GDP per capita economic strain immigration wage depression Eurozone Greece Portugal Italy economic problems free movement of people European Union economic disparity immigrants Turks The World Factbook The Guardian Europe fear political economy social impact economic convergence institutional challenges fiscal burden labor market demographic pressure cultural integration political stability euro adoption currency union economic indicators poverty reduction regional development public infrastructure economic reforms political reforms EU criteria economically underdeveloped high inflation regional disparities wealth disparity unemployment poor infrastructure poverty economic improvement EU membership criteria Greece Portugal Italy economic problems Eurozone GDP per capita population size economic strain immigration free movement wage suppression European Union Turkey economic disparity workforce competition
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con02a	A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) A UN standing army is simply impossible to form.  A standing army for the United Nations has an existing legal framework; it has never been attempted in practice because it would be impossible to create. Article 43 of the original UN Charter specifies that all member states are expected, upon the signing of a future UN agreement, to provide ‘forces, assistance and facilities’ for the maintenance of international peace and security 1. That it is has never been attempted is the direct result of its sheer impracticality; who would contribute the troops? How would they be trained, and ensure that troops trained in one state would not be asked to thereafter fire on their own colleagues? Furthermore, where would the U.N. standing army be located, for the United Nations has no land, and the United States would not take kindly to a reprisal attack on the UN Army at the United Nations Headquarters. And who would fund this army? The United States hasn’t paid its bills to the United Nations in years due to their opposition to some of its actions/ What is there in place to prevent that continuing? Lastly, and most importantly, whose will would they be implementing, for the United Nations is not a single voice but the aggregated noise of its member states? The Security Council, which currently dictates the form that U.N. peacekeeping operations take, are not a group to whom impartiality can be attributed. A U.N standing army at the behest of the Security Council would be used sparingly at best and only in regions and conflicts for whom all the P5 had a vested interest in the maintenance of peace. Any impartiality that the U.N. standing army had in theory would be lost in practice.  1. U.N. Charter, (1945) UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states forces international peace security impracticality troop contribution training location funding United States opposition Security Council peacekeeping operations impartiality P5 vested interest regions conflicts peace maintenance theoretical impartiality practical loss aggregated noise member states will UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter international peace and security troop contribution training location funding US opposition Security Council impartiality P5 vested interest peace maintenance theoretical impartiality practical challenges UN standing army international peace and security Article 43 UN Charter member states contributions impracticality troop training UN headquarters funding United States Security Council impartiality peacekeeping operations P5 vested interest UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states forces assistance facilities international peace security impracticality troop contribution training location funding United States opposition UN Headquarters Security Council peacekeeping operations impartiality P5 vested interest theoretical impartiality practical implementation UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states international peace and security impracticality troop contribution training issues location funding United States opposition Security Council peacekeeping operations impartiality P5 vested interest UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states forces assistance facilities international peace security impracticality troop contribution training state conflict location UN land funding US dues UN actions Security Council peacekeeping operations impartiality P5 vested interest theoretical impartiality UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states forces assistance facilities international peace security impracticality troop contribution training state conflict location funding United States UN bills Security Council P5 impartiality peacekeeping operations vested interests UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter international peace security member states troop contribution training neutrality location funding United States unpaid bills Security Council impartiality P5 vested interests peacekeeping operations UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states international peace and security troops contribution training state conflict location funding United States UN Headquarters impartiality Security Council peacekeeping operations P5 vested interest theoretical impartiality practical implementation UN standing army legal framework Article 43 UN Charter member states international peace and security impracticality troop contribution training location funding United States UN Headquarters Security Council P5 peacekeeping operations impartiality vested interest regional conflicts theoretical impartiality practical limitations
test-international-siacphbnt-pro05a	Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology has enabled Africa’s cultural industries to grow.  Technology has enabled the development of entrepreneurial ideas for business, but also within Africa’s cultural industry. Access to video recording mobile phones, the internet, and televised publications has created a new culture of expression for African youths. Cultural industries are raising critical questions for politics, and empowering youth to tell their stories. The use of journalism has become mobilised by youths - as seen in initiatives such as, African Slum Voices, of which are encouraging youths to pro-actively raise their opinions and voices on issues occurring within their communities.  Furthermore, the music and film industry in Africa has arisen as a result of access to new technologies at a lower-cost. Two key components responsible for the growth of Nollywood (Nigeria’s Film Industry) include access to digital technology and entrepreneurship. Youths have become vital within Nollywood, as actors, producers and editors. Today Nollywood’s low-budget films have inspired the growth of regional film industries across Africa and contributed to its status as the third largest film industry. Nollywood’s revenue stand’s at around $200mn a year [1] .  [1] See further readings: ABN, 2013. Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youth expression politics journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood digital technology low-budget films regional film industries revenue ABN 2013 Africa cultural industries technology entrepreneurship mobile phones internet televised publications African youths cultural expression politics youth empowerment journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood Nigeria digital technology low-budget films regional film industries revenue ABN 2013 Technology Africa Cultural industries Entrepreneurship Video recording Mobile phones Internet Televised publications Expression African youths Politics Journalism African Slum Voices Music industry Film industry Nollywood Digital technology Low-budget films Regional film industries Revenue Growth Youth empowerment Storytelling Community issues Acting Producing Editing Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurial ideas business video recording mobile phones internet televised publications expression African youths cultural industries critical questions politics youth empowerment journalism mobilisation African Slum Voices opinions community issues music industry film industry access to new technologies low-cost Nollywood Nigeria digital technology entrepreneurship actors producers editors regional film industries revenue ABN 2013 Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship mobile phones internet televised publications expression African youths politics journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood Nigeria digital technology low-budget films regional film industries revenue African cultural industries technology-enabled growth entrepreneurial ideas video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youth expression cultural industries political questions youth empowerment journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood digital technology entrepreneurship low-budget films regional film industries third largest film industry Nollywood revenue Africa cultural industries technology entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications expression African youths politics empowerment journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood Nigeria digital technology actors producers editors low-budget films regional film industries revenue ABN 2013 Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurial ideas business video recording mobile phones internet televised publications culture of expression African youths politics empowerment storytelling journalism mobilisation African Slum Voices music industry film industry new technologies low-cost Nollywood Nigeria digital technology entrepreneurship actors producers editors regional film industries revenue ABN 2013 Technology Africa cultural industries entrepreneurship video recording mobile phones internet televised publications youth expression politics youth empowerment journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood digital technology low-budget films regional film industries revenue Africa cultural industries technology entrepreneurial ideas video recording mobile phones internet televised publications expression African youths politics empowerment journalism African Slum Voices music industry film industry Nollywood Nigeria digital technology entrepreneurship low-budget films regional film industries revenue
test-international-ghbunhf-pro05a	Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. Most international co-operation can takes place outside UN framework.  The major economic, political and trade issues around the world are almost all dealt with either through bilateral agreements between nations or by specialised bodies set up for that purpose – the World Bank, IMF, EU, ASEAN, NATO, WTO and so on. In all of these fields the UN is little more than an irrelevance. Even where the UN does get involved in international affairs – such as in the Libyan crisis of 2011 – it is other bodies, in that case NATO, which serve as the vehicle for international cooperation. [1]  [1] . Bolopion, Philippe. “After Libya, the question: To Protect or Depose?”. Los Angeles Times.25th August 2011. international cooperation United Nations bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO economic issues political issues trade issues Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs UN relevance specialized bodies international organizations multilateralism global governance international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs UN involvement multilateral institutions global governance international relations economic issues political issues trade issues specialized bodies international cooperation Philippe Bolopion Los Angeles Times UN international cooperation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libya 2011 Bolopion international affairs specialized bodies economic issues political issues trade issues UN irrelevance international vehicles cooperation frameworks global governance multilateralism state-to-state relations institutional effectiveness international relations global politics security councils international laws NATO intervention UN framework global economic bodies geopolitical alliances international treaties multilateral organizations diplomatic relations international conflicts humanitarian interventions peacekeeping global trade economic policies international security political alliances international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO economic issues political issues trade issues UN relevance Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs Philippe Bolopion Los Angeles Times international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements specialized bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN irrelevance international affairs Libyan crisis 2011 NATO involvement international cooperation vehicles Philippe Bolopion Los Angeles Times To Protect or Depose international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements specialised bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO UN irrelevance international affairs Libyan crisis 2011 NATO cooperation Philippe Bolopion Los Angeles Times international protection political issues trade issues economic issues international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements specialized bodies World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO economic issues political issues trade issues UN irrelevance Libyan crisis 2011 NATO involvement international affairs UN involvement international cooperation international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO economic issues political issues trade issues Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs UN irrelevance NATO involvement Philippe Bolopion Los Angeles Times To Protect or Depose UN international co-operation bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libyan crisis 2011 international affairs economic issues political issues trade issues specialized bodies international cooperation Bolopion Philippe Los Angeles Times To Protect or Depose international co-operation UN framework bilateral agreements World Bank IMF EU ASEAN NATO WTO Libya 2011 NATO involvement international affairs UN relevance Bolopion Philippe Los Angeles Times political issues economic issues trade issues specialized bodies international cooperation
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-con01a	The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: The ICC generates crippling expenses.  Cautious estimates suggest an operating budget of $100 million per year1. The costs of the ICTY and ICTR have already spiralled out of control, and the latter tribunal has a legacy of maladministration and internal corruption. The US contributes 25% of the budget for both the tribunals, which amounted to $58 million in the fiscal year 20002. It is dubious whether the ICC could survive without US financial support. The UN as a whole is obligated only to fund investigations and prosecutions initiated at the request of the Security Council. Every other investigation must be funded by assessed contributions from the States that have ratified the Rome Statute. Although the UN could authorise the transfer of additional funds, the procedure would require a UN Security Council resolution that would of course be subject to the US veto. Alternatively, it is accepted that State Parties to the Statute could directly contribute funds or personnel to the ICC. However, the possibility of partiality or even corruption is manifest where States with their individual political interests are deploying and directing their own staff within the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC.  1 Irwin, R. (2010, January 8). ICC Trials Hit by Budget Cuts. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Institute for War & Peace Reporting:  2 Scharf, M. P. (2000, October). The Special Court for Sierra Leone. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from American Society of International Law: ICC expenses budget operating costs ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US contribution financial support UN funding investigations prosecutions Security Council State Parties Rome Statute assessed contributions UN veto partiality political interests Office of the Prosecutor budget cuts Special Court for Sierra Leone ICC expenses operating budget ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council resolution State Parties Rome Statute Office of the Prosecutor political interests partiality corruption ICC budget expenses operating costs ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US funding financial support UN Rome Statute Security Council investigations prosecutions state parties contributions veto partiality political interests Office of the Prosecutor financial sustainability international tribunals legal funding judicial administration ICC budget expenses operating costs ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US contribution financial support UN funding Security Council resolution veto state parties Rome Statute investigations prosecutions partiality political interests Office of the Prosecutor personnel contribution funds budget cuts Special Court for Sierra Leone international law ICC budget expenses operating costs ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US financial support UN Security Council Rome Statute State Parties investigations prosecutions funding assessed contributions UN veto partiality political interests Office of the Prosecutor budget cuts Special Court for Sierra Leone international law Irwin Scharf ICC operating budget expenses ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council veto State Parties Rome Statute political interests Office of the Prosecutor partiality corruption ICC operating budget expenses ICTY ICTR maladministration internal corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council Rome Statute assessed contributions UN Security Council resolution State Parties political interests partiality corruption Office of the Prosecutor budget cuts Special Court for Sierra Leone ICC operating budget expenses ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council veto State Parties Rome Statute Office of the Prosecutor partiality political interests ICC expenses operating budget ICTY ICTR maladministration corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council Rome Statute state parties political interests Office of the Prosecutor partiality corruption ICC operating budget expenses ICTY ICTR costs maladministration corruption US financial support UN funding Security Council Rome Statute State Parties partiality corruption Office of the Prosecutor budget cuts Special Court for Sierra Leone international law judicial finance tribunals funding
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-con03a	"There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> There have been tests on the EU's ability to create a common foreign policy that it has failed.  The War in Iraq, along with previous notable failures to deal with the breakup of former Yugoslavia, has been an excellent test for the extent to which the EU can claim to have a common approach to world politics and foreign policy in particular. It has clearly pointed out a whole range of diverse and often opposed national interests, and national publics that were unwilling to make compromises along EU lines of commitment. It has also showed that the economic power of the EU is not enough to turn it into a major player on the international scene: the lack in military power and presence speaks for itself. The EU still lies very much under the umbrella of NATO and US military power and as long as this military dependency continues, the EU will not be able to have its own independent voice in world politics. 1  1.  ""> EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power military power NATO US military international influence political independence foreign affairs policy effectiveness international relations diplomatic capabilities military dependency world politics political compromises European Union EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power international influence military power NATO US military independence political unity diplomatic capabilities international relations security policy European integration transatlantic relations regional conflicts peacekeeping political cohesion strategic autonomy global governance defense policy international security European defense military capabilities political will crisis management geopolitical challenges multinational cooperation sovereignty defense spending strategic planning security studies international organizations European Union foreign affairs international politics global affairs political science international relations theory EU foreign policy common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia EU international role EU military power NATO US military dependency European Union international politics foreign policy effectiveness national interests political compromise economic power military capability international diplomacy political integration European security transatlantic relations European defense EU foreign policy common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup EU international role national interests EU military power NATO dependency US military influence EU political independence EU common foreign policy War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power international influence military power NATO US military dependency world politics foreign policy failures European Union political autonomy international relations military capability political integration global governance security policy defense strategy EU foreign policy common European approach War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup national interests public opinion EU political influence economic power military capability NATO dependency US military reliance European defense independence international political presence EU autonomy in foreign affairs EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests public opinion economic power international influence military power NATO US military independence political influence military dependency global affairs strategic autonomy European integration international relations EU foreign policy common approach international relations War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests NATO US military power economic power military dependency world politics political integration European Union international security diplomatic capability sovereignty global influence defense policy strategic autonomy EU foreign policy common approach world politics War in Iraq Yugoslavia national interests economic power military power NATO US military international influence political independence military dependency compromise EU lines of commitment notable failures international player military presence independent voice EU foreign policy common approach international relations War in Iraq Yugoslavia breakup national interests economic power military power NATO US military independence world politics"
test-international-atiahblit-pro03a	Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. Incentivising movement so there are teachers where they are needed  Although the extent of rural-urban disparities remains debatable, geographical disparities in living standards and education are articulated across Africa. The location, and provision, of teachers does not always match need.  In Uganda, the universalisation of education has been met with inequities, regionally and across socioeconomic groups, in the quality of education (Hedger et al, 2010). Incentives are required to deploy teachers to districts according to need; and encourage teachers to relocate. For example, awards need to be provided for teachers to move to rural areas, and the development of teacher housing schemes - providing teachers with houses in new locations. incentives rural-urban disparities geographical disparities living standards education Africa teacher deployment Uganda universalisation of education inequities regional disparities socioeconomic disparities education quality teacher relocation awards rural areas teacher housing schemes incentivizing teacher deployment rural-urban disparities geographical disparities living standards education quality Uganda universal education socioeconomic inequities teacher relocation rural areas teacher housing schemes incentivizing teacher movement rural-urban disparities geographical disparities in education teacher deployment teacher relocation teacher incentives rural education teacher housing schemes equitable education Uganda education system regional education inequities socioeconomic education gaps teacher awards universal education challenges teacher provision matching needs rural-urban disparities geographical disparities living standards education quality teacher deployment teacher relocation rural areas teacher housing schemes education inequities socioeconomic groups universalisation of education incentive programs Uganda education teacher awards regional disparities education needs teacher provision Africa education Hedger et al 2010 incentives teacher deployment rural areas urban disparities education quality socioeconomic inequities teacher housing Uganda regional disparities teacher relocation awards living standards Africa universal education teacher incentives rural education teacher deployment rural-urban disparities education equity teacher relocation teacher housing Uganda education geographical disparities living standards socioeconomic inequities educational quality universal education incentives for teachers rural areas teacher awards teacher provision regional inequities educational needs teacher mobility incentives teacher deployment rural-urban disparities education quality Uganda universal education socioeconomic inequities teacher relocation awards teacher housing schemes incentivizing teacher movement rural-urban disparities geographical disparities education provision teacher deployment Uganda education socioeconomic inequities quality education teacher incentives relocating teachers rural areas teacher housing schemes universal education educational need teacher awards matching teacher supply incentives rural-urban disparities geographical disparities education Africa Uganda universalisation of education inequities quality of education teacher deployment teacher relocation awards rural areas teacher housing schemes teacher incentives rural areas teacher relocation teacher housing schemes educational disparities Uganda rural-urban disparities teacher deployment quality of education socioeconomic inequities universal education geographical disparities living standards Africa regional inequities Hedger et al 2010
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro02a	States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States must be responsible to their own citizens first  There will always be trafficking as long as there aren't open borders. And we should maintain strict controls on both immigration and asylum. States must focus on the needs of their people first, and the reaction of citizens in accepting countries is quite rightly the feeling that their hospitality and good intentions are being abused at the moment. The social harms that these feelings cause - suspicion, xenophobia, racism and disruption of social harmony and tolerance [1] - are too large and too damaging to the actual citizens of states to justify the maintenance of a failing system that may help some few outsiders. The responsibilities of governments to their own citizens must come first.  [1] Lægaard, Sune, ‘Immigration, Social Cohesion, and Naturalisation’, Centre for the Study of Equality and Multiculturalism, p.2 States responsible citizens trafficking open borders strict controls immigration asylum needs people citizens accepting countries hospitality good intentions abused social harms suspicion xenophobia racism disruption social harmony tolerance failing system outsiders responsibilities governments first states citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum needs social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibilities outsiders failing system naturalisation social cohesion equality multiculturalism Responsibility citizens trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen reaction hospitality abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibilities failing system outsiders social cohesion naturalisation states citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen acceptance hospitality abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibilities failing system outsiders naturalisation social cohesion equality multiculturalism citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen reaction hospitality good intentions abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance failing system outsiders government responsibility social cohesion naturalisation equality multiculturalism state responsibility citizens first open borders trafficking immigration controls asylum controls citizen needs social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social disruption social harmony tolerance citizen protection government duty Outsiders hospitality abuse failing system naturalisation social cohesion multiculturalism states citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen reaction hospitality good intentions abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government duties social cohesion naturalisation states citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum needs social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance hospitality government outsiders social cohesion naturalisation equality multiculturalism citizens responsibility trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen reaction hospitality abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony tolerance government responsibility naturalisation social cohesion equality multiculturalism citizens trafficking open borders immigration controls asylum social needs citizen reaction hospitality abuse social harms suspicion xenophobia racism social harmony government responsibility social cohesion naturalisation equality multiculturalism
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con02a	Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership increases national security within democratic states  “A well-regulated Militia, being necessary top the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” – 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. [1] Any country is much more able to defend itself from aggression if many of its citizens are able to use guns, keeping them for leisure and sporting use. Some countries actively require adult citizens to maintain weapons in their house, and periodically to train in their use. The high levels of firearm availability in Iraq and Afghanistan have been significant contributory factors in allowing for a viable insurrection to form which has the potential to generate the political pressure necessary to cause the withdrawal of foreign occupiers.  Of course, such widespread ownership of weapons is also a safeguard against domestic tyranny.  [1] See also DIstricxt of Columbia v Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated Militia security of a free State right to keep and bear Arms citizen gun use defense against aggression firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers safeguard against domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated Militia free State right to bear arms firearm availability leisure use sporting use citizen weapon maintenance periodic training Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers widespread weapon ownership domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller 554 U.S. 570 (2008) 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution firearm availability national security democratic states well-regulated militia gun ownership self-defense insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers domestic tyranny weapon training leisure use sporting use District of Columbia v Heller Gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated Militia right to bear arms citizen defense firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution militia citizen disarmament firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection foreign occupation domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller gun rights self-defense political pressure constitutional rights weapon regulation public safety civil liberties gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated militia right to bear arms citizen defense firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated Militia citizen firearm training firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupation domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution well-regulated Militia security of a free State citizen gun use leisure sporting use compulsory weapon ownership periodic training firearm availability Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure foreign occupiers domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller 554 U.S. 570 (2008) 2nd Amendment gun ownership national security democratic states well-regulated militia firearm availability insurrection political pressure withdrawal of occupiers domestic tyranny District of Columbia v Heller constitutional rights civilian armament self-defense state sovereignty gun control public safety armed citizenry militia training weapon regulation gun ownership national security democratic states 2nd Amendment U.S. Constitution militia citizen firearms defense foreign aggression domestic tyranny Iraq Afghanistan insurrection political pressure withdrawal foreign occupiers District of Columbia v Heller constitutional rights firearm regulation civic duty gun control self-defense state security militia training constitutional law gun rights civilian weapons armed population political stability armed resistance constitutional history firearm policy democratic governance citizen soldier gun legislation political power armed citizenry constitutional amendments legal precedent gun advocacy gun regulation national
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro02a	School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care  Peer pressure drives most drug use among children and teenagers. [1] The fact that the state requires all children to be engaged in education means that most of them will be gathered into large groups in schools for most of the day, five days a week, essentially creating the necessary conditions for peer pressure to take place and be powerful. This occurs as some children face ostracism or exclusion from their peers in the social environment that the state compels them to be in if they refuse to take illegal drugs, if drug use is deemed necessary to be 'cool' or 'popular'.  It is, generally, the state that operates a western liberal democracy’s education system. Under circumstances in which children are placed into the care of the state, and are made vulnerable to peer pressure the state has a duty to ensure that children are not coerced into using drugs. This means that concerns of 'privacy' are secondary to protecting the choice not to take drugs, as ensuring the 'privacy' of all students by not having random drug tests empowers some students to socially coerce other students into using drugs when they otherwise would not.  Random drug tests help prevent cultures or norms of drug-taking (by which it can become the 'cool' thing to do) by ensuring that most drug users will be caught and helped to quit, thus protecting the choice of others not to be pressured into drug use.  [1] Rosenbaum, Marsha. “Safety First: A Reality-Based Approach to Teens and Drugs”. Drug Policy Alliance. January 1, 2007 School's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education large groups social environment ostracism exclusion illegal drugs cool popular western liberal democracy education system vulnerability peer pressure state responsibility privacy random drug tests drug users help quitting drug-taking cultures norms Rosenbaum Drug Policy Alliance Safety First reality-based approach teens drugs duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers education system state responsibility privacy random drug tests drug culture teen drug policy school environment coerced behavior social coercion protective measures student welfare drug prevention policy analysis youth safety school health policies School duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state requirement education social environment ostracism exclusion illegal drugs western liberal democracy education system vulnerability random drug tests privacy drug culture norms quitting protection choice coercion safety first reality-based approach school's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state-mandated education social environment ostracism exclusion western liberal democracy education system vulnerability random drug tests privacy drug culture prevention safety first reality-based approach teens drug policy alliance School's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state requirement education large groups social environment ostracism exclusion western liberal democracy education system random drug tests privacy drug culture norm prevention quitting drugs protection choice coercion safety first reality-based approach teens Marsha Rosenbaum Drug Policy Alliance school's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education large groups social environment ostracism exclusion privacy random drug tests drug-taking cultures teen drug use protection Marsha Rosenbaum Safety First Drug Policy Alliance school's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state requirement education large groups social environment ostracism exclusion state-operated education western liberal democracy vulnerability privacy random drug tests drug users cultures norms helping to quit protecting choice safety first reality-based approach teens drug policy alliance School's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state requirement education large groups social environment ostracism exclusion illegal drugs western liberal democracy state operation education system vulnerability peer pressure state duty protecting choice privacy random drug tests drug users helping quit cultures norms drug-taking safety first reality-based approach teens Marsha Rosenbaum Drug Policy Alliance school duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers education system state responsibility privacy random drug tests drug prevention social coercion teenage drug culture policy approach safety first drug policy alliance School's duty of care peer pressure drug use children teenagers state education large groups social environment ostracism illegal drugs western liberal democracy education system state care vulnerability privacy random drug tests drug users culture norms quitting protection choice social coercion safety first reality-based approach teens Drug Policy Alliance
test-society-asfhwapg-pro02a	"Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting enables knowledge sharing  Patents are typically granted for twenty years only. After this period the monopoly ends. All companies ask is that for a limited time they are able to benefit from their investments, and that in that period if another company wishes to pursue a project in their area then they should have to give their permission for the use of the patent. Patenting does not mean withholding information in secrecy.  On the contrary, patents actively encourage openness in science, because if you were not able to disclose your findings without fear of exploitation, then you would keep your findings secret. This would be to the detriment of medical advancement.  For example the Human Genome Sciences’ patented their discovery of the CCR5 receptor gene, which was then discovered by other scientists at the National Institutes of Health, that the small number of people missing the receptor appear to be immune to HIV 1. This could be done because Human Genome Sciences has a policy that ""we do not use our patents to prevent anyone in academics or the nonprofit world from using these materials for whatever they want, so long as it is not commercial.2""  Patenting makes sure that the information is registered and shared. The other option, whereby companies do not patent the information and keep it as a “trade secret”, hurts everybody much more and slows down the rate of scientific progress.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO  2. Chartrand, Sabra, ""Human Gene Patented as Potential Fighter Against AIDS"" The New York Times, 6 March 2000, Patenting knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly investments permission withholding information secrecy openness science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV trade secret scientific progress public health research gene patenting AIDS Patent knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly investments permission secrecy scientific advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV AIDS trade secret public health research WHO genetic patents biotechnology intellectual property innovation medical research commercial benefit academic use nonprofit use scientific community patent law health innovation research ethics gene patenting pharmaceutical industry biopharmaceuticals technological progress patent policy scientific collaboration patent duration patent rights patent protection gene discovery medical patents patenting process patent system health patenting knowledge sharing patents twenty years monopoly companies investments permission patent use withholding information secrecy openness science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV patent policy academics nonprofit commercial use trade secret scientific progress DNA patenting public health research gene patenting AIDS patent knowledge sharing monopoly twenty years investments permission secrecy openness science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV trade secret scientific progress DNA patenting public health research genetic patents patent policy non-profit usage commercial use innovation intellectual property biotechnology pharmaceutical industry research development academic freedom patent law technology transfer global health drug development genetic research patent protection economic incentives competitive advantage collaborative research patent licensing scientific community patent system genetic discoveries health benefits patenting knowledge sharing patents twenty years monopoly company investments permission patent use information disclosure scientific openness medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV immunity academic patent policy trade secret scientific progress public health research DNA patenting implications patenting knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly investments permission withholding information secrecy openness science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV trade secret scientific progress public health research DNA patenting implications Sabra Chartrand The New York Times patenting knowledge sharing patents twenty years monopoly company investments permission patent use information disclosure scientific openness medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV immunity patent policy academic research nonprofit use trade secrets scientific progress public health research DNA patenting genetic patents AIDS research gene patents scientific community innovation pharmaceutical industry intellectual property research and development technology transfer global health biotechnology patent law genetic information commercialization scientific collaboration patent disclosure public domain research tools patent enforcement patenting knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly company investments patent permission secrecy openness in science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene HIV patent registration trade secret scientific progress public health research WHO Sabra Chartrand The New York Times patenting knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly investments permission patent use withholding information secrecy openness science medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene National Institutes of Health HIV immunity academics nonprofit commercial use trade secret scientific progress DNA patenting public health research gene patenting AIDS Fighter patenting knowledge sharing twenty years monopoly investments permission information disclosure scientific openness medical advancement Human Genome Sciences CCR5 receptor gene HIV patent policy academic research nonprofit trade secret scientific progress public health DNA patenting WHO Sabra Chartrand The New York Times"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro04a	Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, Not all conflict is war  What is War? The AU’s declaration does not define it. Ending all conflict is ambitious, ending only inter state war in Africa on the other hand is not. The vast majority of conflicts in Africa have been internal. The only true inter state conflicts have been the wars between Israel and Egypt, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war, the Uganda-Tunisia war, and the Second Congo War. [1] None of these are ongoing. The only conflicts that might count as inter-state that might be considered ongoing are the situation in Western Sahara and border clashes between the Sudans. Western Sahara might be considered to be frozen with very few deaths as a result of it and the Sudan conflict is in large part a result of the border being new.  [1] Wikipedia, ‘List of conflicts in Africa’, accessed 10 January 2014, conflict war AU declaration ending conflict inter-state war Africa internal conflicts Israel-Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan conflict border clashes frozen conflict peace efforts international relations African Union diplomatic solutions regional stability conflict war AU declaration internal conflicts inter-state wars Israel-Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian Uganda-Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan border clashes frozen conflict peace Africa international relations diplomatic tensions ceasefire post-conflict resolution conflict war AU declaration inter-state war internal conflicts Israel-Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian Uganda-Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan border clashes frozen conflict border disputes Africa peace efforts interstate warfare regional stability conflict resolution peacekeeping non-state conflicts civil wars political violence human security international relations warfare definitions peace processes African Union policies conflict management security studies political science African history warfare in Africa legal definitions of war peace research international law warfare trends conflict zones peacebuilding conflict war AU declaration inter-state war internal conflicts Israel-Egypt wars Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan conflicts border clashes frozen conflict border disputes African conflicts inter-state conflicts peace in Africa conflict resolution international relations African Union peacekeeping war definitions conflict types ongoing conflicts historical conflicts regional stability political tensions ceasefire agreements peace processes diplomatic efforts conflict zones humanitarian issues military interventions peace negotiations ceasefire monitoring conflict prevention security challenges regional cooperation conflict war AU declaration inter-state Africa internal Israel Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian Uganda-Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudans border clashes frozen conflict new border conflict war AU declaration inter-state war internal conflicts Africa Israel-Egypt wars Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan conflict border clashes frozen conflict peace efforts international relations African Union conflict resolution war definition peacekeeping missions conflict war AU African Union inter-state internal conflicts Israel Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian Uganda-Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudans border clashes frozen conflict Wikipedia List of conflicts in Africa conflict war AU declaration inter-state war internal conflicts Israel-Egypt wars Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara border clashes Sudans frozen conflict new border conflict war AU declaration inter-state war Africa internal conflicts Israel-Egypt war Eritrean-Ethiopian war Uganda-Tunisia war Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan conflict border clashes frozen conflict Wikipedia List of conflicts in Africa conflict war AU declaration inter-state Africa internal Israel Egypt Eritrean-Ethiopian Uganda-Tunisia Second Congo War Western Sahara Sudan border clashes frozen conflict deaths
test-health-dhghwapgd-pro02a	"Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: Allowing production of generic drugs saves lives, particularly in the developing world  Many developing countries are fraught with terrible disease. Much of Africa and Asia are devastated by malaria, and in many parts of Africa AIDS is a horrendous scourge, infecting large percentages of many countries populations. For example, in Swaziland, 26% of the adult population is infected with the virus1. In light of these obscenely high infection rates, African governments have sought to find means of acquiring enough drugs to treat their ailing populations. The producers of the major AIDS medications do donate substantial amounts of drugs to stricken countries, yet at the same time they charge ruinously high prices for that which they do sell, leading to serious shortages in countries that cannot afford them. The denial of the right to produce or acquire generic drugs is effectively a death sentence to people in these countries. With generic drugs freely available on the market, the access to such drugs would be facilitated far more readily and cheaply; prices would be pushed down to market levels and African governments would be able to stand a chance of providing the requisite care to their people2. Under the current system attempts by governments to access generic drugs can be met by denials of free treatments, leading to even further suffering. There is no ethical justification to allow pharmaceutical companies to charge artificially high prices for drugs that save lives. Furthermore, many firms that develop and patent drugs do not share them, nor do they act upon them themselves due to their unprofitability. This has been the case with various treatments for malaria, which affects the developing world almost exclusively, thus limiting the market to customers with little money to pay for the drugs3. The result is patents and viable treatments sitting on shelves, effectively gathering dust within company records, when they could be used to save lives. But when there is no profit there is no production. Allowing the production of generic drugs is to allow justice to be done in the developing world, saving lives and ending human suffering.  1 United Nations. 2006. ""Country Program Outline for Swaziland, 2006-2010"". United Nations Development Program. Available: 2 Mercer, Illana. 2001. ""Patent Wrongs"". Mises Daily. Available: 3 Boseley, Sarah. 2006. ""Rich Countries 'Blocking Cheap Drugs for Developing World'"". The Guardian. Available: generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS Africa Asia Swaziland adult population viral infection African governments drug acquisition major AIDS medications drug donation high drug prices drug shortages ethical justification pharmaceutical companies profit drug patents treatments human suffering United Nations Mises Daily The Guardian generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS Swaziland African governments drug prices pharmaceutical companies patent rights drug production market access human suffering United Nations Mises Daily The Guardian drug donations drug shortages ethical justification profit margins public health international aid patent laws treatment availability healthcare policy drug affordability life-saving medications pharmaceutical industry intellectual property global health drug accessibility generic drug production economic barriers healthcare equity disease treatment public health crises medical patents drug innovation medication supply healthcare systems drug affordability policies international law health generic drugs developing world disease malaria AIDS Africa Asia Swaziland infection rates drug donations high drug prices drug shortages drug access market prices ethical justification drug patents unprofitable treatments patent rights drug production human suffering market levels pharmaceutical companies free treatments drug denial life-saving drugs drug availability drug affordability drug treatment drug patents drug sharing justice drug market profit drug development patent law international health public health drug policy global health healthcare medical ethics drug regulation intellectual property drug pricing generic drugs developing world AIDS malaria Africa Asia Swaziland adult infection rates drug prices drug shortages government efforts drug access pharmaceutical companies ethical justification drug patents malaria treatments market profitability human suffering justice in healthcare generic drugs developing world saves lives malaria AIDS Africa Asia Swaziland adult population infection rates African governments major AIDS medications drug donations high prices drug shortages denial of production death sentence market availability cheaper prices ethical justification pharmaceutical companies artificially high prices life-saving drugs drug patents malaria treatments unprofitable drugs justice human suffering patent rights drug accessibility international health global health initiatives drug affordability public health patent laws healthcare equity drug pricing policies drug production medical patents healthcare access generic manufacturing pharmaceutical generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS Swaziland adult population infection rates African governments drug shortages donation drug prices market levels ethical justification pharmaceutical companies patents treatments unprofitability human suffering justice generic drugs developing world life-saving malaria AIDS Africa Asia Swaziland adult population infection rates African governments drug acquisition drug shortages drug prices market levels ethical justification pharmaceutical companies high prices drug patents viably treatments unprofitability human suffering patent sharing drug production justice United Nations UN Development Program Mises Daily rich countries cheap drugs Guardian generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS Swaziland pharmaceutical companies drug prices patents market access health care African governments drug production ethical justification profit treatment availability human suffering patent rights pharmaceutical patents drug donations global health medication affordability patent laws drug shortages medication access unprofitable treatments drug development life-saving drugs healthcare justice affordable medicine drug patents drug affordability global pharmaceuticals drug distribution medical treatment pharmaceutical industry developing countries drug pricing drug access healthcare systems international health drug policy healthcare costs medication generic drugs developing world life-saving disease Africa Asia malaria AIDS infection rates Swaziland adult population virus African governments drug acquisition AIDS medications drug donation high prices drug shortages ethical justification pharmaceutical companies artificial pricing drug patents unprofitable treatments market exclusivity justice human suffering drug production public health global health drug accessibility cost-effective treatment patent law health policy international health medication affordability treatment distribution pharmaceutical industry drug pricing healthcare economics patent rights medical innovation drug development healthcare equity global generic drugs developing world malaria AIDS Swaziland HIV infection drug prices pharmaceutical companies patents market access affordable healthcare life-saving treatments ethical considerations profit margins patent laws international health policies drug donations treatment availability human rights public health crises undeveloped markets drug production global health equity medication affordability healthcare economics pharmaceutical ethics drug policy reform healthcare disparities infectious diseases tropical diseases health aid medical patents drug innovation health systems policy making global health governance trade agreements intellectual property rights health equity developing nations vaccine"
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro04a	Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. Defendants who are innocent will be protected  This motion could allow innocent defendants to mount a stronger case. This is because, if allowed, the previous convictions of prosecution witnesses would be admitted as evidence. In this case, if a prosecution witness falsely claims good character in opposition to the defendant, any falsity could be more easily seen and weighed by the jury. This solves a problem under that status quo where ‘the threat of introducing his [the defendant’s] previous convictions will frequently inhibit him from introducing character evidence about the prosecution witness’ [1] ; fear that the defendant’s convictions may weigh against them where the prosecution witness remains untouchable creates a discrepancy in the justice system. However, if convictions on both sides were to be revealed anyway, then neither can falsely claim the character of the other and attempt to convince the jury of false information on this front.  [1] CPS, ‘Justice for all’, The Stationary Office, July 2002. defendants innocent protection motion stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system convictions false claims jury persuasion CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office July 2002 innocent defendants protection motion stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system convictions false claims jury persuasion legal reforms fairness trial procedures defendant rights witness credibility legal equity defendants innocent protection stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system convictions false claims credibility legal reform trial fairness defendants innocent protection stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system convictions untouchable false information front CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office July 2002 innocent defendants justice system previous convictions prosecution witnesses character evidence jury fairness legal reform equality before law false claims credibility assessment trial procedures evidentiary rules defense rights prosecution tactics judicial transparency court practices verdict accuracy witness reliability legal protections innocent defendants protection stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence admission falsity detection jury evaluation status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system mutual revelation false claims jury persuasion CPS Justice for all The Stationary Office July 2002 innocent defendants stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence admission character evidence jury evaluation falsity detection status quo character discrepancy justice system fair trial evidence revelation mutual transparency legal reform criminal procedure judicial fairness witness credibility defendant protection legal equity defendants innocent protection stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system convictions false information jury persuasion legal reform trial fairness innocent defendants protection motion stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence falsity jury status quo character evidence discrepancy justice system revelations false claims fairness trial integrity legal reforms judicial transparency innocent defendants stronger case previous convictions prosecution witnesses evidence admission character evidence jury evaluation false character claims discrepancy in justice equal revelation of convictions fair trial legal reforms CPS Justice for all 2002
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-pro02a	Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative  The Constitution of the United States is designed to prevent power from being concentrated in one place, with each of the three branches (executive, legislative and judicial) placing checks and balances upon each other. As James Madison wrote “It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part.” [1]  This principle ensures that power is divided, facilitating greater dialogue between the branches and between the two houses of Congress which seeks to compromise with each other to provide the best possible expression of Congress’ will.  Such a need for compromise between the branches lends itself to having control of the two elected branches being spilt between two parties necessitating compromise as opposed to single party control of both houses, where compromise can be pre-arranged to fit the aims of the executive. Therefore, Divided Government is an extra requirement to government, ensuring that powers are not concentrated to the detriment of Americans.  [1] Madison, James, ‘The Federalist No.51 The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments’, Independent Journal, 6 February 1788, Constitutional imperative checks and balances separation of powers executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No. 51 oppression prevention power concentration republican governance societal protection inter-branch dialogue compromise necessity divided government single party control legislative process American democracy governmental structure political science constitutional law federal government political theory governance principles civic education U.S. Constitution Madisonian democracy republicanism inter-branch relations governance mechanisms power distribution constitutional design government accountability political compromise institutional checks legislative dynamics American politics Constitutional imperative checks and balances three branches executive legislative judicial power concentration James Madison Federalist No.51 oppression prevention societal injustice divided government single party control compromise necessity Congressional will governmental structure political dialogue American governance constitutional design branch cooperation governance principles federalist papers U.S. Constitution legislative process executive power judicial oversight political science government theory constitutional law democratic principles political systems American democracy constitutional checks power distribution governmental stability political compromise institutional design American politics government mechanisms rule of law Constitutional imperative checks and balances separation of powers executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No. 51 oppression prevention societal injustice divided government single party control compromise necessity republican governance power concentration constitutional design dialogic process legislative compromise Constitutional imperative checks and balances separation of powers executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No. 51 republic oppression prevention societal justice power division dialogue facilitation compromise necessity two-party system divided government single-party control power concentration American governance Constitutional imperative checks and balances three branches executive legislative judicial James Madison Federalist No.51 oppression of rulers injustice power division dialogue compromise Congress two houses divided government single party control power concentration American politics republicanism government structure federalism checks and balances constitutional design power distribution three branches executive legislative judicial James Madison Federalist No. 51 oppression prevention societal injustice republican governance divided government single party control compromise necessity governmental structure American democracy political balance constitutional principles Constitutional imperative separation of powers checks and balances executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No.51 republic oppression prevention injustice prevention dialogue facilitation compromise requirement divided government single party control power concentration American governance Constitutional imperative checks and balances separation of powers executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No.51 divided government single party control republican principles oppression prevention societal dialogue compromise necessity power concentration governmental structure constitutional design inter-branch cooperation political compromise bicameral legislature democratic safeguards tyranny prevention federalist papers American governance legislative process executive oversight judicial review constitutionalism political science governance theory American politics constitutional law republican governance legislative dynamics governmental checks constitutional balance political stability governmental efficacy Constitutional imperative checks and balances separation of powers executive branch legislative branch judicial branch James Madison Federalist No. 51 oppression of rulers injustice prevention divided government single party control compromise dialogue power concentration checks and balances separation of powers constitutional design Madison Federalist No. 51 divided government compromise legislative process executive branch judicial branch oppression prevention societal justice government control single party rule power concentration republican principles dialogue facilitation Congress bicameralism political parties constitutional imperative United States Constitution
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro02a	Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism proposes a purpose to EU integration.  Neo-functionalism proposed building a community Europe, through the concept of spillover the theory proposes economic determinism. Spill-over will eventually lead to a completely integrated Europe with a strong central government. This has not yet been proved true, as EU integration has become a long and difficult process. This is understandable since it is not exactly easy to integrate together all those policies, economies and people. However this would most probably be the eventual result, which is already visible: The experience of the European Union (EU) is widely perceived as not just an example, but the model for regional integration. In recent years, the EU has also been pursuing an increasing number of trade agreements which may in turn lead to spillover. [1] Furthermore the recent enlargements of the EU in Eastern Europe, as well as the ongoing negotiations with Croatia and Turkey have renewed the academic and political interest in the effects of European Economic integration. [2]  One of the theory’s strengths is to predict the outcome of integration and an eventual conclusion to the process, allowing for political and economic aims to be made and realised. For example ‘Larger companies have been acting on the assumption that the internal market will eventually be established’. [3]  [1] Bilal, Sanoussi, ‘Can the EU Be a Model of Regional Integration?’, Paper to be presented at the CODESRIA - Globalisation Studies Network (GSN), 29-31 August 2005,   [2] Lafourcade, Miren, and Paluzie, Elisenda, ‘European Integration, FDI and the Internal Geography of Trade: Evidence from Western-European Border Regions’, 23 December 2004, www.cepr.org/RESEARCH/Networks/TID/Paluzie.pdf  [3] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe, ‘Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC’, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism European Union regional integration trade agreements EU enlargements Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration political aims economic aims internal market Bilal Sanoussi CODESRIA Globalisation Studies Network Lafourcade Miren Paluzie Elisenda FDI Western-European border regions Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe Millennium Journal neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism European Union regional integration trade agreements enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration internal market Larger companies political aims economic aims academic interest political interest Bilal Sanoussi Lafourcade Miren Paluzie Elisenda Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism European Union regional integration trade agreements European Economic integration political and economic aims internal market enlargement Croatia Turkey academic interest Bilal Sanoussi Lafourcade Paluzie Tranholm-Mikkelsen Millennium Journal international studies Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism integrated Europe central government policy integration economic integration regional integration trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration political aims economic aims internal market Larger companies Bilal Sanoussi CODESRIA Globalisation Studies Network Lafourcade Miren Paluzie Elisenda FDI internal geography of trade Western-European border regions Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe Millennium Journal EC new dynamism Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism central government regional integration trade agreements European Union enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration internal market Larger companies political aims economic aims Bilal Sanoussi CODESRIA Miren Lafourcade Elisenda Paluzie FDI border regions Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen Millennium Journal EC New Dynamism Neo-functionalism EU integration community Europe spillover economic determinism integrated Europe strong central government regional integration trade agreements EU enlargement Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration political aims economic aims internal market regional studies international studies European Commission European policy economic policy political science integration theory spillover theory European Union model regional integration model Millennium Journal CODESRIA Globalisation Studies Network European geography foreign direct investment border regions Tranholm-Mikkelsen Bilal Lafourcade Paluzie Neo-functionalism EU integration community Europe spillover economic determinism integrated Europe central government policy integration economic integration European Union regional integration trade agreements EU enlargements Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European economic integration political aims economic aims internal market Larger companies Bilal Sanoussi CODESRIA Globalisation Studies Network Lafourcade Paluzie FDI internal geography of trade Western-European border regions Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe Millennium Journal EC new dynamism Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism regional integration trade agreements European Union internal market enlargement eastern Europe Croatia Turkey political interest economic aims academic interest European Economic integration Larger companies internal market establishment model of integration European border regions FDI internal geography of trade new dynamism EC obstinate obsolete Neo-functionalism EU integration community Europe spillover economic determinism integrated Europe strong central government policies economies people regional integration trade agreements Eastern Europe Croatia Turkey European Economic integration internal market companies political aims economic aims Bilal Sanoussi CODESRIA Globalisation Studies Network Lafourcade Paluzie FDI internal geography trade Western-European border regions Tranholm-Mikkelsen Jeppe Millennium International Studies EC new dynamism Neo-functionalism EU integration spillover economic determinism European Union regional integration trade agreements Eastern Europe political interest European Economic integration internal market larger companies FDI Western-European border regions New Dynamism EC
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-con01a	The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, The sale of personal data makes for better advertising that benefits consumers  By targeting demographics and personal profiles by way of acquiring and utilizing personal data, businesses are able to put forward their services in a more targeted fashion in order to reach their target markets and to more effectively understand the broader market more generally. The limited budgets that constrain all companies has traditionally forced producers in the mass market to advertise to broad demographics and majority markets, resulting in a relative dearth of niche markets and breadth of services available in the mass market. Utilizing personal data effectively allows firms to enrich the lives of all consumers by expanding the range of marketable products and the furnishing of services to more eclectic tastes. [1] The vast numbers of websites and services proliferating online makes it much harder for people to find what they are looking for, but more importantly what they are not looking for but would want if they knew it existed. Data-mining allows for the channels of information to flow more effectively to consumers (Columbus, 2012). On the individual level companies are able to create individual profiles from information, so they can target them directly with things that might interest them. This strategy is used on Facebook, for example, users are shown ads that most fit their profiles giving them access to services they might not have ever found without the service.  [1] Deighton, J. and J. Quelch, “Economic Value of the Advertising-Supported Internet Ecosystem”. IAB Report. 2009, personal data advertising consumer benefits demographics personal profiles targeted marketing market understanding company budgets mass market niche markets service expansion data utilization online platforms information discovery data mining consumer information individual profiling targeted advertisements Facebook ads economic value internet advertising ecosystem personal data advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personal profiles data acquisition market targeting budget constraints mass market advertising niche markets service expansion data mining information channels individual profiling targeted advertising Facebook ads economic value internet ecosystem IAB Report personal data advertising consumer benefits demographics personal profiles market targeting niche markets service expansion data mining information flow individual profiling targeted advertising Facebook ads economic value internet ecosystem personal data better advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personal profiles business services target markets market understanding company budgets mass market niche markets product range consumer tastes online services information discovery data mining information flow individual profiles personalized ads Facebook advertising ad relevance IAB report economic value advertising ecosystem personal data advertising efficiency consumer benefits targeted marketing demographic targeting personal profiles market expansion niche markets service diversity data utilization information accessibility data mining consumer profiles tailored advertisements Facebook ads economic value advertising ecosystem personal data targeted advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personal profiles market expansion niche markets service diversity data mining information flow individual profiling Facebook ads advertising ecosystem economic value IAB Report personal data better advertising consumer benefits demographic targeting personal profiles data acquisition market understanding budget constraints mass market advertising niche markets marketable products eclectic tastes online services information channels data mining individual profiles targeted advertising Facebook ads economic value advertising ecosystem IAB report personal data targeted advertising consumer benefits demographics personal profiles market targeting business efficiency niche markets mass market advertising budget constraints market expansion consumer satisfaction online services data mining information flow individual profiles direct targeting Facebook advertising economic value internet ecosystem personal data advertising consumer benefits demographics personal profiles business targeting market understanding budget constraints niche markets product range service expansion data mining information flow individual profiles targeted advertising Facebook economic value internet ecosystem personal data advertising consumer benefits demographics personal profiles business strategies market targeting niche markets service expansion data mining information channels consumer profiles targeted advertising social media advertising economic value internet ecosystem
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro01a	Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, Labour standards are necessary to protect basic human rights  Labour and business standards are a cornerstone of agreement on universal human rights between various international actors and so it is right that they should be linked to aid. In 1998 the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work were adopted and are considered binding on all members regardless of whether they have ratified the conventions. [1] The business and labour regulations protect the basic worker rights and improve job security through demanding the elimination of discrimination and empower workers through the recognition of “freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining” [2] like in those in developed western countries. This then provides a minimum standard and aid should only be given to those that ensure those minimum standards they have signed up. It would also help compliance to prioritise those who go further in their protections of labour when it comes to receiving aid. It should be remembered that there has been general acceptance of international labour standards not just for human rights reasons but also because having minimum standards is beneficial economically – for example a 40 hour working week is more productive per hour than a 60 hour week. [3]  [1] the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ‘About the Declaration’, International Labour Organisation,   [2] ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work and its Follow-up, Adopted by the International Labour Conference at its Eighty-sixth Session, Geneva, 18 June 1998 (Annex revised 15 June 2010),   [3] Robinson, Sara, ‘Bring back the 40-hour work week’, Salon, 14 March 2012, labour standards human rights business standards international actors aid ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed countries minimum standards compliance international labour standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity labour standards human rights business standards international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles rights at work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed western countries minimum standards aid compliance international labour standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity labour standards human rights business standards international actors universal human rights ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed western countries minimum standards aid distribution economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity compliance incentives labour standards human rights business standards international actors aid ILO Declaration worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed western countries minimum standards compliance economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity labour standards human rights business standards international actors ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed western countries minimum standards aid compliance international labour standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity labour standards human rights business standards international agreements ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining aid distribution compliance minimum standards economic benefits working hours productivity 40-hour work week labour standards human rights international actors aid linkage ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work binding principles business regulations worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed countries minimum standards compliance economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity labour standards human rights business standards international actors ILO Declaration Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining developed western countries minimum standards aid distribution compliance international labour standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity 60-hour work week work hours regulation worker protection aid prioritization global labor practices human rights agreements international cooperation economic development social protection labor market regulation employment conditions workers' rights international standards work-life balance fair labor practices global trade international labour standards human rights international labour organization ILO declaration fundamental principles rights at work business standards aid discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining job security minimum standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity international actors regulation compliance worker rights developed countries prioritization ratification conventions general acceptance global standards economic impact work hours work-life balance social protection international agreements development assistance ethical considerations sustainable development corporate accountability human dignity fair labour practices employment conditions social justice international law worker protections Labour standards human rights international actors ILO Declaration fundamental principles rights at work business regulations worker rights job security discrimination freedom of association collective bargaining aid compliance minimum standards economic benefits 40-hour work week productivity
test-economy-epiasghbf-con01a	The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? The double burden  Despite a feminising labour market there has been no convergence, or equalisation, in unpaid domestic and care work. Women still play key roles in working the reproductive sphere and family care; therefore labour-force participation increases the overall burden placed on women. The burden is placed on time, physical, and mental demands.  We need to recognise the anxieties and burdens women face of being the bread-winner, as survival is becoming ‘feminised’ (Sassen, 2002). Additionally, women have always accounted for a significant proportion of the labour market - although their work has not been recognised. Therefore to what extent can we claim increased labour force participation is empowering when it is only just being recognised? double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment work-life balance gender equality domestic responsibilities occupational segregation gender roles social policy feminist economics work and family gendered division of labor economic empowerment Sassen 2002 gender studies women's studies sociology of work social inequality economic participation women's rights gender gaps work expectations professional women domestic duties double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 women's roles societal expectations economic participation gendered division of labor double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance societal expectations economic participation gender roles unpaid labor family responsibilities mental load physical strain time poverty gender disparity economic empowerment social recognition gendered division of labor domestic responsibilities professional responsibilities dual burden gender norms female workforce economic independence social empowerment gender dynamics work-life integration gendered double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands breadwinner feminised survival labour market recognition women empowerment gender equality Sassen 2002 work-life balance gender roles social change economic participation double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's roles reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands breadwinner feminisation of survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality social reproduction work-life balance gender roles economic participation gendered division of labour feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance societal expectations economic participation dual roles gendered division of labour double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 gender roles social expectations economic empowerment gender disparities workforce integration domestic responsibilities career advancement gendered division of labor women's rights feminist economics policy implications societal change women's contributions invisible labor unpaid labor domestic duties caregiving gendered work gendered roles double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time burden physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality work-life balance Sassen 2002 gender roles economic participation social recognition empowerment debate gendered division of labor double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work women's role reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands bread-winner feminisation of survival labour market recognition women's empowerment gender equality domestic responsibilities work-life balance societal expectations gender roles economic participation female workforce recognition of women's work gender disparities empowerment through work dual rolestrain occupational segregation gender pay gap policy implications social change feminist economics work and family gendered division of labor 照顾工作 女性赋权 家庭 double burden feminising labour market unpaid domestic work care work reproductive sphere family care labour-force participation time demands physical demands mental demands breadwinner feminised survival labour market recognition women's empowerment Sassen 2002 gender equality work-life balance economic participation social recognition female workforce gender roles empowerment critique feminist economics gendered division of labor
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-pro01a	The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, The foetus feels pain  Partial-birth abortion is disgusting. Like all abortions, it involves the killing of an unborn child, but unlike first trimester abortions there is no doubt that the foetus can feel pain by the third trimester. [1] The procedure involves sticking a pair of scissors into a baby’s brain, enlarging the hole, sucking the brain out with a catheter and then crushing the skull. It is entirely unacceptable to do this to a living human being. Psychological damage to the mother as a result of rape or teenage pregnancy or depression is in the end less significant than the physical damage - death - caused to the child.  [1] Lee, Susan J., et al., ‘Fetal Pain, A Systematic Multidisciplinary Review of the Evidence’, Journal of the American Medical Association, Vol 294 (8), 2005, foetus pain partial-birth abortion third trimester killing unborn child scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death fetal pain systematic review medical evidence foetal fetal pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical death Lee Susan J. multidisciplinary evidence JAMA 2005 foetus pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death fetal pain multidisciplinary review evidence Susan J. Lee Journal of the American Medical Association foetal pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage physical damage death fetal pain multidisciplinary review evidence medical ethics abortion procedures human rights fetal development neural development pain perception late-term abortion medical ethics abortion debate moral arguments legal considerations fetal welfare maternal health mental health trauma informed consent moral status of fetus bioethics reproductive rights healthcare policy abortion techniques pain management clinical guidelines fetal anatomy neurological development pain receptors sensory processing ethical foetus pain partial-birth abortion third trimester fetal pain psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death unborn child brain scissors catheter skull living human being Susan J. Lee fetal pain review JAMA 2005 foetus pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull living human being psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death fetal pain systematic review American Medical Association foetus pain partial-birth abortion disgust unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull living human being psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death Susan J. Lee fetal pain multidisciplinary review evidence JAMA 2005 foetus pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull living human being psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death fetal pain systematic review evidence JAMA Susan J. Lee foetus pain partial-birth abortion unborn child third trimester scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death fetal pain multidisciplinary review evidence Journal of the American Medical Association fetal pain partial-birth abortion third trimester foetus unborn child abortion procedure scissors brain catheter skull psychological damage mother rape teenage pregnancy depression physical damage death human rights medical ethics Susan J. Lee fetal development neurological development pain perception abortion debate moral arguments legal considerations medical procedures compassionate care fetal welfare maternal health reproductive rights ethical dilemmas clinical practices
test-international-segiahbarr-pro04a	Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology  Proponents of this view claim that the traditional image of ‘Dark Africa’ is becoming outdated in the light of greater access to technology. Due to poor infrastructure, mobile communications have had a transformative impact on African life. In the past decade there has been a notable increase in mobile phone ownership, with the trend set to continue. There are over 600 million mobile phone users in Africa, which is more than in North America and Europe [1] . Mobile phones allow the use of services such as agro-info and mobile banking to further their businesses. It is thought that by 2017, 30% of households will have a television in their house. Household technologies becoming more available have gone hand in hand with the development of more sophisticated farming and industrial techniques. A recent Pan-African project designed at improving legume technology and enrich low-nitrogen soils has made it possible for farmers to increase their yields and has reached 250,000 smallholder farmers so far [2] .  [1] The Economist, ‘The hopeful continent’, 2011  [2] Abuje, ‘Putting biological nitrogen fixation to work for smallholder farmers’, 2011 Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa Mobile Communications African Life Mobile Phone Ownership Mobile Phone Users Agro-Info Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Low-Nitrogen Soils Farmer Yields Smallholder Farmers Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa Mobile Communications African Life Mobile Phone Ownership Mobile Phone Users Agro-info Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Low-Nitrogen Soils Smallholder Farmers The Economist Biological Nitrogen Fixation Greater Access to Technology Mobile Communications Transformative Impact African Life Mobile Phone Ownership Agro-Info Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Sophisticated Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Low-Nitrogen Soils Increased Yields Smallholder Farmers Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa outdated mobile communications transformative impact African life mobile phone ownership mobile phones agro-info mobile banking television household technologies sophisticated farming industrial techniques Pan-African project legume technology low-nitrogen soils increased yields smallholder farmers Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa Mobile Communications African Life Transformation Mobile Phone Ownership Agro-info Services Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Biological Nitrogen Fixation Smallholder Farmers Increased Yields The Economist Abuje Greater Access to Technology Mobile Communications Mobile Phone Ownership Agro-Info Services Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Biological Nitrogen Fixation Smallholder Farmers Pan-African Project Dark Africa Transformative Impact Technological Advancement Digital Inclusion Economic Development Rural Innovation Infrastructure Improvement Technology Adoption technology mobile communications infrastructure mobile phone ownership agro-info mobile banking television household technologies farming techniques industrial techniques biological nitrogen fixation smallholder farmers Africa Dark Africa Pan-African project yields low-nitrogen soils The Economist Abuje Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa Mobile Communications African Life Mobile Phone Ownership Agro-Info Mobile Banking Television Ownership Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Low-Nitrogen Soils Smallholder Farmers Increased Yields The Economist Biological Nitrogen Fixation Greater Access to Technology Dark Africa Mobile Communications African Life Mobile Phone Ownership Mobile Phone Users North America Europe Agro-Info Mobile Banking Businesses Television Households Household Technologies Farming Techniques Industrial Techniques Pan-African Project Legume Technology Low-Nitrogen Soils Farmers Yields Smallholder Farmers greater access technology dark africa outdated mobile communications transformative impact african life increase mobile phone ownership 600 million users north america europe agro-info mobile banking television household technologies sophisticated farming industrial techniques pan-african project improving legume technology low-nitrogen soils increase yields smallholder farmers
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con02a	Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. Government should focus on the most needy  A primary responsibility of the government is for reducing inequality and ensuring that everyone has a basic living standard. A basic living standard includes food. As a result providing breakfasts should be for those who are most in need of a helping hand from government. Those who are wealthier and can afford their own breakfast do not need this help so any such breakfast policy should be means tested to only apply to those who need it. This is the case with the United States School Breakfast Program. government needy inequality basic living standard food breakfasts helping hand means tested wealthier United States School Breakfast Program policy social welfare poverty nutrition education low-income families public assistance eligibility criteria meal programs economic support government focus needy primary responsibility reducing inequality basic living standard food breakfasts help wealthier afford means tested policy United States School Breakfast Program government focus most needy primary responsibility reducing inequality basic living standard food providing breakfasts helping hand wealthier afford means tested United States School Breakfast Program government focus most needy reducing inequality basic living standard providing breakfasts helping hand means tested wealthier individuals United States School Breakfast Program food assistance social welfare economic support low-income families nutritional support public policy targeted assistance government needy inequality basic living standard food breakfasts helping hand means tested United States School Breakfast Program government focus most needy reduce inequality ensure basic living standard food provide breakfasts help means tested apply wealthy afford United States School Breakfast Program government focus needy responsibility reducing inequality basic living standard food breakfasts helping hand wealthier afford means tested policy United States School Breakfast Program government most needy reducing inequality basic living standard food providing breakfasts helping hand means tested wealthier United States School Breakfast Program social welfare poverty nutritional support education assistance low-income students public assistance economic disparity subsidized meals childhood nutrition equitable resource allocation government focus needy reduce inequality ensure basic living standard food breakfast help means-tested policy United States School Breakfast Program government focus needy inequality basic living standard food breakfasts helping hand means tested wealthier United States School Breakfast Program
test-health-dhghhbampt-pro02a	Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. Although there are many accounts of the efficacy of alternative cancer treatments, not one has been demonstrated to work in a clinical trial  The National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines has spent over $2.5bn on research since 1992. The Dutch government funded research between 1996 and 2003. Alternative therapies have been tested in mainstream medical journals and elsewhere. Not only have thousands of research exercises failed to prove the medical benefit ”alternative” treatments for severe and terminal diseases, serious peer-reviewed studies have routinely disproved them.  It’s all well and good to pick at mistakes in individual studies. Indeed, this tactic often forms the mainstay of pleas for legitimacy made by members of the alternative medical community. However, the odds against such consistently negative results would be extraordinary.  By contrast, conventional medicine only prescribes medicines and treatments that are proven, and vigorously proven, to work. alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research funding Dutch government mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies research exercises medical benefit terminal diseases conventional medicine proven treatments legitimacy individual studies consistently negative results alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government funding research on alternative therapies peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine efficacy of alternative therapies medical benefits research funding disproved alternative treatments individual study mistakes legitimacy of alternative medicine proven conventional treatments alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research mainstream medical journals research exercises peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine legitimacy negative results treatment efficacy medical benefit alternative therapies peer review research funding conventional treatments evidence-based medicine disproved treatments individual studies medical community alternative cancer treatments clinical trials efficacy National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research funding Dutch government peer-reviewed studies medical journals disproved alternative therapies conventional medicine proven treatments individual studies legitimacy negative results severe diseases terminal diseases research exercises medical benefit alternative therapies conventional treatments rigorous proof alternative cancer treatments clinical trial efficacy National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research funding mainstream medical journals research on alternative therapies peer-reviewed studies disproving alternative treatments conventional medicine standards proven treatments alternative cancer treatments clinical trials efficacy National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines research funding Dutch government mainstream medical journals peer-reviewed studies medical benefit severe diseases terminal diseases disproved conventional medicine proven treatments legitimacy individual studies consistently negative results alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government funding research on alternative therapies peer-reviewed studies disproved alternative treatments conventional medicine proven treatments efficacy of treatments research exercises medical journals alternative medical community legitimacy of alternative medicine mistakes in studies consistently negative results prescribed medicines rigorous proof conventional treatments alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research mainstream medical journals research exercises peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine treatment efficacy alternative therapies medical community legitimacy negative results proven treatments alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government funding research exercises peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine efficacy legitimacy medical benefit severe diseases terminal diseases individual studies consistently negative results proven treatments alternative cancer treatments clinical trials National Centre for Conventional and Alternative Medicines Dutch government research peer-reviewed studies conventional medicine medical efficacy research funding treatment legitimacy negative results medical benefit severe diseases terminal diseases research exercises alternative therapies mainstream medical journals conventional treatments proven medicines individual studies treatment proofs
test-international-gmehwasr-pro04a	Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Would balance the support for Syrian government  Syria's government has been receiving outside support from a variety of sources; Russia and Iran being the most prominent. Iran has been training the Jaysh al- Shabi, a Syrian government-controlled force modelled on Iran's Basij militia. Far from just providing weapons, both Iran and Hezbollah from Lebanon have been sending fighters to support the Syrian government. [1] The rebels have received some support for Qatar and Saudi Arabia but not to the extent the Syrian government has. Anyone with an interest in the free Syrian cause should realise that they cannot do so simply by sitting on their hands expecting a victory when those doing the fighting are only provided diplomatic support.  [1] Doran, Michael, and Shaikh, Salman, ‘Arm the Syrian Rebels. Now’. Foreign Policy, 8 February 2013 Syria government support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij Hezbollah Lebanon rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support free Syrian cause combatants foreign intervention regional powers conflict dynamics military aid Syria government support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij Hezbollah Lebanon fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic free Syrian cause conflict international intervention military aid regional politics arms supply Middle East Syrian conflict Russian support Iranian support Jaysh al-Shabi Hezbollah involvement rebel support Qatari assistance Saudi assistance diplomatic support arming rebels foreign intervention Middle East politics militia training Basij militia international relations conflict resolution humanitarian aid strategic alliances proxy war regional stability Syrian conflict foreign intervention Russian support Iranian influence Jaysh al-Shabi Hezbollah involvement rebel support Saudi involvement Qatari aid diplomatic support armed rebellion Middle East politics international relations military assistance militia training regional powers Syrian rebels Assad regime foreign fighters conflict dynamics strategic alliances humanitarian crisis military strategy political support international community armed opposition government forces external actors geopolitical interests military intervention peace efforts diplomatic efforts conflict resolution military supplies training programs militia groups internal strife political stability interventionism state actors non Syrian government outside support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Lebanon fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support Free Syrian cause Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy arm Syrian rebels Syrian government outside support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Lebanon fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support free Syrian cause arm the Syrian rebels Syria government support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah Lebanon fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic Free Syrian conflict arm Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy Syrian government outside support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia diplomatic support free Syrian cause arm the Syrian rebels Syrian government outside support Russia Iran Jaysh al-Shabi Iran's Basij militia Hezbollah Lebanese fighters rebels Qatar Saudi Arabia free Syrian cause diplomatic support military aid international intervention regional powers Middle East conflict civil war foreign policy arms supply military assistance geopolitical interests opposition forces militant groups external backers conflict dynamics strategic alliances political support international relations war dynamics humanitarian crisis geopolitical strategies combat zones military involvement political science armed conflict international affairs policy analysis armed rebellion state actors non-state actors Syrian conflict external support Russian involvement Iranian influence Jaysh al-Shabi Basij militia Hezbollah intervention rebel support Qatar assistance Saudi Arabia aid diplomatic support Free Syrian Army Michael Doran Salman Shaikh Foreign Policy armed rebellion Middle East politics international relations civil war military assistance
test-international-ipecfiepg-pro03a	A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, A Greek default would increase stability for the rest of the Eurozone  A Greek exit from the ‘Eurozone does not mean the end of the euro. It will, instead, mark a new beginning. Germany has a long and proud tradition of currency strength, but it could not cope with going back to the deutschmark because it would rocket in value and destroy the country's competitiveness. Some 97% of the Eurozone's population will continue to use the single currency and their leaders will circle the policy wagons to protect what is left.’ [`] A Greek default and departure from the Eurozone would decrease uncertainty and fear within the rest of the Eurozone. This, in turn is likely to attract higher levels of investment and transactions across Eurozone members.  [1] Parsons, Nick: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Euro survival new beginning German currency strength Deutschmark return competitiveness loss Eurozone population currency continuation policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase Eurozone transactions Parsons Nick Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency financial impact European economy monetary policy economic stability currency revaluation market confidence financial markets economic integration Eurozone future German economy European Union currency union economic growth fiscal policy economic reforms financial crisis economic crisis political stability economic resilience market reaction economic forecast financial stability Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase Eurozone transactions Parsons Nick Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection decrease uncertainty attract investment Eurozone transactions Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves euro Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future Euro continuation currency strength deutschmark value country competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction Eurozone investment member transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency Nick Parsons The Guardian Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase Eurozone transactions Parsons Nick Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency impact Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future Euro currency new beginning Germany currency strength Deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection investment Eurozone transactions Eurozone uncertainty Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency German tradition currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase Eurozone transactions Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency impact Nick Parsons The Guardian 2012 Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone continuation new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection uncertainty reduction investment increase intra-Eurozone transactions Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany currency strength deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection investment transactions Eurozone members uncertainty reduction Nick Parsons Eurozone crisis Greece leaves euro Greek default Eurozone stability Greek exit Eurozone future euro currency new beginning Germany deutschmark competitiveness Eurozone population single currency policy protection investment Eurozone transactions uncertainty reduction Eurozone crisis Greece leavesEurozone Nick Parsons The Guardian
test-culture-mmctyshwbcp-pro04a	Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ Being a performer can make the child physically vulnerable  Children involved at a professional level in sports are at a higher risk than their peers of physical problems like breaking bones. In some cases, these physical problems can be fatal; e.g., Julissa Gomez, who died from complications of a vaulting injury contracted when she was 15 in warm-ups for a gymnastics competition. [1]  Even in careers like acting and dancing there are risks for child performers. Actors and dancers are usually encouraged to stay thin, often to an unhealthy degree. Because children are particularly vulnerable, they are more susceptible to the perils of over-exercising for athletes and eating disorders for performers. It has been found, for example, that girls who dance in their childhood are more likely than their peers to develop anorexia nervosa in later life. [2] Lena Zavaroni, the childhood winner of ‘opportunity knocks’ in the 1970’s, struggled with eating disorders for all of her life and died aged 34.  With the damage eating disorders can do to a person’s body, it should be illegal to expose children to such risks.  [1] Hoffman, ‘Obituaries’  [2] BBC News, ‘Anorexia linked to child dancers’ child performers physical vulnerability professional sports physical problems breaking bones fatal injuries gymnastics Julissa Gomez acting dancing eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni over-exercising childhood performers health risks illegal exposure child protection performer child physically vulnerable professional sports physical problems breaking bones fatal Julissa Gomez vaulting injury gymnastics acting dancing risks child performers unhealthy underweight over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks illegal exposure risks damage body physical vulnerability child performers professional sports physical problems fatal injuries Julissa Gomez gymnastics physical risks acting dancing unhealthy weight over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni Opportunity Knocks legal restrictions child protection physical vulnerability professional sports physical problems breaking bones fatal injuries Julissa Gomez vaulting injury gymnastics competition acting risks dancing risks unhealthy thinness over-exercising eating disorders child performers anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks illegal exposure child protection performer child vulnerability physical sports risk injuries fatal complications gymnastics vaulting acting dancing thin unhealthy over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks illegal exposure risks physical vulnerability child performers professional sports physical problems breaking bones fatalities Julissa Gomez gymnastics injury acting risks dancing risks thinness unhealthy degree over-exercising eating disorders child susceptibility anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks illegal exposure child protection child performers physical vulnerability sports injuries fatal injuries gymnastics Julissa Gomez acting dancing eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni over-exercising professional sports child actors child dancers health risks illegal exposure opportunity knocks childhood competitions physical problems thin body standards child performers physical vulnerability professional sports breaking bones fatal injuries Julissa Gomez gymnastics acting risks dancing risks unhealthy thinness over-exercising eating disorders Lena Zavaroni anorexia nervosa child dancers legal restrictions health risks child protection performance careers childhood injuries athlete risks performer health legislative action child performers physical vulnerability professional sports physical problems breaking bones fatal injuries gymnastics Julissa Gomez acting dancing eating disorders unhealthy thinness over-exercising anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni risk factors child safety legal regulation health risks childhood injuries performance pressures mental health physiological impacts career risks young athletes young dancers young actors performer child vulnerability physical problems sports professional level risk fatal injury gymnastics Julissa Gomez acting dancing risks performers thin unhealthy over-exercising eating disorders anorexia nervosa Lena Zavaroni opportunity knocks body damage illegal exposure children risks
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-con01a	A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. A UN standing army would not be cost-effective.  The cost of such an army would be very high, especially if it were to include purchase of air and sea transport to reach theatres of operation, added to the high costs of permanent establishment and training, and equipping the force for every possible type of terrain. State armed forces have the advantage of preparing for specific battles with specific enemies. Any UN standing force would be forced by its very nature to prepare for every enemy, in every environment. Such a scope is neither desirable nor easy to overcome without great expense and large numbers. At present, the UN model is preferable; it can draw upon different kind of troops for different kinds of missions from whatever member states feel best equipped to deal with a particular situation. UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport permanent establishment training equipping terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment UN model member states different troops different missions UN standing army cost-effectiveness air and sea transport permanent establishment training equipping forces terrain adaptability state armed forces specific battles specific enemies UN force versatility global readiness financial constraints UN model mission-specific troops member states contributions UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport permanent establishment training equipping terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment UN model member states different troops different missions UN standing army cost-effectiveness air and sea transport permanent establishment training equipping force terrain types state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment great expense large numbers UN model different troops different missions member states particular situation UN standing army cost-effectiveness air and sea transport permanent establishment training equipping terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment UN model member states different troops different missions UN standing army cost-effectiveness air and sea transport permanent establishment training equipping force terrain types state armed forces specific battles specific enemies UN model different troops member states particular situation UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport operation theatres permanent establishment training force equipment terrain types state armed forces specific battles specific enemies UN force versatility expense large numbers current UN model troop contribution member states mission-specific troops UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport high costs permanent establishment training equipping force terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies UN force diverse preparation expense large numbers UN model diverse troops member states mission-specific troops UN standing army cost-effectiveness air and sea transport permanent establishment training equipping terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment UN model different troops different missions member states particular situation UN standing army cost-effectiveness air transport sea transport permanent establishment training equipping terrain state armed forces specific battles specific enemies every enemy every environment UN model different troops member states particular situation
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-pro01a	Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 Transparency is a good in and of itself  The most essential commodity within a state is trust. Trust is essential in all sorts of aspect of our lives; we trust that the paper money we have is actually worth more than a scrap of paper, that doctors performing surgery know what they are doing, that we won't be attacked in the street, and that the government is looking after our interests. In order to create that trust there needs to be transparency so that we know that our institutions are trustworthy. It is the ability to check the facts and the accountability that comes with transparency that creates trust. And this in turn is what makes them legitimate. [1]  The need for trust applies just as much to security as any other walk of life. Citizens need to trust that the security services really are keeping them safe, are spending taxpayers’ money wisely, and are acting in a fashion that is a credit to the country. Unfortunately if there is not transparency there is no way of knowing if this is the case and so often the intelligence services have turned out to be an embarrassment. As has been the case with the CIA and it’s the use of torture following 9/11, for which there are still calls for transparency on past actions. [2]  [1] Ankersmit, Laurens, ‘The Irony of the international relations exception in the transparency regulation’, European Law Blog, 20 March 2013  [2] Traub, James, ‘Out With It’, Foreign Policy, 10 May 2013 transparency trust state institutions accountability legitimacy security intelligence services taxpayers embarrassment CIA torture 9/11 international relations transparency regulation transparency trust state accountability legitimacy security intelligence services CIA torture 9/11 taxpayers legitimacy governance public confidence institutional integrity openness surveillance privacy ethical conduct oversight democracy civic engagement corruption public interest whistleblower protection information freedom act FOIA robust oversight mechanisms civic society international relations exception regulation European law policy transparency regulation accountability mechanisms democratic control media scrutiny digital age technology surveillance privacy transparency trust state institutions legitimacy security accountability facts intelligence services taxpayers money doctors surgery government interests CIA torture 9/11 embarrassment international relations regulation law policy citizens safety spending credit country calls actions past present future governance public scrutiny confidence ethics responsibility openness communication oversight integrity effectiveness efficiency democracy freedom information privacy secrecy risks benefits stakeholders impact society culture values norms laws regulations transparency trust state commodity essential paper money doctors surgery street safety government interests institutions trustworthy facts accountability legitimacy security citizens safety taxpayers money intelligence services embarrassment CIA torture 9/11 past actions international relations European Law Blog Foreign Policy transparency trust state commodity paper money doctors surgery street safety government interests accountability legitimacy security intelligence services tax payers CIA torture 9/11 embarrassment international relations European Law Blog Foreign Policy transparency trust state institutions accountability facts legitimacy security citizens safety taxpayers intelligence services embarrassment CIA torture 9/11 international relations European Law Blog Foreign Policy transparency trust state commodity essential paper money doctors surgery street safety government interests institutions trustworthy check facts accountability legitimacy security citizens safety taxpayers money intelligence services embarrassment CIA torture 9/11 past actions transparency trust state institutions accountability legitimacy security intelligence services CIA torture 9/11 taxpayers embarrassment Ankersmit Traub European Law Blog Foreign Policy transparency trust state institutions accountability legitimacy security intelligence services CIA torture 9/11 taxpayers' money embarrassment international relations European Law Blog Foreign Policy transparency trust state institutions accountability legitimacy security intelligence services CIA torture 9/11 taxpayers' money embarrassment international relations European Law Blog Foreign Policy
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-pro03a	"Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 Rounds of sanctions and engagement does not bring a solution any closer  The responses to North Korean provocations do not bring a solution any closer. North Korea has yet to sign a peace treaty with the South and the United States. It is however particularly interested in signing a treaty with the United States rather than the South. In 2010 the North Korean foreign ministry proposed that ""If confidence is to be built between [North Korea] and the US, it is essential to conclude a peace treaty for terminating the state of war, a root cause of the hostile relations, to begin with"". [1] The North wants a peace treaty with the US so as to drive a wedge between the USA and South Korea to prevent US support for the South in the event of war. [2] Ignoring such efforts at negotiating with the USA without South Korea in the room, and indeed all advances and provocations would force the North to accept that it has to negotiate with the south or with no one. Ignoring North Korean actions and reducing the number of allies negotiating while maintaining security guarantees prevents any chance of the North dividing the USA and South Korea.  [1] Walker, Peter, ‘North Korea calls for peace treaty with US’, guardian.co.uk, 11 January 2010,   [2] Cheon, Seongwhun, ‘Negotiating with South Korea and the I.S.: North Korea’s Strategy and Objectives’, International Journal for Korean Studies, Vol XVI No 1, Spring 2012,  p.153 sanctions engagement North Korea provocations peace treaty USA South Korea negotiation confidence-building hostile relations security guarantees strategy objectives ally division international relations diplomatic isolation bilateral talks multilateral talks state of war foreign ministry international journal korean studies sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty USA South Korea confidence building state of war hostile relations divide strategy allies security guarantees negotiation strategy international relations diplomatic tensions Korean peninsula US-Korea relations North Korea-US relations South Korea-US relations foreign policy geopolitical strategy international diplomacy conflict resolution regional stability sanctions engagement North Korea provocations peace treaty United States South Korea negotiation security guarantees hostile relations state of war confidence building dividing allies negotiating strategy international relations diplomacy military conflict regional stability nuclear proliferation Security Council resolutions economic sanctions diplomatic isolation bilateral talks multilateral talks disarmament non-proliferation human rights United Nations foreign policy geopolitical tensions Cold War legacy East Asia Northeast Asia peninsula conflict resolution peace process arms control deterrence strategic interests alliance cooperation tension reduction dialogue sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty South Korea United States negotiation hostile relations confidence building state of war alliance security guarantees division IAEA international relations nuclear program diplomacy regional security conflict resolution sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty South Korea United States confidence-building state of war hostile relations divide and rule US-South Korea alliance security guarantees negotiation strategy North Korea's objectives sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty South Korea United States confidence building state of war hostile relations divide allies security guarantees negotiation strategy international relations diplomatic efforts conflict resolution Korean peninsula US support South Korean alliance North Korean objectives international security regional stability sanctions engagement North Korea provocations peace treaty United States South Korea negotiation confidence building state of war hostile relations divide allies security guarantees strategy objectives sanctions engagement North Korea provocations peace treaty United States South Korea negotiations confidence-building state of war hostile relations US support allies security guarantees division strategy objectives sanctions engagement North Korea provocations peace treaty South Korea United States confidence-building hostile relations negotiation strategy security guarantees allied relations diplomatic isolation international relations conflict resolution nuclear diplomacy security policy regional stability diplomatic negotiations foreign policy sanctions engagement North Korean provocations peace treaty South Korea United States confidence building state of war hostile relations negotiating strategy US support security guarantees allies division prevention international relations Korean peninsula diplomatic negotiations foreign policy"
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-con04a	There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, There is nothing legal or sacred about the West Bank’s borders – it was an ad-hoc armistice line never recognized internationally  The West Bank is not some sort of recognized entity with legally or internationally recognized boundaries. Its borders were the 1948 cease-fire line between Israeli and Jordanian forces, and Jordan’s annexation of the region, and hence the borders were only recognized by two countries – the United Kingdom and Pakistan. [1]  This is important, because the entire challenge to the legality of the settlements, i.e. Why they are unacceptable in Hebron but not in the Negev, is due to the belief that Israel is somehow annexing Palestinian territory. While some of the West Bank was intended to be part of a Palestinian state in 1948, and some will be incorporated into a new one in the future, Israel is under no responsibility to the international community or any comprehension of International law to recognize boundaries that have no legal force and do not legally exist.  [1] ‘Jordan Renounced Claims to West Bank, 1988’, Palestine Facts, West Bank borders international recognition legal status armistice line 1948 cease-fire Jordanian annexation settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian state Israel international law Palestine Facts Jordan renounced claims West Bank borders international law 1948 cease-fire Jordanian annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian state annexation International law Palestine Facts 1988 renunciation West Bank borders international law legal recognition 1948 armistice cease-fire line Jordan annexation Palestinian territory settlements Hebron Negev 1988 renunciation United Kingdom Pakistan Palestinian state international community legal force Palestine Facts West Bank legal status international recognition 1948 armistice line Jordanian annexation Palestinian territory Israeli settlements international law 1948 cease-fire Hebron Negev Palestinian state Jordan United Kingdom Pakistan legal boundaries International Court of Justice United Nations Geneva Conventions Occupied Palestinian Territory Oslo Accords Two-State Solution West Bank borders legal international recognition armistice line cease-fire Israeli Jordanian forces Jordan annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory 1948 Palestinian state International law Palestine Facts Jordan Renounced Claims West Bank borders international recognition 1948 cease-fire line Israeli forces Jordanian forces Jordan annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory 1948 Palestinian state future Palestinian state international law legal force Palestine Facts Jordan renounced claims West Bank borders international recognition armistice line 1948 cease-fire Israeli forces Jordanian forces Jordan annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory 1948 Palestinian state future Palestinian state Israel international community international law legal force Palestine Facts Jordan renounced claims West Bank borders legal international recognition armistice line cease-fire Israeli Jordanian forces Jordan annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian territory annexing Palestinian state 1948 future Israel international community international law Jordan renounced claims 1988 Palestine Facts West Bank Israel Jordan international law borders 1948 cease-fire Palestinian state settlements Hebron Negev annexation United Kingdom Pakistan Palestine Facts 1988 renunciation West Bank borders international law 1948 cease-fire Israeli Jordanian annexation United Kingdom Pakistan settlements Hebron Negev Palestinian state legality Palestine Facts Jordan renounced claims 1988
test-economy-epiasghbf-con02a	Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. Women need alternatives for empowerment  Empowerment cannot be gained for women through employment, alternatives are required. A gender lens needs to be applied to women’s life course from the start. To tackle the discriminatory causes of gender inequality access to sexual and reproductive health rights is required for women. Access to such rights ensures women in Africa will be able to control their body, go to school, and choose the type of employment they wish to enter into.  The importance of enabling sexual and reproductive health rights for women is being put on the agenda for Africa [1] . There is a lot to be done beyond workforce participation - ending violence against women, promoting equal access to resources, opportunities and participation. Such features will reinforce women’s labour market participation, but in the jobs they want.  [1] See further readings: Chissano, 2013; Puri, 2013. women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights access to education employment choices violence against women equal resources and opportunities women's labor market participation gender lens life course Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality reproductive health rights access to education employment choices ending violence against women equal resource access opportunity promotion labor market participation gender lens application life course perspective workforce participation alternatives Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights access to education employment choices ending violence against women equal resource access equal opportunity labor market participation gender lens life course discrimination Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights gender lens life course workforce participation ending violence against women equal access to resources opportunities participation labour market jobs women want Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment alternatives gender life course sexual health reproductive rights gender inequality discrimination education employment Africa violence resources opportunities participation labour market workforce Chissano Puri women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights gender lens life course ending violence against women equal access to resources opportunities participation labour market participation workforce participation alternatives to employment women's rights Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender lens life course gender inequality sexual and reproductive health rights women's rights Africa body autonomy education employment choice ending violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preference Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights access to education employment choices ending violence against women equal resource access gender lens life course workforce participation Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 women empowerment gender equality sexual and reproductive health rights women's life course gender lens employment alternatives ending violence against women equal access to resources women's labor market participation women's rights in Africa Chissano 2013 Puri 2013 empowerment alternatives gender lens life course sexual and reproductive health rights access women in Africa body control education employment choice agenda Africa violence against women equal access resources opportunities participation labour market job preference
test-international-atiahblit-pro02a	Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training  Investment is required in teacher training to ensure quality control. Teachers need to be provided with qualifications and effective training both technical and theoretical. Teachers need to be introduced to methods on how to interact with students, provoke student debates, and manage large classes. In-service training and pre-teaching training are key.  Countries such as Uganda and Angola [1] have utilised on the job training for teachers, with positive results for teaching quality. In Uganda initiatives, such as INSSTEP [2] , provided capacity training to teachers and headteachers. 14,000 secondary school teachers participated between 1994-1999, followed by school inspections to monitor capacity. The ‘mobile-caravan’ approach is making it easier, more feasible, and flexible, to provide training [3] .  Additionally, investors and national governments need to provide Model schools, indicating what responsibilities teachers have and enabling knowledge transfer. Model schools can assist in alleviating work pressures for teachers by showing their terms of contract, duties and obligations. Increasingly teachers are expected to fulfil the role of carer, counsellor, and advisers on HIV/AIDs without relevant training.  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project.  [3] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. Teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP secondary school teachers school inspections capacity building mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures teacher responsibilities carer role counsellor role HIV/AIDS training World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction student debates class management in-service training pre-service training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity building school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities knowledge transfer work pressures teacher roles carer counsellor HIV/AIDS education World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training interaction methods student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training positive results teaching quality Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity training secondary school teachers school inspections mobile-caravan approach feasibility flexibility investors national governments model schools responsibilities knowledge transfer work pressures terms of contract duties obligations carer counsellor HIV/AIDS relevant training World Bank 2013 In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications effective training technical training theoretical training interaction methods student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity training headteachers school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures terms of contract duties obligations carer role counsellor role HIV/AIDS advisers World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity training school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures teacher responsibilities carer role counsellor role HIV/AIDS education World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher contracts duties obligations training programs educational improvement professional development Teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction debate provocation class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity training school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures teacher responsibilities carer role counsellor role HIV/AIDS training World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity training headteachers school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools teacher responsibilities knowledge transfer work pressures teacher roles carer counsellor HIV/AIDS World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training investment quality control qualifications effective training technical training theoretical training interaction methods student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity building school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures teachers' responsibilities carer role counselor role HIV/AIDS advisers World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project teacher training quality control qualifications technical training theoretical training student interaction student debates class management in-service training pre-teaching training on-the-job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP capacity building school inspections mobile-caravan approach model schools knowledge transfer work pressures teacher responsibilities carer role counsellor role HIV/AIDS education World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project Teacher training Investment Quality control Qualifications Technical training Theoretical training Interaction methods Student debates Class management In-service training Pre-teaching training On the job training Uganda Angola INSSTEP Secondary school teachers School inspections Mobile-caravan approach Model schools Knowledge transfer Work pressures Teacher responsibilities Carer role Counsellor role HIV/AIDS advisers World Bank In-Service Secondary Teacher Education Project
test-society-simhbrasnba-pro03a	The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. The system is open to abuse  It is extremely difficult to tell if someone is a genuine asylum seeker or not; for obvious reasons many will have little or no documentation, and all the evidence that they have suffered persecution may be in a faraway country and impossible to obtain. In many cases it may be impossible to prove that the person claiming asylum is even from the country that they claim to be from.  Asylum decisions are therefore based largely on a judgement call by the investigating officer on whether they thing the person in front of them is being truthful or not – that leaves the system open to motivated people who are economic migrants or may even pose a security threat. asylum abuse documentation persecution evidence country judgement officer truthful economic migrants security threat open system genuine impossible prove seeking faraway reasons claim cases decision based call front being who may pose threat open motivated people even or not extremely difficult tell if someone seeker no little all suffered may be in and to obtain many is from the that they claiming asylum even asylum abuse documentation persecution evidence judgement economic migrants security threat investigation truthfulness genuine seeker open system decision making migration refugee status international protection legal frameworks human rights border control screening process asylum abuse documentation persecution evidence country claim decision judgement officer truthfulness economic migrant security threat investigation refugee policy immigration credibility verification asylum seeker genuine claim documentation lack persecution evidence country verification judgment call economic migrant security threat system abuse immigration policy refugee status credibility assessment international protection migration control asylum abuse undocumented persecution evidence verification economic migrants security threat judgement call investigating officer truthfulness open system migration refugees legal challenges humanitarian issues asylum process immigration challenges refugee verification 证件不足 identity confirmation security risks economic migration authenticity assessment 官僚决定 humanitarian protection abuse genuine asylum seeker documentation persecution evidence country of origin asylum decision judgement call investigating officer economic migrant security threat system vulnerability immigration policy refugee status claim verification international protection human rights border control migrant screening asylum process legal framework asylum seeker documentation persecution genuine economic migrant security threat judgement call investigating officer proof country of origin abuse system efficacy expansion keywords query evidence faraway country impossible to obtain truthful motivated people asylum abuse documentation persecution evidence judgement economic migrants security threat investigation truthfulness system vulnerability refugee status immigration policy border control asylum abuse documentation persecution evidence judgement economic migrants security threat genuineness asylum seeker investigating officer proof nationality vulnerability exploitation policy refugee immigration credibility assessment
test-politics-eppghwlrba-con03a	Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. Sports shooting is a safe activity  Shooting is sport enjoyed by many law-abiding people, both in gun clubs with purpose-built ranges and as a field sport. These people have the right to continue with their chosen leisure pursuit, on which they have spent large amounts of money – an investment the government would effectively be confiscating if their guns were confiscated. sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit investment gun confiscation government policy Second Amendment 射击运动 安全活动 遵纪守法的人 射击俱乐部 专用射击场 野地射击 休闲活动 投资 收缴枪支 政府政策 第二修正案 sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport right leisure pursuit investment government confiscation firearms recreational hunting competition ammunition training regulations policy ownership benefits community sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit financial investment gun confiscation government policy Second Amendment firearm rights recreational shooting target shooting hunting firearms regulation sporting culture community sport range safety legality of shooting sports sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit investment government confiscation right to own guns recreational shooting competitive shooting firearm enthusiasts responsible gun ownership shooting sports community shooting ranges outdoor sports gun ownership rights firearms regulation safe activity law-abiding gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit investment government confiscating guns sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport right to pursue leisure activity financial investment gun confiscation government policy sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit investment gun confiscation government policy shooting rights recreational shooting firearm enthusiasts range shooting outdoor sports firearm ownership sporting community shooting disciplines competitive shooting target shooting clay pigeon shooting hunting gun sports legal firearms recreational firearms sportsmen shooting sports firearm safety responsible gun ownership shooting culture sports shooting gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport law-abiding people leisure pursuit investment gun confiscation government policy shooting safety recreational shooting firearms rights sportsman amateur shooting competitive shooting target shooting hunting firearms regulation gun ownership sports shooting safe activity law-abiding people gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport leisure pursuit investment gun confiscation government policy shooting rights recreational shooting firearm ownership sport shooting safety sports shooting safe activity gun clubs purpose-built ranges field sport law-abiding people leisure pursuit investment gun confiscation government policy
test-education-egscphsrdt-pro01a	Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. Prevent drug use  There is a clear and present problem with drug use among children and teenagers in many countries. According to the UK Department of Health, in 2002-2003 38% of 15 year olds had used illegal drugs, as had 8% of 11 year olds [1] . The fact that all of these children would have been in schools at the age of 15 shows that current policies of targeting the supply train of drugs (for example by arresting drug dealers and intercepting drug shipments) is failing to protect children. Therefore a more direct approach that intervenes at the point of consumption is needed, most crucially for children and teenagers, as their years in education are crucial for both their personal development and their realization of their future education and employment potential.  Drug use at a young age may lead to lifelong use and addiction. Random drug testing in schools will allow for vulnerable children's drug problems to be discovered, and assist the state in getting them the help they need to get off drugs. Random testing is especially valuable in this scenario because many infant and teenage drug users will try to disguise their drug use from parents and teachers and so avoid detection through avoiding suspicion, a tactic which will prove of no use against random drug tests which will likely affect all students at one point or another. It should also deter many students from starting taking drugs in the first place as the prospect of them being caught becomes far more likely, as they know disguising their drug use will be of no use.  [1] Department of Health. “Statistics on young people and drug misuse: England, 2003”. prevent drug use drug misuse young people teenagers children illegal drugs school policies drug dealers drug shipments personal development education potential lifelong addiction random drug testing drug problems parental detection teacher detection deter drug use drug abuse prevention youth substance abuse school intervention health statistics UK Department of Health drug prevalence educational impact youth health substance misuse early intervention public health policy school health programs drug education adolescent health youth protection drug enforcement community health student health drug screening drug prevention strategies youth development mental health addiction treatment prevention drug use children teenagers policies supply chain consumption intervention personal development education employment addiction random drug testing schools vulnerable children assistance deterrence parents teachers detection statistics young people drug misuse England drug prevention youth drug use teen drug abuse school drug testing random drug testing drug education drug policies youth addiction drug supply reduction drug interception child development education impact employment potential long-term drug effects parental awareness teacher involvement drug detection student safety drug deterrent policy effectiveness health statistics UK drug issues young people and drugs drug misuse prevention school intervention early intervention youth health substance abuse prevention adolescent health drug treatment school policies student health drug awareness youth policies preventative measures drug-related crime school security drug counseling youth drug prevention youth drug use teenage drug abuse school drug testing random drug testing youth drug policies intervention programs drug education teenage addiction drug supply reduction drug misuse statistics youth development educational impact drug use deterrence parental awareness teacher involvement drug detection methods youth health initiatives policy effectiveness illegal drug use among teens drug prevention youth drug use teenage drug abuse UK drug statistics school drug testing random drug testing youth addiction child development educational impact drug policy drug dealers drug shipments personal development employment potential lifelong addiction parental awareness teacher awareness drug deterrent student drug use adolescent health substance abuse intervention youth mental health drug misuse statistics health policies educational settings preventive measures public health initiatives youth programs community support legal implications ethical considerations Prevent drug use teenage drug use children drug use UK Department of Health illegal drugs drug dealers drug shipments consumption intervention drug testing in schools vulnerable children drug addiction personal development education potential random drug testing drug deterrence student drug use parental detection teacher detection drug misuse statistics England 2003 drug prevention youth drug use teenage drug use school drug testing random drug testing drug policy youth development education addiction child protection drug supply reduction drug demand reduction adolescent health substance abuse early intervention deterrent effect parental involvement teacher awareness drug misuse statistics UK drug policies youth health initiatives prevent drug use drug misuse among teenagers UK Department of Health illegal drug use drug use in schools random drug testing drug addiction teenage drug users drug policies supply train of drugs intervention at consumption personal development education and employment potential lifelong drug use adolescent substance abuse drug testing in schools deterrence of drug use disguise drug use detection of drug problems state intervention youth drug prevention drug awareness programs early intervention parental involvement teacher awareness drug education health and safety legal measures community support mental health services drug rehabilitation addiction treatment public health initiatives drug prevention youth drug use teenage drug abuse school drug testing random drug tests adolescent drug addiction drug supply reduction drug education child protection UK drug statistics youth drug policies drug intervention school safety drug awareness parent-teacher partnership juvenile drug offenders drug counseling substance abuse prevention legal measures youth development programs drug prevention youth drug use teenage drug use school drug testing random drug testing drug use statistics drug policy youth education drug intervention drug addiction child development employment potential drug supply reduction drug dealers drug shipments early drug use lifelong addiction parent-teacher communication drug detection drug deterrence youth personal development drug misuse UK Department of Health young people and drugs 2002-2003 drug use 15 year olds drug use 11 year olds drug use education and drugs school drug policies drug testing programs
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions extinction negative cultural impact protection UCLA elephant ivory African culture Q. Coleman African identity historical importance wildlife conservation animal symbolism cultural heritage animal extinction effects endangered species african wildlife conservation cultural significance african elephants mystic beliefs african lions coat of arms national identity extinction prevention african heritage wildlife protection cultural impact animal symbolism african fauna traditional beliefs conservation efforts ecosystem importance biodiversity endangered icons African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms African identity extinction prevention pride tougher protection endangered species African heritage wildlife conservation African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms identity extinction negative cultural impact protection pride endangered animals wildlife conservation Africa historical importance symbolic animals cultural heritage fauna preservation ecological value traditional beliefs heritage national symbols biodiversity environmental protection species survival animal rights wildlife management conservation efforts endangered species habitat loss poaching legal protection ecosystem animal welfare natural heritage indigenous species cultural identity national pride African culture wildlife environmental sustainability ecological balance hunting trade human-wildlife conflict African wildlife conservation cultural heritage endangered species African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms national identity extinction prevention wildlife protection African history cultural significance ivory trade UCLA Q. Coleman Endangered animals African pride tougher protection cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms Africa’s identity extinction prevention negative cultural impact UCLA elephant ivory African culture Q. Coleman lion importance African wildlife conservation efforts cultural heritage endangered species elephant spirituality lion symbolism national identity pride protection laws species extinction UCLA research wildlife management African animals endangered species cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms identity extinction prevention wildlife conservation cultural heritage pride Africa protection policies biodiversity Endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms Africa’s identity cultural impact extinction prevention UCLA Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture Coleman The importance of African lions African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms extinction prevention pride tougher protection identity historical importance UCLA Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture Coleman Q The importance of African lions
test-education-tuhwastua-pro04a	Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, Standardized tests exaggerate small differences in performance  Most tests were designed in an earlier era when far fewer students took them. The large number of students who now take tests like the SATs results in a situation in which the scoring scale magnifies small differences in performance into large differences in scores. Two questions wrong out of 80 on the math section of the SAT may well produce a score of 760 while three questions wrong will result in a 720. 40 points can mean difference between admission and rejection for many candidates, while telling us nothing about the different abilities of the students involved. Indeed on average for 88% of applicants their SAT score will predict their final college grade rank no more accurately than a pair of dice. [1]  [1] Elert, Glenn, ‘The SAT Aptitude of Demographics?’, 5 May 1992, standardized tests SAT test design test scoring performance differences score interpretation college admission test predictability educational assessment test bias demographic factors educational equity college readiness academic performance test validity test reliability educational measurement student evaluation college success admissions criteria test-taking population historical context educational trends score inflation test preparation academic achievement educational outcomes score reporting test score distribution admission standards educational research SAT scores score differences academic ranking test fairness educational policy test impact score interpretation challenges test score significance college prediction test utility standardized tests SAT score distribution performance differences test design historical context test takers scoring scale magnified differences college admission predictive validity dice analogy Elert Glenn SAT demographics standardized tests SAT score inflation performance differences test design college admission predictive validity educational assessment testing bias scoring scale academic performance college grades demographic factors educational demographics Elert Glenn SAT accuracy admission criteria test-taking population score differences educational measurement standardized tests SAT scores performance differences score inflation test design historical context test takers scoring scale small differences large impacts college admission predictive validity dice analogy Elert Glenn SAT aptitude demographics education assessment test utility academic performance college grades applicant prediction standardized tests score inflation small differences large impacts SAT scoring scale college admission predictive validity Elert SAT demographics test design historical context student population growth performance measurement educational assessment score distribution admission criteria student ability college grades statistical significance SAT standardized tests test performance score differences test design college admission SAT scoring test accuracy college grades test validity educational assessment test fairness student assessment educational testing test score impact academic performance admission criteria test reliability test bias demographic factors educational equity Standardized tests SAT performance differences scoring scale magnification effect test design historical context test takers college admission score prediction academic performance Elert Glenn SAT aptitude demographics test accuracy college grade rank predictive validity educational assessment test validity score interpretation admission criteria test fairness educational equity Standardized tests SAT score inflation performance differences college admission test design historical context student population scoring scale magnified differences predictive validity college success Elert Glenn SAT criticism test fairness educational assessment demographic factors academic prediction test reliability score interpretation SAT standardized testing score inflation performance differences college admission test accuracy demographic impact educational assessment score variability test design historical context student population growth scoring scale admission criteria predictive value academic performance college grades statistical analysis Elert Glenn SAT aptitude demographic factors educational equity standardized tests SAT performance differences scoring scale magnified differences test design earlier era more students college admission rejection SAT score college grade rank Elert test aptitude demographics test prediction dice analogy test accuracy
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con04a	Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. Allowing this motion would lead to a miscarriage of justice.  This motion removes the incentive for police to conduct vigorous investigations. Given the increasing pressure on policemen and women to gain convictions [1] , this motion will mean that their best chance of obtaining those convictions is simply to accuse those whose backgrounds could feasibly lead a jury to believe that they are not only capable of crime, but have committed the crime in question. Subsequently, the real culprits may be left to go free as suspicion is routinely pointed towards those who already have a criminal record. Given that poor police investigation [2] and poor case preparation by the prosecution [3] are currently a large source of dissatisfaction with the justice system, it is important to prevent either police or the prosecution from becoming dependent on the negative records of the defendants rather than properly fulfilling their roles.  [1] Bushywood, ‘CPS - Crown Persecution Service’.  [2] The Guardian, ‘The cost of poor policing’. 11 October 2010  [3] Human Rights Watch, ‘Justice at Risk: War Crimes Trials in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia and Montenegro’, 14 October 2004, D1607. miscarriage of justice police investigations conviction pressures accused backgrounds jury beliefs real culprits criminal records poor police investigation poor case preparation prosecution roles Crown Prosecution Service cost of poor policing justice system dissatisfaction war crimes trials human rights watch legal system flaws police accountability judicial fairness prosecution dependence defendant records crime capabilities jury biases law enforcement practices criminal justice reform legal ethics miscarriages of justice investigative thoroughness police misconduct legal process integrity trial outcomes judicial scrutiny police incentives prosecution standards legal safeguards prejudiced trials evidence miscarriage of justice police investigations conviction pressure accuse on background real culprits free poor police investigation poor case preparation justice system dissatisfaction prosecution dependency negative records fulfill roles Crown Prosecution Service cost of poor policing Human Rights Watch justice at risk war crimes trials miscarriage of justice police investigations pressure on police convictions criminal backgrounds jury beliefs real culprits poor police investigation poor case preparation prosecution roles Crown Prosecution Service cost of poor policing Human Rights Watch war crimes trials justice system dissatisfaction miscarriage of justice incentive for police investigations pressure on police for convictions accusation based on criminal background real culprits going free poor police investigation poor case preparation dissatisfaction with justice system police dependency on negative records proper fulfillment of police and prosecution roles crown prosecution service cost of poor policing human rights watch justice at risk war crimes trials Croatia Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbia and Montenegro miscarriage of justice police investigations incentive for convictions pressure on police criminal background jury bias real culprits poor police investigation poor case preparation prosecution dependency negative records justice system dissatisfaction crown prosecution service cost of poor policing human rights watch war crimes trials justice at risk miscarriage of justice police investigations pressure on police convictions accused backgrounds jury belief real culprits poor police investigation poor case preparation prosecution dependence defendant records justice system dissatisfaction Crown Prosecution Service cost of poor policing Human Rights Watch war crimes trials Croatia Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbia and Montenegro miscarriage of justice police investigations pressure on police convictions criminal background jury belief real culprits poor police investigation poor case preparation prosecution roles crown prosecution service cost of poor policing human rights watch justice system dissatisfaction war crimes trials bosnia croatia serbia montenegro miscarriage of justice police investigations conviction pressures accusation bias criminal backgrounds real culprits poor policing case preparation prosecution roles justice system dissatisfaction human rights war crimes trials miscarriage of justice police investigations pressure on police convictions criminal background jury bias real culprits poor policing case preparation prosecution negative records justice system dissatisfaction Crown Prosecution Service cost of poor policing Human Rights Watch war crimes trials Croatia Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbia and Montenegro miscarriage of justice police investigations conviction pressure accusation bias criminal record real culprits poor police investigation poor case preparation justice system dissatisfaction Crown Prosecution Service human rights war crimes trials legal ethics judicial integrity law enforcement accountability
test-politics-dhwem-pro04a	PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs attract less attention and suspicion and can carry out their role more effectively.  Mercenaries often arouse less hostility amongst civilians than soldiers fighting for national armies. In ethnic conflict they are perceived as less partisan. The fact that civilians to some extent do not connect mercenaries with a particular ideological cause, invasion or civil war makes them ideal for protecting safe areas and policing reconstruction projects. For example, PMC Global Risk Strategies successfully guarded the Green Zone in Baghdad, the sealed off section inhabited by coalition staff. As they are mercenaries they can be fighting for the national or local government of where their mission even if they have a different paymaster. PMCs mercenaries national armies ethnic conflict civilian perception partisan safe areas reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national government local government paymaster PMCs mercenaries less suspicion ethnic conflict civilian perception safe areas reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national armies ideological cause local government paymaster PMCs mercenaries attention suspicion effectiveness civilians hostility national armies ethnic conflict partisan ideological cause invasion civil war safe areas policing reconstruction projects Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national government local government paymaster PMCs less attention less suspicion effective role mercenaries less hostility civilians national armies ethnic conflict less partisan ideological cause invasion civil war protecting safe areas policing reconstruction projects Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff fighting for government different paymaster PMCs mercenaries national armies ethnic conflict civilian perception safe areas policing reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff local government paymaster PMCs less attention less suspicion effective role mercenaries less hostility civilians national armies ethnic conflict less partisan ideological cause invasion civil war protecting safe areas policing reconstruction example Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff different paymaster PMCs mercenaries attention suspicion effectiveness civilian hostility national armies ethnic conflict partisanship ideological cause safe areas reconstruction projects protection policing Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff mission flexibility paymaster variability PMCs mercenaries less attention less suspicion effective role ethnic conflict less partisan ideal protection safe areas policing reconstruction projects civilians ideological cause Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national armies fighting local government mission paymaster PMCs mercenaries national armies ethnic conflict civilian perception partisan safe areas reconstruction projects Green Zone Baghdad coalition staff national government local government paymaster PMCs mercenaries less suspicion ethnic conflict non-partisan protecting safe areas policing reconstruction Global Risk Strategies Green Zone Baghdad different paymaster
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro03a	Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person is the rational choice  The philosopher John Rawls came up with a thought experiment to discover the right way to organize a society. When people talk about how society should be organized they generally take their own situation and interests into account. Rawls asked us to imagine a situation in which we do not know anything at all about our own lives and then try to organize society? Without knowing anything about our wealth, intelligence, personality, race, gender, religion etc., we would create the fairest society. This is because without knowing who we are we have no idea where we will be in society once it has been organized. So, in order to make sure we have the best chance to be treated fairly we create a society in which all people are treated fairly. The same experiment can be applied to the train problem. If we do not know anything about who we are in the experiment we would chose to kill the one person. This is because there is a greater chance of us being one of the five people and so killing the one person gives us the best chance to survive. Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organize society fairness impartiality ethics moral philosophy trolley problem survival probability decision making justice Killing rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organizing society fairness unknown personal attributes societal structure train problem moral philosophy ethics utilitarianism self-interest impartiality survival chances Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organize society fairness unknown personal circumstances train problem survival probability ethical decision-making utilitarianism moral philosophy impartiality justice as fairness hypothetical scenarios ethical dilemmas trolley problem 最大化生存机会 未知个人身份 社会公正 道德选择 思想实验 生存几率 道德两难问题 Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organize society fairness unknown life circumstances wealth intelligence personality race gender religion train problem survival chance ethical dilemma moral philosophy Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment society organization fairness unknown identity wealth intelligence personality race gender religion chance survival train problem ethical dilemma utilitarian philosophy Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organizing society fairness unknown personal details wealth intelligence personality race gender religion fair society train problem survival chances ethics moral philosophy utilitarianism justice as fairness John Rawls thought experiment fairness society organization veil of ignorance moral philosophy ethics trolley problem utilitarianism rational choice John Rawls thought experiment society organization fairness rational choice train problem moral philosophy ethics survival impartiality veil of ignorance utilitarianism deontology moral dilemmas decision-making social contract justice equality individual rights collective good Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organize society fairness veil ignorance train problem survival ethics morality utilitarianism philosophy Killing one person rational choice John Rawls thought experiment organize society situation interests account unknown lives wealth intelligence personality race gender religion fairest society chance treated fairly train problem survival ethics morality philosophy
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro03a	Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism - liberal theory of regional integration  Neo-functionalism is an example of a liberal theory of regional integration. Its focus is on human welfare needs, not political conflict and law. Its focus is on individuals aggregated into interest groups as the main actors in integration, so the focus is on low politics and the areas which become integrated in the European Union reflect that. As such there has been much more progress on economic integration than there has on creating a common foreign and security policy. [1]  It also accepts the independent role of international organisations and that the transformation of the international regional system towards a better order is feasible so making the European Union a project worth investing effort in.  [1] Center for European studies, ‘European Union –Common Foreign and Security Policy’, unc.edu, Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics European Union economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations system transformation European policy political conflict legal frameworks aggregated actors integration areas welfare needs policy progress EU development Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union policy transformation regional system political conflict legal framework aggregated individuals welfare needs policy areas CFSP CES UNC European studies Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union transformation international regional system policy integration Center for European studies UNC.edu Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union political conflict law system transformation CES UNC Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration European Union human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations regional system transformation Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare political conflict interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union better order policy transformation Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union transformation international regional system Center for European Studies UNC.edu Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union transformation international regional system policy integration Center for European studies unc.edu Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union better order political conflict law Center for European Studies Neo-functionalism liberal theory regional integration human welfare interest groups low politics economic integration common foreign and security policy international organisations European Union better order Center for European Studies UNC.edu
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con03a	A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 A school breakfast for all is a greater cost on schools  Everything costs. Providing free school to all breakfasts will cost the government money for ingredients, cafeteria staff, administration, even possibly new facilities. In the USA the Breakfast Program costs $3.3 billion to provide free or reduced price breakfasts to 10.1 million students. [1] There is a limited total amount of money so the cost will mean there is something else the government will not be able to do. This proposal may mean, for example, that the government cannot afford to hire more teachers to reduce class sizes.  [1] Food and Nutrition Service, ‘The School Breakfast Program’, September 2013 cost school breakfast government funding ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA Breakfast Program students budget teachers class sizes financial impact educational resources program expansion nutritional support public spending cost school breakfast program government funding ingredients staff administration facilities USA billion students limited money teachers class sizes reduction allocation budget expenses nutrition education financial impact trade-offs priorities expenditures economic considerations public policy meal support childcare welfare community health equity access resources investment opportunity cost-benefit analysis social services infrastructure logistics operational challenges sustainability long-term effects benefits disadvantages stakeholder involvement decision-making resource cost school breakfast program government money ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA budget teachers class sizes nutrition education spending allocation resources public policy expenses fiscal impact economic analysis funding trade-offs priorities investment welfare benefits disadvantages financial burden support students meals assistance social services operational costs maintenance equipment supplies personnel overhead deficits opportunity cost sacrifice alternatives efficiency effectiveness prioritization management decision-making sustainability long-term cost school breakfast government spending free meals student nutrition budget allocation educational resources cafeteria expenses staff wages facility upgrades program funding class size reduction teacher hiring financial trade-offs public education budget nutritional support economic impact fiscal constraints school meal programs federal expenditure school breakfast free breakfasts government cost program expenses cafeteria staff administration cost facilities cost USA Breakfast Program $3.3 billion 10.1 million students limited funds hiring teachers reduce class sizes educational expenditure nutritional support student welfare public spending budget allocation cost-benefit analysis educational resources school breakfast government cost cafeteria staff ingredients administration new facilities USA Breakfast Program free or reduced price 10.1 million students $3.3 billion limited funds hire teachers reduce class sizes school breakfast cost government funding ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA Breakfast Program $3.3 billion 10.1 million students limited budget hiring teachers reducing class sizes cost school breakfast government funding ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA Breakfast Program students limited budget hiring teachers reduced class sizes cost government ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA Breakfast Program free reduced price students limited funds hiring teachers reducing class sizes cost school breakfast program government funding ingredients cafeteria staff administration facilities USA students budget teachers class sizes financial impact education resources alternatives priorities
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con03a	Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. Barrier contraception can protect women from husbands with AIDS/HIV.  There are many cases, particularly in South America and Africa, of men contracting HIV from sexual partners outside their marriage, be it from before they were married or from an extramarital affair and passing it on to their wives. In cases such as these, the wife may follow all of the teachings of the Catholic Church and still contract HIV. If the Church did not forbid the use of barrier contraception then the frequency of occurrences such as these would be severely limited. Since, as discussed above, the Catholic Church, has a responsibility to promote life in its people, their ban of barrier contraception is unjustified. barrier contraception HIV prevention marital fidelity extramarital affairs Catholic Church teachings sexual health HIV transmission spousal protection religious beliefs contraceptive use public health moral responsibility AIDS prevention South America Africa sexual behavior marital safety ethical dilemmas religious doctrine health policy reproductive rights Barrier contraception HIV prevention South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church sexual health moral responsibility public health religious teachings AIDS contraception ban unjustified prohibition women's health spousal protection epidemic control religious doctrine health policy ethical considerations disease transmission Barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church promote life unjustified ban sexual health women's rights religious teachings public health moral responsibility disease prevention marital fidelity sexual partners contraception use health education Barrier contraception HIV prevention marital safety Catholic Church policies sexual health education South America Africa extramarital affairs religious teachings promoting life unjustified bans contraceptive access women's health rights HIV transmission prevention Barrier contraception AIDS/HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church promote life unjustified ban sexual health marital safety religious teachings public health HIV prevention contraception ethics Barrier contraception HIV protection extramarital affairs South America Africa Catholic Church HIV transmission marital fidelity religious teachings life promotion unjustified ban sexual health reproductive rights public health moral responsibility barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church life promotion unjustified ban sexual health marital fidelity religious teachings contraception access public health ethical responsibility sexual partners prevention methods reproductive rights health inequality Barrier contraception HIV/AIDS protection husbands with HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church moral teachings life promotion unjustified ban contraceptive use public health religious doctrine sexual health disease prevention women's health moral responsibility ethical considerations health advocacy sexual behavior marital fidelity religious constraints health policy reproductive rights human rights moral conflict health education cultural practices sexual practices religious influence health outcomes preventive measures sexual ethics moral philosophy social issues sexual transmission viral infections public health policy health disparities contraceptive methods sexual safety barrier contraception AIDS HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church promote life unjustified ban sexual health religious teachings protection spousal infection public health moral responsibility contraception access HIV prevention marital fidelity church doctrine reproductive rights barrier contraception AIDS/HIV South America Africa extramarital affairs Catholic Church promote life unjustified ban sexual health religious teachings women's health HIV transmission marital fidelity contraception ethics
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con03a	It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. It is a disincentive to get tested in the first place  The requirement to disclose their condition if known would be a disincentive to get tested in the first place. This is especially the case for many people in places like sub-Saharan Africa, but also applies widely elsewhere. Their job is so important to them (since there’s no safety net to speak of if they lose it) that they’d prefer to go in ignorance of their HIV status than find out and risk being fired for it. The medical repercussions of that are obvious. disincentive tested disclose condition sub-Saharan Africa job security safety net HIV status medical repercussions employment risk health awareness stigma confidentiality testing barriers public health social implications disincentive testing disclosure condition sub-Saharan Africa job security safety net HIV medical repercussions stigma employment discrimination health policy public health confidentiality AIDS workplace rights ethical considerations patient rights global health infectious diseases healthcare access social determinants of health HIV testing disincentive disclosure sub-Saharan Africa employment safety net health policy stigma medical repercussions public health confidentiality job security AIDS global health human rights healthcare access prevention treatment disincentive testing disclose condition sub-Saharan Africa job importance safety net HIV status medical repercussions risk of firing prefer ignorance disincentive testing disclosure condition sub-Saharan Africa job security safety net HIV status employment medical repercussions ignorance risk fired HIV testing job security discrimination sub-Saharan Africa health policy AIDS medical confidentiality economic instability health awareness workplace rights HIV testing stigma job security sub-Saharan Africa disclosure requirements discrimination unemployment health policy medical ethics HIV/AIDS socioeconomic factors safety net public health viral testing disincentives HIV testing stigma disclosure employment sub-Saharan Africa safety net medical repercussions disincentive ignorance risk fired health policy human rights confidentiality public health virus prevention treatment social impact disincentive tested disclose condition sub-Saharan Africa job security safety net HIV status medical repercussions employment discrimination health testing barriers confidentiality concerns socioeconomic factors global health issues HIV testing stigma disclosure employment sub-Saharan Africa global health medical repercussions safety net job security
test-international-iiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution poachers African legal systems serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing investigative methods impunity militarization conservation wildlife crime legal reform environmental law enforcement poaching networks criminal syndicates justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization failure wildlife crime environmental law conservation rhino poaching anti-poaching strategies legal enforcement wildlife trafficking criminal networks judicial reforms environmental protection justice system anti-poaching prosecution legal systems poaching serious crime fines western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing investigative methods poachers impunity militarization African poaching justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution failure African legal systems poaching crimes trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack of sentencing poacher impunity poor investigative methods wildlife crime militarization conservation efforts legal reform environmental law endangered species protection wildlife trafficking law enforcement judicial reform international cooperation wildlife conservation poaching deterrents ecological impact biodiversity loss sustainable practices community involvement legal consequences prosecution rates sentencing guidelines anti-poaching policies enforcement strategies crime prevention judicial accountability wildlife management environmental policy legal sanctions judicial effectiveness justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution failure African legal systems poaching severity trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing lack poacher capture investigative methods poaching impunity militarization poaching war African poaching justice system failing anti-poaching prosecution poachers African legal systems trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack of sentencing poor investigative methods impunity militarization war on poaching justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization failure justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization wildlife crime legal reform enforcement conservation wildlife trafficking justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction poachers sentencing investigative methods impunity militarization wildlife conservation legal enforcement environmental law criminal justice wildlife trafficking justice system anti-poaching operations poachers prosecuted African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack sentencing poachers captured brains operations poor investigative methods poachers impunity militarization poaching conservation law enforcement wildlife crime punished environmental justice legal reform poaching judicial prioritization wildlife protection policies
test-education-egscphsrdt-con01a	Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy  Even if a right to privacy (which would prevent random drug testing with no reason for suspicion) does not exist in law in every country, many students being affected by drugs tests will perceive that the notional right to privacy which they believe they possess is being violated. Because they would perceive this violation as a harm, it should not be imposed without good reason. This problematizes the nature of 'random' testing, which by definition means forcing drug tests on individuals on whom there is no reasonable suspicion of drug use.  Firstly, the majority of those being tested will most likely test negative (as the previously cited statistics suggest) and so a majority will be harmed for no fault of their own, but rather as a consequence of the crimes of others. This may be seen as the equivalent of searching all homes in a neighbourhood for an illegal weapon on the suspicion that one of them was hiding it -an action which would be illegal in almost every western liberal democracy.  Further, however, even if students do engage in illegal drug use, random drug tests will additionally catch only those on whom there was previously no suspicion against (as students who show signs of drug use are already usually tested). In order to not already be under suspicion, these drug-using students would have to be engaging in their education, not disrupting the education of others, and not displaying erratic or harmful behaviour. As they are not actively harming others, these students should be subject only to the same standards as individuals in other areas of society: to only have their privacy violated by drugs tests if their behaviour actively brings them under suspicion. Right to privacy random drug testing reasonable suspicion harm principle majority negative tests illegal search western liberal democracy student drug use non-disruptive behavior privacy violation educational environment societal standards right to privacy random drug testing no reasonable suspicion perceived violation harm without fault majority negative tests illegal drug use disrupting education erratic behavior privacy violation individual standards liberal democracy home searches suspicion-based testing no active harm right to privacy random drug testing reasonable suspicion violation of privacy harm majority testing negative innocent individuals illegal search western liberal democracy drug-using students not disrupting education erratic behavior active suspicion privacy standards societal norms right to privacy random drug testing no suspicion perceived violation majority testing negative harm without fault illegal drug use not disrupting education not displaying erratic behaviour privacy violation reasonable suspicion western liberal democracy individual rights societal standards right to privacy random drug testing reasonable suspicion perceived violation harm majority tested negative no fault equivalent of illegal search illegal drug use education disruption erratic behaviour societal standards active harm privacy violation Right to privacy random drug testing no suspicion violation of privacy perceived harm majority negative equivalent of unlawful search illegal drug use no disruption not harming others privacy standards suspicion required right to privacy random drug testing no reasonable suspicion perceived violation harm majority testing negative no fault consequence of others' crimes illegal weapon search western liberal democracy illegal drug use no prior suspicion not disrupting education not harming others same societal standards behaviour under suspicion right to privacy random drug testing no reasonable suspicion perceived violation harm without fault majority test negative illegal weapon search western liberal democracy drug-using students no disruptive behavior same societal standards privacy violation active suspicion right to privacy drug testing no reasonable suspicion perceived violation harm without fault random testing searching all homes illegal weapon western liberal democracy illegal drug use no disruption no erratic behavior same standards society behavior under suspicion right to privacy random drug testing no reasonable suspicion perceived violation majority test negative harm for no fault illegal weapon search western liberal democracy students under no suspicion not disrupting education no erratic behaviour privacy violation same standards individual suspicion
test-education-ughbuesbf-con04a	Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: Free university education unjustly benefits one subset of society at the expense of everyone  The state funds essential services, but higher education is not such a service. The specific subset free university education tends to benefit not the disadvantaged, but rather the middle and upper classes who would have paid fees, but are now relieved of this burden. This pattern has been seen in Ireland where poorer communities still view higher education as something for the rich even though it is free. These groups continue to enter the workforce in similar numbers as they had before the ending of fees, and they still tend to prefer trade schools to universities if they do seek qualifications beyond the secondary level. [1]  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News. Available:  ​ 14 Government of Ireland. 1997. “Universities Act, 1997”. Available: free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit state funding essential services higher education funding Ireland education system disadvantaged communities workforce entry trade schools University College Dublin Government of Ireland Universities Act 1997 Hugh Brady free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit state-funded education essential services higher education funding Ireland education policy disadvantaged communities higher education access trade schools secondary education workforce entry University College Dublin Government of Ireland Universities Act 1997 education investment Free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit disadvantaged exclusion state funding essential services higher education funding Ireland education system trade schools workforce entry university access socioeconomic inequality education policy public education investment Universities Act 1997 UCD news Hugh Brady free university education middle and upper classes disadvantaged groups state funding essential services higher education Ireland poorer communities workforce entry trade schools University College Dublin Government of Ireland Universities Act 1997 Hugh Brady investment in universities free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit state funding essential services higher education funding Ireland education policy disadvantaged groups trade schools workforce entry educational equity social class and education economic impact of education public policy in education Universities Act 1997 university investment long-term educational benefits societal impact of free education free university education middle and upper classes state funds essential services higher education disadvantaged Ireland poorer communities workforce trade schools qualifications secondary level Hugh Brady Universities Act 1997 Government of Ireland Free university education unjust benefits middle and upper classes state-funded essential services higher education funding Ireland education policy poorer community perceptions workforce entry rates trade schools University College Dublin Government of Ireland Universities Act 1997 higher education accessibility socioeconomic impact education reform public spending social equity educational qualifications secondary education vocational training free university education middle and upper classes disadvantaged essential services state funds higher education Ireland poorer communities workforce trade schools qualifications secondary level societal impact education policy economic burden social stratification public expenditure academic access socioeconomic status institutional benefits government investment long-term effects societal equity educational reform fiscal responsibility resource allocation public opinion policy effectiveness academic achievement societal investment equity in education educational opportunity economic development government role academic excellence social mobility educational trends policy analysis economic inequalities cultural perceptions legislative impact educational outcomes free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit state funding essential services higher education funding Ireland education system disadvantaged communities workforce entry trade schools University College Dublin government policy education equity social benefit public investment long-term consequences economic distribution educational preferences policy analysis academic accessibility societal impact fiscal responsibility public goods student demographics economic class educational opportunity policy effectiveness scholarship access tuition fees social mobility government intervention educational reform academic achievement economic disparity policy implications higher education accessibility free education debate educational outcomes socioeconomic factors public education Free university education middle class benefit upper class benefit disadvantaged neglect state funding essential services higher education funding Ireland education system poorer communities workforce entry trade schools University College Dublin Universities Act 1997 government policy educational equity public expenditure social stratification higher education accessibility economic impact educational reform policy analysis societal benefit fiscal responsibility educational investment long-term consequences systemic inequality academic disparity economic class public services government intervention educational opportunities funding distribution policy implications societal impact higher education value social mobility economic burden public vs
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con01a	globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation and multiculturalism.  Cultural appropriation prevents assimilation between members of society and creates further divisions based on arbitrary features of one’s ancestry or appearance. If reparations (through the use of compensation) were to occur in addition to this, it would create a more polarised and divided society as an 'us and them' culture is created.  A consequence of globalisation is the movement of people and the diffusion of knowledge [1]. This happens on a mass scale where it is possible for a person from India to travel across the globe to the United Kingdom (UK) and get there within 24 hours of booking their flight. With this, the spread of technology and knowledge it is inevitable that culture and identity does not remain fixed either. It also means that an increasing amount of people have more than one culture. A direct consequence of increased migration is that migrants are likely to bring with them their cultural customs. An example of this can be seen in the UK. As the UK faced more migrants from the Sub-continent of India, the popularity of different curries increased, and not just among those of Indian decent. In such circumstances cultures begin to merge as the traditional 'Chicken Tikka' recipe was adapted into a localised version called 'Chicken Tikka Masala' and was, in 2001, declared the UK's national dish.  Without globalisation, Britain's £3.6bn Indian restaurant industry would not exist and it would fail to employ approximately 100,000 people [2]. Any reparations would be paltry compared to the jobs that this industry has created over decades.  This is a positive thing; it brings cultures together, encourages understanding, innovation and cooperation. Forcing people to compensate for the appropriation of a culture may mean that there is less social harmony as divisions are forced between cultures. For the following generations of migrants will be forced to choose a culture as cultural appropriation encourages division between the two.  [1] Stief, Colin, ‘Globalization’, ThoughtCo., 3rd March 2017,   [2] Wintor, Patrick, ‘Chicken tikka Britain is new Cook recipe’, The Guardian, 19 April 2001, globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation societal divisions ancestry appearance reparations compensation polarization divided society us and them cultural diffusion technology spread knowledge exchange cultural identity migration cultural customs cuisine fusion Chicken Tikka Masala Indian cuisine British culture economic impact Indian restaurant industry social harmony cultural division migrant generations globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation societal divisions reparations compensation polarisation migration cultural diffusion technology spread identity cultural merge Chicken Tikka Masala Indian restaurant industry social harmony migrant cultures cultural division generational identity globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social division reparations compensation polarization cultural diffusion migration technology spread cultural identity cultural fusion Chicken Tikka Masala Indian cuisine UK restaurant industry employment social harmony migrant generations cultural choice globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation society divisions reparations compensation polarised society us and them culture movement of people diffusion of knowledge migration cross-cultural exchange technology spread cultural identity cultural fusion Chicken Tikka Masala Indian cuisine British culinary traditions economic impact job creation social harmony cultural division forced cultural choice migrant contributions cultural innovation cooperation understanding globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation society divisions reparations compensation polarisation migration diffusion technology identity cultural customs India United Kingdom UK curries cultural fusion Chicken Tikka Masala Indian restaurant industry employment social harmony forced culture migrant generations globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation social divisions reparations compensation polarization migration cultural diffusion technology spread identity cultural merging Indian cuisine Chicken Tikka Masala British Indian restaurants employment cultural innovation social harmony generational identity globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation society divisions ancestry appearance reparations compensation polarization us and them movement of people diffusion of knowledge technology spread identity mixed culture migration cultural customs UK Indian migrants curries Chicken Tikka Chicken Tikka Masala Indian restaurant industry jobs social harmony cultural division future generations Colin Stief Patrick Wintor ThoughtCo The Guardian globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation societal divisions reparations compensation polarisation us and them culture identity migration cultural customs technology knowledge diffusion Chicken Tikka Masala Indian cuisine UK Indian restaurant industry social harmony migrant generations cultural division globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation societal divisions reparations compensation polarization migration cultural diffusion identity migration impacts cultural merging Chicken Tikka Masala Indian cuisine UK economy employment social harmony cultural division migrant contributions Colin Stief Patrick Wintor globalisation multiculturalism cultural appropriation assimilation societal divisions reparations compensation polarization migration cultural diffusion technology spread identity fluidity cross-cultural exchange culinary fusion Chicken Tikka Masala UK curry industry employment impact social harmony intercultural understanding innovation cooperation
test-international-atiahblit-con03a	The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. The complex controls over enrolment  Suggesting investments are required in teachers limits a recognition of the multiple forces creating barriers to achieve a right to education. Universal education is constrained by political, socio-cultural, and economic, structures.  Firstly, gender inequalities in education raise cultural norms of the role of girls in society, and within the domestic-sphere at home. Religious and cultural beliefs mean girls account for 70% of children not attending school. Across Sub-Saharan Africa the economics of child marriage often mean girls leave school or become reluctant to go to school. A positive correlation is found between low education and countries with high rates of child marriage [1] . Niger has the highest rate of child marriage.  Secondly, poverty and hunger act as key restraints in achieving the target. As Mkandawire (2010) argues, development needs to be brought back onto the ‘pro-poor’ agenda. Human capital cannot be developed without a broader focus on social and economic policies that enable development first.  [1] See further readings: Education for Girls, 2013. gender inequalities cultural norms domestic-sphere religious beliefs child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies education barriers universal education teachers investment enrolment controls right to education Niger Mkandawire 2010 enrolment controls teacher investments education barriers universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms domestic-sphere religious beliefs child marriage poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital development social policies economic policies sub-saharan africa niger education for girls enrolment investments teachers gender inequalities cultural norms domestic-sphere religious beliefs child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies development Niger education for girls complex controls enrolment investments teachers right to education universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities education cultural norms domestic sphere religious beliefs cultural beliefs child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa girls education Niger poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies development Education for Girls 2013 Mkandawire 2010 enrolment controls teacher investments educational barriers right to education universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms domestic sphere religious beliefs Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital development social policies economic policies development girls education Niger Mkandawire 2010 Education for Girls 2013 complex controls enrolment investment in teachers recognition of forces barriers to education universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms gender roles domestic-sphere religious beliefs cultural beliefs girl education Sub-Saharan Africa child marriage economics of child marriage low education high rates of child marriage Niger poverty hunger restraints in education pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies development Education for Girls Mkandawire 2010 enrolment controls investment in teachers barriers to education right to education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms domestic-sphere religious beliefs child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa low education high rates of child marriage Niger poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies development Education for Girls education barriers teacher investments political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms domestic roles religious beliefs child marriage sub-saharan africa poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital development policies educational constraints niger girls education societal roles economic pressures school reluctance educational achievement right to education universal education mkandawire 2010 education for girls 2013 education enrolment teachers investment barriers universal education political structures socio-cultural structures economic structures gender inequalities cultural norms domestic sphere religious beliefs child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies development Niger Mkandawire 2010 Education for Girls 2013 gender inequalities cultural norms domestic-sphere religious beliefs economic barriers child marriage Sub-Saharan Africa poverty hunger pro-poor agenda human capital social policies economic policies education constraints universal education political structures socio-cultural structures right to education
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro02a	Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 Video footage of a court case would provide valuable information for both defendant and judiciary.  If the defendant is convicted of a crime, they have a right to appeal in the UK [1] and US [2] . However, this is made difficult for another court to re-assess the conviction if they cannot know how reliable evidence was in the first trial. Without film recordings of court trials, judges who have the duty to re-examine the case are unable to see witness testimonies; though new evidence does sometimes come to light during the course of an appeal [3] , it would be easier to assess this new evidence if the judges also had knowledge of how the first trial went. If the judges could watch a video of the first trial, they could judge the demeanour, body language and general impression given by each witness in the first trial. Body language can affect a court’s perception of a witness [4] , but this information could not be gained by a transcript. However, this evidence may be important for a new verdict to be reached.  [1]  , accessed 18/08/11  [2]  , accessed 18/08/11  [3]  , accessed 18/08/11  [4]  , accessed 18/08/11 video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary convicted crime right to appeal UK US re-assess the conviction film recordings court trials witness testimonies new evidence appeal judges re-examine the case demeanour body language general impression witness transcript evidence new verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary right to appeal UK US reassess conviction film recordings court trials witness testimonies new evidence appeal process judges re-examine case demeanour body language trial perception transcript limitations new verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary convicted crime right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction reliability evidence trial film recordings witness testimonies judges re-examine case new evidence witness demeanour body language perception transcript verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary conviction crime right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction reliability evidence film recordings court trials witness testimonies new evidence appeal process trial proceedings demeanour body language witness impression transcript limitations verdict assessment judicial review legal proceedings court judgments trial observation appellate process evidentiary assessment video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary convicted crime right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction witness testimonies new evidence appeal process trial video judge perception body language witness demeanour trial transcript new verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary convicted crime right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction film recordings court trials witness testimonies new evidence appeal process judges re-examine case trial demeanour body language perception witness verdict transcript legal proceedings judicial review evidence assessment video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary conviction crime right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction film recordings court trials judges re-examine case witness testimonies new evidence assessment first trial demeanour body language general impression witness transcript perception new verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary convicted right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction film recordings court trials judges re-examine witness testimonies new evidence trial demeanour body language general impression transcript court perception new verdict video footage court case valuable information defendant judiciary conviction right to appeal UK US re-assess conviction film recordings court trials judges re-examine witness testimonies new evidence assess first trial demeanour body language general impression witness transcript evidence new verdict court case video footage trial recordings defendant rights judiciary appeals UK law US law witness testimonies transcript limitations body language demeanour new evidence trial assessment judicial re-examination
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro02a	The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, The Settlements commit future Israeli governments to a harder stand in future negotiations  Whether deliberate or not, the settlements are changing the “facts on the ground” by changing the political calculus for future Israeli governments.  While most Israeli politicians accept the need to abandon some smaller settlements, the vast majority are unlikely to be evacuated. It was politically divisive to the point of breaking the Likud party in two when Ariel Sharon, a man with more credit than anyone else on the Israeli right pulled out of Gaza in 2005, and there were only a little over 7000 Israeli settlers there. By contrast there are now more than 300,000 settlers in the West Bank, and this number is rising fast. [1] There were less than 200,000 in 2000. [2]  Of these settlers, many are religious and vote for the Haridam (Orthodox) parties like the National Religious Party . [3] Because the party has served in governments of both the Left and the Right in recent years, in practice they and the ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu tend to hold the balance of power in the Israeli Knesset.  Therefore every time Israel expands settlements, they are reducing their room to manoeuvre in future Peace Negotiations, and forcing themselves to take a harder stance. This means that Peace will either become less likely (because Israel will set more extreme terms) or that Israel will face more internal divisions in order to offer it. In either case, as the settlements expand  [1] Levinson, Chaim, ‘IDF: More than 300, 000 settlers live in West Bank’, Haaretz.com, 27 July 2009,   [2] Wikipedia, ‘Population statistics for Israeli West Bank settlements’, en.wikipedia.org,  , accessed 20 January 2012  [3] Etkes, Dror, ‘The Ultra-Orthodox Jews in the West Bank’, Peace Now, October 2005, Israeli settlements future negotiations political calculus Israeli governments evacuation of settlements political divisiveness Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal West Bank settlers settlement expansion Haridim Orthodox parties National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset internal divisions peace negotiations extreme terms population statistics Ultra-Orthodox Jews Peace Now Dror Etkes Chaim Levinson IDF Israeli settlements West Bank Gaza Ariel Sharon Likud party Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset Peace Negotiations IDF Chaim Levinson Dror Etkes Ultra-Orthodox Jews population statistics political calculus internal divisions religious settlers expansion Peace Now Israeli right political power diplomatic maneuvers extreme terms future governments facts on the ground hard stance less likely peace settler numbers Israeli-Palestinian conflict Jewish settlements Palestinian territories Israeli politics right-wing parties political balance Israeli society Israeli settlements West Bank political calculus Israeli government peace negotiations Ariel Sharon Gaza withdrawal Likud party settler population religious settlers Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset balance of power internal divisions ultra-nationalist peace terms expansion facts on the ground political impact demographic changes peace process Israeli politics Palestinian territories international relations Middle East conflict Israeli-Palestinian conflict settlement policy political dynamics government coalitions Israeli right Israeli left settlement growth settler movement settlement impact political landscape regional settlements Israeli governments future negotiations facts on the ground political calculus Israeli politicians smaller settlements West Bank Gaza Ariel Sharon Likud party Israeli settlers religious settlers Haridam National Religious Party ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu Knesset peace negotiations internal divisions population statistics IDF Chaim Levinson Dror Etkes Peace Now Ultra-Orthodox Jews settlements Israeli governments negotiations facts on the ground political calculus Israeli politicians small settlements evacuation Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza Israeli settlers West Bank settlers religious Haridim Orthodox parties National Religious Party ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu Knesset Peace Negotiations internal divisions IDF population statistics Ultra-Orthodox Jews Peace Now Dror Etkes Israeli settlements political calculus future negotiations Gaza withdrawal West Bank population political divisiveness Likud party Ariel Sharon religious settlers Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitenu Knesset Peace Negotiations internal divisions IDF Dror Etkes Peace Now Chaim Levinson Haaretz Wikipedia population statistics Ultra-Orthodox Jews Israeli settlements future negotiations political calculus Israeli governments smaller settlements evacuation politically divisive Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza West Bank settlers religious settlers Haridim National Religious Party ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu Knesset peace negotiations internal divisions expansion IDF population statistics Dror Etkes Peace Now Ultra-Orthodox Jews Israeli settlements West Bank peace negotiations political calculus Israeli government Ariel Sharon Gaza settlers Likud party religious settlers Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset internal divisions IDF population statistics Ultra-Orthodox Jews Peace Now Dror Etkes settlements Israeli governments negotiations facts on the ground political calculus Israeli politicians smaller settlements evacuation politically divisive Likud party Ariel Sharon Gaza Israeli settlers West Bank Haridim National Religious Party ultra-nationalist Israel Beitinu Israeli Knesset peace negotiations internal divisions IDF Population statistics Israeli West Bank settlements Ultra-Orthodox Jews Peace Now Settlements Israeli governments negotiations facts on the ground political calculus Israeli settlers West Bank religious settlers Haridim National Religious Party Israel Beitinu Knesset peace negotiations internal divisions IDF Dror Etkes Peace Now population statistics Ariel Sharon Gaza Likud party Israeli right
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro03a	Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants can play up to the cameras  Televising the trial can create extra incentives for defendants to attempt to disrupt the process. During his trial, Saddam Hussein regularly made outbursts and went on political rants – based on Iraqi law, he was able to examine witnesses after his lawyer. This was not new – Slobodan Milosevic tried various antics in front of the (televised) ICTY [1] , and Ratko Mladic used those tactics post-Hussein [2] . Milosevic’s approval ratings grew, and he even won a seat in the Serbian parliament while on trial.  A televised trial creates more of a risk of a political hijacking of the trial – something that has been shown to be a successful tactic by Milosevic. This both potentially damages the successor government by giving those on trial a platform and the court itself.  [1] Scharf, Michael P., Chaos in the Courtroom: Controlling disruptive defendants and contumacious counsel in war crimes trials’, University of Galway  [2] Biles, Peter, ‘Mladic’s courtroom antics’, BBC News, 4 July 2011, Unruly defendants cameras Televised trials Disruption Saddam Hussein Political rants Iraqi law Witness examination Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic Approval ratings Serbian parliament Political hijacking Successor government Court integrity War crimes trials Disruptive behavior Legal tactics unruly defendants televised trials trial disruption Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political hijacking courtroom antics trial process legal tactics disruptive behavior war crimes trials trial publicity judicial process courtroom conduct international criminal tribunal political platform successor government court integrity televised trials disruptive defendants Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political hijacking trial process Iraqi law ICTY approval ratings Serbian parliament courtroom antics chaos in courtroom war crimes trials contumacious counsel successor government court integrity unruly defendants trial cameras Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic ICTY political rants outbursts Iraqi law examine witnesses approval ratings Serbian parliament political hijacking successor government court damage disruptive defendants war crimes trials courtroom antics BBC News Unruly defendants televised trials Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political hijacking trial disruption ICTY approval ratings Serbian parliament war crimes trials courtroom antics disruptive behavior legal process public platform successor government court integrity judicial challenges media influence trial management unruly defendants play up cameras televising trials disrupt process Saddam Hussein political rants Iraqi law examine witnesses Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic approval ratings Serbian parliament political hijacking successor government court damage war crimes trials disruptive defendants contumacious counsel courtroom antics BBC News unruly defendants cameras trial disruption Saddam Hussein outbursts political rants Iraqi law examine witnesses Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic approval ratings Serbian parliament political hijacking successor government court damage war crimes trials courtroom antics Unruly defendants cameras Televising trials Disruptive behavior Saddam Hussein Political rants Iraqi law Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic Approval ratings Serbian parliament Political hijacking Successor government Court damage Controlling defendants War crimes trials BBC News Peter Biles unruly defendants cameras televising trials trial disruption Saddam Hussein outbursts political rants Iraqi law witness examination Slobodan Milosevic ICTY Ratko Mladic approval ratings Serbian parliament political hijacking successor government court damage war crimes trials disruptive defendants contumacious counsel Unruly defendants trial disruption televised trials Saddam Hussein Slobodan Milosevic Ratko Mladic political rants courtroom antics Iraqi law ICTY approval ratings political hijacking successor government court platform disruptive behavior war crimes trials contumacious counsel chaos in courtroom legal tactics trial process public opinion judicial proceedings media influence judicial disruption courtroom conduct legal drama trial publicity judicial integrity legal ethics trial management defendant behavior courtroom spectacle judicial authority legal outcomes public trials media coverage legal challenges trial
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro03a	International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution encourages domestic justice  By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1].  [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, International prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial domestic courts lower-level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com international prosecution domestic justice fair trial powerful offenders lower level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilization domestic courts international system legal filtration crime prosecution justice system International prosecution domestic justice internationally based prosecution laws powerful offenders fair trial domestic courts crimes lower level Ivory Coast former leader charges stabilize situation country David Smith Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court thegurdian.com International prosecution domestic justice fair trial powerful offenders lower-level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com International prosecution domestic justice legal system powerful offenders fair trial domestic courts lower-level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court legal stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com international prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial domestic courts lower level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com international prosecution domestic justice legal systems fair trial powerful offenders lower-level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com legal accountability judicial effectiveness crime prosecution international law domestic courts legal reform justice system international intervention International prosecution domestic justice law enforcement fair trial powerful offenders crime prosecution lower-level offenders Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court legal stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com International prosecution domestic justice powerful offenders fair trial international criminal court Laurent Gbagbo Ivory Coast stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com international prosecution domestic justice legal system powerful offenders fair trial domestic courts lower-level crimes Ivory Coast Laurent Gbagbo international criminal court legal stabilization David Smith thegurdian.com
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector critical pedagogy free exchange of ideas intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom research intellectual honesty degree devaluation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Russian academics East European academics USA immigration USSR professional workers technical workers Harvard Russians and East Europeans in America academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics free to publish intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny qualification devaluation intellectual honesty degree integrity Russians East Europeans immigration USA USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich Nebraskan Doug Anderson academic tradition West university growth free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom research publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard study academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics freedom of academic inquiry intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich immigrants USSR academics scientists professional workers Harvard Russians East Europeans academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich intellectual dishonesty degree Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR academics scientists professional technical workers academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas Marxist scholars critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty learning Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny qualification devaluation intellectual honesty degree value Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich intellectuals academic freedom Russian immigrants scientists professional workers USA USSR education history academic environment critical thinking academic integrity academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation academic inquiry immigration USSR academics scientists professional workers Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich learning free exchange Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans America academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Russians East Europeans America immigration USSR professionals scientists technical workers Nebraskan Doug Anderson learning Harvard publication academic tradition Western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university expansion free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates top academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny devaluation of qualifications intellectual dishonesty Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Russians in America East Europeans in America academic migration intellectual freedom academic inquiry
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con03a	Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. Even a sham election demonstrates what the people want  In an election the people show what their policy preferences will be. Even if the government is engaging in vote rigging or voter intimidation they will still know how the people voted or wanted to vote (if they stuffed the ballot they will know how many extra votes they added) so will have some guidance as to the policies that the people wish implemented. If there are multiple different parties competing in the elections then it will be possible to tell which party platforms are the most popular and so which to take ideas from.  If there are elections then there are opposition parties and independent MPs who are given much more space than they would be without elections. Being MPs gives the opposition some status and gives them a controlled setting in which to criticise the government. This provides the opposition with the chance to channel the voice of the people and encourage change from the governing party. sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing party platforms opposition parties independent MPs government criticism channel voice encourage change controlled setting governing party election effectiveness expansion terms popular policies electoral competition political representation democratic process sham election voter preferences government manipulation vote rigging voter intimidation policy guidance party platforms opposition parties independent MPs governmental criticism controlled opposition public voice encouraging change electoral competition political representation sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing party platforms opposition parties independent MPs government criticism channel voice encourage change sham election voter preferences government manipulation vote rigging voter intimidation policy guidance multiple parties popular platforms opposition parties independent MPs controlled criticism channeling public voice encouraging change governing party responsiveness sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation government guidance party platforms popular ideas opposition parties independent MPs status government criticism voice of the people encourage change governing party sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation government control opposition parties independent MPs popular platforms political change electoral competition ballot stuffing public voice government guidance democratic facade controlled criticism sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing opposition parties independent MPs government criticism policy implementation election competition party platforms public opinion political change governance sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation ballot stuffing opposition parties independent MPs government criticism political change electoral competition policy guidance democratic participation controlled opposition governmental accountability sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation government guidance party platforms opposition parties independent MPs voice of the people encourage change governing party election integrity democratic process voter turnout political participation sham election policy preferences vote rigging voter intimidation government guidance party platforms opposition parties independent MPs status criticism voice of the people encourage change governing party
test-education-tuhwastua-pro03a	Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. Standardized tests discriminate against minorities  Minority students perform less well on tests like the SAT, even when correction is made for income. The test with its reading comprehension test and being done in English is obviously biased against students from households where English is not the dominant language as they are much less likely to understand the questions.  Even when English language skills are not a problem the question choice can contain a cultural bias. One analogy question on the 2003 SAT used the word “regatta” which minority students were unlikely to be familiar with. Having this kind of bias is obviously unfair and can never be fully accounted for in a diverse country such as the United States of America where those who set the wording of the questions will never know all possible perspectives. standardized tests minority students SAT performance income adjustment English dominance reading comprehension language barrier cultural bias regatta analogy question wording diverse backgrounds fairness in testing USA education system test makers perspective diversity standardized testing minority students SAT performance income correction language barrier English proficiency reading comprehension cultural bias regatta example diverse population question setters perspective diversity Standardized tests SAT minority students performance disparity income correction reading comprehension English language cultural bias regatta analogy question wording diverse perspectives United States fairness test equity language barriers cultural representation test design educational assessment standardized tests discrimination minority students SAT performance income correction reading comprehension English language cultural bias regatta analogy test fairness diverse country question setters perspective awareness standardized tests discrimination minorities SAT performance income correction English proficiency reading comprehension cultural bias regatta analogy diverse country question wording perspectives standardized tests minority students SAT performance income correction reading comprehension English language cultural bias question wording regatta analogy diverse country USA perspectives Standardized tests discrimination minorities SAT income correction English language reading comprehension cultural bias regatta diversity United States test fairness minority students educational equity linguistic diversity test construction question bias socioeconomic factors educational assessment standardized testing controversy SAT standardized tests minority students reading comprehension English language cultural bias regatta income correction diversity United States test fairness educational equity language barrier test questions analogy questions cultural perspectives standardized tests minority students SAT performance income correction reading comprehension English language cultural bias regatta analogy diverse country question wording perspectives standardized tests minority students SAT performance income adjustment reading comprehension English language cultural bias regatta analogy test fairness diverse country question wording perspectives
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con05a	In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 In the public’s eyes, the government seems to suspect everyone.  Although the anti-terrorist measures are supposed to be trying to catch certain people, it is the whole of the public who have to suffer on a daily basis: an abundance of security cameras, security checks, and anti-privacy measures continually invade innocent people’s lives and yet it is supposed to be the terrorists who are being punished. The issue of justice, and whether it is actually being done, has to be fully looked at properly. These measures are not solving the problem of terrorism as it does not address the core grievances. Instead other ways such as negotiation to address grievances is necessary, as happened in Northern Ireland [1] .  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Northern Ireland’, The Guardian, 11 May 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011 public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public inconvenience security cameras security checks anti-privacy injustice terrorism core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland conflict resolution civil liberties surveillance public safety policy effectiveness terrorist profiling community engagement human rights public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures justice terrorism core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Owen Bowcott The Guardian government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures public invasion justice issues terrorism problem core grievances negotiation solutions Northern Ireland example public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures justice terrorism problem core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Owen Bowcott The Guardian public opinion government surveillance anti-terrorist measures public inconvenience security cameras security checks anti-privacy justice terrorism core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Bowcott Owen The Guardian public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures innocent people terrorist punishment justice issues terrorism problem core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Bowcott Owen The Guardian public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public inconvenience security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures invasion of privacy justice terrorism core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Bowcott Owen The Guardian public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures terrorism justice core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Owen Bowcott The Guardian public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public suffering security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures innocent people terrorism justice core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland The Guardian Owen Bowcott public perception government suspicion anti-terrorist measures public inconvenience security cameras security checks anti-privacy measures invasion of privacy justice terrorism core grievances negotiation Northern Ireland Bowcott Owen The Guardian
test-politics-glghssi-pro03a	An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, An independent Scotland has enormous economic potential to join other small European nations, especially as a leader in technology and renewable energy  Many of Scotland’s problems are grounded in the fact that its potential has consistently been held back. Because the focus for economic development from a Westminster perspective has focused for generations on North Sea oil and the coal fields of Lanarkshire, huge opportunities were missed and the best and the brightest tended be dragged down south for jobs worthy of their skills.  Even with the limited powers allowed by devolution a burgeoning life-sciences sector, a growing IT sector in silicon glen are adding to the traditional industries. Since 2003 Scotland has generally had faster economic growth than the UK with 13% during the period from 2003-2007 compared to the UK’s 11.4%. [i] Independence would stretch people still further.  [i] CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions, ‘The changing pattern of Scotland’s economic growth since Devolution’, CPPR Briefing Note, June 2011, independence Scotland economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy Westminster North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire economic development life-sciences IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries devolution CPPR economic growth post-devolution independence benefits independence economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy Westminster North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire economic development devolution life-sciences IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth UK CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions Scotland's economy political autonomy industrial diversification regional development innovation entrepreneurial ecosystem sustainable development fiscal policies public investment economic forecasts policy reforms international trade global competitiveness research and development skilled workforce talent retention urban planning infrastructure development governmental support business environment market access economic independence economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy Westminster North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire devolution life-sciences IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions Scotland UK 2003-2007 independence benefits skilled workforce southward migration missed opportunities regional development political governance economic diversification innovation public policy regional economics growth patterns devolution impact post-independence prospects independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy economic development North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire missed opportunities best and brightest south for jobs devolution powers life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen traditional industries faster economic growth CPPR Centre for Public Policy economic growth since Devolution independence benefits independence Scotland economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy economic development Westminster North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire life-sciences IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries devolution economic growth UK CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions regional development job opportunities skill drain productivity innovation independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy economic development North Sea oil Lanarkshire coal fields missed opportunities best and brightest economic growth devolution life-sciences sector IT sector silicon glen traditional industries independence CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic growth statistics Scotland's economy UK economy comparison independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy Westminster perspective North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire economic development life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth UK independence public policy regional development CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy economic development North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire missed opportunities skilled workforce southward migration devolution life sciences silicon glen IT sector traditional industries economic growth UK comparison CPPR Centre public policy regional development independence benefits stretching potential independent Scotland economic potential small European nations technology leader renewable energy economic development Westminster perspective North Sea oil coal fields Lanarkshire missed opportunities skilled workforce southward migration life-sciences sector IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries economic growth devolution independence CPPR Centre for Public Policy for Regions independence economic potential small European nations technology renewable energy economic development North Sea oil coal fields life-sciences IT sector Silicon Glen traditional industries faster economic growth CPPR public policy regional growth devolution Scotland UK political economy potential misuse talent migration job opportunities Westminster perspective economic focus industrial diversification innovation startups research and development environmental sustainability energy transition regional disparities economic autonomy fiscal policy trade investment international relations global markets economic resilience workforce development educational institutions infrastructure public services
test-education-tuhwastua-pro05a	Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. Standardized tests result in teachers “teaching the test”  The importance attached to such tests leads to teachers actively “teaching the test.” The result is that many teachers, rather than instilling useful skills or providing a balanced curriculum, end up trying to focus on things that occur on given tests. While this is not a huge problem with the SAT itself, it is a serious problem with subject tests like the SAT 2s, AP Exams, and the British A-Levels. This undermines the provision of education in the country. standardized tests teaching the test curriculum education quality test preparation SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels educational outcomes learning skills student development teacher practices assessment methods educational standards academic performance test impact educational policy subject tests standardized tests teaching the test test preparation curriculum narrowing educational outcomes SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels assessment impact educational quality teacher practices learning focus skill development balanced education test-centric teaching educational reform subject tests academic performance student learning pedagogical strategies educational goals assessment methods standardized testing consequences teacher assessment educational standards test-based instruction educational policy teacher evaluation test-driven education curriculum design educational effectiveness teaching methods student achievement educational impact test preparation methods educational priorities educational challenges educational standardized tests teaching the test importance of tests teachers focus useful skills balanced curriculum SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels education quality test preparation academic skills subject tests educational impact curriculum limitations test-centric teaching learning outcomes educational goals assessment methods standardized tests teaching the test importance of tests test-focused teaching useful skills balanced curriculum SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels education quality educational outcomes test preparation curriculum narrowness student learning educational policy assessment methods teacher practices academic skills critical thinking long-term learning subject mastery test impact educational goals pedagogical approaches standardized testing controversies educational reform test-prep culture holistic education skill development educational assessment learning environment academic pressure teacher autonomy curriculum design student development educational standards test reliability standardized tests teaching the test education quality curriculum balance SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels educational outcomes test preparation teacher focus skill instillation academic performance educational reform assessment methods teaching the test standardized tests SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels education quality curriculum imbalance test preparation educational outcomes teacher focus skill development subject tests academic performance educational reform test-based teaching standardized tests teaching to the test curriculum narrowing test preparation SAT SAT 2 AP Exams A-Levels educational quality assessment impact teacher focus student learning balanced education subject tests high-stakes testing educational outcomes instructional strategies test-centric education educational standards assessment methods standardized tests teaching the test education quality curriculum balance SAT SAT 2s AP Exams A-Levels test preparation educational outcomes skill development academic integrity teacher focus test impact educational reform student learning assessment methods educational policy critical thinking memorization versus understanding standardized tests teaching the test SAT SAT 2 AP Exams British A-Levels education quality curriculum balance test-focused instruction educational skills assessment impact teacher behavior subject tests academic preparation learning outcomes Standardized tests teaching the test education quality curriculum balance useful skills SAT SAT 2s AP Exams British A-Levels educational outcomes teacher focus test preparation comprehensive learning subject tests educational assessment pedagogical impact academic skills long-term learning standardized testing criticism
test-politics-dhwem-pro03a	"PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments PMCs have an equally strong incentive to perform.  PMCs must perform carefully and effectively to secure future contracts. It is therefore in their interests to ensure their employees are well- trained and well-equipped and perform to the highest standard. Most PMCs recruit ex-service personnel as a way to ensure the quality of their force. In 2004 more SAS soldiers worked privately in Iraq than served in the army. Additionally, governments increasingly recognise the quality of mercenaries. PMCs and regular militaries cross over on occasion: An American PMC -Military Professional Resources Inc - trains the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) on behalf of the US Government (Lock, 2011). The British Ministry of Defence now allows soldiers yearlong sabbaticals to work as mercenaries in the hope they will return having earned more in the private sector. This official recognition suggests that mercenaries have shed their “dogs of war” image. They are no longer disreputable maverick figures operating in failed states but highly trained professionals endorsed by national governments Private Military Companies PMCs performance incentives future contracts employee training employee equipment high standards ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition quality mercenaries crossover regular militaries Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC training US Government British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals mercenaries ""dogs of war"" image professional endorsement national governments PMCs performance future contracts employee training equipment ex-service personnel quality SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition mercenaries military crossover ROTC training Reserve Officer Training Corps British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector dogs of war professional endorsement national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped ex-service personnel quality mercenaries SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition regular militaries cross over American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc Reserve Officer Training Corps British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector image dogs of war professional endorsement national governments PMCs perform future contracts well-trained well-equipped highest standard ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq quality of mercenaries governments recognition cross over regular militaries American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc trains Reserve Officer Training Corps US Government British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals mercenaries dogs of war highly trained professionals national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition quality mercenaries Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector dogs of war highly trained professionals national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped highest standard ex-service personnel quality mercenaries government recognition American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector dogs of war highly trained professionals national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq 2004 government recognition quality mercenaries regular militaries Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector ""dogs of war"" highly trained professionals national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped highest standard ex-service personnel quality force SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition quality mercenaries cross-over American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc Reserve Officer Training Corps US Government British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector ""dogs of war"" image highly trained professionals national governments PMCs performance future contracts employee training equipment ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition quality mercenaries regular militaries cross-over American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector ""dogs of war"" image professional reputation national governments PMCs performance future contracts well-trained well-equipped ex-service personnel SAS soldiers Iraq government recognition quality mercenaries regular militaries crossover American PMC Military Professional Resources Inc ROTC British Ministry of Defence sabbaticals private sector professional image dogs of war disreputable maverick endorsed national governments"
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid poaching advanced techniques militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching militarised approach advanced poaching high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis militarised response militarised response advanced poaching high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros poaching South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis Poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals militarised response African rhino poaching crisis Rhino Poaching Crisis WWF Zapwing advanced poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa horn value Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance track poachers protect endangered animals militarised response WWF African rhino poaching Zapwing rhino poaching crisis poaching militarised approach advanced poaching high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF african rhino zapwing rhino poaching crisis poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals poaching crisis WWF Zapwing militarised high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro04a	"Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism provides a good starting point for EU analysis.  Neo-functionalism is an accessible theory which provides a good starting point for analysis. As a theory it has the advantages of being able to predict the outcome of integration and clearly explains which actors must be studied in order to explain integration. Haas and Lindberg’s “main thesis was that sectorial integration was inherently expansive - integration of some functional tasks would tend to spill over into  integration of other tasks(…) In the basis of this analysis, Haas argued that an acceleration of the  integration process could be 'safely predicted' and that it might lead to a 'political community of Europe' within a decade”. [1]  [1] Tranholm-Mikkelsen, Jeppe ""Neo-functionalism: Obstinate or Obsolete? A Reappraisal in the Light of the New Dynamism of the EC Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp.1-22, Neo-functionalism EU analysis theory integration actors Haas Lindberg sectorial integration spill-over political community Europe acceleration prediction reappraisal EC Millennium Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen International Studies Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors in integration sectorial integration spill-over effect acceleration of integration political community of Europe Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC Millennium re-appraisal international studies European integration functional tasks Haas Lindberg main thesis dynamism European Community Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors in integration sectorial integration expansive integration functional tasks integration process political community of Europe Haas Lindberg EC Millennium Jeppe Tranholm-Mikkelsen neo-functionalism reappraisal Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors in integration sectorial integration spill-over effect acceleration of integration political community of Europe Haas Lindberg Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal new dynamism EC Millennium Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors in integration sectorial integration spill-over effect Haas Lindberg political community of Europe EC Millennium Tranholm-Mikkelsen international studies Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors study sectorial integration spill-over effect political community of Europe Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal EC Millennium international studies Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory prediction integration actors sectorial integration spill-over effect Haas Lindberg integration process political community of Europe Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC Millennium new dynamism Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actors in integration Haas Lindberg sectorial integration spillover effect political community of Europe integration acceleration Tranholm-Mikkelsen EC Millennium international studies Neo-functionalism EU analysis accessible theory integration prediction actor analysis Haas Lindberg sectorial integration spillover effect political community Europe integration process Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal EC Millennium international studies Neo-functionalism EU analysis theory integration actors sectorial integration spillover functional tasks acceleration political community Europe Tranholm-Mikkelsen reappraisal EC Millennium international studies"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro02a	More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. More ‘good’ is produced by saving five lives than saving one  When any life is removed so too is the future good that life may produce; all of the good that person would have experienced as well as all of the good they could have brought to other people’s lives will no longer occur. It is difficult to say precisely how much good a person may bring. However, it is fair to assume that saving five people brings with it a greater chance of higher levels of ‘good’. Considering the fact that one does not know anything about the people on the tracks one must assume that there will be five times more ‘good’ produced by saving their lives than if the one person is saved. good saving lives future good person's life good brought people's lives five lives one life levels of good moral philosophy ethics utilitarianism trolley problem hypothetical scenarios decision making value of life potential impact moral decisions humanitarianism saving lives utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics good produced future good potential impact human value moral decisions life value consequentialism ethical dilemmas trolley problem greater good moral psychology decision making philosophical arguments life expectancy quality of life moral reasoning moral philosophy utilitarianism life value ethical decision-making consequentialism humanitarianism altruism social welfare personhood potential contribution future impact human life ethical dilemmas moral psychology decision theory humanitarian ethics value of life moral reasoning good production life-saving utility maximization moral calculus consequentialism ethical decision-making potential future good person-affecting value lives saved moral philosophy trolley problem expected utility aggregate well-being ethical trade-offs impartial bystander life's potential contributions human value moral psychology decision theory ethical principles normative ethics good lives saving future potential benefit moral ethics utilitarianism value impact tracks decision humanitarian outcome philosophy choice consequence moral philosophy utilitarianism ethical dilemmas trolley problem max utility life value future potential good outcomes moral decision making quantity vs quality ethical reasoning consequentialism human worth saving lives moral calculus potential contributions societal benefit ethical theories person-affecting views moral psychology moral calculus utilitarianism greater good ethical decision-making life value potential contributions humanitarian principles consequentialism ethical dilemmas maximization of benefits moral philosophy utilitarianism ethical decision-making life value future potential good maximization quantitative ethics personhood moral mathematics life impact consequentialism ethical dilemmas trolley problem human value altruism moral psychology ethical theories good production life saving moral philosophy applications moral calculus utilitarianism ethical decision-making life value future potential good production 救人与道德 生命质量 未来利益 伦理选择 功利主义伦理学 行为后果分析 生命数量与质量比较 道德衡量 人类福祉 道德哲学 伦理学原理 个人与集体利益 生命价值评估 行为伦理 救援决策 道德判断 利益最大化 生命未来贡献 未知个体 道德优先级 救 utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy consequentialism life value potential good future benefits personhood moral decision-making trolley problem ethical dilemmas human value life quality societal impact moral reasoning
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro04a	Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, Other nations have an obligation to help  The President of Vanuatu has noted “If such a tragedy [the disappearance of a state] should happen, then the United Nations and its members will have failed in their first and most basic duty to a Member and its innocent people, as stated in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations.” [1] As long ago as 1992 developed nations accepted “the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit to sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command” and that “polluter should, in principle, bear the cost of pollution”. [2] There is also a Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness in which article 10 demands that any redrawing of borders must not render a person stateless, the principle behind which would equally apply to a disappearing state. [3] The small island states are losing their countries through no fault of their own it is therefore the responsibility of other states to provide them with alternatives; be this land or the resources to purchase land.  [1] McAdam, ‘’Disappearing states’, statelessness and the boundaries of international law’, UNSW Law Research Paper, 2010,  , p.4  [2] The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, ‘Rio Declaration on Environment and Development’, unep.org, 14 June 1992,   [3] United Nations, ‘Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness’, unhcr.org, 1961, international law statelessness disappearing states climate change small island states United Nations Rio Declaration sustainable development Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness environmental responsibility global environment polluter pays principle international obligations human rights environmental refugees land redistribution financial resources technological assistance legal duties member states innocent people state sovereignty international community climate justice humanitarian aid legal frameworks environmental ethics global governance planetary boundaries ecological debt international cooperation collective responsibility state obligations climate ethics international relations global commons ecological restoration environmental law corporate responsibility adaptation strategies international law state responsibility sustainable development environmental justice statelessness climate change UN Charter Rio Declaration Convention on Statelessness small island developing states climate refugees global environmental governance international cooperation polluter pays principle International obligation responsibility United Nations Member states Article 1 Charter of the United Nations sustainable development developed nations environmental responsibility polluter pays principle Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness statelessness disappearing states small island states climate change sea level rise state responsibility international law humanitarian duty Vanuatu McAdam UNSW Law Research Paper Rio Declaration on Environment and Development unep.org unhcr.org international duty United Nations state disappearance climate change sustainable development developed nations responsibility polluter pays principle statelessness prevention small island states environmental refugees global environmental pressures international law human rights climate justice international cooperation legal obligations international community humanitarian aid disappearing states stateless persons territorial integrity global environmental governance environmental migrants UN Charter Rio Declaration Convention on Statelessness obligation United Nations Vanuatu President state disappearance Article 1 Charter sustainable development developed nations responsibility environment global pollution cost Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness borders statelessness small island states state loss international law Rio Declaration on Environment and Development UNSW Law Research Paper unhcr.org unep.org international duty state disappearance UN Charter sustainable development polluter pays principle statelessness prevention island nations climate refugees global responsibility environmental justice international law statelessness climate change small island states United Nations Rio Declaration sustainable development Article 1 Charter of the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness responsibility of developed nations environmental justice human rights displacement global environment financial resources technology transfer polluter pays principle legal obligations international community climate refugees obligation Vanuatu United Nations Article 1 Charter tragedy state disappearance developed nations responsibility international pursuit sustainable development global environment technologies financial resources polluter pays principle Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness statelessness redrawing borders small island states climate change land alternatives resources international law statelessness prevention human rights environmental justice international law statelessness small island states climate change United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness Rio Declaration sustainable development polluter pays principle humanitarian responsibility legal obligations environmental justice international support state disappearance refugee status territorial integrity global environment financial assistance technological support displacement adaptation measures climate refugees international community environmental migrants legal frameworks human rights global responsibility climate change adaptation sustainable development goals international cooperation environmental displacement global governance international assistance state obligations climate justice environmental stewardship international solidarity vulnerable states global environmental challenges obligation international duty United Nations Article 1 Charter sustainable development environmental responsibility polluter pays principle Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness disappearing states statelessness small island states climate change sea level rise international law human rights relocation territorial integrity global responsibility
test-education-pshhghwpba0-con04a	Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, Can we be sure a school meal will be healthy?  Even if the schools provide breakfast can we be sure that it will be healthy, and even if it is will the students eat it? Without individual supervision that having breakfast with parents provides it is difficult to ensure that the children are eating what they should be rather than throwing away the bits they like. In the UK there has been a campaign against the poor quality of school meals. [1] In the US there has been concern at the amounts of fresh fruit and vegtables being thrown away from school means. One study by the University of Vermont found food waste increased 56%. [2]  [1] Evening Standard, ‘Unhealthy school meals are on the menu for over a million children’, 12 January 2013,   [2] Welch, Ashley, ‘School lunch fruits and veggies often tossed in trash study finds’, CBSnews, 25 August 2015, school meals healthy eating breakfast programs nutritional value student food consumption food waste parental supervision UK school meals campaign US school lunch waste fresh fruit and vegetables University of Vermont study school nutrition standards child obesity dietary habits public health initiatives school food policy healthy school meals breakfast quality student nutrition food waste school lunch programs fresh fruits and vegetables child eating habits parental supervision UK school meals campaign US school food waste study school meals healthy eating breakfast programs student nutrition food waste parental supervision UK school meals campaign US school lunch waste fresh fruit and vegetables nutritional value meal quality child health education policy food consumption school food policies meal supervision student behavior nutritional standards dietary habits health campaigns school meal health breakfast quality student nutrition supervised eating parent involvement UK school meals campaign US school food waste fresh fruit and vegetables increased food waste University of Vermont study school lunch study healthy eating habits child nutrition concerns meal program effectiveness school food policies school meals healthy eating breakfast programs student nutrition food waste parent supervision UK school meals US school meals fresh fruits vegetables University of Vermont study child obesity meal quality nutritional standards public health school lunch programs healthy choices vending machines cafeteria food dietary habits school meals healthy eating breakfast programs nutrition in schools food waste student health parental supervision school meal quality UK school meals US school meals fresh produce waste healthy eating habits school lunch programs dietary guidelines child nutrition meal supervision meal waste reduction healthy breakfast options school food policies nutritional content fruit and vegetable consumption school meals healthy eating breakfast programs student nutrition food waste parental supervision UK school meals US school lunches fresh fruit vegetables nutritional quality campaign school food policy health initiatives dietary habits meal consumption youth health educational environment food education policy improvement meal planning child health nutrition standards food security meal supervision mealtime behavior healthy choices public health school wellness foodservice management eating habits mealtime support nutritional education mealtime engagement health outcomes student well-being food waste reduction sustainable eating meal satisfaction mealtime routines school meals healthy eating breakfast programs student nutrition food waste parental supervision diet quality campaign for better school meals UK school nutrition US school lunch program fresh fruit and vegetables nutritional guidelines student food preferences meal consumption waste reduction strategies school food policies nutritional education cafeteria management meal planning child obesity prevention school meals healthy eating breakfast provision student nutrition food waste supervision parental involvement UK school meals US school lunches fresh fruit vegetables campaign against poor quality food waste study University of Vermont CBS news Evening Standard school meals healthy eating breakfast programs student nutrition food waste parent supervision UK school meals US school meals fresh fruit vegetables University of Vermont study school food policies child health nutrition education
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con04a	Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Promotes image of Catholic Church as uncaring and stubborn.  Organised religious groups, such as the Catholic Church, around the world, regardless of faith and denomination, change their official stances in an effort to keep up with a changing world. For example, the Church of England allowing women to become bishops. In doing this, these groups show that they are able to be reactive and can fit into a world that changes every day. Even the Catholic church has begun to realise that by stubbornly refusing to change its stance, the Catholic Church presents itself as unable to adapt and stuck in its ways 1. As a result, it finds that it will lose a lot of its influence and, by extension, its propensity to do good. Since its stance on contraception limits the Church's ability to do good, then it is clearly a stance that generally causes harm and, therefore, is an unjustified one.  1.Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious groups changing stances world adaptation Church of England women bishops reactive adaptability influence contraception harm unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious groups changing stances Church of England women bishops adaptability influence contraception harm unjustified stance Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn religious groups change official stances world faith denomination Church of England women bishops reactive adapt changing world refuse change influence do good contraception harm unjustified Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious adaptation changing stances Church of England women bishops reactive world changes influence loss contraception stance harm unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn religious groups global faith denomination changing stances modernization adaptability Church of England women bishops reactivity world changes influence contraception harm unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious groups changing world adapting influence contraception harm unjustified stance Church of England women bishops reactive Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious groups changing stances world faith denomination Church of England women bishops reactive adaptable changing world influence harm contraception unjustified Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn religious groups adaptation changing world Church of England women bishops reactive influence contraception harm unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church image uncaring stubborn religious groups world faith denomination changing stances Church of England women bishops reactive adaptation influence contraception harm unjustified stance Wynne-Jones 2010 Catholic Church uncaring stubborn image religious groups world faith denomination changing stances adaptation Church of England women bishops reactive influence contraception harm unjustified Wynne-Jones 2010
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro02a	The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 The apparent loss of liberty is overstated.  Negative cases of security abuse are few and have been greatly exaggerated by an emphatic civil rights lobby that has no empathy for the victims of terrorism. Of course, with any wide-scale attempt to fight terrorism there are bound to be a few cases of abuse of security measures. For example in the UK terrorism suspects were originally detained without charge under the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act however the detention was declared unlawful by the law lords in 2005 so the government introduced new scaled back policies such as ‘control orders’. [1] Therefore government has always been willing to scale back its security legislation when the courts believe it goes too far. Nonetheless it is not a good idea to shut down all security measures under a pretext that they violate rights [2] . The majority of the measures are intended to safeguard those civil liberties instead of abusing them.  [1] Hewitt, Steve, THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE, Libertas, 2007,  , accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Stratton, Allegra and Wintour, Patrick, ‘Nick Clegg goes to war with Labour over civil liberties’, guardian.co.uk, 13 April 2010,  , accessed 9 September 2011 liberty security abuse civil rights terrorism victims UK Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act law lords control orders government legislation courts measures rights Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties safeguard abuse wide-scale fight detention unlawful scaled back few exaggeration lobby empathy pretext shut down intended violation protection debate policy response balance impact society freedom surveillance privacy legal human rights political controversy enforcement judicial review parliamentary oversight proportionality necessity apparent loss liberty overstated negative cases security abuse exaggerated civil rights lobby empathy victims terrorism wide-scale fight terrorism abuse security measures UK terrorism suspects detained charge Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act unlawful law lords 2005 government scaled back policies control orders security legislation courts shut down security measures pretext violate rights safeguard civil liberties Steve Hewitt THE BRITISH WAR ON TERROR TIMELINE Libertas 2007 Nick Clegg liberty security terrorism civil rights government policy anti-terrorism laws abuse control orders law lords civil liberties security measures Nick Clegg Labour terrorism suspects unlawful detention stratton allegra wintour hewitt steve british war on terror timeline libertas guardian accessed 2011 2010 2005 2007 scaled back policies terrorism abuse civil rights lobby empathy victims terrorism fight terrorism security legislation courts rights safeguard abuse liberty security abuse civil rights lobby terrorism victims anti-terrorism law crime and security act unlawful detention control orders judicial review government policy civil liberties security measures terrorism prevention legal precedent human rights legislative reform political debate public safety legal challenges security legislation liberty security civil rights terrorism abuse exaggerated law lords Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act control orders government policies security measures civil liberties Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate UK terrorism laws rights violations safeguard measures legislative balance apparent loss liberty negative cases security abuse civil rights terrorism victims anti-terrorism crime security act unlawful detention control orders security legislation civil liberties safeguard measures government policies legal challenges terrorism fight security measures rights violation Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate UK terrorism law lords policy scaling stratton wintour hewitt libertas guardian.co.uk 2007 2010 liberty security abuse civil rights terrorism victims anti-terrorism crime security act detention unlawful law lords government policies control orders legislation courts measures rights safeguard civil liberties Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties security measures terrorism abuse law lords control orders Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act government policies court rulings rights violation civil rights lobby terrorism victims safety protection legal challenges Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate security legislation safeguarding freedoms public safety national security human rights proportionality effectiveness oversight accountability civil liberties security measures terrorism abuse government policy legal challenges control orders civil rights lobby victims of terrorism anti-terrorism laws UK legislation law lords decision Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate public safety rights violation concerns safeguarding liberties security vs. freedom political discourse legal oversight policy adjustment terrorism suspects unlawful detention scaled-back policies terrorism fight empirical evidence exaggerated claims liberty security terrorism civil rights abuse victims terrorism Anti-Terrorism Crime and Security Act detention law lords control orders government policy security measures civil liberties Nick Clegg Labour civil liberties debate UK terrorism legislation
test-education-egscphsrdt-con02a	Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. Keeping teenagers in education  Studies in Michigan in the USA have found that random drug tests in schools do not deter drug use, as schools with and without random tests have similar levels of drug use among their pupils. [1]  It seems unlikely that random drug tests will, in fact, deter students from taking drugs. What such tests will result in, however, is a greater number of exclusions and disciplinary actions resulting from catching student drug users, which as the studies have shown has no guarantee of lowering drug use overall.  Faced with a situation of continuing to be caught and reprimanded for drug use in school due to random drug tests, many older teenagers who reach the age whereby they may choose to leave school may choose to do so in greater numbers. This may well be compounded by an adolescent desire to rebel and reject authority when it tries to prevent them doing what they want, and so a greater number of teenage students may drop out of school so as to allow themselves to continue doing what they want more easily – that is, taking drugs. Leaving school at such an age for no other reason than to pursue a drug-using lifestyle is almost certainly more harmful than the worst-case alternative, whereby they at least remain in education even if they continue to use illegal drugs, comparatively improving their future career and education choices. Simply driving teenagers out of education with random drug tests benefits no-one.  [1] Grim, Ryan. “Blowing Smoke: Why random drug testing doesn't reduce student drug use”. Slate. March 21, 2006. teenagers education drug tests schools Michigan USA drug use deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions dropout rates adolescent rebellion authority future career education choices random testing student welfare substance abuse academic retention policy effectiveness Drug testing school discipline student drug use random drug tests education retention teenage dropouts adolescent rebellion Michigan studies USA education policies drug prevention programs school exclusions educational outcomes drug use deterrence policy effectiveness youth behavior school authority illegal drugs career choices educational choices student health teenagers education random drug tests schools Michigan USA drug use deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions older teenagers age leaving school adolescent rebellion authority dropout rates future career education choices harm reduction policy effectiveness keeping teenagers in education random drug tests in schools drug use among pupils studies in Michigan disciplinary actions for drug use student drug users teenage rebellion against authority adolescent desire to rebel dropping out of school pursuing drug-using lifestyle future career and education choices impact of random drug tests benefits of remaining in education adolescent drug use school exclusions effectiveness of drug testing policies harmful effects of early school dropout rebellion against school authority drug testing and student behavior teen drug use deterrence education versus drug use teen dropout rates school drug policies consequences of random drug testing teen educational outcomes teenagers education Michigan USA random drug tests schools drug use pupils deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions student drug users dropout rates adolescent rebellion authority career choices education choices harmful effects driving out education Ryan Grim Slate Blowing Smoke random drug tests school drug use Michigan studies disciplinary actions student exclusions adolescent rebellion dropping out of school future education choices harmful effects of dropping out continued education benefits drug testing efficacy teenage drug users educational outcomes impact of drug policies teenagers education drug tests school Michigan USA drug use deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions dropout rates rebellion authority career choices education choices harm reduction random testing student welfare adolescent behavior school policies drug prevention teenagers education drug tests schools Michigan USA drug use deterrent exclusions disciplinary actions dropout rates adolescent rebellion authority future career education choices random testing student welfare academic retention drug policy school environment drug tests school teenagers education drug use Michigan USA studies deterrence exclusions disciplinary actions dropout rates adolescent behavior rebellion authority long-term effects career choices harms random testing policies Slate Ryan Grim keeping teenagers in education random drug tests in schools drug use among students Michigan studies disciplinary actions student exclusions adolescent rebellion school dropout rates harm reduction future career choices education benefits drug prevention methods school policies student well-being alternative interventions educational outcomes youth drug use school authority compliance vs rebellion long-term impact of drug testing Slate article Ryan Grim Blowing Smoke
test-international-atiahblit-con02a	Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies: the issue of language  A fundamental restriction to achieving universal education in several African countries is not teachers, as a resource, but rather the lack of a national language. Colonialism enforced national boundaries, of which remain mismatched to ethnicity and language. African nations remain some of the most diverse in the world. With the exception of Tanzania, whereby Julius Nyerere used policy to create a sense of national unity and language, many African nations placed minimal focus on nationalisation. Around 46 languages are spoken in Zambia.  Such language diversities make universal education difficult. Therefore, presidents such as Paul Kagame, have the right approach of enforcing a national language. Colonial legacies language universal education African countries national language colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations national unity policy Julius Nyerere Tanzania Zambia Paul Kagame language policy education challenges linguistic diversity nationalization colonialism language diversity national language universal education african countries ethnicity policy national unity language enforcement education challenges cultural diversity linguistic diversity language policy post-colonial states national identity linguistic policy multilingualism educational reform african nationalism language planning colonialism language policy national language ethnic diversity universal education african countries language diversity education policy post-colonial states linguistic nationalism swahili multilingualism educational reform cultural identity political leadership language and governance linguistic policy language planning african linguistics language barriers Colonial legacies language issue universal education African countries national language colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations Tanzania Julius Nyerere national unity policy minimal nationalisation Zambia 46 languages language diversities education difficulty Paul Kagame national language enforcement Colonial legacies language universal education African countries national language colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations Tanzania Julius Nyerere national unity policy Zambia language diversities Paul Kagame national language enforcement Colonial legacies language universal education African countries national language Colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations Julius Nyerere Tanzania policy national unity Zambia Paul Kagame national language enforcement Colonial legacies language universal education African countries national language colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations national unity policy Julius Nyerere Tanzania Paul Kagame language enforcement education challenges multilingualism cultural diversity linguistic diversity nationalisation Zambian languages Colonialism language diversity national language universal education African countries ethnic boundaries Julius Nyerere Tanzania language policy national unity Paul Kagame language enforcement education challenges linguistic diversity Zambia language and education post-colonial Africa language policy impact national language importance Colonial legacies language universal education African countries national language colonialism national boundaries ethnicity language diversity African nations Julius Nyerere Tanzania policy national unity Zambia Paul Kagame national language enforcement Colonialism language policy national language universal education African countries language diversity ethnicity national boundaries Julius Nyerere Tanzania policy national unity Paul Kagame language enforcement education challenges multilingualism Zambian languages linguistic diversity African nationalism
test-international-aghwrem-pro01a	States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. States should not be isolated on political grounds  The isolation of Myanmar by some of the developed Western powers is arbitrary and marked by hypocrisy. The real reasons for the stance taken by these countries are political. There is little consistency in the attitude taken towards other governments and dictatorships across the world that also have questionable human rights records (Saudi Arabia and Egypt, to name a few), but either offer other strategic and economic benefits, or are much more influential in international affairs than Myanmar. Myanmar is only part of a group of countries (also including Cuba and North Korea) whose economic and political policies have remained relatively opaque to arm-twisting by the US and the EU. It is unfair to impose sanctions on and isolate Myanmar on this basis, especially in an emerging multi-polar international environment. Myanmar isolation political grounds developed Western powers hypocrisy human rights records Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorships strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs Cuba North Korea sanctions multi-polar world US EU arm-twisting economic policies political policies Myanmar isolation political grounds Western powers hypocrisy consistency attitude governments dictatorships human rights records Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic benefits economic benefits influential international affairs opaque arm-twisting US EU sanctions multi-polar international environment fairness isolation Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy political reasons consistency attitude governments dictatorships human rights records strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs sanctions multi-polar environment Cuba North Korea US EU arm-twisting opaque policies Myanmar isolation Western powers hypocrisy political reasons consistency human rights records Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorships strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs multi-polar world sanctions Cuba North Korea arm-twisting US EU opaque policies unfair treatment Myanmar political isolation Western powers hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt strategic interests economic benefits international affairs sanctions multi-polar world Cuba North Korea arm-twisting US EU emerging powers foreign policy global politics Myanmar isolation political grounds hypocrisy developed Western powers human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorships strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs sanctions multi-polar world Cuba North Korea opacity arm-twisting US EU consistency questionable policies isolation Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy political reasons inconsistency human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorships strategic benefits economic benefits international influence sanctions multi-polar world Cuba North Korea economic policies political policies arm-twisting US EU unfair treatment political isolation Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorships strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs sanctions multi-polar world Cuba North Korea US EU arm-twisting economic policies political policies Myanmar political isolation Western powers hypocrisy human rights Saudi Arabia Egypt dictatorship strategic benefits economic benefits international affairs sanctions multi-polar world Cuba North Korea US EU arm-twisting opaque policies emerging countries global politics international relations consistency foreign policy diplomatic isolation geopolitical interests human rights violations international community global governance political sanctions economic sanctions political stance international influence strategic alliances economic incentives political pressure multi-polar environment global dynamics international norms geopolitical strategy diplomatic relations global politics international law moral isolation political grounds Myanmar Western powers hypocrisy political stance consistency human rights records Saudi Arabia Egypt economic benefits strategic benefits international affairs Cuba North Korea economic policies political policies arm-twisting US EU sanctions multi-polar international environment
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro01a	Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Electing a Mayor will revitalise local democracy  An elected mayor would revitalise local democracy. At present many people have no idea who their local councillors are, or who leads their council, perhaps because collective decision-making is generally unexciting. It is not surprising then that turnout is only around 30% and in some urban areas in Britain fewer than 1 in 4 adults bother to vote in local elections – the worst turnout in the EU. [1] An elected mayor would act as a focus for local people, both symbolically and as someone with real power to improve their lives. Local elections would gain more coverage and more people’s attention as they are voting for one recognisable figure rather than a number of councillors. This in turn would turn attention to local democracy and increase turnout in elections.  [1] Shakespeare, Tom, ‘For Good Measure Devolving Accountability for Performance and Assessment to Local Areas’, Localis, 2010, p.17 Mayor local democracy elected revitalise councillors council leadership collective decision-making voter turnout local elections urban areas Britain EU focus symbol power improve lives media coverage recognisable figure accountability performance assessment devolution local areas elected mayor local democracy revitalise voter turnout local elections civic engagement local councillors collective decision-making urban areas symbolic leadership political accountability devolution local governance electoral reform community representation Mayor local democracy elected revitalise councillors council turnout local elections urban areas Britain recognisable figure media coverage public attention voter participation local governance accountability performance assessment devolution Electing a Mayor revitalise local democracy elected mayor local democracy local councillors council leadership collective decision-making voter turnout local elections urban areas EU turnout recognised figure local elections coverage attention to local democracy increase election turnout devolving accountability local areas performance assessment Localis Tom Shakespeare mayor local democracy revitalise elected focus symbolically power improve lives coverage attention recognisable turnout elections devolving accountability performance assessment local areas localism civic engagement political participation urban areas Britain EU local councillors collective decision-making voter turnout democratic engagement community leadership electing mayor revitalise local democracy local councillors council leadership collective decision-making voter turnout urban areas local elections elected mayor focus for local people real power improve lives local elections coverage recognisable figure attention to local democracy increase turnout devolving accountability performance assessment local areas good measure tom shakespeare localis 2010 electing mayor revitalise local democracy increase voter turnout local elections voter engagement local councillors collective decision-making urban areas voter apathy recognised figure local democracy focus media coverage political visibility democratic participation local governance improvement Electing Mayor Revitalise Local Democracy Elected Focus Symbolically Real Power Improve Lives Local Elections Coverage Attention Voting Recognisable Figure Councillors Turnout Increase Participation Civic Engagement Urban Areas Britain EU Accountability Performance Assessment Devolution Tom Shakespeare Localis 2010 mayor local democracy elected revitalise councillors collective decision-making turnout local elections urban areas Britain EU symbolically real power lives coverage attention recognisable figure devolving accountability performance assessment Localis Tom Shakespeare Electing Mayor revitalise local democracy councillors council decision-making turnout urban areas Britain adults vote local elections EU focus symbolically real power improve lives coverage attention recognisable figure increase interest local democracy devolving accountability performance assessment Localis
test-education-ughbuesbf-con03a	The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, The quality of education suffers when university education is free  Without university fees, universities become dependent on the state for funding. This leads to larger class­sizes and less spending per student. [1] Yet with fees, the quality of universities increases for three reasons. First, funding improves, as university may charge in accordance with need. Second, quality of teaching is improved. Because a university wants people to attend and to pay fees, the programs and degrees they offer have to be good signals of quality requiring hiring the best lecturers. Third, the average quality of students attending university will improve. This is because students feel they need to get the most from their investment in education. An example of higher quality education from fee­paying is that of the United States, which has eighteen of the top fifty ranked universities in the world. [2] Quality is clearly improved when university is not free.  [1] Brady, Hugh. 2008. “We Must Invest Now in Our Universities or Pay Later”. University College Dublin News Available:  ents.html​  [2] QS World University Rankings 2015/16, QS, quality education university free fees funding state class sizes spending students teaching lecturers investment United States top ranked universities investment improvement signals attendance Brady QS World University Rankings quality education university free fees state funding class sizes spending per student improved teaching lecturers investment students higher top ranked United States invest universities QS World University Rankings quality education university free fees funding state class sizes spending student improvement teaching lecturers investment ranking United States QS World University Rankings investment Hugh Brady University College Dublin university funding state dependency class sizes student spending fee-based education improved funding teaching quality lecturer hiring student investment education quality United States universities top ranked universities investment in universities higher education financing educational improvement student performance university fees impact quality education factors university fees state funding class sizes spending per student funding improvement teaching quality student quality investment in education top ranked universities higher education quality education investment university investment education policy academic performance university standards fee-paying universities educational outcomes student investment education improvement higher education financing university education free education education funding education economics university management academic resources educational value higher education systems global university rankings university competition educational excellence teaching staff student motivation education statistics university ranking metrics education quality indicators academic programs degree quality lecturer quality university fees state funding class sizes spending per student funding improvement teaching quality student quality investment in education top ranked universities U.S. education system education quality university funding state dependency class sizes student spending tuition fees university revenue teaching quality lecturer hiring student investment educational investment university ranking United States universities QS World University Rankings higher education finance academic excellence student performance university competition educational policy public vs private funding university fees state funding class sizes spending per student funding improvement quality of teaching best lecturers student quality educational investment top universities United States education QS World University Rankings university investment higher education quality free university education educational signals university ranking educational improvement university attendance education quality university fees state funding class sizes student spending funding improvement teaching quality student quality investment in education top universities QS rankings higher education policy university investment educational investment free university education fee-paying universities education improvement university performance educational standards academic prestige quality education free university fees funding state class-sizes spending students improvement teaching lecturers investment higher quality-students United-States top-ranked universities QS-World-University-Rankings
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro03a	Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 Cameras encourage efficiency and high standards.  Placing cameras into courtrooms encourages the judiciary and lawyers to increase their efficiency and have high standards of behaviour, because they are aware that it will be carried outside of the courtroom by public viewing. The introductions of cameras to the Houses of Parliament in the UK resulted in significantly improved standards of debate, greater punctuality, and greater attendance of MPs [1] . We can expect this same principle to continue in courtrooms when cameras are put in place.  [1]  , accessed 06/08/11 cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers efficiency high standards public viewing Houses of Parliament UK debate punctuality attendance MPs transparency accountability cameras courtrooms efficiency high standards public viewing Houses of Parliament UK improved standards debate punctuality attendance MPs judiciary lawyers behavior introduction principle impact transparency accountability cameras courtrooms efficiency high standards judiciary lawyers public viewing Houses of Parliament UK standards of debate punctuality MP attendance behavioural improvement transparency accountability Cameras courtroom efficiency high standards judicial behavior public viewing Houses of Parliament improved standards debate quality MP punctuality MP attendance transparency accountability courtroom transparency legal proceedings public scrutiny behavioral improvement professional conduct judicial accountability Cameras courtrooms judiciary lawyers efficiency high standards public viewing Houses of Parliament UK standards of debate punctuality attendance MPs transparency accountability behavioral improvement legal proceedings technological integration courtroom conduct public scrutiny legislative behavior courtroom cameras judicial efficiency high standards public viewing parliamentary cameras improved debate MP punctuality MP attendance camera influence legal standards transparency accountability courtroom cameras judicial efficiency high standards public viewing Houses of Parliament improved debate MP punctuality MP attendance transparency accountability Cameras courtrooms efficiency high standards judiciary lawyers public viewing Houses of Parliament UK standards of debate punctuality attendance MPs improvement behavior principle expectation cameras courtrooms efficiency high standards judiciary lawyers public viewing Houses of Parliament UK improved standards debate punctuality attendance MPs principle implementation cameras courtrooms efficiency high standards public viewing judiciary lawyers Houses of Parliament UK debate punctuality MP attendance transparency accountability
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con04a	It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 It impedes economic progress.  Extra-security measures only impede, or halt the flow of trade [1] , make the country harder to deal with - less internationally ‘friendly’, and disrupt communities. Security states almost always have slower growth than freer states because there is extra red tape, transport networks are slowed down, for example airport check ins take much longer. The U.S. Travel Association, says on average, in the United States as a result of the airport security measures each person avoids two to three trips a year because of the hassles of airport-security screening. That amounts to an estimated $85 billion in lost business for hotels, restaurants, airlines and other travel suppliers. [2] And this is even before the losses caused by unproductive hours, and deterred investment. All these things will decrease incomes and GDP growth.  [1] Verrue, Robert, ‘Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade’, The European institute, Spring 2004,   [2] McCartney, Scott, ‘Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience’, Wall Street Journal, 1 September 2011,  , accessed 9 September 2011 economic progress security measures trade flow international friendliness community disruption security states growth red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association travel avoidance lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment income decrease GDP growth economic progress extra-security measures halt trade international unfriendliness security states slower growth red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth tighter security world trade security screening travel reduction economic progress extra-security measures halt trade international unfriendliness security states slower growth red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association travel avoidance lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers lost productivity deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth security screening travel industry economic impact security vs convenience policy balance economic consequences international trade Robert Verrue Scott McCartney travel disruption economic decline security measures economic harm economic progress extra-security measures trade flow country unfriendly security states slower growth freer states red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association travel avoidance airport security lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth tighter security world trade security-convenience balance economic progress extra-security measures impede trade international unfriendliness community disruption security states slower growth red tape transport slowdown airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association avoided trips lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth tighter security world trade balance security convenience economic progress extra-security measures impede halt trade country unfriendly disrupt communities security states slower growth freer states extra red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers lost GDP unproductive hours deterred investment incomes economic impact security vs. convenience Robert Verrue Scott McCartney The European Institute Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures impede halt trade international unfriendliness security states slower growth freer states red tape transport networks airport check-ins longer U.S. Travel Association avoided trips lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth tighter security world trade balance convenience economic progress extra-security measures halt trade red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment incomes GDP growth security states freer states disrupt communities international friendliness slower growth Verrue Robert Tighter Security Must Not Slow Down World Trade McCartney Scott Aiming to Balance Security and Convenience Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures halt trade international unfriendly disrupt communities security states slower growth freer states red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association avoid trips lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decrease incomes GDP growth Verrue Robert tighter security slow world trade European institute McCartney Scott balance security convenience Wall Street Journal economic progress extra-security measures halt trade international unfriendliness communities disruption security states slower growth red tape transport networks airport check-ins U.S. Travel Association avoided trips lost business hotels restaurants airlines travel suppliers unproductive hours deterred investment decreased incomes GDP growth Verrue Robert tighter security world trade McCartney Scott security convenience balance
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con02a	Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, Reparations and the use of the term 'cultural appropriation' is a mask for more deep-rooted issues of racism in society.  The use of compensation as a means of redress for cultural appropriation doesn’t tackle the root problems that are expressed. The problems given as examples of cultural appropriation, like a Caucasian person wearing their hair in dreadlocks- a style that has meaning and historic prejudice to the afro-Caribbean community is redirecting attention and division. The individuals wearing their hair in this fashion however are not the problem. Demanding compensation from them 'does not challenge racism in any meaningful way' [1]. Instead targeting and punishing those who actively discriminate against those with the dreadlock style of hair is more effective and encourages equality.  [1] Malik, Kenan, ‘The Bane of Cultural Appropriation’, AlJazeera, 14th April 2016, reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress root problems examples Caucasian dreadlocks afro-Caribbean redirecting attention division individuals problem discrimination effective equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress root problems examples Caucasian dreadlocks afro-Caribbean prejudice attention division individuals problem discrimination equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera reparations cultural appropriation racism compensation redress dreadlocks afro-Caribbean Caucasian hair style historic prejudice root problems discrimination equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera Reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress root problems examples Caucasian dreadlocks afro-Caribbean historic prejudice redirecting attention division individuals problem discrimination effective equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera Reparations cultural appropriation racism compensation dreadlocks afro-Caribbean Caucasian hair style historic prejudice redress root problems division discrimination equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera cultural appropriation racism reparations compensation dreadlocks Afro-Caribbean Caucasian equality discrimination Kenan Malik Al Jazeera deep-rooted issues social problems meaningful challenge redirecting attention punitive measures redress root problems hairstyle significance historical prejudice reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress root problems examples Caucasian hair dreadlocks afro-Caribbean community historic prejudice redirecting attention division individuals problem targeting punishing discrimination effective equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera reparations cultural appropriation racism society compensation redress root problems dreadlocks afro-caribbean prejudice division equality discrimination Kenan Malik Al Jazeera reparations cultural appropriation racism compensation redress root problems Caucasian dreadlocks afro-Caribbean historic prejudice attention division discrimination equality Kenan Malik AlJazeera cultural appropriation racism reparations redress compensation dreadlocks afro-caribbean caucasian discrimination equality kenan malik aljazeera deep-rooted issues societal problems meaningful challenge redirecting attention punishment active discrimination
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro02a	Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, Witnesses might be identified and placed in danger  Televising criminal trials may cause a number of problems with witnesses. It may make individuals less likely to give evidence, make them more likely to play to the television audience, or make the already intimidating process of giving evidence in court more so. Also, television broadcasts make it more likely that the identities of anonymized witnesses would leak out – something that has already happened at the ICC in the Ruto-Sang case [1] .  The ICC already has problems with witnesses, including allegations of bribing and intimidating prosecution witnesses in the Ruto case [2] , which has led to Walter Barasa, a Kenyan Journalist, being subject to an arrest warrant [3] . Ending the televising of trials may go some way to remedy those problems.  [1] Lattus, Asumpta, ‘Evenson: ‘First time arrest warrant has been issued in Kenya case’, Deutsche Welle, 2 October 2013,   [2] Stewart, Catrina, ‘ICC on trials along with Kenya’s elite amid claims of bribery and intimidation’, The Guardian, 1 October 2013,   [3] ‘ICC seeks Walter Barasa arrest for Kenya ‘witness tampering’, BBC News, 2 October 2013, witness protection televising trials criminal proceedings jury tampering witness intimidation ICC trials Ruto-Sang case Walter Barasa arrest warrant Kenya case evidence giving television audience witness anonymity judicial process courtroom intimidation witness bribing legal proceedings media impact court proceedings trial broadcasting witnesses danger televising criminal trials problems evidence television audience intimidation court anonymized witnesses identities leak ICC Ruto-Sang case witness bribery witness intimidation Walter Barasa Kenyan Journalist arrest warrant Kenya trials remedy Evenson Asumpta Lattus Deutsche Welle Catrina Stewart The Guardian BBC News witness intimidation televising trials witness anonymity witness tampering ICC proceedings criminal trials evidence giving television audience court intimidation legal broadcasting witness protection trial televising judicial process courtroom witnesses legal challenges trial coverage public trials witness bribery international court judicial transparency witness safety televising trials criminal proceedings evidence intimidation audience influence court testimony witness anonymity ICC proceedings witness tampering legal proceedings trial broadcasting judicial integrity Kenya case Ruto-Sang trial Walter Barasa arrest warrant witness bribery legal challenges court procedures media impact on trials witness intimidation televising trials criminal proceedings evidence tampering court proceedings public trials judicial integrity witness protection international criminal court ICC Ruto-Sang case Walter Barasa arrest warrant Kenya bribery jury tampering media influence legal ethics judicial fairness witness anonymity televising impacts courtroom intimidation legal proceedings public opinion legal challenges trial publicity court security legal reforms witness support trial transparency telecast effects courtroom behavior judicial process witness testimony legal procedures judicial system trial issues courtroom dynamics legal controversy trial integrity witness protection televising trials witness intimidation witness anonymity criminal trials evidence giving television audience trial broadcasting ICC Ruto-Sang case witness bribery Walter Barasa arrest warrant Kenya witness tampering court proceedings public trials judicial process legal issues media impact witnesses danger televising trials problems evidence television audience intimidating identities anonymized leak ICC Ruto-Sang case allegations bribing intimidating prosecution witnesses Walter Barasa arrest warrant Kenya witness tampering judicial process public trial court security privacy media impact legal proceedings testimony justice system criminal justice trial integrity witness protection anonymity media coverage court proceedings legal challenges intimidation bribery witnesses danger televising criminal trials problems evidence television audience intimidating anonymized witnesses identities leak ICC Ruto-Sang case bribing intimidating prosecution witnesses Walter Barasa arrest warrant Kenya witness tampering televising trials witness safety witness intimidation witness tampering public broadcasting court proceedings criminal justice ICC Ruto-Sang case Walter Barasa Kenya evidence giving television audience judicial process anonymity leaks prosecutor witnesses bribery allegations arrest warrant judicial integrity media impact on trials legal reform trial transparency courtroom challenges witness protection international criminal court judicial ethics media and law trial publicity witness testimony courtroom psychology legal proceedings judicial challenges courtroom witness legal issues media coverage trial process judicial concerns telecast impact legal protection witness televising trials witness intimidation witness anonymity criminal proceedings legal broadcasting public trials court television witness protection judicial process international criminal court ICC Ruto-Sang case witness tampering Walter Barasa Kenya journalism legal ethics trial transparency public interest judicial integrity
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro01a	National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 National security is something that must be protected even at the cost of  Terrorism is part of the modern world and is inextricably linked with the rise of modern communications, the internet, and a global community. This is an age in which space and time are bending to the tune of new media – information at your fingertips may sound nice, but for those who want to destroy, it only makes their object easier to attain. And so more strict national security measures must be employed in order to keep up with the enemy. Escalation is the name of the game imposed on governments around the world by terrorists for example the Mumbai terrorists used GPS systems to guide them into Mumbai, attacks were coordinated on cell and satellite phones and Blackberrys were used to monitor the international reaction [1] . In order to keep up states need new powers to stop, deter, and prevent terrorism. The government needs to secure state-security first; only then can the debate on civil liberties begin, and only then.  [1] Shachtman, Noah, ‘How Gadgets Helped Mumbai Attackers’, Wired, 1 December 2008,  , accessed 9 September 2011 national security terrorism modern communications internet global community space and time new media information destruction strict measures government enemy escalation GPS systems cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction state-security civil liberties Mumbai attacks Noah Shachtman Wired national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information access destruction strict measures government powers state security civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS coordinated attacks cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction tech in terrorism security vs liberty government response terrorist tactics digital age security national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information technology space and time new media information accessibility destruction security measures government powers state-security civil liberties GPS systems coordinated attacks cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys Mumbai attacks technological escalation government response security vs privacy National security terrorism modern communications internet global community information access destructive capabilities strict security measures government powers state security civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS systems coordinated attacks cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction government response security escalation terrorist tactics technological advancements security vs. freedom national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information access destructive intentions strict security measures governmental powers state-security civil liberties GPS systems Mumbai attacks coordinated attacks cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction security vs. privacy technological advancements counter-terrorism strategies national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information access destruction strict measures government powers state security civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS systems cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction prevention deterrence national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information access destructive intent security measures government powers civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS systems cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction state-security security escalation technological advancements terrorist coordination national security terrorism modern communications internet global community information accessibility destruction security measures government powers state security civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS systems cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction security escalation terrorist coordination technological impact on security National security terrorism modern communications internet global community information accessibility destructive use of technology strict security measures government powers state security civil liberties Mumbai attacks GPS cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys terrorist coordination Shachtman Wired government response security escalation civil rights debate National security terrorism modern communications internet global community information age space and time new media information access destruction strict measures government escalation states new powers stop terrorism deter terrorism prevent terrorism secure state-security civil liberties Mumbai terrorists GPS systems attacks coordination cell phones satellite phones Blackberrys international reaction Shachtman Wired December 2008 September 2011
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro04a	Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deters future offences  By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2].  Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3].  [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org,   [2] Grono, Nick, ‘ The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders ’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, Deterrence future offences prosecuting crimes humanity war crimes leaders accountability legal system societal strength justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC prosecution Vincente Castrano AUC demobilisation human rights violations government leaders international crimes future offences prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes deterrence legal accountability societal strengthening justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC demobilisation massive human rights violations government leaders international crimes deters future offences prosecuting crimes against humanity war crimes future leaders dissuaded committing acts criminals held accountable reliability legal system society strengthened sense of justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia 2006 Peace and Justice Law domestic prosecution ICC former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC paramilitary leader demobilisation deterrence international crimes government leaders deters future offences prosecuting crimes against humanity war crimes future leaders dissuaded from committing acts criminals held accountable reliability of legal system society strengthened sense of justice upheld Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC prosecution former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC paramilitary leader demobilisation deterrence effect international crimes government leaders Deters future offences prosecuting crimes against humanity war crimes future leaders dissuaded accountability legal system society justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC demobilisation massive Human Rights Violations Government Leaders International Crimes Deterrent Effect future offences prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes future leaders deterrence accountability legal system reliability society justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC paramilitary leader demobilisation human rights violations government leaders international crimes deterrent effect future offences prosecuting crimes against humanity war crimes leaders dissuaded accountability legal system society justice Office of the Prosecutor Colombia Peace and Justice Law ICC former President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC paramilitary demobilisation human rights violations deterrent effect government leaders international crimes deters future offences prosecuting crimes humanity war crimes leaders dissuaded accountability legal system reliability society strengthened justice upheld rectified Office Prosecutor Colombia Peace Justice Law domestic prosecution ICC threat concerned President Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC paramilitary demobilisation massive human rights violations deterrent effect government international leaders commission deterrence prosecution crimes against humanity war crimes accountability legal system societal strength justice ICC Colombia Peace and Justice Law Vincente Castrano AUC demobilisation international crimes government leaders deterrence war crimes crimes against humanity prosecution legal system international criminal court ICC peace and justice law Colombia government leaders human rights violations societal strengthening justice accountability demobilisation paramilitary groups former president Pastrana Vincente Castrano AUC
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro03a	The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. The Settlements are seen by Palestinians as a sign of bad faith on the part of Israel, and therefore weaken the hand of Pro-Peace elements  As important as the existence of the settlements themselves is their continued growth. The very fact that Israel has continued to ostensibly negotiate for the independence of a Palestinian state in the West Bank on one hand while rapidly expanding the population and the size of Israeli settlements can be interpreted as a sign of bad faith.  For one thing, it raises questions of the seriousness with which Israel is attempting to reach an agreement. Even if the programs of Settlement expansion are intended as a temporary policy in lieu of a settlement, the very fact that Israel’s plan B is arguably as popular as peace, and being pursued with far more vigour could lead many Palestinians to conclude that Israel is attempting to run out the clock.  The consequences of this are inauspicious for the Peace Process. As Palestinian faith in the prospect of peaceful negotiations falters, groups like Hamas are likely to find an increasingly receptive audience for their view that only force will compel Israel to negotiate seriously. This in turn will make compromise all the more difficult to achieve. Settlements Palestinians Israel bad faith Pro-Peace West Bank expansion negotiation independence plan B Hamas force compromise Peace Process settlements palestinians israel bad faith pro-peace growth negotiations west bank population expansion plan B peace process faith compromise hamas force receptive audience run out the clock seriousness agreement inauspicious militant conflict settlements palestinians israel bad faith pro-peace negotiation west bank expansion population growth plan B peace process faith compromise hamas force receptive audience settlements bad faith Palestinians Israel pro-peace elements continued growth negotiations West Bank independence peace process temporary policy plan B Hamas force compromise receptive audience run out the clock vigilance international pressure diplomatic efforts humanitarian concerns territorial disputes historical context political dynamics regional stability security concerns international law human rights socioeconomic impacts cultural narratives media influence public opinion grassroots movements peace activists governmental policies legislative actions settlement expansion Israeli-Palestinian conflict two-state solution territorial integrity self-determination conflict resolution settlements Palestinians bad faith Israel Pro-Peace growth negotiations West Bank independence population expansion temporary policy plan B peace Hamas force compromise inauspicious faith prospects peaceful negotiations receptive audience 跑题 无关词汇已删除 Israeli settlements Palestinian perspective bad faith Pro-Peace elements settlement growth negotiations Palestinian state West Bank settlement expansion temporary policy plan B peace process Palestinian faith Hamas compromise force negotiation Israeli policy Palestinian independence vigour inauspicious consequences receptive audience peaceful negotiations compelling Israel serious agreement running out the clock settlements Palestinians bad faith Pro-Peace elements growth existence negotiations independence West Bank population size questions seriousness agreement temporary policy plan B popular peace vigour run out the clock Peace Process faith falter Hamas receptive force compel negotiate compromise difficult settlements Palestinians bad faith Pro-Peace West Bank negotiation independence expansion population growth plan B peace Hamas force compromise inauspicious clock running receptive audience negotiation falter compromise difficulty settlements Palestinians bad faith Israel pro-peace West Bank negotiations expansion population growth plan B peace process Hamas force compromise settlements Palestinians bad faith Pro-Peace growth negotiations independence West Bank expansion policy plan B peace temporary clock consequences Peace Process faith Hamas force compromise
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con02a	Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, Elections of any sort force rulers to meet their people  Elections almost anywhere in the world mean politicians getting out and campaigning. Regardless of the legitimacy of the final election the leadership of the country will be going out and meeting voters. In many of these events individuals won’t be able to express their views but there are also likely to be protests and meetings where individuals can get their views across. This provides an opportunity for the leader to stay in touch with the people – often a problem with dictators who have been in power too long.  Dictators will want to, and often believe that they are likely to win even without resort to fraud, as Marcos did in 1985. [1] They are then are much more likely to consider the views of the electorate to still be relevant if there are elections than if there are not. Thus for example Mugabe in the most recent elections made a bid for, and won, the youth vote by promising a direct stake in the economy, [2] so responding to their desire for jobs. [3]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  p. 10  [2] Agyemang, Roy, ‘Why a Robert Mugabe victory would be good for Zimbabwe’, theguardian.com, 2 August 2013,   [3] AFP, ‘Youth, rural voters may hold key to Zimbabwe election’, Fox News, 27 July 2013, elections rulers campaigning voter interaction legitimacy protests leader accountability dictatorship public opinion electoral fraud political promises youth vote economic stake job creation foreign policy Zimbabwe Marcos Mugabe elections rulers people politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership voters protests meetings views opportunity leader touch people dictators power Marcos 1985 dictators win fraud electorate relevant elections Mugabe recent elections bid youth vote promise economy jobs Zimbabwe U.S. Foreign Policymaking Robert Mugabe victory good rural voters key election elections rulers meet people campaigning legitimacy leadership voter interaction protests meetings views leader stay in touch dictators power dictatorship Marcos 1985 win fraud electorate relevance views Mugabe recent elections youth vote economy jobs Zimbabwe U.S. foreign policy policymaking rural voters election key elections campaigning voter interaction protests leader accountability dictatorship electoral legitimacy Marcos 1985 election Mugabe youth vote economic opportunity job creation foreign policy Zimbabwe election rural voters voter engagement political promises electoral fraud elections rulers meet people campaigning legitimacy leadership voter interaction protests meetings views expressed leader accountability dictators power election fraud Marcos 1985 Mugabe youth vote economy jobs U.S. foreign policy Zimbabwe election elections campaigning politician voter protest leader people dictator legitimacy fraud views electorate jobs economy youth vote Zimbabwe Marcos 1985 Mugabe foreign policy U.S. 1992 Kline Agyemang AFP Fox News theguardian.com rural voters stake political participation democratic process elections campaigning voter interaction political protests leader accountability dictatorship election legitimacy Marcos 1985 Mugabe youth vote economic promises job creation U.S. foreign policy Zimbabwe election elections rulers meet people politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership voters events express views protests meetings opportunity stay touch dictators power want win fraud Marcos 1985 relevant Mugabe recent elections bid youth vote promise stake economy jobs Kline William Fall Marcos Problem U.S. Foreign Policymaking Agyemang Roy Robert Mugabe victory Zimbabwe AFP rural voters key Fox News elections rulers people politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership country voters events views protests meetings opportunity leader touch dictators power fraud Marcos 1985 electorate Mugabe elections youth vote economy jobs Kline William E. Fall of Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Agyemang Roy Zimbabwe AFP rural voters Zimbabwe election elections rulers people politicians campaigning legitimacy leadership voters protests meetings views opportunity leaders touch dictators power Marcos 1985 dictators win fraud electorate views Mugabe elections youth vote economy jobs Agyemang Zimbabwe AFP rural voters Fox News Kline U.S. Foreign Policymaking Institute for the Study of Diplomacy
test-politics-glghssi-pro02a	Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution has demonstrated the ability of Scots to govern themselves not only as well as Westminster but with more civility  Not only has the policy agenda been different in Scotland but so has the model of politics. It has seen the emergence of new political parties and a better representation of the diversity within existing ones.  The nature of political discourse, although vigorous and not as consensual as initially hoped, has proved to be more consensual – both during the time of the SNP minority administration and the preceding coalitions than politics south of the border. [i]  The contrast between the coalition governments at Holyrood, the Scottish parliament, where Scottish Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats were allied between 1999 and 2007, and the internecine warfare going on between Conservative and Liberal members of the current Westminster coalition could not be more stark.  [i] Cairney, Paul, ‘Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland’, Political Studies Associations Conference, 1 April 2010, Devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda political model Scotland new political parties diversity political discourse consensus SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish Parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats internecine warfare Westminster coalition Cairney Paul 'Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland' Political Studies Associations Conference 1 April 2010 devolution Scots self-governance Westminster policy agenda Scottish politics political parties diversity political discourse consensual SNP minority administration coalitions Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal Westminster coalition internecine warfare Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Political Studies Associations Conference Devolution Scots self-governance Westminster civility policy agenda political model Scotland new political parties diversity representation political discourse consensuality SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal members Westminster coalition internecine warfare Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Political Studies Associations Conference Scottish governance devolution benefits political civility policy differences Scottish political model new political parties diversity in politics political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Westminster coalition internecine warfare Conservative-Liberal coalition Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Scottish self-governance political civility Westminster comparison policy differences Scottish politics model new political parties diversity representation political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration coalition governments Scottish parliament Holyrood Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Westminster coalition internecine warfare political studies minority government Paul Cairney Political Studies Associations Conference Devolution Scots governance Westminster civility policy agenda politics model new political parties diversity representation political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats internecine warfare Conservative Westminster coalition Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Political Studies Associations Conference devolution Scots self-governance Westminster civility policy agenda Scottish politics political model new political parties diversity political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats coalition government Westminster coalition internecine warfare Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Political Studies Associations Conference Devolution Scots self-governance Westminster civility policy agenda politics model new political parties diversity representation political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats internecine warfare Westminster coalition Paul Cairney Coalition and Minority Government in Scotland Political Studies Associations Conference devolution Scots self-governance Westminster civility policy agenda political model Scotland new political parties diversity political discourse consensual politics SNP minority administration coalition governments Holyrood Scottish parliament Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Westminster coalition Conservative Liberal members political contrasts Paul Cairney Political Studies Associations Conference Devolution Scots govern Westminster civility policy agenda Scotland political model new political parties diversity political discourse consensual SNP minority administration coalitions Scottish parliament Holyrood Scottish Labour Scottish Liberal Democrats Conservative Liberal Westminster coalition political representation governance political diversity political consensus internecine warfare coalition government
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro05a	The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ The justice system does not currently work  A major failing in current anti-poaching operations is that the poachers are rarely prosecuted. African legal systems rarely prioritise poaching as a serious crime, with offenders usually receiving trivial fines1. One of the major reasons for the Western black rhinoceros’ extinction in 2011 was the complete lack of sentencing for any of the poachers who were captured. [1] The system also fails to prosecute the brains behind many of the operations due to poor investigative methods. This creates an impression in the minds of the poachers that they can operate with impunity. [2]  [1] Mathur, A. ‘Western Black Rhino Poached Out of Existence; Declared Extinct, Slack Anti-Poaching Efforts Responsible’  [2] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’ justice system anti-poaching prosecution poachers African legal systems trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing investigative methods impunity militarization conservation wildlife crime legal reform enforcement criminal justice environmental law rhino poaching wildlife trafficking legal priorities poaching networks prosecution rates judicial response law enforcement biodiversity protection justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization wildlife crime conservation enforcement legal reform environmental law justice system anti-poaching operations poachers prosecuted African legal systems poaching serious crime offenders trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack sentencing poachers prosecute operation leaders poor investigative methods poachers operate impunity slack anti-poaching efforts militarization fated fail justice system anti-poaching operations poachers prosecuted African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack of sentencing poachers captured poor investigative methods brains behind operations poachers impunity militarization fail African poaching war justice system anti-poaching prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization failure justice system anti-poaching operations poachers prosecution African legal systems poaching seriousness trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack of sentencing poachers impunity poor investigative methods militarization failure justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction 2011 sentencing poachers investigative methods impunity militarization war on poaching justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution failures African legal systems poaching seriousness trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing lack poacher impunity poor investigative methods poaching kingpins militarization conservation failures wildlife crime legal reform poaching punishments environmental law endangered species protection rhino poaching African wildlife legal enforcement criminal networks poaching prevention wildlife trafficking international cooperation law enforcement strategies judicial awareness sentencing guidelines community involvement poaching deterrents legal prioritization wildlife justice anti-poaching policy judicial system weaknesses legal justice system anti-poaching operations prosecution poachers African legal systems serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction sentencing investigative methods impunity militarization conservation wildlife crime enforcement judicial reform environmental law rhino poaching justice system anti-poaching operations poachers prosecuted African legal systems poaching serious crime trivial fines Western black rhinoceros extinction lack sentencing poachers captured brains operations poor investigative methods poachers impunity militarization poaching
test-philosophy-elkosmj-pro01a	As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. As humans we try to save as many people as possible  There exists a basic right to life which, as humans, we try to follow. Killing others is outlawed because we generally believe that every person has the right to live their life and no one else has the right to take that life away. In the situation with the train there are two possible outcomes which both lead to life being cut short. Due to the fact that we place such value on life we have a duty to reduce the number of people who die. One ought to commit the act that results in the fewest deaths, and this is to kill the one and save the five. moral duty ethical responsibility right to life value of life utilitarianism least harm greater good humanitarianism life preservation ethical dilemma trolley problem sacrifice minimization of harm moral choice life-saving actions consequentialism ethical decision-making human rights preservation of life moral philosophy ethical theories moral psychology decision ethics moral reasoning life ethics humanitarian ethics moral principles ethical frameworks moral actions ethical considerations life ethics ethical decision moral obligations moral values ethical standards ethical conduct moral guidelines ethical behavior moral norms ethical stance human ethics moral philosophy right to life value of life consequentialism utilitarianism duty to save trolley problem moral decision making killing vs letting die moral psychology ethical dilemmas right to life duty to preserve life moral obligation ethical dilemma trolley problem minimizing harm greater good utilitarian perspective moral philosophy human rights life preservation killing vs. letting die moral actions ethical decision-making value of life sacrifice for greater good life-saving actions ethical theories moral principles human ethics right to life legal prohibitions moral philosophy utilitarianism trolley problem duty to reduce harm moral responsibility ethical decision-making life preservation moral dilemmas least harm principle consequentialism moral reasoning human values life value ethical theories moral psychology ethical choices minimizing deaths humanitarian ethics moral duty right to life non-maleficence utilitarianism trolley problem life preservation ethical decision-making greatest good harm minimization moral philosophy justice compassion survival deontological ethics consequentialism moral dilemmas ethical decision-making trolley problem utilitarianism right to life value of life minimizing harm saving lives moral responsibility consequences of actions ethical theories duty to protect life versus death majority versus minority moral philosophy human rights legal prohibitions moral psychology life-saving actions ethical reasoning moral implications conflicting values moral judgments ethical principles moral obligations ethical choices consequences of killing moral disputes life preservation moral standards ethical conduct human ethics moral reasoning moral complexity ethical perspectives ethical frameworks moral values ethical norms human rights right to life moral duty ethical decision-making utilitarianism trolley problem reducing harm saving lives legal prohibitions value of life moral philosophy ethical dilemmas life preservation consequentialism moral philosophy ethical dilemma trolley problem right to life duty to save fewer deaths utilitarianism deontological ethics life value moral responsibility humanitarian ethics right to life moral duty utilitarianism trolley problem least harm principle ethical decision-making value of life moral philosophy moral psychology ethical dilemmas life preservation moral obligations death prevention moral reasoning right to life duty to save minimize harm moral obligation ethical dilemma trolley problem value of life fewest deaths human rights killing vs. saving moral philosophy ethical decision-making
test-philosophy-npegiepp-pro05a	Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs played a crucial role in integration  The role of supranational entrepreneurs within the development of integration within Europe has been crucial. Characters such as Jean Monnet envisaged and worked continuously towards uniting Europe. As the head of France's General Planning Commission, Monnet was the real author of what has become known as the 1950 Schuman Plan to create the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), forerunner of the Common Market. Later a similar role was played by Jacques Delors with the creation of the Single European Act (SEA) and the all-important 1992 project that would see the single market and eventually fully Economic and Monetary Union complete. These characters act in support of integration within Europe and represent an empirical example of cultivated spill-over. Unmitigated pressure from Delors in pushing for the single market ensured that it became a reality in the time it did. Supranational Entrepreneurs integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 project Economic and Monetary Union EMU single market cultivated spill-over unmitigated pressure uniting Europe General Planning Commission Schuman Plan Supranational Entrepreneurs Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Integration Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Single European Act Economic and Monetary Union Cultivated Spill-over European Common Market 1992 Project Single Market Unmitigated Pressure European Policy Making European Union Development European Community European Economic Integration EU Political Architecture European Historical Figures European Union Institutions European Integration Process European Political Economy European Historical Events European Policy Influence Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 project Economic and Monetary Union EMU supranational entrepreneurs European integration cultivated spill-over General Planning Commission Schuman Plan single market unmitigated pressure Supranational Entrepreneurs European Integration Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 Project Economic and Monetary Union Cultivated Spill-Over Unmitigated Pressure Single Market Reality supranational entrepreneurs integration Jean Monnet General Planning Commission Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Jacques Delors Single European Act 1992 project single market Economic and Monetary Union cultivated spill-over unmitigated pressure Supranational Entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet General Planning Commission Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Jacques Delors Single European Act 1992 project single market Economic and Monetary Union cultivated spill-over unmitigated pressure Supranational Entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet General Planning Commission Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Jacques Delors Single European Act 1992 project Economic and Monetary Union single market spill-over supranational governance European Union institutional entrepreneurship policy-making European integration political unification economic cooperation Supranational Entrepreneurs Integration Europe Jean Monnet General Planning Commission Schuman Plan European Coal and Steel Community Jacques Delors Single European Act 1992 project Single Market Economic and Monetary Union Cultivated Spill-Over Unmitigated Pressure supranational entrepreneurs european integration jean monnet schuman plan european coal and steel community jacques delors single european act 1992 project economic and monetary union cultivated spill-over france's general planning commission european common market single market unmitigated pressure Supranational Entrepreneurs integration Europe Jean Monnet Jacques Delors European Coal and Steel Community ECSC Common Market Single European Act SEA 1992 project single market Economic and Monetary Union spill-over unmitigated pressure empirical example
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con01a	The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 The UK needs to be part of a block to remain relevant  History is moving towards bigger and bigger blocks being relevant. The US and USSR dwarfed the previous global power the UK [1] and China and India look set too be bigger again. In a world where the great powers are regions of the globe in themselves to be influential requires being part of a bigger group. The EU negotiates on equal terms with China, India and the USA. The UK on its own would be very much a second order power.  [1] See Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Random House, 1987 UK block remain relevant history bigger blocks US USSR global power China India world great powers regions influential bigger group EU China India USA negotiate second order power Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Random House 1987 UK block remain relevant history bigger blocks US USSR global power China India world great powers regions influential bigger group EU negotiates equal terms second order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Random House 1987 UK block remain relevant history bigger blocks relevance global powers US USSR UK power China India great powers regions influence EU negotiation China India USA second order power Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall of the Great Powers global influence international relations power dynamics economic blocs political alliances strategic partnerships global competition sovereignty trade agreements diplomatic influence UK block remain relevant history bigger blocks US USSR global power China India world great powers regions influential bigger group EU negotiates equal terms second order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Random House 1987 UK relevance global powers historical context power dynamics regional blocs European Union international negotiation second-order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers historical analysis geopolitical strategy economic influence international relations global competition superpowers USSR USA China India EU membership strategic alliances power blocs international standing global governance political influence economic blocs regional cooperation international agreements global economics power shifts historical trends geopolitical alliances international power structures global politics strategic partnerships economic power political power historical power transitions international diplomacy UK part block remain relevant history moving bigger blocks US USSR global power China India world great powers regions influential bigger group EU negotiates equal terms second order power Paul Kennedy Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Random House 1987 UK global relevance political blocks international power dynamics EU China India USA USSR regional influence global powers Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers historical context economic alliances geopolitical strategy diplomatic negotiation second-order power international relations historical trends power blocs national sovereignty trade agreements strategic alliances global governance international organizations multilateralism unilateralism economic strength political influence global competition strategic partnerships international cooperation regional integration superpowers emerging economies historical analysis geopolitical shifts strategic importance global landscape international community power UK EU global power international relevance regional blocs economic influence political clout superpowers US USSR China India historical context Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers UK global relevance political blocks historical power shifts EU China India USA USSR regional powers international influence second-order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers global politics economic blocs international negotiations geopolitical strategy UK block relevance history global powers US USSR China India influence EU negotiations second-order power Paul Kennedy The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con02a	We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . We already recognise that we cannot place complete trust in juries.  Although we recognise that juries can provide valuable insight and represent the will of the general public in court cases [1] (and especially the communities in which the crimes occurred [2] ), there is also recognition that juries can be subject to bias [3] . Britain has even suggested plans to restrict the right to trial by jury in order to prevent undue bias from affecting court cases [4] . Elsewhere, experts are debating over whether jurors should learn about ‘a victim’s sexual history in rape cases where the defendant asserts that the accuser consented to sex, or a victim's propensity for violence in murder cases where the accused claims self-defense’ [5] because of fears that it might cause juror bias. We do not grant ultimate knowledge to jurors, nor should we; it endangers the potential for an unbiased trial.  [1] Lawson Neal, and Simms, Andrew, ‘A People’s Jury of a thousand angry citizens’, The Guardian, 31 July 2011.  [2] New Jersey Courts, ‘Welcome to the New Jersey Court System’, judiciary.state.nj.us, 2011.  [3] Howard Nations, ‘Overcoming Jury Bias’  [4] Davies, Patricia Wynn, ‘Plans to restrict right to trial by jury condemned’, The Independent, 28 February 1997.  [5] Silverglate, Harvey A., and Poulson, Dan, ‘Getting Real at the SJC’, Massachusetts Lawyers Weekly, 30 May 2005 . jury bias trial fairness public representation community values legal reform trial by jury expert testimony victim history juror education unbiased trial legal safeguards court procedures victim consent self-defense claims juror selection jury deliberation judicial oversight legal ethics courtroom practices trial integrity jury bias trial by jury public opinion in courts juror selection legal reforms jury trials victim's sexual history self-defense claims juror education legal controversies courtroom bias unbiased trial jury restrictions community representation in trials judicial system improvements juror decision-making legal system trust judicial reform debates trial fairness jury bias trial by jury public opinion in trials juror decision-making legal reforms jury restrictions victim's sexual history victim's propensity for violence self-defense claims consent in rape cases unbiased trials legal expert opinions judicial system reforms community representation in trials British legal system American legal system juror education trial fairness legal ethics judicial policy criminal justice victim rights defendant rights jury bias jury trials public representation community perspective legal reform trial by jury Britain legal system juror education victim history rape cases self-defense claims unbiased trials legal ethics judicial fairness jury deliberation courtroom procedures legal debates judicial changes judicial trust judicial insight jury bias trial by jury public will in court cases community representation juror education victim's sexual history victim's propensity for violence unbiased trial judicial reform trial restrictions defendant's rights victim's rights legal debate courtroom procedures jury selection juror education legal ethics judicial fairness judicial trust jury bias trial by jury public will in court cases community representation bias in court cases juror bias trial restrictions victim's sexual history rape cases jury insights unbiased trials self-defense claims legal reforms judicial system juror education crime cases jury right court case fairness legal experts victim's propensity for violence jury system legal debate trial fairness judicial reforms juror selection courtroom bias trial process legal ethics victim's past rape trial murder trial legal procedures jury deliberation court reforms juror prejudice jury duty legal jury bias trial by jury juror insight public representation court cases community perspective legal bias Britain jury restrictions juror education victim's history rape cases murder cases self-defense claims unbiased trials jury trust legal reforms judicial system public opinion legal experts court procedures jury bias trial by jury public will in court cases community representation Britain jury restrictions victim's sexual history rape cases self-defense claims unbiased trial juror knowledge jury reforms legal debates victim propensity for violence court system representation jury insights legal system trust jury bias trial fairness public representation judicial reform victim history juror education unbiased trial legal ethics court system community perspective defendant rights trial by jury legal debate Britain legal changes self-defense claims rape case trials juror decision-making legal expert opinions courtroom procedures judicial oversight jury bias trial fairness public representation community impact legal reform Britain jury restrictions rape case evidence murder case evidence victim history juror education unbiased trial legal ethics court system jury trial public opinion legal debate judicial process criminal justice juror selection trial by jury
test-law-cplgpshwdp-pro01a	The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 The current system is unfairly weighted in favour of criminals.  It is unfair that those who repeatedly re-offend should be treated in the same manner as those who have committed one offence; a singular offence could mark a mistake or accident in the defendant’s choices, but repeated criminal acts mark a habit and a lack of regret for past crimes. Failing to take past convictions into account can lead to many dangerous offenders being underestimated by the jury, and so released. This is particularly pertinent in cases of child molestation, where child molesters have a particularly high rate of re-offending – expected to be even ‘larger than the reported 50 per cent’ - but ‘only a small proportion of sexual offences against children result in a conviction’. This conviction rate, however, does rise for ‘those with a history of prior sexual offences’ [1] .  Under the current conditions, this system is unfairly weighted against the innocent victims of repeated crime. A higher conviction rate, informed by the knowledge of previous offences, helps to reach justice for these victims and their families, as well as promoting justice and the safety of the general public who find it frustrating that so many dangerous offenders are released without appropriate conviction [2] . Moreover, jurors themselves lose confidence in the justice system when they find out that they have just acquitted a defendant who has committed a similar crime before. One notable example of this was series of trials of Kirk Reid, who committed many sexual assaults against women including several instances of rape and who was ‘wrongfully acquitted’ of his first offence in 1996. Not only did his victim lose all sense of hope in the justice system – she had faced her attacked and been discredited – but one of the jurors at the trial who believed that he was guilty went on to criticise the justice system itself [3] . The current system seriously risks acquitting criminals who have already committed similar crimes; it is time to rebalance the justice system to acknowledge the needs of the victims who suffer through wrongful acquittal of their attackers.  [1] Victims of Violence, ‘Research – Protecting Children from Sexual Abuse’, 28 February 2011  [2] Hughes, David, ‘Sex offenders to lose right to get out of jail early’, The Daily Mail  [3] Lette, Kathy, ‘For sexual assault, justice is on trial’, The Guardian, 1 July 2010 current system unfairly weighted criminals repeated re-offend treated same manner singular offence mistake accident defendant’s choices repeated criminal acts habit lack of regret past crimes failing past convictions underestimated jury released particularly pertinent child molestation high rate re-offending 50 per cent sexual offences children conviction history prior sexual offences unfairly weighted innocent victims repeated crime higher conviction rate knowledge previous offences justice safety general public frustrating dangerous offenders released appropriate conviction jurors confidence justice system current system unfairly weighted criminals repeated re-offenders singular offence mistake accident choices repeated criminal acts habit lack of regret past crimes past convictions underestimated jury released particularly pertinent child molestation high rate of re-offending reported 50 per cent small proportion sexual offences children conviction rate history of prior sexual offences unfairly weighted innocent victims repeated crime higher conviction rate knowledge of previous offences reach justice safety general public dangerous offenders released appropriate conviction jurors confidence justice system acquitted defendant similar criminal justice repeat offenders single offense re-offending rates jury perception dangerous offenders child molestation sexual offenses conviction rates public safety victim rights juror confidence wrongful acquittals Kirk Reid sexual assault justice system reform protecting children victim advocacy legal accountability current system unfairly weighted criminals repeated re-offenders singular offence mistake accident repeated criminal acts habit lack of regret past crimes past convictions dangerous offenders underestimated jury released child molestation high rate of re-offending reported 50 per cent small proportion sexual offences against children conviction rate prior sexual offences innocent victims higher conviction rate justice safety general public frustrated dangerous offenders released acquittal Kirk Reid sexual assaults women rape wrongfully acquitted victim hope justice system discredited jurors criminal justice repeat offenders singular offense public safety child molestation re-offending rates jury perception conviction rates victim rights wrongful acquittal juror confidence dangerous offenders justice system reforms sexual assault Kirk Reid case legal system critique public frustration criminal history protective measures legal accountability current system unfairly weighted criminals repeated offenses singular offense mistake accident habitual crime lack of regret past convictions jury underestimation dangerous offenders child molestation high re-offending rate conviction rate sexual offences history of prior offenses justice for victims public safety juror confidence justice system wrongful acquittal Kirk Reid sexual assaults rape victim's hope juror criticism rebalance justice system protect victims sexual assault justice on trial system fairness criminals repeat offenders single offence mistakes accidents repeated crimes regrets past convictions jury dangerous offenders child molestation re-offending rates child molesters conviction rates sexual offences innocent victims justice public safety confidence justice system Kirk Reid sexual assaults rape wrongful acquittal jurors victims rights rebalance legal system protection accountability prevention recidivism crime prevention policy reform victim support judicial reform sentencing guidelines public opinion legal ethics criminology victimology offender rehabilitation judicial decisions justice system criminal reform repeat offenders single offence past convictions dangerous offenders jury decision-making child molestation sexual offences conviction rates victim justice public safety juror confidence wrongful acquittal Kirk Reid sexual assault trials legal system rebalance criminal justice repeat offenders first-time offenders jury perception dangerous offenders child molestation re-offending rates sexual offences conviction rates victim rights public safety justice system juror confidence wrongful acquittals Kirk Reid sexual assault legal reform balancing justice protecting victims accountability in courts criminal justice repeat offenders sentencing guidelines victim rights public safety juror confidence sexual offenses child molestation conviction rates prior convictions legal reforms justice system wrongful acquittal repeat sexual offenders Kirk Reid sexual assault trials juror dissatisfaction legal accountability victim support crime prevention judicial oversight re-offense rates legal policy public frustration judicial fairness criminal behavior crime statistics legal reforms proposal jury decision-making criminal history consideration legal advocacy victim impact legal system credibility sexual violence justice reform legal protections crime deterrence judicial procedures public
test-politics-dhwem-pro06a	"PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs can be made much more legitimate by regulation  Currently mercenary work as a profession is not regulated by law, which allows the corruption and lack of guaranteed quality, as well as the problems of accountability to remain problematic. Regulating PMCs encourage a safer, professionalised security sector which can be standardised and controlled. Governments would then legislate, regulate and moderate the use of such forces rather than provide them outright. PMCs today are legitimate businesses, much of their work has nothing to do with fighting and killing MPRI for example ""shipped more than $900,000,000 worth of donated food and medical supplies to the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union over a five year period”. These companies are already placing greater emphasis on having a good reputation and are increasingly transparent so many companies would welcome regulation.(Vaknin, 2011) PMCs regulation mercenary work professionalisation security sector standardisation government control accountability legitimacy transparency reputation non-combat services donated supplies former Soviet Union Vaknin 2011 PMCs regulation legitimacy mercenary profession corruption quality accountability safety professionalisation standardisation legislation government control business reputation transparency Vaknin 2011 donated food medical supplies former Soviet Union MPRI fighting killing services PMCs regulation legitimacy mercenary work professionalisation accountability government legislation security sector standardisation control transparent reputation Vaknin 2011 MPRI donated food medical supplies Soviet Union non-combat services PMCs regulation legitimacy professionalisation accountability security sector government legislation mercenary work standardisation transparency reputation MPRI donated supplies Soviet Union Vaknin 2011 PMCs regulation mercenary professionalisation accountability standardisation government legislation legitimate businesses reputation transparency Vaknin 2011 MPRI donated supplies Soviet Union PMCs regulation mercenary work professionalisation security sector government legislation accountability corruption transparency reputation Vaknin 2011 MPRI donated supplies Soviet Union non-combat services PMCs regulation legitimacy mercenary work professionalisation accountability standardisation government control security sector transparent reputation MPRI humanitarian aid Vaknin 2011 PMCs regulation legitimacy mercenary profession law corruption quality accountability safer professionalised security sector standardised controlled governments legislate moderate forces legitimate businesses fighting killing MPRI donated food medical supplies Soviet Union reputation transparent companies welcome Vaknin 2011 PMCs regulation mercenary work professionalisation accountability government legislation security sector standardisation transparency reputation Vaknin 2011 donated supplies Soviet Union MPRI PMCs regulation mercenary work professionalised security sector government legislation accountability standardisation transparent practices reputational emphasis non-combat services MPRI donated supplies Soviet Union Vaknin 2011"
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro03a	Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 Shared sovereignty  If there are no countries willing to cede complete sovereignty over territory then some kind of shared sovereignty could be considered. “This conferred jurisdiction must include rights to become a citizen, migrate, work, access health care, and access social security.” [1] Additionally there would almost certainly need to be sovereignty over justice, law and order. However this would potentially leave large areas of sovereignty in the remit of the host nation; such as providing defense. The most notable compromise by both might be to maintain sovereignty over people rather than just territory.  There have been suggestions such as by Krasner that shared sovereignty should be considered, and become much more normal. And some forms of shared sovereignty have happened before such as foreign control over some tax revenues, or the status of forces agreements the USA had with Germany that restricted German ability to make war after WWII. [2] Or more obviously the members of the EU increasingly cede some sovereignty to the international entity. As the deal would be voluntary for both the Seychelles and its host country and both would potentially gain such a deal would seem feasible.  [1] Yu, 2013,   [2] Krasner, Stephen D., ‘The case for shared sovereignty’, Journal of Democracy, vol.16, No.1, January 2005,  , p.77 shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial sovereignty citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security justice law and order defense sovereignty over people foreign control tax revenues status of forces agreements European Union voluntary agreement mutual benefits Seychelles host country international entity Krasner Stephen D. Journal of Democracy shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial jurisdiction citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security access justice sovereignty law and order defense sovereignty host nation people sovereignty Krasner foreign tax control status of forces agreements EU sovereignty voluntary sovereignty cession Seychelles host country gain feasible sovereignty deal shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial sovereignty citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security jurisdiction law and order host nation defense sovereignty sovereignty over people Krasner foreign tax control status of forces agreements EU sovereignty voluntary sovereignty cession Seychelles host country benefits shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territory jurisdiction citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security access justice sovereignty law and order sovereignty defense sovereignty host nation sovereignty sovereignty over people territorial sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty foreign tax control status of forces agreements EU sovereignty cession voluntary sovereignty deal Seychelles shared sovereignty host country shared sovereignty sovereignty feasibility international entity sovereignty shared sovereignty cede sovereignty jurisdiction citizenship migration workforce healthcare social security justice law and order defense sovereignty over people tax revenues status of forces agreements EU international entity voluntary deal Seychelles host country Stephen D. Krasner Yu 2013 Journal of Democracy shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial sovereignty citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security sovereignty over justice law and order host nation sovereignty defense sovereignty sovereignty over people Krasner's proposal historical examples EU sovereignty voluntary sovereignty sharing Seychelles case feasible sovereignty sharing international entity sovereignty shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial jurisdiction citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security access justice sovereignty law and order defense sovereignty host nation sovereignty over people foreign control tax revenues status of forces agreements EU sovereignty international entity voluntary agreement mutual benefits Krasner Yu 2013 Journal of Democracy shared sovereignty cede sovereignty territorial jurisdiction citizenship rights migration rights work rights healthcare access social security justice law and order defense sovereignty host nation sovereignty sovereignty over people tax revenue control status of forces agreements EU sovereignty voluntary sovereignty cession feasible sovereignty deals Seychelles shared sovereignty Krasner shared sovereignty Yu 2013 Krasner 2005 shared sovereignty cede sovereignty jurisdiction rights citizenship migration employment healthcare social security justice law and order defense host nation sovereignty over people territory Krasner foreign control tax revenues status of forces agreements EU voluntary agreement Seychelles shared sovereignty citizenship rights migration rights labor rights healthcare access social security legal jurisdiction host nation sovereignty defense responsibilities individual sovereignty Krasner's perspective historical examples EU sovereignty voluntary agreements Seychelles case mutual benefits feasible arrangements
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con01a	Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers have no right to private medical information  Employers have no right to know. This is an arena into which the state has no right to intrude, or to compel intrusion by others. Employers will know if their employee’s work is satisfactory or unsatisfactory – what more do they need to know than that? If employers find out, they might dismiss workers – which is exactly why many employees don’t want to tell them.  If workers are forced to disclose the fact that they have HIV, the merit principle will go out the window. Even if not dismissed, their prospects for promotion will be shattered – because of prejudice, or the perception that their career has in any meaningful sense been ‘finished’ by their condition (which is often not the case as sufferers can work and lead fulfilling lives after diagnosis; life expectancy after diagnosis in the US was 22.5 years in 2005 [1] ).  Even if not fired and career advancement doesn’t suffer, prejudice from co-workers is likely. From harassment to reluctance to associate or interact with the employee, this is something the employee knows he might face. He has a right to decide for himself whether or not to make himself open to that. Managers may promise, or be bound, not to disclose such information to other workers – but how likely is enforcement of such an undertaking? For these reasons, even problems with huge HIV problems like South Africa haven’t adopted this policy.  [1] Harrison, Kathleen M. et al., ‘Life Expectancy After HIV Diagnosis Based on National HIV Surveillance Data From 25 States, United States’, Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, Vol 53 Issue 1, January 2010, Employers medical information privacy rights state intrusion work performance HIV disclosure employment discrimination career prospects workplace prejudice worker rights confidentiality enforcement South Africa HIV policy life expectancy post-diagnosis Employer rights private medical information state intrusion workplace privacy HIV disclosure employment discrimination worker rights health privacy HIV stigma career advancement workplace prejudice HIV life expectancy South Africa HIV policy HIV diagnosis impact merit principle employee satisfaction health information confidentiality workplace harassment employment law medical confidentiality Employer rights medical privacy employee health HIV disclosure workplace discrimination career advancement employer intrusion employee satisfaction HIV stigma workplace prejudice confidentiality enforcement South Africa HIV policies HIV life expectancy health surveillance data employee rights merit principle co-worker interaction HIV diagnosisimpact AIDS-related employment issues public health ethics workplace health policies HIV status disclosure risks employment law health information privacy professional advancement barriers HIV-positive employees workplace harassment employee confidentiality health condition reporting employment protection HIV in the workplace health and work disease disclosure occupational health employment security health status privacy Employers private medical information state intrusion work performance HIV disclosure merit principle career prospects workplace prejudice co-worker interaction confidentiality enforcement health privacy employment discrimination life expectancy HIV South Africa HIV policy Employer rights medical privacy state intervention workplace discrimination HIV disclosure employee rights career impact workplace prejudice confidentiality enforcement HIV life expectancy South Africa HIV policy Employer rights private medical information state intrusion work performance HIV disclosure employee privacy job dismissal career prospects workplace prejudice co-worker interaction manager confidentiality HIV life expectancy South Africa HIV policy Employers private medical information state intrusion work performance HIV merit principle career prospects prejudice coworker discrimination confidentiality enforcement South Africa life expectancy HIV diagnosis health privacy employment rights workplace discrimination medical confidentiality employee rights health status disclosure professional advancement stigma public health policy HIV/AIDS legal protections employment law workplace ethics health surveillance human rights occupational health employee welfare workplace privacy Employers private medical information state intrusion work performance HIV disclosure merit principle career advancement prejudice co-worker interaction HIV life expectancy South Africa HIV policy Employer rights medical privacy state intervention job performance HIV disclosure workplace prejudice employee rights career progression confidentiality agreements HIV life expectancy South Africa HIV policies workplace harassment merit principle health status disclosure employment law privacy laws occupational health workplace discrimination HIV treatment long-term health conditions employment stability health surveillance legal protections employee welfare Employer rights privacy laws medical confidentiality HIV disclosure workplace discrimination employee health job satisfaction career advancement employment law HIV stigma workplace harassment employee rights data protection South Africa HIV policy life expectancy HIV privacy protection informed consent merit principle workplace privacy health information privacy
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con03a	There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu There is accountability without a free press  Freedom of speech and the Press is not the only way of creating accountability in a country – especially a comparatively small one such as Rwanda. Rwanda has been ranked a transparent and is the least corrupt state in East Africa [1] where everyone is accountable and equal before the law.  How can this be without an aggressive free press? Annually, all government officials are cross examined by locals publicly in a forum called national dialogue “Umushyikirano”, to ensure that they meet the needs of citizens and assess their performance[2]. This has given Rwandans courage to express their desires and feel much valued in the process of policy making and engagement. It puts ministers and even the Prime Minister on the spot on individual issues. Restricted press and speech is therefore rendered irrelevant by such programs as people can question authorities and demand justification directly rather than relying on the press.  In Africa, most countries lack transparent government systems and institutions, a factor responsible for continued corruption, poor governance and crime which in turn destroy progress in societies [3], but this is not the case with regard to Rwanda.  [1] Zegabi East Africa news, ‘Transparency International Ranks Rwanda the Least Corrupt Country in East Africa’, 5 December 2013, zegabi.com  [2] Hunt, Swanee ‘Rebuilding Rwanda: Access and Accountability’, inclusivesecurity.org, 30 December 2013  [3] Jones Lang Lasale, ‘Sub-Saharan Africa: A region with opportunities amid transparency challenges’, joneslanglasale.eu accountability free press freedom of speech transparency Rwanda least corrupt East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials public examination policy making restricted press corruption poor governance crime societal progress transparent government systems institutions Africa Sub-Saharan Africa opportunities transparency challenges accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency anti-corruption Umushyikirano national dialogue government accountability citizen engagement policy making restricted press Africa governance Sub-Saharan Africa institutional transparency public forums official accountability citizen empowerment ministerial accountability Prime Minister accountability corruption prevention societal progress transparent government systems institutional challenges regional opportunities transparency challenges accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials policy making citizen engagement Africa governance progress Sub-Saharan Africa transparency challenges accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials public examination policy making citizen engagement transparent government poor governance crime societal progress restricted press speech irrelevance direct questioning authority accountability African governance systems institutional transparency regional opportunities transparency challenges accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials public examination citizen engagement policy making restricted press Africa governance crime societal progress transparent government systems institutions Sub-Saharan Africa opportunities transparency challenges accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials citizen engagement policy making restricted press Africa transparent government systems poor governance crime societal progress accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials public examination citizen engagement policy making restricted press transparent government poor governance crime societal progress Sub-Saharan Africa institutional transparency public accountability citizen empowerment direct questioning governmental transparency anti-corruption measures social progress state accountability institutional accountability citizen participation public forums governance systems institutional reforms civil society public oversight citizen rights government accountability transparent institutions regional comparison press freedom media role government performance citizen accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials policy making engagement Africa governance crime progress societies restricted press Swanee Hunt Transparency International Sub-Saharan Africa Jones Lang Lasale accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials citizen engagement policy making restricted press Africa transparent government poor governance crime societal progress accountability free press freedom of speech Rwanda transparency corruption East Africa national dialogue Umushyikirano government officials citizen engagement policy making Africa governance crime progress societies transparent government systems institutions Sub-Saharan Africa opportunities transparency challenges
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con01a	"Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Opposed by much of the Church  In spite of the Catholic Church's ruling, a huge number of people who identify as Catholic do not adhere to the Church's teachings on contraception. Additionally, many Catholic priests and nuns openly support non-abortive forms of contraception, including barrier contraception. In 2003 a poll found 43% of catholic priests in England and wales were against the church's stance and a further 19% were unsure1. The Church should listen to the requests and opinions of those who are part of it 2. 1 Day, Elizabeth. ""Most Catholic priests 'do not support Rome over contraception'."" The Telegraph, 6 April 2003, 2 Short, Claire. ""HIV/AIDS Church opposition Catholic teachings contraception priest support non-abortive contraception Catholic adherence Church stance Catholic opinions barrier contraception Church listening HIV/AIDS Catholic Church ruling Catholic population religious views reproductive health Catholic Church contraception priests nuns Church teachings opposition poll England Wales HIV/AIDS Catholic identity non-abortive contraception barrier methods Church stance listener calls member opinions religious adherence reproductive health sexual ethics Catholic contraception Church teachings non-abortive contraception barrier methods Catholic priests Catholic nuns poll England Wales Church stance opinions requests HIV/AIDS Catholic laity religious authority modern contraception reproductive health faith-based opposition sexual health education Catholic Church contraception Church teachings Catholic beliefs barrier contraception Catholic priests Catholic nuns contraception support Church stance Church opinion HIV/AIDS Catholic population religious views reproductive health religious authority moral dissent clerical opinions contraception debate Church doctrine faith and contraception Church contraception Catholic priests nuns teachings polls opinions Rome non-abortive barrier HIV/AIDS adherence stance requests England Wales Church Catholic contraception teachings priests nuns opinion polls stance adherence non-abortive barrier requests HIV/AIDS England Wales Church Catholic contraception priests nuns teachings opposition poll England Wales support barrier methods non-abortive opinions requests HIV/AIDS Day Elizabeth Telegraph Short Claire Catholic Church contraception non-abortive forms barrier contraception Catholic priests Catholic nuns Church teachings poll England Wales Church stance opinions requests HIV/AIDS Elizabeth Day Claire Short Catholic Church contraception non-abortive contraception barrier contraception Catholic priests Catholic nuns church teachings poll England Wales HIV/AIDS Elizabeth Day Claire Short Catholic Church contraception Church teachings priests nuns non-abortive contraception barrier methods Catholic opinions Church stance England Wales poll HIV/AIDS Church listening Catholic identification religious adherence reproductive health moral authority faith community clerical dissent"
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con02a	Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. Allow ISPs to monitor and remove illegal or unwanted data  Many ISPs are responding to user interests when cutting out particular types of data. At the request of the user why shouldn’t they be able to monitor what is delivered to a certain IP address. Most ‘net nanny’ software is not that difficult to get around [i] .  Why not let parents who bought their kids a computer to help with their homework not be able to block them from making calls or watching movies?  If you compel net neutrality then, say, the ISP who caters for religious customers can no longer deliver the service that they have requested. Denying freedom of choice seems a high price to pay so that someone can get movies without paying for them.  Equally, if ISPs themselves want to stay within the law and prevent people from accessing illegal or otherwise unpleasant sites, why shouldn’t they?  [i] Foss Force: Keeping Tech Free. Caesar Tjalbo. “Top 10 Reasons ISPs are against net neutrality”. ISP monitoring data removal user preferences content filtering net nanny parental control net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content unpleasant sites religious services legal compliance user protection tech freedom ISP policies ISPs monitor remove illegal unwanted data user interests net nanny software parents kids homework block calls movies net neutrality religious customers freedom choice illegal unpleasant sites law Foss Force Caesar Tjalbo Top 10 Reasons against neutral internet service providers digital rights monitoring content filtering regulation policy cybersecurity privacy network management traffic shaping online safety consumer protection ethical hacking cyber laws governance digital citizenship technology ISP monitoring data removal user interests content filtering net nanny parental controls net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content unpleasant sites ISP responsibility lawful access tech freedom regulatory compliance ISP monitoring data removal user interests content filtering parental control net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content religious customers lawful access tech freedom ISP services net nanny software content restriction consumer rights digital rights internet regulation online safety internet service providers data delivery user requests illegal sites unpleasant sites ISP caters religious beliefs content blocking homework help movie streaming call blocking legal compliance user protection internet security content delivery digital ethics consumer protection internet policies online content ISP responsibilities user privacy net neutrality debate tech ethics ISP monitoring illegal data unwanted data user interests content filtering net nanny software parental controls homework assistance net neutrality religious customers freedom of choice legal compliance unpleasant sites content restriction ISP services internet regulation consumer protection digital rights online safety data privacy network management user empowerment tech policies Foss Force Caesar Tjalbo ISP opposition net neutrality debate ISP monitoring data removal user interests IP address monitoring net nanny software parent control homework help blocking calls watching movies net neutrality religious customers freedom of choice illegal sites unpleasant content ISPs and law tech freedom Caesar Tjalbo reasons against net neutrality ISP monitoring data removal user interests net nanny parental control net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content religious customers ISP services content blocking law enforcement user rights content delivery digital freedom internet regulation customer request unpleasant sites content filtering online safety ISP monitoring data removal illegal content unwanted data user interests content filtering net nanny software parental control homework assistance net neutrality freedom of choice religious customers legal compliance unpleasant sites ISPs against net neutrality content regulation digital rights internet governance consumer protection cyber security ISP monitoring data removal user interests content filtering parental controls net neutrality freedom of choice illegal content unpleasant sites tech freedom ISP services religious customers digital rights online safety content delivery internet regulations user requests network management legal compliance consumer choice ISP monitoring data removal user preferences net nanny parental controls freedom of choice net neutrality illegal content unpleasant sites ISP services religious customers content blocking user requests internet censorship legal compliance consumer rights digital freedom online safety content regulation internet service providers
test-international-aghwrem-pro02a	Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar is no longer a military dictatorship  Myanmar has taken significant steps towards democratisation in the last three years. The new constitution and the elections that resulted in the current civilian government being appointed represent a marked shift in its governance structure. Though there may be scope for improvement in its democratic framework, institutions for democratic functioning have been created and this is a huge step forward. Aung San Suu Kyi has also been released from house arrest, and the tone of the statements made by the new government has been a reconciliatory one. A new human rights commission has also been established. While the pace of reform may not match the supposed expectations of the US and the EU, Myanmar’s choice to change gradually and engage with them on its own terms must be respected. The fundamental circumstances under which a policy of limited engagement was adopted with Myanmar have changed, and this calls for reassessment. Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation new constitution civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reform US EU limited engagement reassessment democratic institutions governance structure scope for improvement gradual change international engagement policy adjustment Myanmar democratisation military dictatorship civilian government constitution elections Aung San Suu Kyi human rights reform engagement US EU reconciliation gradual change democratic institutions policy reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation new constitution civilian government democratic framework Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reform pace US EU limited engagement policy reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation new constitution civilian government democratic framework Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reform US EU limited engagement reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation constitution elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reforms gradual change limited engagement reassessment US EU political transition democratic institutions governance structure reconciliation international relations policy shift Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation constitution elections civilian government democratic framework Aung San Suu Kyi human rights commission reform US EU limited engagement governance structure reconciliation policy reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation new constitution civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi human rights commission reform gradual change limited engagement reassessment democratic framework institutions reconciliatory US EU policy engagement governance structure significant steps scope for improvement respects circumstances statements house arrest elections marked shift pace of reform expectations own terms fundamental circumstances calls for changed adopted democratic functioning created huge step forward engagement policy reassessment needed democratic transition political reforms international relations regional dynamics human rights Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation new constitution elections civilian government democratic framework Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reform US EU limited engagement reassessment Myanmar military dictatorship democratisation constitution elections civilian government governance structure democratic framework Aung San Suu Kyi house arrest human rights commission reform US EU engagement policy reassessment democratisation constitution elections civilian government Aung San Suu Kyi human rights commission reform engagement US EU policy reassessment
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro01a	Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 Prosecutions are needed for victims  Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims.  [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147   [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31 prosecutions victims justice reconciliation perpetrators power crimes accountability recurrence United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 international criminal justice impunity atrocity prevention peace of mind human rights legal accountability societal healing transitional justice prosecutions victims justice reconciliation perpetrators power Bosnia Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 accountability prevention atrocities international criminal justice impunity future crimes peace of mind Prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power perpetrators Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 offenders peace of mind mass atrocity international criminal justice impunity future atrocities prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power perpetrators crimes accountability repeated offenses United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 right to prosecution peace of mind international criminal justice prevention atrocities impunity prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power crimes Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention accountability impunity international criminal justice atrocities prevention peace of mind Prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power retention perpetrators accountability reoffending United Nations Genocide Convention international criminal justice peace human rights impunity mass atrocity prevention atrocities legal accountability societal healing transitional justice prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power perpetrators Bosnia Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 accountability future atrocities peace of mind international criminal justice impunity prevention Prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power perpetrators Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 right to prosecution prevent atrocities international criminal justice impunity mass atrocity Human Rights Quarterly American Journal of International Law prosecutions victims justice reconciliation power perpetrators crimes Bosnia and Herzegovina Colombia Guatemala United Nations Genocide Convention 1948 accountability prevention atrocities human rights international criminal justice impunity peace of mind Prosecutions justice victims reconciliation power perpetrators crimes accountability peace Genocide Convention international criminal justice impunity atrocities prevention human rights legal accountability societal healing prosecution effectiveness crime deterrence
test-international-atiahblit-con01a	Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. Teaching begins at home  For the target of universal primary education to be achieved we need to look beyond a narrow education policy. Programs are required to enable teaching at home. The benefits of education need to be accessed nationwide; which will cumulatively encourage children to go to school and participate to do their best. For example, by introducing adult training/education courses to parents and elderly populations, parents are able to assist children at home, and to recognise the benefits of gaining an education. Simply providing better teachers at school fails to recognise the importance of intra-household decisions and life. For universal education the whole population strata needs to be included; and adult courses provided on basic maths, english and science. universal primary education teaching at home education policy nationwide education benefits children school participation adult training parent education intra-household decisions population strata adult basic maths adult english adult science better teachers education encouragement life skills community learning family involvement early education support lifelong learning educational equity home education universal primary education adult education parent training intra-household decisions nationwide education benefits child participation teacher quality community involvement basic skills training science education english education maths education lifelong learning educational policy expansion family-centered learning early childhood education supplemental education programs educational equity Teaching at home Universal primary education Education policy expansion Home-based learning programs Nationwide education access Parental education involvement Adult training courses Intra-household educational decisions Community education initiatives Basic skills training for adults Math education for parents English literacy programs Science education for elderly Holistic education approach Inclusive education strategies Teacher quality improvement Education policy reform Family-centered learning Lifelong learning programs Community-based education models Teaching at home Universal primary education Education policy Home-based learning programs Nationwide education access Encouraging school participation Parental education Adult training courses Intra-household decisions Life skills Whole population education Basic maths English Science home-teaching universal-primary-education education-policy teaching-programs nationwide-education-benefits school-participation adult-education-courses parental-assistance intra-household-decisions whole-population-inclusion basic-maths english science teacher-quality community-involvement lifelong-learning educational-support-systems early-childhood-education social-mobility cognitive-development skill-acquisition parental-education-level community-education-programs rural-education urban-education marginalized-communities educational-equity policy-reform systemic-change government-init teaching at home universal primary education education policy nationwide education benefits children school participation adult training parent education intra-household decisions population strata inclusion basic maths english science Teaching home universal primary education education policy programs teaching at home nationwide education benefits school participation children's education adult training parent education elderly education parent assistance recognizing education benefits better teachers intra-household decisions population strata adult courses basic maths english science. Teaching at home Universal primary education Education policy Home-based learning programs Nationwide education benefits Children school participation Parental involvement in education Adult training Elderly education Intra-household decision-making Basic maths education English for adults Science for adults Community education initiatives Lifelong learning Educational empowerment Family learning Parental education impact School and home collaboration Broad-based education strategies home education universal primary education adult education intra-household decisions parent training community programs nationwide education benefits school participation teacher quality basic maths english science population inclusion educational policy expansion teaching home universal primary education policy programs nationwide benefits school participation best adult training courses parents elderly assist recognise importance intra-household decisions life teachers population strata basic maths english science
test-education-ughbuesbf-con02a	Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ Maintaining a system of free university education leads to an inefficient allocation of state resources.  First, tax money is wasted on paying civil servants to deal with university bureaucracy. Second, when the state funds all university education for free, funding will be allocated to unprofitable courses. Thirdly a moral hazard problem emerges among such students attending for free. They are allowed to reap all the benefits of education, while needing to incur none of the costs so won’t feel they need to work at their degree. The fourth problem of free university education is saturation of degree­holders in the market. [1] When everyone has a degree, the value of such a qualification plummets. Thus, a system of fees is superior to free education as it allows for more efficient allocation of resources to universities determined by which universities produce the best educated students and research.  [1] Chapman, Bruce. 2001. “The Higher Education Finance Debate: Current Issues and Suggestions for Reform”. Australian Review of Public Affairs. Available:  ​ free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard free students work degree saturation degree-holders market value qualification plummets system fees efficient allocation best educated students research higher education finance reform Bruce Chapman Australian Review of Public Affairs free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money civil servants university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard free students degree saturation market value qualification devaluation system of fees superior allocation best educated students research quality free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard degree saturation market value education fees resource allocation best educated students research quality higher education finance policy reform free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard degree saturation market value education finance resource allocation university fees educated students research quality higher education reform Chapman Bruce Australian Review of Public Affairs free university education state resources tax money university bureaucracy civil servants unprofitable courses moral hazard student responsibility degree saturation market value qualification devaluation higher education finance resource allocation university fees education quality research output public policy economic efficiency educational reform Chapman Bruce Australian Higher Education free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money civil servants university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard students free education work ethic degree saturation market value qualification fees system efficient allocation best educated students research higher education finance reform Australian Review of Public Affairs Bruce Chapman free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy civil servants unprofitable courses moral hazard students free education degree holders market saturation value of qualification system of fees efficient allocation best educated students research higher education finance debate reform Bruce Chapman Australian Review of Public Affairs free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy civil servants unprofitable courses moral hazard students degree holders market saturation qualification value system of fees efficient allocation best educated students research higher education finance reform Bruce Chapman Australian Review of Public Affairs free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard student behavior degree saturation market value education finance resource allocation university fees best educated students research quality Bruce Chapman higher education finance free university education inefficient allocation state resources tax money university bureaucracy unprofitable courses moral hazard free students degree saturation market value qualification devaluation system of fees efficient allocation best educated students research quality higher education finance public policy Bruce Chapman Australian Review of Public Affairs
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con03a	It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, It would be letting the terrorists win  It is the aim of all terrorists to influence by violent means government policy. If we changed how our country was run we would be letting the terrorists win – they would be getting what they wanted. If we changed the way we lived [1] , greater security measures or something else, we would be shaping our society to the tune of the terrorist. So more security measures at airports limit the freedom to travel, turning the country into a surveillance society makes everyone nervous; ultimately the country is no longer the same as it was having lost the freedoms which are the best way to combat terrorism. This is something perversely wrong.  [1] Symanovich, Steve, ‘If you don’t read this, the terrorists win’, Washington Business Journal, 24 December 2001, terrorism government policy violent means influence society freedom security measures airports surveillance combat loss of freedoms perversity terrorist aims societal change travel restrictions nervousness public safety civil liberties letting terrorists win government policy influence violent means changing country operation societal changes terrorist aims security measures freedom limitation surveillance society travel freedom combating terrorism societal freedoms perverse outcomes Washington Business Journal Steve Symanovich terrorism government policy violent means influence societal change security measures freedom surveillance society travel restrictions combating terrorism societal freedoms terrorist aims public fear policy change societal impact civil liberties terrorist victory influence tactics violent influence policy adaptation security adaptation travel freedom societal preservation terrorist influence fearmongering policy influence terrorist goals societal control freedom erosion surveillance state terrorist success societal transformation freedom combat terrorist manipulation policy response security enhancement travel limitations societal tension freedom preservation policy reaction societal security terrorist strategy freedom restriction policy letting the terrorists win influence government policy violent means shaping society security measures surveillance society loss of freedom combat terrorism perversely wrong terrorists' aim freedom to travel Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal terrorism government policy influence violent means letting terrorists win changing country society shaping to terrorist security measures airports surveillance society freedom combat terrorism perversely wrong Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal letting the terrorists win influence government policy violent means change country's operation shaping society to terrorists limit freedom to travel surveillance society lost freedoms combat terrorism perversely wrong Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal terrorists win government policy violent means influence change country society security measures airports surveillance freedom combat terrorism perversely wrong Symanovich Washington Business Journal terrorism government policy influence violent means societal change freedom surveillance security measures travel restrictions societal values combat terrorism terrorist aims surveillance society personal freedoms public safety national security terrorist victories societal impact fear management civil liberties terrorism government policy violent means influence society change security measures freedom surveillance travel restrictions combat terrorism terrorists win perversely wrong Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal terrorism government policy influence violent means changing society security measures surveillance freedom combating terrorism societal impact terrorist aims perversity societal freedom surveillance society travel restrictions Steve Symanovich Washington Business Journal
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-pro03a	The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. The bill violates the Philippine values of harmony and respect  Perhaps the most important values in the Philippines are social harmony and respect for the family. [i] The Reproductive Health bill undermines both. Allowing contraception will take away a psychological barrier that prevents pre-marital or casual sex and once that barrier is crossed the individual will have higher sexual activity. [ii] In the Philippines this will mean greater numbers of teen pregnancies and pregnancies out of marriage because abortion will remain illegal.  In terms of politics these values mean support for democracy but also being against corruption and graft. [iii] Obviously the bill has been very politically divisive so undermining social harmony but also to pass this bill many parliamentarians had to be bribed so undermining this social harmony. The Reproductive Health bill represents the worst excesses of the pork barrel buffet. With a single-mindedness of purpose, the presidential palace has put everything on the table to shore up the votes required in parliament. Legislators, who had previously voted against the legislation, often repeatedly, where threatened with the loss of programmes in their constituencies if they failed to back the project, which has been at the heart of the presidential agenda [iv] .  [i] Dolan, Ronald E., ed., Philippines: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1991.   [ii] Arcidiacono, Peter, et al., ‘Habit Persistence and Teen Sex: Could Increased Access to Contraception have Unintended Consequences for Teen Pregnancies’,  P.30  [iii] Talisayon, Serafin D., ‘Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences in the Philippines’, University of the Philippines,   [iv] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Philip Tubeza. ‘Philippine President accused of ‘bribing’ Congress’. Reported on Yahoo News 19 December 2012. Philippine values social harmony respect family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies pregnancies out of marriage abortion democracy anti-corruption political divisiveness pork barrel bribery presidential agenda legislative pressure constituency programs moral values sexual behavior public policy ethical governance political influence reproductive rights cultural norms societal impact moral legislation legislative ethics political strategy public opinion cultural values social issues contraceptive access teenage sexual activity political corruption policy consequences legislative support political agenda parliamentary votes public governance Philippine values social harmony respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion democracy anti-corruption political divisiveness pork barrel bribery presidential agenda legislative pressure constituency programs Philippines Ronald E. Dolan Peter Arcidiacono Serafin D. Talisayon Philippine Daily Inquirer Philip Tubeza Yahoo News Philippine values social harmony respect for family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion Philippine politics anti-corruption democracy political divisiveness parliamentary bribery pork barrel politics presidential agenda legislative threats constituency programs values education scientific values moral values ethical values Philippine society cultural values family planning sexual behavior youth sexuality social values political ethics government accountability public trust legislative process political influence reproductive rights societal impact moral implications cultural impact sexual health Philippine values social harmony respect for family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion democracy anti-corruption political divisiveness pork barrel politics presidential agenda bribery legislative voting constituency programs Philippine values social harmony respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-wedlock pregnancies abortion democracy anti-corruption political divisiveness legislative bribery pork barrel presidential agenda Philippine politics family values cultural values moral values political ethics legislative process public policy sexual behavior reproductive health familial respect political influence legislative votes constituency programs political threats legislative coercion presidential support political agenda Philippines Congress bribery moral legislation social values sexual norms family planning legislative ethics Philippine values social harmony respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion democracy corruption graft political divisiveness pork barrel bribery presidential agenda legislative threats constituency programmes Philippine values social harmony respect family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion democracy corruption graft political divisiveness bribery pork barrel presidential agenda legislative influence threats constituency programs Dolan Ronald E. Philippines: A Country Study Arcidiacono Peter Habit Persistence and Teen Sex Talisayon Serafin D. Teaching values in the natural and physical sciences Philippine Daily Inquirer Philip Tubeza Yahoo News Philippine values social harmony respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-wedlock pregnancies abortion democracy anti-corruption political divisiveness pork barrel bribery presidential agenda legislative pressure constituency programmes Philippine politics moral values cultural values family values sexual behavior public policy ethical governance legislative ethics political influence social impact health policy contraceptive access youth sexuality political corruption government accountability public trust policy debate national values social cohesion moral legislation legislative process political ethics Philippine values social harmony respect Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex teen pregnancies democracy corruption political divisiveness bribery pork barrel presidential agenda legislative voting constituency programs unintended consequences sexual activity family values graft vote manipulation political pressure moral values cultural norms legal abortion sexual behavior public policy ethical governance civic responsibility moral integrity legislative ethics political integrity public trust democratic principles political ethics social values moral legislation political reforms reproductive rights social dynamics cultural values legal reforms public health Philippine values social harmony respect family Reproductive Health bill contraception pre-marital sex casual sex teen pregnancies out-of-marriage pregnancies abortion democracy corruption graft political divisiveness parliamentary bribery pork barrel presidential agenda legislative threats constituency programs teen sex habit persistence teaching values natural sciences political influence moral values cultural norms family planning sexual behavior public policy ethical governance
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity admission standards reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking educational standards western universities asian campuses us-china education academic integrity skill devaluation government role educational impact degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity admission standards reputation management impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking western education Asian campuses government impact US-China relations educational integrity skill devaluation academic standards international education graduate skills educational quality institutional reputation academic ethics higher education trends global universities educational policy academic fraud critical skills educational impact home institution academic challenges international students academic achievement educational values academic environment plagiarism issues academic recognition educational outcomes degree recognition educational assessment academic performance educational degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor university reputation plagiarism creative skills western education asian campuses degree devaluation academic integrity governmental impact higher education standards scholarly excellence educational value critical approach western universities academic exclusivity graduate skills educational impact degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic standards university reputation plagiarism cultural impact educational integrity western universities global education graduate skills academic rigor educational quality degree devaluation governmental influence academic freedom creative thinking educational standards academic ethics international education reputation management higher education academic honesty educational reform critical approach academic exclusivity graduate attributes educational philosophy academic community educational policy western education academic challenges educational reputation academic values academic mission educational practices academic prestige academic integrity educational market academic achievement educational competition academic tradition educational degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic standards admission standards academic rigor university exclusivity reputation management impartiality plagiarism western education Asian campuses government influence educational integrity creative skills critical skills US-China education Jasmine Ako Unraveling Plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western universities Asian campuses graduate skills education impact government role degree devaluation degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity admission standards reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking western education government impact Asian campuses home institution US-China Today Jasmine Ako plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation creativity free thinking educational standards plagiarism academic rigour western universities Asian campuses government influence US-China education higher education quality degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigor university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western universities Asian campuses education standards government role degree devaluation academic integrity international education US-China education plagiarism issues critical skills educational impact maintaining degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic rigour exclusivity admission standards reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking devaluation government impact western education Asian campuses US-China relations academic integrity
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro04a	Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, Settlements remove Palestinians from their own land, and they produce a self-perpetuating cycle in their sear  The settlements themselves are self-perpetuating in a manner that makes them pernicious to the rights and very existence of neighbouring Palestinian communities.  For one thing, a settlement cannot function in isolation. It needs a road for its residents to safely travel to and from work in Israel. Security needs subsequently require that this road be protected from attacks by creating a large military presence along its route, and in many cases moving existing Palestinian settlements. At the very least Palestinian areas are bisected by impassable thoroughfares. [1]  In turn settlements require their fields to be protected by high walls and electric fences to protect them from attack, and the construction crews building them also require protection.  The result is that even a settlement of a few hundred families rapidly requires the takeover of an amount of land out of all proportion to the actual number of settlers involved, and any further expansion compounds the problem. [2] The security needs of settlements create a situation which makes the livelihood of Palestinians impossible. The existence of the settlements makes these security policies a necessity. As a consequence, the only clear solution is the removal of the settlements.  [1] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory, ‘The Humanitarian Impact of Israeli Settlement Policies’, January 2012,   [2] CBS News, ‘Group: Israel Controls 42% of West Bank’, 6 July 2010, settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle security roads military presence protection high walls electric fences expansion livelihood humanitarian impact Israeli policies West Bank control removal settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle sear rights existence neighbouring communities isolation road travel work Israel security military presence route moving existing areas bisected thoroughfares fields high walls electric fences attack construction crews protection expansion takeover proportion settlers further compound livelihood impossible existence security policies necessity removal United Nations Office Coordination Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory Humanitarian Impact Israeli Settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle rights existence isolation road travel Israel security military presence attacks Palestinian settlements bisected thoroughfares fields high walls electric fences construction crews takeover expansion livelihood removal United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Israeli settlement policies CBS News West Bank settlement expansion Palestinian displacement security infrastructure military presence road construction land confiscation wall construction electric fences protection of settlers construction crews livelihood disruption humanitarian impact UNOCHA report CBS News West Bank control Israeli settlement policies self-perpetuating cycle removal of settlements Palestinian rights existence of Palestinian communities settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating rights existence roads security military isolation attacks protection walls fences construction expansion livelihood humanitarian policies control West Bank removal Palestinian settlements land rights self-perpetuating cycle security measures military presence protected roads Palestinian displacement economic impact livelihood disruption humanitarian impact Israeli settlement policies West Bank land proportion expansion consequences removal solutions settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating rights existence roads security military presence Palestinian settlements isolation travel work fields high walls electric fences construction protection expansion takeover livelihood humanitarian impact United Nations Israeli settlement policies control West Bank settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle sear rights existence neighbouring communities road travel work Israel security military presence route attacks Palestinian settlements areas bisected impassable thoroughfares fields protected high walls electric fences construction crews protection takeover land expansion livelihood policies removal United Nations Humanitarian Affairs occupied Palestinian territory humanitarian impact Israeli settlement policies CBS News control West Bank settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle rights existence neighbouring communities roads travel security military presence attacks protection fields high walls electric fences construction takeover expansion livelihood humanitarian impact Israeli settlement policies CBS News Israel West Bank control removal necessity policies settlements Palestinians land self-perpetuating cycle Israeli security roads military presence isolation fields high walls electric fences construction crews expansion takeover livelihood humanitarian impact policies control West Bank United Nations CBS News
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-pro05a	"It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) It will reduce the power of special interest groups  A benefit of compulsory voting is that it makes it more difficult for special interest groups to vote themselves into power. Under a non-compulsory voting system, if fewer people vote then it is easier for smaller sectional interests and lobby groups to control the outcome of the political process. A notable example would be the disproportionate influence of agriculture in policy making as seen in both European politics and well as American with enormous amounts of subsidies for farmers who represent a minute percentage of the population. 1 2  The outcome of the election therefore reflects less the will of the people (Who do I want to lead the country?) but instead reflects who was logistically more organized and more able to convince people to take time out of their day to cast a vote (Do I even want to vote today?).  1 Ira M. Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky, ""Jewish Population of the United States, 2006,"" in the American Jewish Year Book 2006, Volume 106, David Singer and Lawrence Grossman, Editors. NY: American Jewish Committee, 2006. 2: Mark Weber, Feb. 2009, 'A Straight Look at the Jewish Lobby', Institute for Historical Review (Accessed 10/06/2011) compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout sectional interests lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy making logistical organization democratic representation voter apathy electoral process demographic influence Jewish population American politics European politics political lobbying electoral fairness representative democracy compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout political influence lobbying agricultural subsidies policy making logistical organization voter engagement democratic representation electoral process minority influence political power voter apathy civic duty democratic legitimacy sectional interests lobby groups electoral reform compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout political influence lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy making voter engagement logistical organization electoral process democratic representation demographic influence political lobbying voter apathy electoral participation citizen engagement democratic efficacy voting behavior political representation compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout agricultural subsidies policy making European politics American politics Jewish lobby voter organization electoral process democratic representation disproportionate influence sectional interests lobby groups political power voter participation democratic will compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout political influence lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy making European politics American politics electoral process voter engagement logistical organization political representation democratic will Jewish population Jewish lobby compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout lobby groups political influence agriculture subsidies policy making European politics American politics voter organization logistical voting challenges democratic representation electoral process sectional interests Jewish population political lobbying historical review compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout sectional interests lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy influence logistical organization voter engagement democratic representation electoral process political process minority influence Jewish population American Jewish Year Book Jewish lobby Institute for Historical Review compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout political influence lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy making European politics American politics voter logistics organized voting democratic will Ira M. Sheskin Arnold Dashefsky Jewish Population American Jewish Year Book Mark Weber Jewish Lobby Institute for Historical Review compulsory voting special interest groups election outcomes voter turnout political influence agricultural subsidies lobby groups policy making European politics American politics voter engagement logistical organization demographic studies Jewish population American Jewish Year Book Institute for Historical Review Mark Weber Ira M. Sheskin Arnold Dashefsky David Singer Lawrence Grossman compulsory voting special interest groups political influence election outcomes voter turnout lobby groups agricultural subsidies policy making European politics American politics Jewish population electoral process voter engagement democratic representation"
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con02a	North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea is an unresolved conflict it can’t simply be ignored  Even if the provocations are sometimes relatively small and ineffective, such as the failed missile launch in April 2012, as a conflict zone they cant simply be ignored by anyone even if they themselves are unlikely to be drawn into any potential conflict. After Rwanda the United Nations promised never again would it allow genocide; [1] how much worse would it be to ignore something that could be a spark to a conflict that could cost millions of lives when we already know there is the potential. The United Nations was created “To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace… to bring about … settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” [2] therefore all nations should be attempting to resolve this frozen conflict that could so easily become a shooting war. Wars in Korea have in the past drawn in all the surrounding powers; the Imjin war involved China and Japan, China and Japan again fought over Korea in 1894-5, and the Korean War 1950-53 brought in both the USA and China while Russia and Japan were both involved as supply bases. Clearly the possibility of conflict is not something any power with a stake in Northeast Asia can simply ignore.  It is essential that there is a reaction to every incident just in case that is the incident that spins out of control.  [1] Power, Samantha, ‘Remember the Blood Frenzy of Rwanda’, Los Angeles Times, 4 April 2004,   [2] ‘Article 1 The Purposes of the United Nations are:’, United Nations, 26 June 1945, North Korea unresolved conflict provocations failed missile launch April 2012 conflict zone Rwanda United Nations genocide peace and security collective measures threats to peace frozen conflict shooting war Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia reaction Northeast Asia international disputes breach of peace Samantha Power Los Angeles Times UN Charter Article 1 North Korea unresolved conflict provocations failed missile launch April 2012 conflict zone Rwanda United Nations genocide peace security international disputes frozen conflict shooting war Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia Northeast Asia reaction incidents spin out of control North Korea conflict international peace security United Nations genocide Rwanda unresolved issues missile launch provoked actions regional stability global powers Northeast Asia Korea history Imjin war Sino-Japanese War Korean War USA involvement China involvement Russia Japan peacekeeping collective measures threats to peace international disputes frozen conflict shooting war reaction incidents control escalation preventive diplomacy peacebuilding security council diplomatic solutions conflict prevention human rights international law geopolitical tensions strategic interests military interventions peace processes resolution strategies international community global North Korea unresolved conflict ignored provocations failed missile launch April 2012 conflict zone United Nations genocide Rwanda international peace and security collective measures threats to peace frozen conflict shooting war wars in Korea Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia reaction incidents Northeast Asia security international disputes peace Samantha Power UN Charter Article 1 North Korea conflict peace security United Nations provocation missile launch Rwanda genocide international disputes resolution frozen conflict shooting war wars in Korea Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia Northeast Asia reaction incident control North Korea unresolved conflict ignored provocations failed missile launch April 2012 conflict zone genocide Rwanda United Nations international peace security collective measures threats international disputes frozen conflict shooting war wars in Korea Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia reaction incident Northeast Asia power Samantha Power Los Angeles Times Article 1 Purposes 26 June 1945 North Korea conflict unresolved ignore provocations missile launch April 2012 conflict zone Rwanda United Nations genocide potential spark peace security collective measures threats settlement disputes frozen conflict shooting war Imjin war China Japan Korean War USA Russia essential reaction incident spin control Northeast Asia North Korea unresolved conflict United Nations Rwanda genocide international peace security frozen conflict shooting war Imjin War Korean War Northeast Asia conflict prevention incident response collective measures peacekeeping global security diplomacy international relations regional stability North Korea unresolved conflict international peace security United Nations provocations missile launch conflict zone Rwanda genocide United Nations Charter Article 1 frozen conflict potential war Northeast Asia Imjin War Korean War international disputes peacekeeping global security regional stability diplomatic response international community preventive measures collective security peace maintenance historical conflicts international relations geopolitical tensions UN responsibilities security council international cooperation conflict prevention military provocations diplomatic efforts international law peace processes regional powers global implications humanitarian concerns security threats peace initiatives international North Korea conflict international peace security United Nations Rwanda genocide prevention threats peacekeeping frozen conflict shooting war Northeast Asia Imjin War Korean War USA China Russia Japan supply bases incidents spin out of control
test-politics-glghssi-pro01a	Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland has a proud history and has demonstrated since devolution different political interests  The Union has now passed its 300th birthday and throughout that time Scotland has maintained as distinct role and identity. This is grounded in a tradition and history that is quite different from that south of the Border and includes legal and education systems that have always been separate.  That has manifested itself in a distinct policy agenda since devolution and areas such as free care for the elderly and the abolition of student tuition fees.  Despite the opinions of doomsayers before devolution it has been proved as a remarkable success and massive approval throughout the UK with 70% saying it has been a success. [i]  [i] The Scotsman. “70% of Britons support devolution for Scotland, poll suggests” 8 May 2009. Scotland history devolution political interests Union distinct role identity tradition legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman Scotland history devolution political interests Union distinct role identity tradition legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll Scotsman Scotland devolution political interests Union distinct role identity tradition history legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK The Scotsman poll Britons Scotland history devolution political interests Union 300th birthday distinct role identity tradition legal systems education systems separate distinct policy agenda free care elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman Britons support 70% Scotland proud history devolution political interests Union 300th birthday distinct role identity tradition legal system education system policy agenda free care elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers success UK approval poll The Scotsman Scotland history devolution political interests Union 300th birthday distinct role identity tradition legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly abolition student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK The Scotsman poll Britons support 70% Scotland history devolution political interests Union 300th birthday distinct role identity tradition legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman Scotland devolution political interests Union history distinct role identity tradition legal system education system policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman Scotland history devolution political interests Union 300th birthday distinct role identity tradition legal system education system policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman Scotland devolution political interests Union distinct role identity tradition history legal systems education systems policy agenda free care elderly student tuition fees doomsayers success approval UK poll The Scotsman
test-environment-aiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income source 40% expenditure Westgate siege Kenya tougher protection endangered animals decrease operational capability stability Africa Stewart Tackett elephant poaching fund terrorist attack poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income source 2013 Westgate siege Kenya tough protection endangered animals operational capability stability Africa Stewart illegal ivory trade Tackett elephant poaching Kenya terrorist attack Poaching Terrorism Stronger Protection Animals Funding Terrorist Groups Illegal Ivory Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Illicit Trade Expenditure Attacks Westgate Siege Kenya Endangered Animals Operational Capability Stability Africa Stewart Tackett Poaching Terrorism Stronger Protection Animals Reduce Funding Terrorist Groups Illegal Ivory Trade Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Illicit Trade Source of Income Westgate Siege Kenya Tougher Protection Endangered Animals Operational Capability Stability in Africa Ivory Trade Terrorist Attacks Elephant Poaching Funding Terrorism Conservation Security Wildlife Trafficking African Wildlife Conflict Resolution Environmental Crime International Cooperation Policy Recommendations Legal Enforcement Community Engagement Economic Development Sustainable Practices Human-Wildlife Conflict Public Awareness poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist attacks Westgate siege Kenya stability Africa endangered animals operational capability security wildlife conservation illegal wildlife trade terrorist financing elephant poaching conflict regions conservation efforts poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya stability Africa endangered animals operational capability illegal wildlife trade terrorist groups elephant poaching conservation security international cooperation law enforcement wildlife crime funding reduction attack prevention regional stability poaching terrorism ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illegal wildlife trade terrorist funding Westgate siege Kenya animal protection endangered species operational capability stability Africa C. Stewart C. Tackett Poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income attacks Westgate siege Kenya endangered animals operational capability stability Africa elephant poaching terrorist attack poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist groups attacks Westgate siege Kenya endangered animals operational capability stability Africa poaching terrorism illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya endangered animals protection stability Africa
test-economy-epehwmrbals-pro05a	When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, When developing countries employ poor labour standards, other countries follow the example in order to be competitive  As long as developing nations constantly keep employing poor labour standards, it will keep putting a strain on the global economy. This is because other countries will be pressured to do the same just to remain competitive. This creates a race to the bottom effect and would create “poor conditions and loss of freedom in the global South, and causes workers in the global North to lose their jobs to cheap outsourced labour”. [1] Higher labour standards in developing countries therefore also benefits developed countries. However the converse is also true; labels like ‘fair trade’ provide a guarantee of ethical quality and show that consumers are willing to pay more to ensure good labour standards.  [1] ‘Changing Global Trade Rules’, International Labor Rights Forum, developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness labour standards international trade global competition worker conditions job outsourcing developing nations developed countries economic strain trade rules labor rights labour standards developing countries global economy competition race to the bottom poor conditions loss of freedom global South job loss global North outsourcing fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness international labor rights trade rules developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness outsourced labour labour standards international trade global competition economic strain worker freedom job loss poor labour standards developing countries global competition race to the bottom global economy strain fair trade ethical quality worker conditions job outsourcing developed countries benefit international labor rights global trade rules developing countries poor labour standards global competition economic strain race to the bottom ethical labour practices fair trade consumer willingness developed countries global South global North job outsourcing trade rules International Labor Rights Forum developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom ethical quality fair trade labour standards global South global North competitive outsourced labour consumer willingness higher labour standards developed countries trade rules International Labor Rights Forum poor labour standards developing countries global economy race to the bottom ethical quality fair trade labour standards competitive pressure outsourced labour worker conditions international trade global South global North economic strain consumer willingness trade rules International Labor Rights Forum developing countries poor labour standards global economy race to the bottom ethical quality fair trade labour standards international trade global South global North job outsourcing consumer behavior economic competition labour rights trade rules international labor rights forum developing countries poor labour standards global competition race to the bottom economic strain global economy fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness labour standards developed countries outsourced labour job loss international trade global South global North labour rights trade rules ethical production economic pressure market dynamics workforce conditions international labor rights forum labor standards developing countries global economy competitive pressure race to the bottom poor conditions loss of freedom global South job loss global North fair trade ethical quality consumer willingness higher labor standards developed countries international labor rights trade rules
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con03a	The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. The disclosure of previous convictions could falsely characterize the defendant.  This motion is incredibly dangerous in a variety of ways as not only convictions but also acquittals and other past conduct could then be raised in a court trials. This means that a jury could be informed that somebody had questionable behaviour, such as a sexual interest in children, even if they had never been tried or much less convicted of an actual offence. This would allow the prosecution to unduly blacken the character of the defendant, and easily prejudice the jury against them for no valid reason, and without the evidence which formal proceedings would require. Studies into jury verdicts have found that a jury was ‘50% more likely to convict if it was told that the defendant had a conviction for a similar previous offence than if it was given no information’, particularly in regard to sexual offences [1] . This is proof that jurors are highly susceptible to prejudice when reaching a verdict.  [1] The Economist, ‘Tilting the balance’, 2 January 2003. prior arrests unrelated offenses character assassination prejudicial evidence jury bias legal misconduct wrongful conviction due process violations fair trial alternative explanations exonerating circumstances judicial fairness prosecutorial overreach defendant's rights jury deliberation evidence standards legal ethics judicial reform safeguarding justice courtroom procedures legal safeguards evidentiary rules juror education privilege against self-incrimination presumption of innocence legal precedent judicial discretion prosecutorial discretion judicial oversight legal principles trial integrity judicial accountability legal protections judicial decision-making legal norms legal standards trial prejudice jury verdict conviction defendant character evidence trials sexual offences acquittals conduct motion blacken susceptible bias formal proceedings information studies tilting balance economist similar offense previous unduly characterize falsify dangerous raise inform questionable interest children untried unconvicted convict likelihood statistical impact legal system judicial fairness integrity manipulation unfair advantage psychological influence decision making devoid context reliable source credibility previous convictions false characterization defendant motion danger court trials acquittals past conduct jury information questionable behavior sexual interest untried offenses unduly blackening character prejudice valid evidence jury verdicts conviction likelihood sexual offences juror prejudice reaching verdict disclosure previous convictions characterize defendant dangerous motion court trials jury informed questionable behavior sexual interest unduly blacken prejudice jury no valid reason evidence requirements studies jury verdicts 50% more likely convict similar previous offence sexual offences jurors prejudice reaching verdict disclosure previous convictions characterize defendant motion dangerous convictions acquittals past conduct court trials jury questionable behaviour sexual interest children never tried convicted offence prosecution blacken character prejudice valid reason evidence formal proceedings studies jury verdicts 50% more likely convict similar previous offence sexual offences jurors susceptible prejudice reaching verdict disclosure previous convictions defendant motion dangerous convictions acquittals past conduct court trials jury questionable behaviour sexual interest children prosecution blacken character prejudice valid reason formal proceedings studies jury verdicts 50% more likely convict similar previous offence sexual offences jurors susceptible prejudice reaching verdict disclosure previous convictions characterize defendant motion dangers court trials jury information questionable behavior sexual interest untried offenses blacken character prejudice valid reason evidence jury verdicts conviction likelihood sexual offences jurors prejudice verdict influence previous convictions defendant motion court trials jury questionable behaviour sexual interest children prosecution blacken character prejudice valid reason formal proceedings studies jury verdicts convict similar offence sexual offences susceptible prejudice reaching verdict previous convictions false characterization defendant dangerous motion acquittals past conduct court trials jury information questionable behavior sexual interest untried offenses character blackening jury prejudice invalid reason formal proceedings jury verdicts conviction likelihood sexual offenses juror susceptibility prejudice verdict influence jury bias prejudicial evidence character evidence prior convictions defendant rights legal fairness trial outcomes sexual offences verdict influence legal procedures court trials acquitted individuals previous conduct trial prejudice jury decision-making legal reform evidentiary rules prosecution tactics defendant protection judicial transparency
test-politics-dhwem-pro05a	PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs provide a service that may be otherwise unavailable.  Many nation states have achieved sufficient unity to rely on their own armies but for those which cant, mercenary forces provide an invaluable and possibly only mode of protection and security. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw believes that in an era of “small wars and weak states” mercenaries have a “legitimate role” (The Economist, 2002). Mercenaries may be the only way of providing short term security guarantees to allow a government to establish itself without relying on warlords or one side of an ethnic conflict. This could be the only way out of a pattern of coup and counter-coup. Recruiting local mercenaries also has the benefits of reducing transportation costs, instant readiness as well as any knowledge of the local politics, geography and customs which may be highly valuable to a security force. These local recruits may be less inclined to share this information with a government force. PMCs private military companies mercenary forces nation states armies security protection Jack Straw British Foreign Secretary small wars weak states short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs local politics geography customs security force government force hiring mercenaries international security conflict resolution peacekeeping destabilized regions military support private security operational readiness indigenous forces political stability regional security international relations military outsourcing strategic resources tactical advantages humanitarian aid conflict prevention internal security external threats PMCs mercenary forces nation states armies security protection British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role mercenaries short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs local politics geography customs security force recruitment benefits PMCs mercenary forces nation states armies security protection Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs government force PMCs service provision nation states armies mercenary forces security British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs security force government force PMCs mercenary forces nation states armies security protection Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs local politics geography customs government force PMCs mercenary forces nation states armies security protection Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security coup ethnic conflict local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs security force government force PMCs mercenary forces nation states unity armies security protection Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs security force government force PMCs mercenary forces nation states armies security protection British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw small wars weak states legitimate role short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs government force PMCs private military companies mercenary forces nation states armies security protection Jack Straw small wars weak states short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs readiness local politics geography customs security force government force PMCs mercenary forces nation states security protection British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw small wars weak states short term security government establishment warlords ethnic conflict coup counter-coup local mercenaries transportation costs local politics geography customs security force government force
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-pro01a	Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, Having no elections is honest  Holding sham elections is fundamentally dishonest as it is asking the people to choose a government and then ignoring their choice. Not holding elections is at least honestly telling the people that they get no say in who is in power. Holding a sham election inevitably means having to lie to the people somewhere along the line; whether it is in preventing people registering, or voting, or in manipulating the results. The people usually know the result is a sham or at least are suspicious – in the latest Zimbabwean election the headlines in the newspapers included “ZANU-PF gloats over victory”. [1]  Without a sham election the government can at least be honest with their people so enabling a level of trust or even a kind of contract between the two – the government and the people each lets the other get on with it. Thus for example in China trust in government in 2012 was 76% against the world average of 51%. [2]  [1] Chinaka, Cris, ‘Africa and West at odds over disputed Zimbabwe election’, Reuters, 4 August 2013,   [2] Sedghi, Ami, and Rogers, Simon, ‘Do we trust our government? See how your country compares’, TheGuardian.com, 24 January 2012, elections sham elections dishonesty voter choice government trust manipulation voter registration election results public suspicion media reaction Zimbabwe ZANU-PF China government legitimacy citizen-government contract global trust comparison elections sham elections honest dishonest government people's choice manipulation trust contract China Zimbabwe ZANU-PF voter registration voting results manipulation public suspicion international relations governance political systems democracy authoritarianism public opinion trust in government world average political participation electoral integrity elections sham elections honesty dishonesty government people's choice manipulation trust contract China Africa Zimbabwe ZANU-PF voter registration voting rights election results public trust world average government transparency political participation democratic process authoritarian rule civic engagement electoral fraud political legitimacy citizen rights governance political systems international relations media coverage political reforms democratic values electoral integrity voter suppression political representation public opinion government accountability political stability social contract political culture electoral systems political efficacy citizen empowerment political transparency election sham elections honest governance election manipulation voter suppression government trust China government trust Zimbabwe election ZANU-PF victory voter registration obstruction election results tampering public suspicion government people contract world trust average African elections Western views government honesty people's choice no elections electoral dishonesty political transparency governance legitimacy sham elections electoral fraud government dishonesty voter manipulation election integrity public trust government legitimacy Zimbabwe election ZANU-PF China government trust world average trust electoral transparency voter suppression political honesty democratic process electoral reform citizen participation government accountability sham elections election integrity democratic process voter disenfranchisement government trust political manipulation electoral fraud public skepticism China trust in government Zimbabwean election ZANU-PF victory election transparency voter registration election results manipulation government accountability citizen participation political honesty democratic legitimacy electoral systems political representation sham elections honest governance election manipulation voter registration voting suppression election results public distrust political transparency government legitimacy China trust Africa elections Zimbabwe election government-citizen contract electoral integrity democratic processes political participation government accountability citizen engagement electoral fraud political honesty sham elections honest governance voter manipulation election results public trust government legitimacy electoral fraud China trust Zimbabwe election ZANU-PF victory democratic process people's choice political contract government honesty world trust average election transparency voter suppression electoral integrity political representation people's rights government accountability sham elections honesty government trust voter manipulation election results public suspicion Zimbabwe China government legitimacy electoral integrity voter rights political transparency citizen disenfranchisement international relations election fraud democratic values political science governance public opinion election observation election integrity voter suppression government transparency political manipulation public trust democratic deficit sham democracy electoral fraud citizen rights authoritarian governance political cynicism electoral legitimacy Zimbabwean politics Chinese governance international election standards voter disenfranchisement political representation democratic values government accountability
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con02a	Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power is shifting to the East  Geography has a great influence on the position of nations and their foreign policies. For example it is the UK’s Island nation status that is a major reason why it is not fully committed to the European project. Attention internationally is now shifting to East Asia where the main rising powers are; China and India. This means that the UK’s position is less geographically important so to compensate the UK needs Europe; China’s leader Xi Jinping on his state visit to Britain stated China wants “a united EU, and hopes Britain… can play an even more positive and constructive role in promoting the deepening development of China-EU ties.” [1] The United States, Britain’s main ally since World War II, is much less interested in Europe.  [1] ‘China wants Britain in a united European Union, Xi Jinping tells David Cameron’, South China Morning Post, 23 October 2015, Power East Geography Nations Foreign policies UK Island nation European project East Asia Rising powers China India International attention Geographical importance Europe Xi Jinping Britain United States Ally World War II South China Morning Post Power shift East Asia geographical influence foreign policy UK European project island nation China India rising powers international attention UK-Europe relations China-EU ties Xi Jinping Britain United States ally World War II South China Morning Post Power shift East Asia Geography influence Nation position Foreign policy UK Island nation European project Rising powers China India UK-Europe relation China-EU ties US-European interest Xi Jinping Britain United States World War II South China Morning Post David Cameron EU unity Power shift Eastern influence Geopolitical change UK's isolation European commitment Island nation Geographic influence International attention East Asia Rising powers China India UK's position Geographical importance Compensation strategy EU importance US interests Transatlantic relations China-UK relations Xi Jinping State visit China-EU ties South China Morning Post David Cameron power shift East Asia geography nation position foreign policies UK island nation European project rising powers China India international attention UK-Europe relationship China-EU ties Xi Jinping Britain united EU US ally World War II South China Morning Post geopolitical shift East Asia UK's island nation status European project China India rising powers UK's position geographical importance European Union China-EU ties United States Britain's ally World War II international attention foreign policies geographical influence state visit Xi Jinping David Cameron South China Morning Post 23 October 2015 Power shift East Asia Geography Foreign policy Island nation European project Rising powers China India United Kingdom Europe Xi Jinping State visit China-EU ties United States Ally World War II South China Morning Post David Cameron United European Union Power East Geography Nations Foreign Policies UK Island Nation European Project East Asia Rising Powers China India International Attention UK Position Geographical Importance Compensation United Europe China Leader Xi Jinping State Visit Britain United EU China-EU Ties United States Britain Main Ally World War II Europe Interest Power shift East Asia Geography influence Nations positioning Foreign policies UK Island nation European project East Asia rising China India UK position Geographical importance Compensation strategy UK needs Europe China’s leader Xi Jinping UK role China-EU ties United States Britain's ally World War II South China Morning Post Power shift East Asia Geography influence Nation positioning Foreign policies UK Island nation European project Rising powers China India UK position Geographical importance Europe compensation Xi Jinping State visit China-EU ties United States Main ally World War II South China Morning Post David Cameron
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con01a	Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors  Cyber attacks are often carried out by non-state actors, such as cyberterrorists or hacktivists (social activists who hack), without any involvement of the actual state. For instance, in 2007 a massive cyber attack launched on Estonia was blamed on Russia due to the then on-going tensions between these two states [17]. However, the attacks on Estonia were generated from all over the world; and even those from Russia could not have been linked to the Russian authorities, who denied involvement. Similarly, a huge wave of cyber attacks dubbed GhostNet that compromised computers in 103 countries in 2009 was blamed on China, not the least for hacking computers of Tibetan authorities. However, it could not be conclusively proven that this was an attack perpetrated by the Chinese authorities [18]. Any retaliation against a state for a cyber attack can never be certain to be against the right target – the state should not be blamed for the actions of its individual citizens. cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists state involvement Estonia cyber attack Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber retaliation state blame individual citizens non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists cyber attacks Estonia Russia tensions global attacks GhostNet China Tibetan authorities state involvement retaliation individual citizens non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber attack attribution state involvement retaliation individual citizens non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists social activists Estonia cyber attack Russia tensions between states global cyber attacks GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber retaliation blaming states individual citizens non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia tensions cyber attack GhostNet China Tibetan retaliation individual citizens cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities state involvement retaliation individual citizens non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia cyber attack Russia tensions global origins GhostNet 2009 compromised computers 103 countries China Tibetan authorities state involvement retaliation individual citizens cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities cyber retaliation state involvement individual citizens cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia tensions GhostNet China Tibetan authorities retaliation state responsibility individual citizens cyber attacks non-state actors cyberterrorists hacktivists Estonia Russia GhostNet China Tibetan authorities state involvement individual citizens retaliation cyber security international tensions hacking digital warfare state blame cyber activism social activism global cyber attacks cyber warfare cyber crime state-sponsored attacks online threats cyber defense cyber policy
test-society-asfhwapg-con01a	Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 Patenting drives up the cost of therapies and renders them unaffordable to the poor  The government and its laws should take care of all their people. Because the state is a construct built by all the people, who all pay taxes to support it, laws should also be based to benefit the greatest amount of people possible.In the case of the Myriad company, which holds, together with the University of Utah Research Foundation, rights over tests for ovarian cancer, it prevented cheaper tests being offered to the public. As a result, Myriad is the only company that can market a test for the mutations, and it charges as much as $3,000 . That is a price that for many is inaccessible. Patients’ state: “There is no other, cheaper test that you could go get in another laboratory, because they have the exclusive patent,” she explained, adding that Myriad also controls the efficacy of the test—second opinions are only available for certain surgeries 1.Because patenting harms the accessibility of diagnostics and testing, it should not be allowed.  1. Pratt P.A., Court Rules That DNA Is Information, Not Intellectual Property, published March 30th 2010,  , accessed 07/20/2011 patent reform affordable healthcare Myriad Genetics gene patenting public health policy equitable access medical testing costs government intervention healthcare economics patent law biotechnology regulation patient rights genetic diagnostics ovarian cancer screening healthcare disparities intellectual property rights legislative action societal benefit cost-effectiveness healthcare accessibility tax-supported services public interest law monopoly practices healthcare innovation research funding patent exclusivity medical ethics affordability treatment options healthcare legislation regulatory frameworks public welfare healthcare system genetic testing patent law reform economic impact healthcare innovation policy public health ethics patenting cost therapies unaffordable poor government laws people state construct taxes benefit greatest Myriad University Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer cheaper tests public market mutations price inaccessible patients exclusive patent information intellectual property diagnostics accessibility court rules DNA March 2010 July 2011 patenting cost therapies affordability poor government laws public benefit Myriad University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer exclusive rights cheaper tests $3000 inaccessible price patients exclusive patent second opinions diagnostics testing accessibility intellectual property DNA Pratt P.A. court rules patenting cost therapies affordability poor government laws public welfare state construct taxes benefits Myriad University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer exclusive rights pricing market efficacy second opinions diagnostics intellectual property DNA information Pratt P.A. court ruling intellectual property laws public health economic barriers patent reform accessibility healthcare genetic testing monopolies competition consumer rights legal challenges bioethics innovation research public domain ethical considerations societal impact policy-making legislative action patent law healthcare economics affordability crisis patent therapies cost affordability poor government laws public benefit Myriad University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer test pricing market exclusivity patient access diagnostics intellectual property DNA information Pratt P.A. court ruling patent reform affordable healthcare government responsibility public welfare patent exclusivity Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer testing high healthcare costs patent law ethics accessible diagnostics communal benefit state duty healthcare inequality patent abuse biotechnology regulation financial barriers to treatment public health policy genetic testing accessibility legal precedents in healthcare healthcare affordability solutions patenting drug cost affordability government responsibility public welfare tax contribution state construct law equity Myriad Genetics University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer testing monopoly test pricing accessibility patient rights diagnostic patenting intellectual property DNA information court ruling public health economic barriers medical ethics patent law reform healthcare policy genetic testing second opinion restrictions healthcare accessibility patent exclusivity public domain biotechnology regulation medical innovation healthcare equity social justice legal ethics gene patenting healthcare cost control patient choice healthcare affordability legal challenges health policy patent reform affordable healthcare Myriad Genetics ovarian cancer testing gene patents public health policy accessibility of medical tests healthcare economics intellectual property law genetic testing affordability government responsibility tax-supported healthcare equitable access to medicine patient rights legal ethics in healthcare healthcare regulation biotechnology patents medical innovation costs healthcare inequality genetic diagnostics pricing state-funded health services patent law reform healthcare for the impoverished medical monopolies patent abuse healthcare justice international healthcare laws health economics public interest in patenting medical ethics fair pricing in healthcare health system sustainability healthcare accessibility patenting cost therapies unaffordable poor government laws people state construct taxes benefit Myriad University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer cheaper tests public exclusive patent $3000 inaccessible Patients no alternative cheaper test laboratory exclusive control efficacy second opinions surgeries accessibility diagnostics testing intellectual property DNA information court ruling Pratt P.A. March 30th 2010 accessed 07/20/2011 patenting cost therapies affordability poor government laws public benefit Myriad University of Utah Research Foundation ovarian cancer cheaper tests market exclusivity pricing accessibility diagnostics testing patent law DNA intellectual property court ruling
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia democracy social networks Facebook democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government policies dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media organization civic engagement change activism Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media organization censorship public opinion civil rights digital activism political change communication tools grassroots movements online organizing civic engagement internet freedom political participation democracy social networks Facebook democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government policies online petitions Avaaz.org citizen engagement social media political change online organization petition gathering democratic participation civic engagement digital activism political communication public opinion social media impact government accountability digital democracy civil rights political mobilization online dissent information dissemination political awareness grassroots movements political campaigns online communities protest organization social media influence government responsiveness digital megaphone public sphere civic tech online Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org online petitions government policies citizen engagement social media oppression political change online organizing civic participation Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org online petitions citizen engagement government accountability social media political activism online organizing civil society information sharing public opinion political change digital activism freedom of speech human rights civic participation media freedom political reform democratic values online communities grassroots movements digital democracy internet freedom political communication social change online mobilization protest organization civil liberties government surveillance policy change political expression social impact Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government online environment Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin unpopular policies citizens dissent online petitions Avaaz.org Sonya Angelica Diehn Caroline Stauffer Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government policies online petitions Avaaz.org citizen engagement online organizing social media impact political change free speech public opinion Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org online petitions civic engagement government accountability social media impact political change online organizing digital activism Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies government protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online environment government intervention safe space news organization dissent policies citizens government actions online petitions Avaaz.org change Sonya Angelica Diehn DW Caroline Stauffer Reuters activists Turkey protests Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media organization civic engagement political participation public opinion digital activism internet freedom of speech citizen empowerment government accountability online mobilization political change social change information dissemination activism political campaigns digital democracy online communities civic tech protest movements regime change government intervention online organizing real-world impact political influence digital era public sphere collective action online platforms"
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-pro04a	Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence  Many forms of media are often accused of inciting violence, promoting stereotypes, or indoctrinating in some form or another. While this is contentious, the key principle that ‘sex sells’ is more obvious. Pornography is not like other media in that, while most other films are aimed at entertainment, this is aimed at arousal. That is, it is aimed at immediate and fully selfish pleasure, which is much more forceful and addictive than mere laughter.  The psychological effect of pornography is harmful due to the associations it conditions its audience to make. It eroticises violence through portrayals (fake or genuine) of rape and a general treatment of women that is comparable to torture, yet presented in a context that necessarily biologically excites its viewers. Through continuous exposure to the link between abuse and intense pleasure, this link is easily extended to personal relationships. The master-slave dialectic suddenly becomes acceptable. Compulsive rapists, such as Ted Bundy, are often found to have consumed mass amounts of pornography (Benson). [1] More subtle, yet certainly still present is the force of such associations on young teenagers who have not yet had a sexual relationship and rely on pornography for guidance. This has a potentially massive impact given that 11 is the average age of first internet porn exposure (Techmedia Network). [2]  [1] Benson, Rusty. “Vile Passions.” AFA Journal August 2002.   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography eroticises violence media inciting promoting stereotypes indoctrinating sex sells arousal immediate pleasure addictive psychological effect conditions audience rape treatment women torture biological excitement exposure link abuse intense pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic acceptable compulsive rapists Ted Bundy consumed mass amounts subtle force associations young teenagers sexual relationship internet porn exposure average age Feminist Porn Award pornography eroticises violence media inciting promoting stereotypes indoctrinating sex sells entertainment arousal immediate pleasure forceful addictive psychological effect conditions audience rape portrayal women torture excites viewers abuse intense pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic acceptable compulsive rapists Ted Bundy consumed mass amounts subtle young teenagers sexual relationship guidance average age first internet exposure Techmedia Network Feminist Porn Award pornography violence eroticisation media incitement stereotypes indoctrination sex entertainment arousal pleasure addiction psychological effects conditioning rape torture biological excitement master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers sexual relationships internet exposure feminist porn award Benson Techmedia Network pornography violence eroticisation media stereotypes indoctrination sex sells arousal pleasure .psihological effects conditioned responses rape abuse intense pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers sexual guidance internet exposure Feminist Porn Award Pornography violence eroticisation media stereotypes indoctrination sex entertainment arousal pleasure psychological effects harmful associations rape abuse women torture biological excitement master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers sexual relationships internet porn exposure age Feminist Porn Award Benson Techmedia Network Pornography eroticises violence media inciting violence promoting stereotypes indoctrination sex sells entertainment arousal selfish pleasure addictive psychological effect harmful conditions audience rape treatment of women torture biological excitement master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy pornography consumption young teenagers sexual relationship guidance internet porn exposure average age 11 Feminist Porn Award Pornography violence eroticisation media stereotypes indoctrination sex entertainment arousal pleasure laughter addiction psychological effects conditioned associations rape abuse torture excitement personal relationships master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy young teenagers sexual guidance internet porn average age first exposure Feminist Porn Award pornography eroticises violence media incites promotes stereotypes indoctrinates sex sells arousal pleasure addiction psychological harm conditions associations rape torture biologically excites exposure abuse relationships master-slave dialectic acceptable compulsive rapists Ted Bundy pornography consumed subtle impact teenagers sexual guidance internet porn exposure feminist porn awards Pornography erotic violence media violence sex sells arousal psychological effects sexual conditioning rape portrayals torture biological excitement abuse personal relationships master-slave dialectic compulsive rapists Ted Bundy pornography consumption young teenagers sexual guidance average age first internet porn exposure Feminist Porn Award Pornography eroticises violence media inciting promoting stereotypes indoctrination sex sells entertainment arousal immediate selfish pleasure forceful addictive psychological harm associations rape treatment women torture biologically excited continuous exposure abuse pleasure personal relationships master-slave dialectic acceptable compulsive rapists Ted Bundy consumed mass Feminist Porn Award average age first internet porn exposure guidance teenagers subtle impact Techmedia Network Benson
test-international-iwiaghbss-pro02a	Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Small size makes for ease  The Seychelles, as with the other nations whose very existence is threatened by climate change, is small. It is twice the size of Washington D.C., so smaller than many cities. As such finding enough land to relocate the country should not be a problem. Several of the states closest to the Seychelles; Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Madagascar, have plenty of land that they could give up without any inconvenience to their own state. Kenya, the smallest, is more than 1200 times bigger than Seychelles Seychelles climate change small nation land relocation Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability environmental threats national security geographic size Washington D.C. territorial exchange international cooperation Seychelles climate change small nation land relocation nearby countries Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability environmental threat island nation territorial size relocation options international assistance global warming impact vulnerable countries adaptation strategies regional cooperation land donation possibilities Seychelles climate change small nations land relocation Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability state size comparison Washington D.C. small size ease Seychelles climate change existence threatened twice size Washington D.C. smaller than cities land relocation nearby states Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability inconvenience state size Kenya size comparison 1200 times bigger Seychelles small nation climate change land relocation Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability environmental threats island nations geographical size relocation solutions international cooperation small size climate change threatened nations Seychelles land relocation neighboring countries Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability state size comparison environmental challenges territorial solutions small size ease Seychelles climate change threatened nations Washington D.C. land relocation Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar state land inconvenience 1200 times bigger small size climate change land relocation Seychelles Washington D.C. Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar land availability state convenience size comparison relocation options environmental threat national existence coastal nations geographical vulnerability international assistance land donation relocation feasibility Seychelles climate change small nation land relocation Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar Washington D.C. land size relocation feasibility environmental threat state territory land availability international cooperation climate refugees small island states global warming impact geographic vulnerability regional collaboration coastal nations land mass comparison environmental migration territorial adjustments sustainable relocation geopolitical considerations climate adaptation strategies small size climate change land relocation Seychelles Kenya Tanzania Somalia Madagascar Washington D.C. land availability state convenience environmental threats national relocation geographic solutions
test-law-lghwpcctcc-con04a	Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 Witnesses and jurors could easily become involved in the media coverage of the case and place the trial at jeopardy.  Newspaper interviews with witnesses have already caused trials to be cancelled in the past [1] because the judiciary recognises that media coverage can change people’s incentives and warp their priorities. This interference may affect the reliability of the witness’ evidence or the jurors’ verdict. Following the televised trial of O. J. Simpson, several witnesses and jurors gave interviews to the media, or wrote their memoirs of the case [2] . If witnesses and jurors know that their public lives could be affected by how the rest of society perceives them through a court case, they might have an incentive to be more harsh or more lenient; public outrage when the criminal sentence does not match their own interpretations is likely to be laid on those who caused that sentence. This is particularly dangerous for America, where they have trial by jury [3] . Here, the jury has more control over the sentencing of criminals – which obviously becomes a problem if the jury has a vested interest in giving harsh sentences to offenders in order to gain public support. Cameras in court can only encourage witnesses and jurors to distort their true recollection or their opinions in order to profit from the media circus.  [1]  , accessed 19/08/11  [2]  , accessed 19/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11 media influence trial integrity witness testimony juror bias public perception media interviews courtroom cameras jury control sentencing impact O.J. Simpson trial legal ethics media circus public support witness memoirs judicial recognition trial cancellation societal interpretation criminal sentencing juror incentives witness reliability witnesses jurors media coverage trial jeopardy newspaper interviews cancelled trials judiciary recognition media influence witness evidence jurors' verdict O. J. Simpson trial media interviews witness memoirs public perception societal pressure harsh verdicts lenient verdicts public outrage criminal sentencing American trial by jury jury control sentencing criminals jury vested interest cameras in court media circus profit from media media influence trial integrity witness interviews jury bias public perception media circus trial by jury sentencing influence O. J. Simpson trial judicial recognition media coverage trial cancellation public outrage juror incentives witness reliability camera in court legal ethics verdict distortion societal pressure criminal sentencing witnesses jurors media coverage trial jeopardy newspaper interviews cancelled trials judiciary media interference witness reliability juror verdict televised trials O. J. Simpson witness interviews juror memoirs public perception court case public life criminal sentencing public outrage trial by jury America jury control sentencing criminals public support cameras in court media circus witness distortion juror opinions profit from media witnesses jurors media coverage trial jeopardy newspaper interviews cancelled trials judiciary recognition changed incentives warped priorities witness reliability juror verdict O. J. Simpson televised trial public life societal perception harsh leniency public outrage criminal sentencing American jury vested interest public support cameras in court media circus distortion true recollection opinions profit witnesses jurors media coverage trial jeopardy newspaper interviews cancelled trials judiciary recognition media influence witness reliability juror verdict O. J. Simpson trial witness interviews juror memoirs public perception court case public life societal perception leniency harshness public outrage criminal sentencing trial by jury jury control sentencing influence public support cameras in court media circus profit motive true recollection opinion distortion media coverage trial jeopardy newspaper interviews witness reliability juror verdict O. J. Simpson media interviews juror memoirs public perception societal interpretation criminal sentencing jury control public support cameras in court media circus witness distortion juror opinions public outrage trial by jury vested interest harsh sentences media influence trial fairness jury tampering witness tampering public opinion judicial integrity media circus trial coverage O. J. Simpson trial jury incentives witness incentives public perception sentencing bias camera in court legal ethics judicial system trial by jury juror conduct witness conduct courtroom media legal interference trial cancellation judicial recognition media distortion verdict reliability testimonial reliability juror motivation witness motivation public scrutiny legal consequences media exposure legal proceedings judicial process media impact legal issues courtroom behavior juror decision-making witness testimony media media influence trial integrity witness interviews juror behavior public perception O. J. Simpson trial jury sentencing camera presence legal ethics media circus public outrage trial cancellation judicial recognition evidence reliability verdict impartiality societal interpretation legal consequences media coverage witness reliability juror motivation public support legal system America trial by jury legal incentives sentencing manipulation media distortion true recollection legal opinions profit motives media commentators legal proceedings courtroom behavior legal outcomes public scrutiny media impact legal process legal challenges media role legal fairness judicial media influence jury bias witness testimony public opinion trial fairness media circus O.J. Simpson case judicial integrity cameras in court verdict manipulation sentencing influence societal perception legal ethics jury control public support trial cancellation reliability of evidence juror interviews witness memoirs media interference legal outcomes public outrage trial by jury media coverage legal proceedings courtroom public image juror incentives witness incentives legal fairness media distortion trial integrity juror public life witness public life legal system media impact on trials juror behavior witness behavior legal
test-health-dhgsshbesbc-con02a	The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 The risks of ignorance and prejudice are too high  This measure could be actively dangerous for HIV-positive workers. Ignorance causes so much bad behaviour towards AIDS sufferers and HIV-positive men and women. A fifth of men in the UK who disclose their HIV positive status at work then experience HIV discrimination. [1] The proposition seeks to institutionalise and widen the shunning and ill-treatment of HIV-positive workers that already happens when people find out about their condition. Even if not motivated by prejudice, co-workers will often take excessive precautions which are medically unnecessary and inflame unsubstantiated fears of casual transmission.  In addition, many people who are HIV-positive choose not to reveal their condition for fear of violent reactions to them from their families and the rest of society. If disclosure to an employer is compulsory, then the news will inevitably leak out to the wider community. In effect, they will lose any right of privacy completely.  [1] Pebody, 2009 HIV AIDS discrimination workplace privacy prejudice ignorance health safety mandatory disclosure transmission stigma human rights employment public health social attitudes confidentiality violence societal reactions HIV AIDS discrimination workplace privacy prejudice institutionalization shunning co-workers transmission mandatory disclosure violence societal reactions medical unnecessary precautions privacy rights confidentiality employment health conditions human rights stigma public health legislation worker protection ethics confidentiality breach occupational health safety social stigma legal protection health status employment rights disclosure laws health policy marginalized communities health education awareness support systems prevention mental health policy reform advocacy discrimination prevention workplace diversity inclusion equal opportunity 招聘会 job security informed consent data HIV-positive discrimination workplace ignorance prejudice AIDS compulsory disclosure privacy stigma societal reactions health risks institutionalized shunning unnecessary precautions casual transmission violence family community right to privacy Pebody 2009 HIV discrimination institutionalized prejudice workplace privacy medical confidentiality AIDS stigma compulsive disclosure risks societal intolerance health worker rights unprotected health data employment discrimination laws HIV-positive workplace discrimination AIDS stigma health privacy compulsory disclosure employment rights HIV transmission misconceptions social prejudice workplace health policies employee confidentiality HIV discrimination workplace privacy HIV-positive workers institutionalized shunning medical unnecessary precautions fear of disclosure loss of privacy societal prejudice risk of violence compulsory disclosure HIV status AIDS sufferers casual transmission workplace discrimination human rights health stigma employment rights public health concerns confidentiality breaches social stigma HIV AIDS discrimination workplace prejudice ignorance health privacy compulsory disclosure societal reactions transmission fears medical unnecessary precautions institutionalized stigma human rights employment confidentiality mental health social stigma prevention awareness legal protection ethical considerations HIV-positive workers discrimination ignorance prejudice institutionalisation shunning ill-treatment casual transmission privacy compulsory disclosure societal reactions workplace prejudice medical unnecessary precautions viral status confidentiality employment rights health stigma HIV AIDS discrimination prejudice ignorance workplace health privacy human rights stigma compulsory disclosure UK violence social rejection transmission myths medical unnecessary precautions institutionalized shunning co-workers fear HIV-positive workers discrimination ignorance prejudice AIDS disclosure workplace privacy stigma institutionalisation health rights violence social community mandatory leaked information precaution transmission fear reactions employers employees confidentiality human rights legislation protection support education awareness mental well-being isolation rejection safety equality opportunity benefits risk health policy public opinion advocacy representation visibility acceptance integration accommodation reasonable adjustments accommodations workplace diversity inclusion training sensitivity cultural competence
test-international-ssiarcmhb-con02a	In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. In contradiction to the Catholic Church's responsibility to promote life.  Many Catholic countries in Africa and South America have huge problems with AIDS and HIV with thousands of people dying as a result. In a survey carried out in 20091, it was found that in sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million people were living with HIV/AIDS and 1.3 million people died of AIDS. An enormous number of these people contracted HIV because they did not use a condom during intercourse, under the advice of the Catholic Church. It is clear, then, that the Catholic Church's stance on barrier contraception promotes the spread of AIDS. The opposition also believes that since the Catholic Church are in a position of power over a colossal number of people, they have a responsibility to ensure the welfare of those people. They must, therefore, reduce the likelihood that the people that they have power over will die as much as they can. Their ban over the use of barrier contraception is not in line with this responsibility. 1 UNAIDS global report. Catholic Church AIDS HIV sub-Saharan Africa contraception barrier methods condoms public health religious influence mortality rates ethical responsibility UNAIDS sexual education disease prevention humanitarian duty health policy reproductive rights faith-based organizations sexual behavior healthcare accessibility Catholic Church Africa South America AIDS HIV deaths sub-Saharan Africa UNAIDS 2009 survey barrier contraception condoms moral responsibility welfare power public health sexual education religious influence mortality rates sexual behavior disease prevention ethical obligations Catholic Church responsibility promote life Catholic countries Africa South America AIDS HIV mortality condom use sub-Saharan Africa UNAIDS barrier contraception welfare power opposition public health sexual education religious influence health policy Catholic Church responsibility promote life AIDS HIV Catholic countries Africa South America deaths sub-Saharan Africa 2009 survey UNAIDS barrier contraception condoms spread of AIDS power welfare ban contraception Catholic Church responsibility life AIDS HIV Africa South America deaths condom use barrier contraception spread opposition power welfare ban UNAIDS global report sub-Saharan Africa 2009 22.5 million 1.3 million Catholic Church responsibility promote life AIDS HIV Catholic countries Africa South America sub-Saharan Africa HIV/AIDS deaths condom use barrier contraception spread of AIDS position of power welfare reduction of deaths ban on contraception Catholic Church responsibility promote life AIDS HIV Africa South America sub-Saharan Africa HIV/AIDS deaths condom use barrier contraception spread of AIDS power welfare reduce likelihood mortality UNAIDS global report ethical stance public health religious influence contraception ban human rights health education sexual health papal doctrine moral responsibility global health crisis disease prevention religious authority reproductive rights Catholic Church AIDS HIV sub-Saharan Africa contraception barrier methods condoms HIV transmission religious influence public health mortality rates UNAIDS ethical responsibility sexual health religious doctrine health policy contraception ban Catholic countries South America Africa AIDS epidemic health advocacy moral obligation disease prevention reproductive health population health religious teachings sexual behavior health education prevention strategies faith-based organizations global health sexual and reproductive rights healthcare accessibility religious leaders health outcomes sexual health education HIV prevalence health interventions religious beliefs health disparities condom use Catholic Church responsibility promote life AIDS HIV Africa South America sub-Saharan Africa 22.5 million living with HIV/AIDS 1.3 million died of AIDS condom use barrier contraception spread of AIDS position of power welfare reduce likelihood die ban UNAIDS global report Catholic Church AIDS HIV contraception barrier methods sub-Saharan Africa South America mortality UNAIDS public health religious influence sexual health morality healthcare policy human rights welfare ethical responsibility population control disease prevention
test-education-ughbuesbf-con01a	The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, The cost to the state is far too great to sustain universal free university education  The system of paying for universal healthcare, education, pensions, etc. threatens to bankrupt countries. The cost of paying for free university education is ruinously high. [1] In the OECD 1.9% of GDP, a third of education expenditure, is spent on tertiary education. [2] For countries to survive, they must rethink what they can afford to provide freely to citizens. It seems fair that all states should offer access to their citizens to primary and secondary education opportunities. University, on the other hand, is not essential to life in the same way. People can be functional and responsible citizens without it. For this reason, the state must consider university in the same way it does any non­essential service; people may pay for it if they wish to partake, but it is not an entitlement owed by the state.  [1] Ullman, Ben. 2007. “Should Higher Education Really Be Free For All?”. The New Statesman. Available:  ­radicals/2007/01/higher­education­free­students  [2] ‘What proportion of national wealth is spent on education’, Education at a glance, OECD, 2011, p.225, cost state sustain universal free university education system paying healthcare pensions threatens bankrupt countries OECD GDP expenditure tertiary survive afford primary secondary functional responsible citizens non-essential service entitlement Ullman 2007 New Statesman proportion national wealth 2011 p.225 cost state sustain universal free university education healthcare pensions bankrupt countries OECD GDP expenditure tertiary survive afford primary secondary essential life functional responsible citizens non-essential service entitlement pay partake Ben Ullman 2007 The New Statesman Education at a glance 2011 cost state sustain universal free university education system paying healthcare pensions bankrupt countries OECD GDP expenditure tertiary survival afford citizens primary secondary essential life non-essential service entitlement Ullman New Statesman proportion national wealth glance 2011 p.225 Cost State Universal Free University Education Bankruptcy OECD GDP Tertiary Education Primary Education Secondary Education Non-essential Service Higher Education Entitlement Public Expenditure Fiscal Sustainability Education Policy Social Welfare Student Funding Economic Burden Public Goods Taxpayer Contribution Educational Finance Government Spending Social Services Financial Viability Economic Impact Higher Education Costs Public Investment Educational Equity Fiscal Responsibility cost state sustain universal free university education system paying healthcare pensions bankrupt countries tertiary GDP OECD primary secondary essential life functional responsible citizens non-essential entitlement pay partake cost state sustain universal free university education bankrupt countries OECD GDP tertiary education expenditure survive afford primary secondary access citizens functional responsible non-essential service entitlement pay partake cost state sustain universal free university education healthcare pensions bankrupt countries OECD GDP tertiary expenditure survive afford primary secondary essential life functional responsible citizens non-essential pay entitlement state Ben Ullman higher education The New Statesman Education at a Glance national wealth cost state sustain universal free university education system paying healthcare pensions bankrupt countries ruinously high OECD GDP expenditure tertiary survive afford citizens primary secondary essential non-essential service entitlement ben ullman higher education radicals new statesman proportion national wealth 2011 225 cost state sustain universal free university education system paying healthcare pensions bankrupt countries OECD GDP expenditure tertiary survive afford citizens primary secondary essential functional responsible non-essential entitlement pay partake cost state sustainability universal free university education healthcare pensions bankruptcy OECD GDP expenditure tertiary essential non-essential citizens primary secondary entitlement Ben Ullman New Statesman Education at a Glance national wealth
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con02a	Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Setting Rwanda's priorities  Rwanda is an emerging democracy healing from the wounds of the horrific past. To achieve the set vision, there should be a priority which in this case is economic development[1].  A large number of Rwandans believe that the government should focus on transforming the nation economically although it may mean restricting free speech, which has prompted a huge participation in government development programs like Ubudehe[2]. Freedom of speech and press needs to be restricted if the government wants to engage in unlimited development; there is no time to engage in long debates over whether a particular project is being implemented the correct way. Having freedom of speech and press would hinder the government’s ability to manage the resources of the state and to encourage investors who don’t want to have protests to their building factories, or have labour complaining about not being paid enough.  Whether a country puts rights or the economy first is up to the individual country, Rwanda has chosen.  [1] Horand, Knaup, ‘Kagame's Priorities for Rwanda: First Prosperity, then Freedom of Expression’, Spiegel.de, 12 August 2010  [2] NS world, ‘Rwanda Engages Citizens in Community-Level development’, nsworld.org Rwanda economic development democracy free speech press restrictions government programs Ubudehe Kagame prosperity freedom of expression community development investor confidence labor rights protests economic priorities human rights national transformation participatory governance policy debate development projects resource management civic engagement political stability social healing genocide recovery sustainable growth public opinion governance models economic policy political reform civil liberties national vision societal progress economic empowerment community involvement government efficiency international perception development strategy national goals citizen participation economic focus rights vs economy Rwanda economic development democracy healing past wounds government priorities Ubudehe freedom of speech press restrictions investor confidence labor rights community development citizen participation Kagame's priorities prosperity expression freedom national transformation human rights development programs state resource management protests factory investments labor complaints civic engagement community-level development Rwanda economic development democracy post-conflict recovery government priorities freedom of speech press restrictions investor confidence community development Ubudehe national transformation Kagame's leadership prosperity human rights civic participation resource management labor rights development programs public debate project implementation Rwanda economic development priority setting emerging democracy post-conflict recovery government programs Ubudehe free speech press restrictions development projects investor confidence labor relations national transformation citizen participation community development Kagame's priorities prosperity freedom of expression rights vs economy state resource management Rwanda economic development democracy free speech press restrictions government priorities Ubudehe Kagame Spiegel NS world community-level development investor confidence labor rights national transformation post-conflict recovery Rwanda economic development democracy free speech press freedom government priorities Ubudehe Kagame prosperity freedom of expression community-level development investor confidence labor rights development projects national transformation civil liberties state resource management public participation economic reforms political debates social healing post-conflict recovery human rights national vision strategic planning governance democracy building economic growth social development civic engagement policy implementation government programs development initiatives national priorities political stability economic empowerment community involvement government-community partnership sustainable development economic policy political discourse Rwanda economic development democracy post-conflict recovery Ubudehe government programs freedom of speech press restrictions investor confidence labor rights community participation national priorities Kagame leadership prosperity human rights development projects public debates resource management civic engagement national vision societal transformation Rwanda economic development priority democracy healing free speech press restrictions government programs Ubudehe investor confidence labor rights national transformation community participation Kagame's priorities prosperity freedom of expression rights vs economy development projects civic engagement state resource management economic development democracy post-conflict healing government priorities free speech press freedom investor relations labor rights community development Ubudehe Kagame's policies national transformation citizen participation resource management Rwanda vision development programs social debates economic growth political rights national priority setting economic development government priorities democracy post-conflict recovery free speech press freedom public participation Ubudehe investor confidence resource management labor rights national vision community development Kagame's leadership citizen engagement economic transformation political rights development projects public debates government efficiency
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-con02a	The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 The loss of individual liberty is the start of a slippery slope.  The proposition puts us in a dangerous place. That situation is the thin edge of a totalitarian wedge – we must take a principled stand for liberty and stop the increasing number of anti-terrorist legislation and over powerful policing powers. Many evil events in history started with good intentions and few cases of injustice. Allowing even a few abuses as an acceptable side effect of improved security will change the tolerance level of the public and lead to a belief that rights such as the presumption of innocence and habeas corpus (which prevents the state from imprisoning someone without charging them with a crime and then trying them) are a negotiable luxury. Furthermore, abuses of the system are likely to victimise certain minority groups (e.g. Muslims, Arab-Americans) in the same way that Japanese-Americans and many other groups were persecuted in World War II, [1] something about which Americans are now rightly ashamed.  [1] Hummel, Jeffrey Rogers, ‘Not Just Japanese Americans: The Untold Story of U.S. Repression During 'The Good War'’, The Journal of Historical Review, Fall 1987 (Vol. 7, No. 3),  , accessed 9 September 2011 loss of liberty slippery slope dangerous proposition totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing good intentions few injustices abuses of security tolerance level presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable rights minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression historical injustice Jeffrey Rogers Hummel The Journal of Historical Review individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions injustice security tolerance level public belief presumption of innocence habeas corpus abuses minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression historical review Jeffrey Rogers Hummel loss of individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place thin edge of totalitarian wedge principled stand for liberty anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing powers evil events good intentions cases of injustice presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable luxury abuses of the system victimisation of minority groups Japanese-Americans Arab-Americans World War II U.S. repression Jeffrey Rogers Hummel historical review individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place thin edge totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions few cases injustice abuses improved security tolerance level public belief presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable luxury abuses system victimise minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans persecuted World War II Jeffrey Rogers Hummel U.S. repression The Good War historical review loss of liberty slippery slope dangerous place thin edge totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions few cases of injustice tolerance level presumption of innocence habeas corpus abuses of the system victimise minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression Jeffrey Rogers Hummel historical review loss of liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions few cases of injustice abuses as side effect security tolerance level presumption of innocence habeas corpus abuses of system victimise minority groups Japanese-Americans persecuted World War II American shame Jeffrey Rogers Hummel U.S. repression The Good War historical review loss of liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions few cases of injustice abuses improved security tolerance level public belief presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable luxury abuses of system victimise minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans persecution World War II historical repression Jeffrey Rogers Hummel U.S. Repression The Good War The Journal of Historical Review loss of individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place thin edge of totalitarian wedge principled stand for liberty anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing powers evil events in history good intentions few cases of injustice abuses as acceptable side effect improved security tolerance level change presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable luxury abuses of the system victimise minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression Jeffrey Rogers Hummel The Journal of Historical Review untold story U.S. Repression During 'The Good War' historical shame individual liberty slippery slope totalitarianism principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing historical abuses presumption of innocence habeas corpus minority persecution Japanese-Americans World War II civil rights security vs. freedom justification of abuse public tolerance negotiable rights Jeffrey Rogers Hummel U.S. repression The Good War historical review individual liberty slippery slope dangerous place totalitarian wedge principled stand anti-terrorist legislation over powerful policing evil events good intentions injustice security presumption of innocence habeas corpus negotiable luxury abuses minority groups Muslims Arab-Americans Japanese-Americans World War II U.S. repression Jeffrey Rogers Hummel The Good War historical review
test-international-aglhrilhb-pro02a	The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, The only just method  Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2].  [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991  [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, just method prosecuting offenders just outcome horrific crimes principled level crime accountability powerful individuals law enforcement international norms prosecution standards judicial effectiveness atrocity conviction grudge prevention healing process forgiveness issues Nazi prosecution Holocaust survivors international justice legal accountability war crimes human rights violations judicial integrity societal healing legal repercussions moral responsibility criminal justice legal prosecution peace maintenance rule of law atrocities prevention post-conflict justice transitional justice legal standards moral accountability judicial process crime deterrence societal trust legal principles moral principles justice system justice accountability rule of law prosecution criminals legal consequences international norms judicial systems atrocities crime peace powerful individuals forgiveness healing Holocaust Nazi war crimes survivors conviction legal standards societal impact moral responsibility judicial process retribution legal ethics human rights violations historical crimes judicial integrity legal precedents moral philosophy crime and punishment societal norms legal accountability judicial oversight legal enforcement moral justice legal prosecution judicial responsibility ethical law legal principles crime prevention judicial effectiveness legal outcomes societal healing legal justice judicial processes justice accountability prosecution offenders crime laws powerful international norms atrocities judiciaries conviction healing forgiveness Nazi Holocaust survivors prosecuting offenders just outcome horrific crimes accountability rule of law international norms judiciaries conviction atrocities healing process forgiveness Nazi prosecution war crimes justice system legal accountability human rights violations criminal responsibility judicial proceedings peace negotiations transitional justice just method prosecuting offenders just outcome horrific crimes principled level commit a crime held accountable powerful individuals above the law international norms actions merit prosecution judiciaries convicting atrocities law courts affected by atrocities holding grudges healing process Stanford Law Review Problems With Forgiveness Dallas Holocaust survivors prosecution former Nazi guard wfaa.com prosecuting offenders just outcome horrific crimes accountability powerful individuals not above the law international norms prosecution standards judicial convictions atrocities healing process forgiveness Nazi guard Holocaust survivors just method prosecuting offenders just outcome horrific crimes accountability powerful individuals peace above the law international norms prosecution standards judicial effectiveness atrocities conviction grudges healing process Stanford Law Review problems with forgiveness Dallas Holocaust survivors former Nazi guard prosecution prosecution justice accountability rule of law international norms judicial process atrocity crime forgiveness healing peace Nazi war crimes human rights legal accountability judicial convictions moral responsibility societal norms ethical principles legal standards crime prevention societal impact judicial system legal prosecution crime deterrent moral justice legal repercussions international law legal reform judicial reform legal ethics justice system criminal accountability legal principles prosecution ethics legal justice judicial integrity crime and punishment societal healing judicial fairness international justice legal accountability prosecution methods judicial outcomes justice accountability rule of law international norms prosecution atrocities peace powerful elites legal standards judiciary conviction healing forgiveness Holocaust Nazi guard war crimes human rights legal ethics societal healing criminal justice system justice accountability prosecution offenders crimes peace law international norms judiciaries atrocities healing forgiveness holocaust nazi survivors legal systems moral obligations human rights judicial processes conflict resolution societal healing legal accountability war crimes criminal accountability judicial convictions legal prosecution judicial responsibility justice system legal principles moral justice legal standards human rights violations judicial enforcement crime prevention legal punishment societal norms judicial fairness legal integrity legal authority moral accountability judicial authority legal consequences crime deterrence legal enforcement judicial integrity legal
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See labour participation equal gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility reproductive sphere productive sphere equal work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers changing conditions upholding conferences sharing information taking action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions Conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibilities reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's rights productive sphere gender equality community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers workplace conditions gender norms male breadwinner public space equal work rights reproductive sphere women's empowerment legal representation organizational support social change conference participation information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's rights public space gender equality community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions improvement conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies norms reproductive sphere productive sphere equal work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations female representation African Regional Domestic Workers Network domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's empowerment public space male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conferences information sharing action taken labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility productive sphere gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers network action conferences information sharing labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers Conferences information sharing action taking
test-free-speech-debate-yfsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining chip material investment cultural investment legislative improvements academic freedoms free speech western universities graduates free press democratic speculation prisoner of conscience political opposition Singaporean government Yale benefits higher education international relations academic rights cultural diplomacy educational reforms political freedoms human rights academic integrity higher education policy international students university partnerships academic exchange academic autonomy intellectual freedom academic standards academic environment university governance academic censorship academic suppression academic resistance academic activism academic dialogue academic discourse academic community academic engagement academic collaboration academic representation bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms prisoner of conscience political opposition government actions university life Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges ex-detainee history seminar democratic speculation legislative improvements related fields of endeavour material benefits western standards academic rights cultural benefits government cooperation educational reforms academic integrity academic standards democratic values university operations government policies educational impact cultural exchange academic discourse political freedoms legislative reforms government-university relations academic dialogue intellectual freedoms government accountability academic collaboration bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western universities Singaporean government political opposition prisoners of conscience Yale graduates academic rights democratic speculation material benefits cultural benefits legislative improvements university operations academic standards home country expectations political impact educational reforms contemporary trends future challenges free press expert opinions public discourse historical context political barriers seminar prohibitions academic life governmental actions educational investment international partnerships academic discourse legislative conditions cultural exchange political freedoms intellectual rights university standards democratic values academic integrity international education bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Yale graduates Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng prisoner of conscience political opposition academic freedom democratic speculation free press educational roots reform trends future challenges Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng history seminar The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment rights free speech western university graduates free press democratic speculation academic freedoms Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition educational roots reform future challenges academic freedom Yale graduates benefits change university life Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng NUS national library Western Europe Stateuniversity.Com The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition educational roots reform trends future challenges academic rights democratic speculation free press Yale graduates unreasonable demands cultural exchange legislative improvement investment leverage academic integrity political pressure educational partnership international standards academic discourse public discourse academic autonomy government-university relations educational freedoms human rights academic censorship educational reform legislative change academic research academic community academic standards intellectual freedom academic governance academic politics higher education educational values bargaining chip material investment cultural investment rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Chia Thye Poh prisoner of conscience Vincent Cheng political opposition NUS national library Yale graduates educational roots reform twentieth century contemporary trends future challenges ex-detainee history seminar The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singapore government actions Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng NUS Yale educational roots reform twentieth century future challenges prisoner of conscience political opposition seminar democratic speculation press freedoms western Europe higher education academic integrity international collaboration policy conditions legislative improvements bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western universities Singaporean government political opposition prisoner of conscience academic rights democratic speculation free press Yale graduates educational reform future challenges university life legislative improvements cultural rights political freedom academic integrity international education higher education standards academic autonomy human rights political expression university governance educational partnerships academic censorship political activism academic discourse intellectual freedom bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition academic rights democratic speculation expert opinion public discourse university operations foreign benefits legislative improvements cultural exchange educational reform political activism academic censorship international education standards free press democratic values human rights academic integrity intellectual freedom governmental policy higher education international relations academic dialogue censorship political prisoners historical context societal impact academic environment government-university relations international students academic expression freedom of thought intellectual property societal
test-law-lghwpcctcc-pro01a	People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. People should have a right of access to justice.  Given that people are already allowed to watch court proceedings from the public gallery – including the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in the UK [1] , and the Supreme Court in the US [2] – there is little reason why this should not be extended to give better access across the nation to anybody who wants to watch. Those with full-time jobs or who live far away from the courts are currently unfairly limited in this respect, and those who do wish to attend well-publicised trials often have to arrive hours in advance to get a seat. Individuals should not have to give up so much time and money just to be able to watch a democratic proceeding, which is a cornerstone of democratic nations. Given that many closed trials such as the trial of the Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects [3] have still led to intense media coverage, we would be better off showing the courts to be transparent and just instead of vainly trying to hide everything behind closed doors.  [1]  , accessed 05/08/11  [2]  , accessed 05/08/11  [3]  , accessed 19/08/11. right of access justice court proceedings public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US expansion national access full-time jobs remote locations publicized trials time commitment financial burden democratic process closed trials Guantánamo Bay media coverage transparency accountability right of access justice court proceedings public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US better access full-time jobs remote locations well-publicised trials time commitment financial burden democratic proceeding closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage transparency accountability access to justice public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US court proceedings full-time jobs distance from courts well-publicised trials media coverage Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects transparency democratic nations closed trials public access legal transparency judicial openness remote access to courts virtual court proceedings right of access court proceedings public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US UK better access full-time jobs remote locations well-publicised trials time and money democratic proceeding closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage transparency democratic nations right of access justice public gallery court proceedings Judicial Committee of the House of Lords UK Supreme Court US national access full-time jobs remote locations well-publicised trials time and money democratic proceeding closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage transparency hiding information right of access justice public gallery court proceedings Judicial Committee of the House of Lords UK Supreme Court US national access full-time jobs remote locations well-publicized trials media coverage Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects transparency democratic proceeding closed trials public attendance legal transparency democratic nations time and money public interest judicial openness legal proceedings citizen engagement court transparency public trials access to judiciary legal observance democratic oversight legal system public right court visibility legal transparency benefits public scrutiny judicial integrity open justice legal accessibility access to justice public gallery court proceedings judicial committee house of lords supreme court us uk national access full-time jobs remote location limited access publicised trials early arrival time sacrifice financial burden democratic proceeding closed trials guantanamo bay terrorism suspects media coverage transparency judicial openness public trust democratic nations legal transparency justice system public right court observation access to justice public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US court transparency democratic proceedings closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage public access to trials remote viewing court proceedings justice transparency democratic nations judicial transparency legal transparency public trust in courts transparency in judiciary right to observe trials witness judicial process public participation in justice open justice court accessibility virtual court attendance remote court observation legal proceedings visibility courtroom openness public court proceedings justice system oversight legal transparency initiatives judicial openness public engagement in judiciary courtroom access to justice court proceedings public gallery Judicial Committee of the House of Lords Supreme Court US UK transparency democratic nations closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage public attendance full-time jobs geographic limitations well-publicised trials time and money democratic proceedings transparency in courts right of access justice public gallery court proceedings Judicial Committee of the House of Lords UK Supreme Court US national access full-time jobs location restrictions public trials well-publicised trials time constraints financial barriers democratic proceedings closed trials Guantánamo Bay terrorism suspects media coverage transparency court transparency democratic nations public interest legal proceedings remote access video streaming judicial openness
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-con01a	Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs to provide more data capacity  If the ISPs were actually making their money on the basis of data provision rather than bandwidth then it’s in their interest to provide it. If they can’t, they don’t make money.  If they want to sell more data, they have to provide more bandwidth, otherwise they can’t do it. This way both the data gluttons and the dieters get what they want. The gluttons get a fast provision of the resources they want or the capacity to share those resources at a reasonable speed and the dieters get cheaper provision.  Measures being pursued by the European Commission aim to do exactly this. They will allow ISPs to control the passage of data across their networks but must, at the same time, make it clear what they are doing and offer low data use price plans accordingly [i] .  This is more so with mobile devices than with ‘plumbed in’ ones. For many people, it wouldn’t occur to them to use Skype for a call and a phone – even a smart one – is primarily just that, a phone. Why should they pay for a capacity they will never use because others can’t take a bus journey without watching a movie?  [i] Out-Law.com: Legal news and guidance from Pinsent Masons. European Commission to propose net neutrality measures. 30 May 2012 . Incentivise ISPs data capacity bandwidth data provision data gluttons data dieters European Commission net neutrality mobile devices net neutrality measures low data use price plans Skype smart phones bus journey movie streaming Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com incentivize ISPs data capacity revenue model bandwidth data provision consumer choice pricing plans net neutrality European Commission mobile devices data usage net neutrality measures legal guidance Pinsent Masons regulation internet service providers data gluttons data dieters service differentiation transparent pricing network management consumer awareness mobile data streaming fixed internet call services Skype data sharing resource allocation competitive market internet traffic policy communication networks technology trends consumer behavior internet usage patterns digital divide broadband expansion economic incentives network infrastructure public data capacity ISPs incentivise bandwidth data provision European Commission net neutrality price plans mobile devices data use Skype net neutrality measures technology policy internet service providers data gluttons data dieters network management digital divide communication services incentivize ISPs data capacity revenue from data provision bandwidth management consumer choice net neutrality European Commission measures mobile data usage price plans Skype usage smart devices data usage behavior net neutrality proposal legal guidance Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com incentivize ISPs data capacity bandwidth revenue data provision consumer demand data gluttons data dieters pricing plans European Commission net neutrality mobile devices network management transparency low data use Skype legal guidance net neutrality measures incentivize ISPs data capacity bandwidth provision data pricing net neutrality European Commission measures mobile data usage low data use plans data gluttons data dieters fair usage policy network traffic management internet service providers consumer choice regulatory framework telecommunications law digital rights mobile internet data consumption broadband policy network neutrality data plans legal news Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com net neutrality measures 2012 proposal incentivise ISPs data capacity bandwidth revenue data provision net neutrality European Commission mobile devices low data use price plans Skype net neutrality measures data gluttons data dieters resource sharing reasonable speed cheaper provision consumer choice bus journey phone usage legal guidance Pinsent Masons 30 May 2012 incentivize ISPs data capacity revenue model data provision bandwidth data gluttons data dieters European Commission net neutrality mobile devices price plans network control transparency Skype net neutrality measures legal guidance Pinsent Masons incentivize ISPs data capacity bandwidth revenue data provision consumer choice net neutrality European Commission mobile devices price plans network management transparency Skype consumer behavior data usage legal measures net neutrality measures Pinsent Masons Out-Law.com net neutrality data capacity ISPs bandwidth data provision European Commission mobile devices price plans net neutrality measures data use smart phones Skype data gluttons data dieters legal news Pinsent Masons network control transparency consumer choice internet service providers data pricing internet regulation digital equity technology policy communications law
test-international-aghwrem-pro03a	There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) There is scope for further diplomatic progress in the region through disengagement  Reengagement has potential for having a positive influence in various contexts. Myanmar is rich in natural resources, including forest products, minerals and gems. Removing trade restrictions and offering developmental aid would benefit the local economy and population.1 In the longer term, economic activity can act as a stimulus for development of a stronger legal and business framework to reduce corruption. If the US and the EU create confidence in the Myanmar government that they are willing to offer something constructive rather than critical, it may be possible to ask for greater transparency in government and reduce systematic violations of human rights as well.2 The newly elected civilian government has indicated it is willing to pursue democratic reform, and the US and the EU should not lose this opportunity for change.  1 BBC News, ‘India and Burma expand trade ties and sign gas deals’, 14 October 2011.  2 Human Rights Watch, ‘China: press visiting Burmese leader on elections and accountability’, 6 September 2010, (example of how state relations can encourage democracy) diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption confidence government transparency human rights democratic reform US EU India Burma trade ties gas deals China state relations democracy elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US EU confidence constructive critical transparency government human rights systematic violations civilian government democratic reform change state relations democracy India Burma trade ties gas deals China elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption confidence US EU Myanmar government constructive approach criticism transparency government human rights systematic violations democratic reform opportunity for change India Burma trade ties gas deals China Burmese leader elections accountability state relations democracy diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population benefit economic activity legal framework business framework corruption reduction US EU government confidence constructive approach human rights democratic reform civilian government state relations democracy encouragement diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework reduce corruption US EU confidence government transparency human rights democratic reform state relations encourage democracy civilian government trade ties gas deals elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US EU confidence transparency human rights democratic reform India Burma trade ties gas deals state relations democracy diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework corruption US EU confidence government transparency human rights democratic reform state relations democracy elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid economic activity legal framework business framework reduce corruption US EU confidence government transparency human rights democratic reform civilian government international relations economic sanctions foreign aid political stability Burma Indo-Burma relations China-Burma relations Human Rights Watch BBC News trade ties gas deals elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy legal framework business framework corruption US EU confidence government transparency human rights democratic reform state relations democracy civilian government elections accountability diplomatic progress disengagement reengagement positive influence Myanmar natural resources forest products minerals gems trade restrictions developmental aid local economy population economic activity legal framework business framework reduce corruption US EU confidence constructive critical transparency government human rights democratic reform state relations encourage democracy
test-society-simhbrasnba-con01a	We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. We have a duty to help the persecuted  The principles which underlie the asylum regime are as valid as ever. Millions still face persecution, death and torture globally because of who they are or because of their convictions. Democratic countries still have a moral obligation to offer protection to these people. We all recognise it as a horrendous failing by the countries who turned away Jewish refugees in the early days of Nazism where both the United States and the UK turned away large numbers or refugees, [1] and only the Dominican Republic was willing to take in large numbers. [2] This should never happen again. Developed nations have both the wealth and security to make them the best destinations for those seeking refuge.  [1] Perl, William R., ‘The Holocaust conspiracy: an international policy of genocide’, 1989, pp.37-51  [2] Museum of Jewish Heritage, ‘”A Community Born in Pain and Nurtured in Love” Jews who were given refuge by Dominican Republic’, 8 January 2008. duty persecuted asylum principles valid global persecution death torture identity convictions moral obligation protection horrendous failing countries Jewish refugees Nazism United States UK turned away Dominican Republic wealth security refuge Holocaust conspiracy international policy genocide Museum of Jewish Heritage community pain love duty persecuted asylum principles refugees persecution death torture moral obligation protection democratic countries Jewish refugees Holocaust Nazi United States UK Dominican Republic developed nations wealth security refuge humanitarian immigration human rights genocide historical failure asylum seekers international policy genocide policy refugee crisis moral responsibility global persecution refugee protection WWII historical context humanitarian aid refugee acceptance moral obligation to refugees international law refugee rights refugee support refugee history refugee advocacy asylum law asylum seekers protection refugee resettlement humanitarian intervention international persecution asylum refugees moral obligation protection global human rights genocide jewish refugees nazism dominican republic developed nations wealth security refugee destinations humanitarian international policy historical failures sanctuary political asylum torture democracy convictions identity global responsibility safe haven migration displaced persons international law refugee crisis ethical obligation historical reflection humanitarian aid asylum seekers international community persecuted minorities refugee resettlement political refugees human trafficking asylum regime international justice refugee rights legal protection global politics migration policy social justice historical duty to help persecuted asylum regime principles global persecution moral obligation protection for refugees historical failing Jewish refugees Nazi era US and UK refugee policies Dominican Republic refuge Holocaust conspiracy Museum of Jewish Heritage refugee protection developed nations responsibility wealth and security refugee destinations duty persecuted asylum principles valid persecution death torture moral obligation protection Jewish refugees Nazism United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust genocide wealth security refuge historical failures developed nations refugee policy human rights international obligations duty persecuted asylum regime persecution death torture moral obligation protection Jewish refugees Nazism United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust genocide refuge developed nations wealth security refugee crisis human rights international policy genocide prevention help persecuted asylum principles valid global persecution death torture identity convictions moral obligation protection democratic countries historical failing Jewish refugees Nazism United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust conspiracy international policy genocide community refuge wealth security developed nations destinations seekers refuge duty persecuted asylum principles valid global persecution death torture identity convictions democratic countries moral obligation protection refugees failing history Jewish Nazism United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust genocide wealth security refuge developed nations duty persecuted asylum principles valid millions persecution death torture global identity convictions moral obligation protection democratic countries moral failing Jewish refugees early Nazism turned away United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust international policy genocide refugee crisis developed nations wealth security refuge duty persecuted asylum principles refugee protection moral obligation Jewish refugees Nazism United States UK Dominican Republic Holocaust genocide developed nations wealth security refuge SEEKING international policy historical failing global persecution torture convictions identity humanitarian responsibility refugee crisis historical perspectives moral responsibility political asylum human rights international law humanitarian aid refugee resettlement global solidarity moral imperative refugee policy asylum seekers historical injustice refugee support international cooperation safe haven persecution prevention global ethics refugee advocacy asylum seekers rights international protection refugee
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con01a	"North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea is an irrational regime that is a strategic threat to numerous great powers  North Korea is an irrational and irresponsible regime that can’t simply be ignored. As the United States National Security Council spokesman Tonny Vietor said in response to the 12th December 2012 missile test “This action is yet another example of North Korea's pattern of irresponsible behavior.” As a power that is willing to defy international sanctions and resolutions such as “Resolution 1874, which demands the DPRK not to conduct ""any launch using ballistic missile technology"" and urges it to ""suspend all activities related to its ballistic missile programme""” [1] it is essential that there is engagement to prevent the regime breaking more international norms.  It is impossible simply to ignore a regime with such a propensity to engage in provocative actions when it borders you, as is the case with China and Russia, or when it has tested missiles that can potentially hit targets 6000km away, so most of Asia, including numerous US bases. [2]  [1] ‘North Korea rocket: International reaction’, BBC News, 12 December 2012,   [2] ‘North Korea’s missile programme’, BBC News, 12 December 2012, North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test December 2012 international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms China Russia provocative actions US bases Asia missile range 6000km North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test irresponsible behavior international sanctions United Nations Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia US bases Asia missile range international norms engagement North Korea policy global security diplomatic response nuclear program international relations Asia-Pacific security missile defense non-proliferation North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia US bases Asia international norms DPRK irresponsible behavior engagement global security regional stability nuclear proliferation diplomatic pressure economic sanctions military response international community United Nations security council conflict resolution Korean peninsula geopolitical tensions missile defense arms control non-proliferation foreign policy international relations defense strategy Asia-Pacific security challenges strategic North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible regime international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia US bases missile range international norms engagement Tonny Vietor North Korea rocket international reaction missile programme North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms China Russia provocative actions US bases Asia missile programme international reaction security concerns diplomatic engagement North Korea irrational regime strategic threat international powers irresponsible behavior United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test defiance international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocation China Russia missile range US bases Asia engagement international norms North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers irresponsible behavior United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia missile range US bases international norms engagement diplomatic pressure nuclear proliferation global security concerns Asia-Pacific region deterrent missile defense systems non-proliferation efforts UN Security Council regional stability security challenges international community response North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test irresponsible behavior international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms China Russia provocative actions 6000km range US bases Asia missile programme international reaction North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology international norms China Russia provocative actions missile range US bases Asia nuclear threat diplomatic engagement global security international response North Korea irrational regime strategic threat great powers United States National Security Council Tonny Vietor missile test irresponsible behavior international sanctions Resolution 1874 ballistic missile technology provocative actions China Russia US bases Asia missile range"
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con04a	Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, Sham elections do not mean the elections have no influence or impact.  For an autocracy the election for the top job needs to be predetermined, but the other elections do not. This means that elections for the legislature can still be competitive. The seats do have some influence, provide patronage, and have status attached so there are plenty of people who want to contest them. In the Arab world before the Arab spring there was a less than 25% incumbency rate for legislatures. [1] Having elections that determine control in local areas or allow opposition some control in parliament is far preferable to the alternative where the government appoints everyone. Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy in Burma have for example gained entry into Parliament and have despite being a minority had an impact. This has particularly been the case internationally. They have helped liberalise the new Foreign Investment Law and have encouraged more liberalised freedom of the press and association. [2]  [1] Lust, Ellen, ‘The Multiple Meanings of Elections In Non-Democratic Regimes: Breakdown, Response and Outcome in the Arab Uprisings’, Yale University, p.7.   [2] Turnell, Sean, ‘Myanmar has made a good start to economic reform’, East Asia Forum, 27 March 2013, sham elections autocracy competitive elections legislature influence patronage status incumbency rate Arab world Arab spring local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament international impact foreign investment law liberalised press freedom of association non-democratic regimes Arab uprisings Myanmar economic reform sham elections autocracy predetermined elections competitive elections Arab world incumbency rate local elections opposition control Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament international impact Foreign Investment Law liberalised press freedom of association non-democratic regimes Arab Uprisings economic reform Myanmar sham elections autocracy competitive elections legislature incumbency rate Arab world Arab spring local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament entry minority impact international influence foreign investment law liberalisation press freedom association freedom non-democratic regimes electoral influence political participation patronage political status Sham elections autocracy predetermined elections competitive legislature influence of seats patronage status Arab world incumbency rate local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament impact international influence Foreign Investment Law liberalised press freedom of association Ellen Lust Arab Uprisings Sean Turnell Myanmar economic reform sham elections autocracy predetermined elections competitive elections legislature patronage status Arab world incumbency rate local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma international impact Foreign Investment Law liberalised press freedom of association economic reform non-democratic regimes Arab uprisings Ellen Lust Sean Turnell Myanmar sham elections autocracy predetermined election competitive elections legislature influence patronage Arab world elections incumbency rate local elections opposition control Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament foreign investment law liberalised press freedom of association sham elections influence impact autocracy predetermined competitive legislature patronage status Arab world Arab spring incumbency rate local elections opposition parliament government appointments Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament minority international impact Foreign Investment Law liberalised freedom press association Myanmar economic reform sham elections autocracy predetermined elections competitive legislature influence patronage status incumbency rate Arab world Arab spring local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament entry minority impact international influence Foreign Investment Law liberalized freedom press association Ellen Lust Multiple Meanings of Elections Non-Democratic Regimes Arab Uprisings Sean Turnell Myanmar economic reform East Asia Forum sham elections autocracy predetermined elections competitive legislature patronage status Arab world incumbency rate local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma international impact foreign investment law press freedom association freedom sham elections influence autocracy predetermined competitive elections legislature patronage status Arab world incumbency rate local elections opposition control parliament Aung San Suu Kyi National League for Democracy Burma Parliament impact international influence Foreign Investment Law liberalized freedom press association Myanmar economic reform
test-international-iiahwagit-pro01a	Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats being are destroyed  A tougher approach to the protection of animals is needed to prevent their natural habitats from being destroyed by locals. As humans expand their agricultural activity in Africa they are destroying the environments of endangered animals and pushing others towards being endangered. Due to an increase in large scale cotton plantations and food crops, the West African lion has seen a marked decrease in population; numbering less than 400 in early 2014 [1] . Tougher protection, such as fencing off areas from human activity, has been suggested and has seen success in South Africa [2] .  [1] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’”  [2] Morelle,R. “Fencing off wild lions from humans ‘could save them’” Natural habitats animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decline conservation measures fencing human-wildlife conflict South Africa lion conservation environmental impact wildlife management habitat preservation agricultural practices biodiversity ecosystem disruption conservation success wildlife fencing human activity restriction natural habitats destruction animal protection endangered species agricultural expansion Africa West African lion population decline conservation strategies fencing human-wildlife conflict environmental impact sustainable agriculture wildlife reserves ecosystem preservation natural habitats protection of animals habitat destruction locals agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease large scale cotton plantations food crops tougher protection fencing human activity South Africa conservation methods wildlife preservation human-wildlife conflict environmental impact agricultural practices lion conservation extinction threat BBC scientific research environmental policies sustainable agriculture community involvement wildlife management land use planning ecosystem conservation Natural habitats animal protection agricultural expansion endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops South Africa fencing human activity conservation extinction wildlife management environmental impact lion conservation biodiversity habitat loss sustainable agriculture ecosystem protection human-wildlife conflict policy regulations wildlife corridors reforestation community involvement education awareness sustainable practices environmental legislation land use habitat restoration ecological balance species survival conservation strategies wildlife reserves protected areas ecological footprint environmental stewardship global conservation biodiversity loss environmental degradation habitat fragmentation natural habitats animal protection human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops tougher protection fencing human activity South Africa lion conservation wildlife management environmental destruction habitat loss conservation success BBC scientific studies Morelle R. Natural habitats destroyed protection of animals prevention locals human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease large scale cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa extinction conservation wildlife protection environmental impact agricultural practices habitat conservation species preservation human-wildlife conflict land use ecological balance biodiversity endangered species animal conservation habitat loss sustainable agriculture ecological preservation African wildlife lion conservation habitat protection environmental policies conservation strategies wildlife management ecosystem health human impact natural environment species endangerment ecosystem natural habitats destruction animal protection human expansion agricultural activity Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease cotton plantations food crops fencing human activity South Africa conservation wildlife management extinction lion conservation habitat loss environmental impact agricultural expansion wildlife protection tougher measures habitat preservation biodiversity loss ecological disruption sustainable agriculture conservation strategies human-wildlife conflict protected areas wildlife corridors reforestation community involvement policy enforcement legislative support environmental awareness ecosystem restoration sustainable development land use planning conservation education habitat fragmentation species recovery natural habitats destruction animal protection agricultural expansion Africa endangered animals West African lion population decrease large scale cotton plantations food crops human activity fencing South Africa lion conservation wildlife protection habitat preservation human-wildlife conflict environmental impact extinction risk conservation strategies natural habitats destruction animal protection human expansion agriculture Africa endangered animals cotton plantations West African lion population decrease fencing South Africa conservation human-wildlife conflict protection measures environmental impact land use biodiversity wildlife management sustainable practices Agricultural expansion Endangered species Human-wildlife conflict Habitat conservation Fencing Wildlife protection Cotton plantations Food crops West African lion Population decline South Africa Conservation success Lion conservation BBC Morelle R.
test-international-iighbopcc-con01a	Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. Sovereign states should be allowed to set their own targets and be trusted to meet them  States are sovereign entities meaning that only they have power within their borders and climate change should not be a cause for groups of countries meddling in the business of others. Each state making its own commitment and then doing its own monitoring and enforcement is the right way to go about preventing climate change. By doing it this way no countries will feel unduly burdened or persecuted. sovereignty self-determination national autonomy state authority internal control climate policy independent action self-regulation environmental commitment international non-interference national responsibility self-monitoring self-enforcement fair contribution global climate efforts country-led initiatives sovereign states self-set targets trust state sovereignty power within borders climate change non-interference individual commitments self-monitoring self-enforcement prevention no burden no persecution sovereign states self-set targets trust non-interference state sovereignty power within borders climate change anti-meddling individual commitments self-monitoring self-enforcement prevention no burden no persecution sovereign states self-set targets climate change non-interference state autonomy environmental commitment monitoring enforcement national sovereignty international non-intervention climate responsibility self-regulation global environmental policy independent state action climate action national control international meddling environmental targets state-driven solutions climate justice sovereign states self-set targets trusted compliance state sovereignty power within borders climate change non-interference individual commitments monitoring enforcement prevent climate change no burden no persecution sovereign states set targets trusted to meet sovereign entities power within borders climate change groups of countries meddling state commitment monitoring enforcement prevent climate change no countries unduly burdened persecuted sovereign states self-set targets trust non-interference state power borders climate change international meddling individual commitments monitoring enforcement burden persecution global cooperation environmental policy national autonomy self-regulation ecological responsibility international relations diplomatic sovereignty sovereign states self-set targets climate change non-interference state autonomy national commitments independent monitoring enforcement sovereignty environmental governance international collaboration self-regulation global climate policy state responsibilities non-intrusive cooperation sovereign states targets trust climate change sovereign entities power borders meddling commitments monitoring enforcement preventing climate change burdened persecuted sovereign states self-set targets trust state sovereignty power within borders climate change non-interference individual commitments self-monitoring enforcement prevention equity non-burden non-persecution
test-society-asfhwapg-con02a	"Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, Patenting inhibits research and therapeutics  The prevailing belief is that this is an area of such great importance and potential benefit to mankind, as such there should be no, self-interested impediment to genome research. The only barriers should be those of conscience.  The Human Genome Project is one of the government funded projects that makes all its research freely and publicly available. They are not driven by profit and offer information on their discoveries for free enabling others to build upon their findings.  The problem with patents is that companies claim ownership without regard towards moral issues. It is purely in the pursuit of their profits that they decide not to allow others to build on their findings and make the process of discovering treatments far more difficult. An example of this is the Myriad company which, whilst holding patents on BRCA 1 & 2, genes connected with breast cancer, prevented the University of Pennsylvania from using a test for these genes which was substantially cheaper than the company’s own screening procedure. 1  Instead of protecting their research investment, companies should have a moral duty to facilitate in any way they can to the development of cheap, available treatments and screenings for diseases which are so dangerous to so many people.  1. Spektor, Michelle, ""Genes Are Still Patentable, Federal Appeals Court Rules"", Science Progress, 17 August 2011, patenting research therapeutics conscience human genome project government funded profit moral issues Myriad BRCA 1 BRCA 2 breast cancer gene patents treatment screenings moral duty public health genetic testing innovation intellectual property federal appeals court gene patentability scientific progress biotechnology healthcare genetic research patent law public domain affordable healthcare genetic resources patent abuse ethical considerations medical advancements genetic information commercialization patent protection research tools diagnostic tests gene sequencing patent reform access to medicines genetic diversity healthcare patenting research therapeutics importance potential mankind self-interest genome Human Genome Project government profit information discovery moral issues ownership companies Myriad BRCA 1 BRCA 2 breast cancer University of Pennsylvania test screening treatment diseases moral duty development cheap available Federal Appeals Court patentable genes patenting research therapeutics genome public availability profit moral issues ownership Myriad BRCA genes breast cancer treatments screenings diseases investment development cheap available federal appeals court genes patentable patent issues research impediments human genome project moral obligation profit-driven restrictions BRCA genes breast cancer screening Myriad Genetics public domain research ethical considerations therapeutic development gene patent controversy free information sharing cheaper treatments disease screening access federal court rulings gene patentability scientific progress public health impact self-interested barriers conscience-driven barriers government-funded research profit motives research investment protection moral duty in science inexpensive medical treatments widespread disease screening legal aspects of gene patents ethical research practices public vs private research medical innovation healthcare accessibility genetic medicine patenting research therapeutics genome human project public profit conscience companies ownership moral issues treatments screenings diseases investments Myriad BRCA genes breast cancer University Pennsylvania test cheaper screening legal ethics innovation 阻碍 公正 知识产权 生物技术 医学进步 科学发展 公共利益 商业利益 法律裁决 伦理责任 研发 专利保护 基因专利 技术阻碍 patenting inhibits research therapeutics importance benefit mankind self-interested impediment genome Human Genome Project government funded freely publicly available profit information discoveries ownership moral issues companies profits findings treatments Myriad BRCA 1 BRCA 2 breast cancer University of Pennsylvania cheaper test screening protecting investment moral duty development cheap available diseases dangerous people Michelle Spektor Genes Patentable Federal Appeals Court Science Progress patenting research therapeutics genome mankind self-interest impediment conscience Human Genome Project government public profit information discoveries companies ownership moral issues profits treatments Myriad BRCA 1 BRCA 2 breast cancer University of Pennsylvania test cheaper screening research investment moral duty cheap available diseases dangerous people patentable Federal Appeals Court Science Progress Michelle Spektor patenting research therapeutics genome Human Genome Project public domain profit-driven moral duty BRCA 1 BRCA 2 Myriad gene patents genetic testing breast cancer treatment development legal barriers innovation ethical considerations public interest patent law scientific progress healthcare accessibility gene ownership federal appeals court gene patentability genetic research biotechnology intellectual property healthcare costs moral issues research impediments conscience public funding scientific collaboration profit motive disease treatments screenings dangerous diseases public health genetic information patent protection research investment patenting research therapeutics human genome project public access profit moral issues Myriad BRCA genes breast cancer treatment development disease screenings federal appeals court genes patentable patenting research therapeutics human genome project moral issues profit Myriad BRCA 1 BRCA 2 breast cancer gene patents federal appeals court moral duty cheap treatments disease screenings public availability conscience self-interest impediment genome research discoveries investment protection treatments screenings diseases people science progress gene ownership innovation public good healthcare legal rulings biotechnology intellectual property ethics scientific progress health policy"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con04a	We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. We do not want a society in which killing can be acceptable  As soon as we agree that there are situations where killing is acceptable we have reason to fear for our own safety. By accepting killing in certain situations society as a whole becomes more open to the idea. It then becomes hard to draw the line as to where killing is acceptable and where killing is unacceptable. It is much better to outlaw all instances of killing so that we have a general moral standard to follow in all situations. society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances general situations fear draw the line open to idea exceptions ethics homicide justice laws violence tolerance society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances draw the line situations ethics violence law human rights morality public safety legal standards philosophical debate moral absolutism moral relativism society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances general situations draw the line open to idea fear agreement instances of killing moral stance societal norms ethical boundaries universal prohibition humane principles society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances draw the line situations fear general idea open better follow whole agree reason becomes hard society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw situations fear draw the line general rule society killing acceptable safety moral standard situations outlaw instances general idea draw the line fear open whole better follow reasons unacceptable society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances general situations fear draw the line open to idea tolerance ethics violence legality humanity justice repercussions desensitization society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances general idea situations fear line open better follow society killing acceptable safety moral standard outlaw instances draw the line situations general moral standard fear open to idea enhance query expansion terms society killing acceptable safety moral standard exceptions outlaw general rule ethical boundaries tolerance levels
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con02a	Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. Cyber attacks are difficult to trace  Cyber attacks are very difficult to trace as cyber attackers hide their digital tracks [20]. Cyber attackers also often launch attacks from poorly protected computers in other countries, which in no way implicates that the state was responsible for attacks – for instance, roughly 10% of spam comes from computers in China, but that is not Chinese spam [21]. The situation is different with traditional warfare, where there is evidence of weapons used, uniforms spotted, and reports of witnesses on site. Of course, we can expect states to lie about launching cyber attacks, thus China and the USA trade accusations about responsibility for cyber attacks, but there is no good way to test the truth. All of this means that an act of war would be judged based on incomplete and misleading information about another state’s involvement, threatening international peace and resulting in the loss of human life for no good reason. cyber attacks trace digital tracks poorly protected computers spam Chinese spam traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state responsibility international peace human life cyber warfare incomplete information misleading information state involvement cyber security digital forensics cyber attribution international relations cyber diplomacy cyber conflict cyber espionage cyber crime cyber defense cyber policy cyber ethics cyber law cyber strategy cyber operations cyber intelligence cyber communication cyber environment cyber infrastructure cyber resilience cyber threat cyber incident cyber risk cyber vulnerability cyber protection cyber management cyber governance cyber attacks traceability digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility spam traditional warfare evidence weapons uniforms witnesses state lies China USA accusations incomplete information international peace human life cyber attacks digital tracks poorly protected computers spam Chinese spam traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state responsibility international peace loss of human life incomplete information misleading information state involvement cyber attack tracing cyber attack origin cyber security state-sponsored attacks false accusations cyber warfare international relations cyber crime digital forensics cyber attacks traceability digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility spam traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses states lying accusations China USA act of war incomplete information international peace human life cyber attacks trace digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility spam traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state lies accusations China USA act of war incomplete information misleading information international peace human life cyber attacks trace digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility spam China traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state lies cyber attack accusations USA incomplete information international peace human life loss cyber attacks trace digital tracks poorly protected computers other countries state responsibility spam China traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state lies accusations international peace human life incomplete information misleading information cyber attacks difficult to trace digital tracks poorly protected computers other countries state responsibility spam China traditional warfare weapons evidence uniforms witnesses international peace human life accusations USA incomplete information misleading information act of war state involvement cyber attacks traceability digital tracks poorly protected computers state responsibility spam China traditional warfare weapons uniforms witnesses state lies USA accusations act of war incomplete information misleading information international peace human life cyber attacks traceability digital tracks poorly protected computers international responsibility spam traditional warfare evidence weapons uniforms witnesses state lies China USA accusations incomplete information misleading information international peace human life
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro03a	A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. A robust missile defense shield will provide the protection previously afforded by the doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction, allowing the US to dismantle much of its dangerous nuclear arsenal  With a fully functioning missile defense shield deployed, nuclear-armed ballistic missiles become obsolete, unable to ever reach their targets. This means countries’ strategic obsession with second-strike capacity, the ability to return fire with nuclear weapons should they be attacked by them (Mutually Assured Destruction), will cease to be an issue, as first-strikes are destined to be wiped out before they hit a single target. What this means is that countries with missile defense systems can feel secure without the need of retaining massive nuclear arsenals. This will alleviate the pressure to have stockpiles of warheads and will promote disarmament. Mutually Assured Destruction has become a far less secure strategy as nuclear proliferation has occurred to states with different strategic conceptions. This has been seen in the United States, which since its full adoption of the Aegis system has actively pursued a policy of reaching a new accord with Russia on nuclear arms reduction. This culminated in 2010 with the signing of the New START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), an accord to reduce the number of strategic nuclear missile launchers by half (Associated Press, 2011). This new step toward nuclear disarmament could not be politically possible in the United States without a replacement defense, which only a national missile defense system can provide. missile defense nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction first-strike second-strike Aegis system New START strategic arms reduction nuclear proliferation ballistic missiles nuclear arsenal national security international relations defense policy US Russia relations strategic defense treaty nuclear weapons defense shield missile defense system disarmament policy nuclear strategy global security arms control strategic conceptions nuclear policy international treaties military strategy deterrence nuclear arsenal reduction defense technology missile technology strategic stability security studies political science international affairs military affairs security policy peace missile defense nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction Aegis system New START nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction first-strike second-strike capacity nuclear arsenal ballistic missiles national missile defense defense policy US-Russia relations nuclear security strategic conceptions military strategy international treaties defense technology nuclear weapons global security disarmament negotiations military doctrine strategic stability nuclear deterrence arms control non-proliferation defense shield nuclear policy strategic balance military arsenal international relations security studies defense systems nuclear strategy missile technology US missile defense nuclear disarmament mutually assured destruction second-strike capacity nuclear arsenal ballistic missiles Aegis system New START strategic arms reduction national security nuclear proliferation international relations defense policy military strategy missile defense shield protection Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear arsenal dismantlement nuclear-armed ballistic missiles obsolete first-strike capacity second-strike capacity disarmament nuclear proliferation strategic conceptions Aegis system New START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty nuclear arms reduction national missile defense system United States Russia political feasibility missile defense shield nuclear arsenal dismantlement Mutually Assured Destruction nuclear-armed ballistic missiles obsolete second-strike capacity first-strike defense missile defense system nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation Aegis system New START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty US-Russia nuclear arms reduction national missile defense system missile defense nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction Aegis system New START strategic nuclear missile launchers nuclear proliferation national missile defense system second-strike capacity ballistic missiles nuclear arsenal strategic arms reduction US-Russia relations disarmament policy nuclear security first-strikes warhead stockpiles strategic conceptions international security nuclear weapons defense shield protection replacement defense political feasibility treaty arms control ballistic missile defense nuclear policy global security military strategy deterrence disarmament negotiation international treaty nuclear reduction defense technology strategic missile defense shield nuclear arsenal Mutually Assured Destruction disarmament second-strike capacity first-strike nuclear proliferation Aegis system New START Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty national missile defense system nuclear weapons ballistic missiles nuclear-armed strategic conceptions warheads stockpiles reduction security political feasibility missile defense nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction Aegis system New START strategic nuclear missile launchers nuclear proliferation second-strike capacity nuclear arsenal reduction national security international relations arms control defense policy United States Russia nuclear weapons defense shield first-strike warhead stockpiles strategic conceptions disarmament treaty political agenda military strategy ballistic missiles nuclear reduction international security tactical nuclear weapons global stability Cold War legacy deterrence treaty compliance missile technology defense systems strategic balance nuclear policy global disarmament missile defense nuclear disarmament mutually assured destruction strategic arms reduction aegis system new start treaty ballistic missiles nuclear proliferation first-strike capacity second-strike capacity national missile defense system us-russia nuclear arms reduction nuclear arsenal dismantlement security without nuclear deterrence strategic conceptions international security policy missile defense nuclear disarmament Mutually Assured Destruction Aegis system New START strategic nuclear missile launchers national missile defense system nuclear proliferation second-strike capacity nuclear arsenal reduction US-Russia relations security strategy nuclear weapons policy ballistic missile defense international arms control
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro03a	A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: A graduated response is the fairest way to enforce copyright legislation  First, the sanction after three warnings can be tailored to fit general notions of justice, the punishment need not be severe and could fit the crime: maybe a consumer would be cut off of the internet for only two weeks, or only cut off from accessing download sites but still be allowed to access government and banking sites, or receive a small fine.  Secondly, the consumer has ample time to change his or her behaviour: a consumer can insist on infringing copyright at least two times before the sanction takes place. The consumer can easily avoid being cut off (even temporarily), meaning the punishment likely doesn’t even have to take place. [1]  [1] Barry Sookman, ‘Graduated response and copyright: an idea that is right for the times’, January 10th, 2010. URL: graduated response copyright enforcement fair enforcement justice proportionate punishment internet access restriction download site restriction small fine consumer behavior change repeated infringement temporary punishment Barry Sookman copyright policy digital rights management legal sanctions internet usage control user education copyright compliance graduated response copyright enforcement fair punishment internet sanctions warning system consumer behavior copyright infringement temporary internet cutoff selective site access small fines Barry Sookman copyright legislation graduated response copyright enforcement fair enforcement sanctions warnings consumer behavior internet access restriction download site restriction small fines copyrighted material infringement Barry Sookman copyright legislation digital rights management legal compliance user education policy effectiveness technological measures online infringement fair use intellectual property protection graduated response copyright enforcement judicial fairness proportionate punishment internet access restriction download site restriction minor fines behavior modification repeated infringement temporary sanctions legislative measures copyright protection consumer rights legal compliance fair enforcement Barry Sookman graduated response copyright enforcement fair enforcement sanctions warnings justice proportionate punishment internet disconnection download restrictions small fines consumer behavior repeated infringement avoidance Barry Sookman copyright policy graduated response copyright enforcement fair enforcement tailored sanctions proportionate punishment consumer behavior infringement deterrence internet access restriction download site restriction small fines multiple warnings behavioral change legal compliance Barry Sookman copyright legislation digital rights management content protection user education policy discussion graduated response copyright enforcement fair justice proportionate punishment internet access restrictions download site blocking minor fines behavioral change repeated warnings copyright infringement temporary sanctions Barry Sookman graduated response copyright enforcement fair enforcement proportionate punishment internet sanctions temporary disconnection limited access small fines behavioral change repeat infringement copyright infringement consumer rights legal deterrent Barry Sookman copyright law digital rights management online piracy just sanctions tailored penalties graduated response copyright enforcement fair punishment internet sanctions justice consumer behavior copyright infringement temporary disconnection access restrictions fines Barry Sookman copyright legislation graduated response copyright enforcement fair justice punishment fitting crime internet access restriction download site blocking small fines behavior modification multiple warnings copyright infringement Barry Sookman copyright law digital rights management consumer behavior legal sanctions
test-international-bmaggiahbl-con01a	Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership  Progress in Africa has been hindered by factors like corruption, conflicts and poor infrastructure, all of which are linked to the incompetent or greedy leaders.  Rwanda is a different case, ranked among the best countries with a strong and focused leadership in Africa, the country has set up clear policies like EDPRS [Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy] which aims to change Rwanda from an agriculture based economy to knowledge and service economy [1]. It is well known for zero tolerance to corruption, improved infrastructure and technology all of which are core factors in achieving development. In Africa, Rwanda tops list of easiest countries to do business a move that has encouraged more investors into the country[2].  Limited freedom of speech and press does not hinder economic development. What matters is that the government is trusted to fulfil all its commitments. After all, nothing has stopped China progressing despite human rights violations and censorship of both free speech and the press.  [1] The world bank, ‘Rwanda overview’, worldbank.org  [2] International finance corporation, ‘Rwanda top business reformer’, ifc.org Focused leadership progress Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture-based economy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press economic development government trust commitments China human rights violations censorship free speech press freedom Focused leadership Progress in Africa Corruption Conflicts Poor infrastructure Incompetent leaders Greedy leaders Rwanda Strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development Poverty Reduction Strategy Agriculture based economy Knowledge economy Service economy Zero tolerance corruption Improved infrastructure Technology Development Ease of doing business Investors Limited freedom of speech Limited press freedom Economic development Government trust Commitments China Human rights violations Censorship Free speech Press freedom Focused leadership Rwanda Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture-based economy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development business environment investors freedom of speech press freedom economic development government trust China human rights violations censorship Focused leadership Progress in Africa hindrances to development corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy EDPRS agriculture-based economy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development factors ease of doing business investor attraction limited freedom of speech limited press government trust commitments fulfillment China progress human rights violations free speech censorship press censorship Rwanda leadership Africa corruption conflicts infrastructure EDPRS Economic Development Poverty Reduction technology business environment investors freedom of speech press China human rights censorship government trust development World Bank IFC focused leadership progress in Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech limited press economic development government trust China human rights violations censorship free speech press focused leadership progress in Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture-based economy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press restrictions economic development government trust commitments China human rights violations censorship free speech press freedom focused leadership progress in Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders Rwanda strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture based economy knowledge and service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press economic development government trust commitments China human rights violations censorship free speech focused leadership progress in Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership EDPRS Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy agriculture-based economy knowledge economy service economy zero tolerance to corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press economic development government trust China human rights violations censorship free speech press freedom focused leadership progress Africa corruption conflicts poor infrastructure incompetent leaders greedy leaders Rwanda strong leadership Economic Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy zero tolerance corruption improved infrastructure technology development easiest countries to do business investors limited freedom of speech press economic development government trust China human rights violations censorship free speech
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con01a	Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. Hand Guns Are Required For Self Defence.  Under the status quo handguns are legal. This means that should a criminal initially wish to consider mugging someone he has to consider the possibility that he might be shot should he choose to take this action. A visceral fear of death and injury means that a significant number of criminals will be deterred from engaging in burglaries, violent robberies or muggings if they suspect that they might face armed resistance. As such the presence of handguns within a community contributes to the general deterrence of crime within that community.7  Secondly, should someone try to attack someone else with a handgun, if the other person is armed then they are in a much better position to negotiate with their attacker and prevent harm to either party. Creating a public culture in which handguns are held and used sensibly, and in which firearms training is widely available, allows a parity of power to be created between ordinary citizens and criminals. However, this parity of power is changed in favour of the defender. This is because there are more law abiding citizens than criminals. If the mugger is caught by another citizen then it is possible that citizen will also have a handgun leading to a situation where the mugger will likely be arrested or risk death.8  Finally, the normalisation of handguns in society means that people are less likely to panic should they be attacked by a mugger who has one. Deaths from mugging can often be caused by the victim simply panicking in response to the mugger. Shots are often fired by desperate and unstable assailants who are unprepared for their victim’s reaction. In a society acclimatised to handguns and aware of the risk they present, incidents of this type- fuelled by panic, uncertainty and fear- are much less likely to occur. handguns self-defense legal crime deterrence armed resistance parity of power firearms training public culture law-abiding citizens muggers panic normalization societal impact safety violence prevention handguns self-defense legal status crime deterrence armed resistance firearms training parity of power law-abiding citizens normalization society panic mugging unstable assailants public safety gun culture violent crime defense mechanisms civilian disarmament criminal behavior victim response gun ownership public policy firearm laws community safety lethal force non-lethal alternatives gun rights Second Amendment personal safety crime prevention urban violence rural safety tactical training weapon safety emergency preparedness legal self-defense hidden carry open carry gun control firearm ethics shoot handguns self-defense legal crime deterrence armed resistance firearms training public culture parity of power law-abiding citizens muggers normalization panic uncertainty victim reaction handguns self-defense legal status crime deterrence armed resistance firearms training parity of power law-abiding citizens public culture normalization panic reduction victim reaction assailant stability handguns self-defence legal crime deterrence armed resistance firearm training parity of power law-abiding citizens normalization panic unstable assailants public safety mugging handguns self-defence legal criminal deterrence armed resistance firearm training parity of power law-abiding citizens public culture normalization panic reduction societal acclimation victim reaction unstable assailants incident reduction handguns self-defence legal deterrence crime armed resistance firearms training parity of power law-abiding citizens normalization panic mugging societal impact violent crime personal safety shooter training civilian training gun culture public safety armed citizens criminal behavior defensive use gun ownership societal norms gun control violent incidents attacker reaction victim response crime prevention gun law defensive firearms public policy individual rights security violent assault gun-related violence shooting emergency response mental preparation crime statistics mugging prevention law enforcement defensive tactics self-defence handguns legal crime deterrence armed resistance firearms training parity of power law-abiding citizens muggers panic normalisation societal acclimatisation victim reaction unstable assailants public culture visceral fear violent robberies burglaries negotiations arrests societal safety gun ownership criminal deterrence defensive parity trained citizens reduced panic public awareness gun-related deaths societal benefit legal firearms defensive advantage criminal apprehension gun proficiency reduced violence citizen safety armed citizenry reduced crime societal impact legal gun ownership self-defence crime deterrence armed resistance parity of power firearms training public culture normalisation societal acclimation panic reduction victim reaction assailant stability self-defense handguns crime deterrence armed resistance firearms training parity of power law-abiding citizens society normalization panic reduction victim reaction assailant behavior
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con05a	In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 In security too much transparency endangers lives  Transparency is all very well when it comes to how much is being spent on a new tank, aircraft, or generals houses, but it is very different when it comes to operations. Transparency in operations can endanger lives. With intelligence services transparency would risk the lives of informants; it is similar with the case of interpreters for US forces in Iraq who were targeted after they were told they could not wear masks because they are considered to be traitors. [1]  In military operations being open about almost anything could be a benefit to the opposition. Most obviously things like the timing and numbers involved in operations need to be kept under wraps but all sorts of information could be damaging in one way or another. Simply because a state is not involved in a full scale war does not mean it can open up on these operations. This is why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen in response to WikiLeaks said “Mr. Assange can say whatever he likes about the greater good he thinks he and his source are doing… But the truth is they might already have on their hands the blood of some young soldier or that of an Afghan family.” [2]  [1] Londoño, Ernesto, ‘U.S. Ban on Masks Upsets Iraqui Interpreters’, Washington Post, 17 November 2008  [2] Jaffe, Greg, and Partlow, Joshua, ‘Joint Chiefs Chairman Mullen: WikiLeaks release endangers troops, Afghans’, Washington Post, 30 July 2010 transparency security military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks blood soldiers Afghan family Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mike Mullen security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks blood soldiers Afghan family Chairman Joint Chiefs Mike Mullen operations timing numbers full scale war state secrets leaks risk benefit opposition classified information public disclosure operational security confidentiality national security ethical considerations whistleblowing accountability transparency limits security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen blood soldiers Afghan family operations timing numbers full scale war classified information leaks operational security military secrets endangerment leaks impact state secrets opposition benefit troop safety civilian safety security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks blood on hands Afghan family Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen security transparency endangers lives operations intelligence services informants interpreters military operations timing numbers information damaging state war WikiLeaks blood soldiers Afghan family security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq WikiLeaks blood on hands Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen operations secrecy full scale war targeted traitors open information damage timing numbers opposition Afghan family soldiers greater good security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks blood soldiers Afghan family Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen security transparency endangers lives operations intelligence informants interpreters military information WikiLeaks soldiers Afghans blood targeted masks traitors Chairman Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen Ernesto Londoño Washington Post Greg Jaffe Joshua Partlow release endangers troops military operations intelligence services transparency risks endangered lives informants interpreters targeted masks WikiLeaks blood on hands Afghan family US forces Iraq full scale war open information opposition benefit timing numbers security Chairman of Joint Chiefs Admiral Mike Mullen operations secrecy security transparency endangers lives military operations intelligence services informants interpreters US forces Iraq masks traitors WikiLeaks blood soldiers Afghan family Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mike Mullen operations information damage full scale war state openness opposition timing numbers Ernesto Londoño Washington Post Greg Jaffe Joshua Partlow Joint Chiefs
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con02a	Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 Handguns are Required For Symbolic Reasons As A Defence Against the State Monopoly of Power  Handguns are legal in the U.S. for symbolic reasons. In Justice Scalla’s oral argument he stated “isn't it perfectly plausible, indeed reasonable, to assume that since the framers knew that the way militias were destroyed by tyrants in the past was not by passing a law against militias, but by taking away the people's weapons -- that was the way militias were destroyed. The two clauses go together beautifully: Since we need a militia, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”9 Guns are necessary to prevent the disarming of the people and as a statement that the citizens of the U.S. are allowed to stand up against the state.  In the formation of the state, the citizens of the state give up their freedoms and their ability to do violence upon each other in favour a state monopoly on violence. The implication is that the state, through this monopoly on violence, then prevents citizens from doing violence against one another.  However, it is possible for the state to use its monopoly on physical force in a reckless or subversive fashion. This means that the citizens should always be able to reassert the primacy of their rights and independence over the state, should the state begin to deviate from its mandated role as protector of those rights.  The right to carry firearms is part of this ability to assert one’s power over the state. However, as the state has become more powerful, ownership of small arms has become an increasingly symbolic gesture. Taking away the right to bear arms from any American is thus harmful, as it removes the symbol that the state’s power is not absolute and that ultimately the state is subservient to its people.10 handguns symbolic reasons defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalia oral argument framers militias tyrants right keep and bear arms citizens state violence freedom physical force rights independence firearms powerful small arms subservient American symbol absolute power handguns symbolic defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalla framers militias right to bear arms citizens state violence monopoly physical force rights independence firearms American symbol absolute subservient handguns symbolic reasons defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalla oral argument framers militias tyrants weapons disarm citizens state freedom violence monopoly on force rights independence firearms power subservient American right to bear arms symbolic gesture primacy of rights protector handguns symbolic reasons defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalia oral argument framers militias tyrants right to keep and bear arms prevent disarming citizens state formation freedoms violence state monopoly on violence reckless use subversive rights independence primacy protect firearms state power absolute subservient people right to bear arms symbolic gesture harmful power balance handguns symbolic reasons defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalla oral argument framers militias tyrants right to keep and bear arms citizens stand up state violence monopoly prevent violence subversive rights independence firearms powerful small arms American symbol state power subservient people symbolic reasons defense against state state monopoly of power legal handguns U.S. constitutional rights Justice Scalia militia clause right to bear arms preventing disarming citizens' rights state monopoly on violence reasserting rights subservience of state symbolic gesture small arms ownership constitutional protection American rights state power citizens' power U.S. legal framework historical context Second Amendment tyranny prevention militia preservation firearm ownership American democracy gun rights political symbolism legal symbolism state-citizen relationship constitutional balance individual liberties state authority armed populace political handguns symbolic reasons defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalia oral argument framers militias tyrants right to keep and bear arms prevent disarming citizens state formation freedoms violence state monopoly on violence reckless subversive rights independence protector right to carry firearms state power ownership of small arms symbol state's power absolute subservient people right to bear arms harmful American handguns symbolic defense state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalia oral argument framers militias tyrants right bear arms citizens stand state violence freedom protect rights independence firearms state power American symbol absolute subservient people symbolic defence state monopoly power legal U.S. Justice Scalia militia disarm citizens state violence rights independence firearms subservient people absolute symbol ownership small arms harmful power assertion subversive protection freedom tyranny framers Second Amendment gun control self-defense constitutional rights societal contract civic duty political resistance historical context modern relevance legal precedent judicial interpretation societal balance individual sovereignty collective security democratic principles civil liberties armed citizenry government accountability political philosophy legal theory symbolic reasons state monopoly of power handguns legal U.S. Justice Scalia oral argument framers militias tyrants right to keep and bear arms prevent disarming citizens state monopoly on violence freedoms physical force reckless subversive rights independence protector right to carry firearms powerful small arms symbolic gesture absolute power state subservience people
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro03a	Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations  European states in particular put a particular emphasis on capital punishment when determining human rights issues for foreign policy. The UK for example has a policy of promoting and lobbying for the abolition of capital punishment with foreign governments. [1]  This will help generate goodwill for the nation. This could have a whole myriad of benefits - from aid and trade, to being seen as the “good guy” in any international disputes. When using capital punishment the opposite is the case; controversy has been created by the use of UN resources in drugs cases in Vietnam that could lead to executions for drug offences [2] .  [1] Foreign & Commonwealth Office, ‘HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty 2010-2015’, gov.uk, October 2011,   [2] “UN urged to freeze anti-drug aid to Vietnam over death penalty”, Reuters, 12 Feb 2014, Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill nation benefits aid trade international disputes controversy UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions drug offences strategy death penalty Reuters anti-drug aid freeze Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill aid trade international disputes UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions death penalty controversy anti-drug aid freeze Reuters Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill international relations aid trade UN resources Vietnam drug offences controversy death penalty Reuters diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK policy abolition capital punishment foreign governments goodwill nation benefits aid trade international disputes controversy UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions drug offences UN anti-drug aid death penalty Reuters Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill international disputes aid trade UN Vietnam death penalty drug offences controversy resources Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK abolition of capital punishment international disputes aid trade UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions death penalty Foreign & Commonwealth Office UN anti-drug aid controversy Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying death penalty international disputes aid trade UN resources Vietnam executions drug offences goodwill controversy anti-drug aid strategy government Reuters report 2014 2011 Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK abolition lobbying international disputes aid trade goodwill UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions death penalty controversy Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights foreign policy UK abolition lobbying goodwill nation benefits aid trade international disputes controversy UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions drug offences Foreign & Commonwealth Office HMG Strategy death penalty Reuters anti-drug aid freeze human rights issues diplomatic stance international relations capital punishment controversy foreign government influence policy promotion international cooperation death penalty abolition international disputes drug offenses execution controversy foreign aid drug policy international law human rights advocacy foreign affairs capital punishment impact Diplomatic relations European states capital punishment human rights issues foreign policy UK abolition lobbying foreign governments goodwill nation aid trade international disputes controversy UN resources drugs cases Vietnam executions drug offences HMG Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty UN aid death penalty
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 ban religious symbols discrimination Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan government policy public safety societal interests cultural sensitivity legal precedent freedom of expression equality uproar consequences public perception religious freedom legislative action community reaction symbolism cultural symbols weapon concerns religious practices societal impact religious attire religious beliefs secular laws human rights multiculturalism diversity inclusivity debate controversy political decision ethical considerations social harmony public debate cultural relativism individual rights collective good legal challenges judicial review constitutional principles legislative intent public opinion socio religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan government decision public safety societal interests uproar consequences sacred items cultural sensitivity religious freedom legal precedents public opinion minority rights symbolic equality legislative impact community response ban religious symbols equality discrimination Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan government policy public safety social consequences religious freedom cultural sensitivity law enforcement societal impact religious attire legislative challenges Kirpan ban Quebec legal precedent public perception weapon concern religious practice cultural symbol religious icon social harmony policy debate religious accommodation multiculturalism legislative response public reaction religious diversity policy implications societal values religious expression public order legislative consideration religious significance community response legal framework public debate religious symbolism cultural identity public concern religious rights government religion symbols ban discrimination equality government consequences Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety sacred weapon society policy freedom expression tolerance diversity law human rights cultural sensitivity legal precedent social harmony religious freedom public order secularism integration multiculturalism tradition identity values beliefs ethics impact enforcement exemptions dialogue compromise education awareness understanding acceptance representation inclusion exclusion controversy debate legislation regulation symbolism meaning function purpose significance ritual practice religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision Sikh Kirpan public safety societal interests banning consequences religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent community reaction policy implications religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal interests Sikh Kirpan public safety sacred items cultural sensitivity banning consequences societal uproar religious freedom societal harmony legal precedent symbolic equality religion symbols ban discrimination equality government society consequences Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity legislation controversy impact tradition weapon security faith dialogue accommodation human rights pluralism tolerance awareness education policy diversity representation enforcement compromise values identity symbols controversy debate reasoning rationale perspective stakeholders community response adaptation legal ethical implications moral societal norms governance conflict resolution reasoning rationale societal impact civil liberties religious practices religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban consequences societal interests Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural sensitivity government authority religious freedom legal precedents community reaction symbolic importance policy implications ethical considerations social harmony legal challenges religious practices public perception religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government interests societal impact Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent community reaction ban consequences societal harmony religious practices symbolic importance legal challenges governmental decisions public opinion religious equality religious symbols equal treatment discrimination banning consequences government interest social impact Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety religious freedom
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con01a	Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 Cluster Bombs Have Significant Strategic Value  As mentioned earlier in the opposition counter arguments, cluster bombs are incredibly effective at dealing with large formations of troops and armoured vehicles and can cause a significant amount of damage to an opposing force in a relatively small amount of time. This niche is not filled as cheaply or as easily by other weapons that can be released from a bombing aircraft. As such cluster bombs have a significant level of military and strategic value when used in conflict.  In the case where cluster bombs were banned, it would simply fall to the military to find an effective replacement weapon for these scenarios and it is likely that these would be as problematic if not more so.8 cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations troops armoured vehicles damage opposing force bombing aircraft weapon replacement conflict ban problematic alternatives Cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations troops armoured vehicles damage conflict scenarios bombing aircraft weapon replacement problematic alternatives military strategy tactical advantage defense technology warfare tactics combat efficiency munitions international law humanitarian concerns arms control cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations troops armoured vehicles damage opposing force bombing aircraft cost weapon replacement ban problematic alternatives Cluster Bombs Strategic Value Military Effectiveness Large Formations Armoured Vehicles Damage Infliction Cost Efficiency Bombing Aircraft Weapon Replacement Conflict Utility Ban Implications Tactical Necessity Alternative Weapons Problematic Replacements cluster bombs military strategy troop formations armoured vehicles damage efficiency weapon cost bombing aircraft military value conflict scenarios weapon replacement strategic alternatives tactical effectiveness defense technology arms control military engagement combat efficiency operational advantages weapon systems strategic importance military operations cluster bombs strategic value large formations troops armoured vehicles significant damage opposing force military value conflict banned replacement weapon problematic bombing aircraft effective cheap scenarios opposition counter arguments military cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations troops armoured vehicles damage opposing force cost-effective bombing aircraft replacement weapons problematic alternatives conflict military strategy defense weapons technology troop formations armor combat efficiency military tactics weapon systems bombing military operations strategic advantages tactical use weapons replacement conflict zones military resources defense strategies tactical weapons military capabilities weapon effectiveness combat scenarios military equipment defense technology military armaments strategic weapons cluster bombs strategic value large formations troops armoured vehicles damage opposing force military value conflict banned effective replacement problematic bombing aircraft cost alternatives cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations troops armoured vehicles damage conflict bombing aircraft ban replacement weapons problematic scenarios cluster bombs strategic value military effectiveness large formations armoured vehicles damage opposing force bombing aircraft replacement weapons ban problematic alternatives
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labour market physical health re-employment difficulties psychological-impact mental-health depression suicide anxiety substance-abuse social-networks social-capital physical-health re-employment labor-market-participation women-employment generational-effects communication-skills unemployment-effects africa-unemployment mental-wellbeing confidence-issues vulnerability-reduction job-market-reentry unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labour market physical health re-employment job market economic impact family impact generational effects communication skills vulnerability reduction employment status socioeconomic status community impact unemployment health effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women participation labour market physical health re-entry difficulties job market wellbeing family impact generational impact unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women labor market physical health re-entry job market vulnerability communication skills unemployment health effects psychological impact mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa mental health family impact generational effects social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability reduction women participation labor market physical health re-entry difficulties unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health problems depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital vulnerability women labour market physical health re-enter job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health problems depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability reduction women participation labour market physical health re-entry difficulties unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women labour market physical health job market re-entry vulnerability communication skills unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa mental health effects family generations social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women participation labour market physical health re-enter job market
test-international-aghwrem-pro04a	Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Disengagement has done more harm than good in the region  The policy of disengagement has not resulted in any meaningful change in Myanmar, politically or economically. Since Myanmar has not been dependent on the US or the EU, sanctions and arms embargoes have not had any effect on the government. The changes in 2010-2011 have been due to the influence of the NLD, and certain regional players (like Thailand and China) which have sought to directly engage with Myanmar. Further, the sections of the population that are most affected by the sanctions are those not in the top tier of the political and economic class, but smaller manufacturers and the working class. Restrictions on exports and developmental aid from the US and the EU prevent local manufacturers and consumers from having access to them. On the other hand, restrictions on imports from Myanmar weaken the market for its exporters. These factors only further impoverish and alienate the local population, increasing economic disparity, and consequently the power of the ruling elite in the national context as well. Myanmar disengagement sanctions economic impact political change NLD regional players Thailand China engagement US EU export restrictions import restrictions developmental aid local manufacturers working class economic disparity ruling elite market weakness social impact disengagement Myanmar sanctions arms embargoes NLD regional players Thailand China political change economic change local manufacturers working class developmental aid export restrictions import restrictions market weakening economic disparity ruling elite national context Myanmar sanctions disengagement economic effects political change NLD regional players Thailand China engagement local manufacturers working class exports developmental aid economic disparity ruling elite disengagement harm Myanmar policy sanctions arms embargoes NLD regional players Thailand China direct engagement 2010-2011 changes political class economic class smaller manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions market for exporters local population economic disparity ruling elite national context disengagement Myanmar sanctions arms embargoes NLD regional players Thailand China local manufacturers working class exports developmental aid economic disparity ruling elite political change economic change 2010-2011 reforms US EU market impact population affect policy inefficacy Myanmar disengagement sanctions arms embargoes NLD Thailand China economic disparity political change export restrictions developmental aid local manufacturers working class ruling elite market weakening regional players social harm economic harm policy effectiveness disengagement harm Myanmar policy political change economic change sanctions arms embargoes US EU influence NLD regional players Thailand China direct engagement population manufacturers working class restrictions exports developmental aid local manufacturers consumers import restrictions exporters market impoverish alienate economic disparity ruling elite national context disengagement Myanmar political change economic impact sanctions arms embargoes NLD influence regional players Thailand China local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid market impact economic disparity ruling elite power consolidation sanctions embargoes Myanmar political change economic change NLD regional players Thailand China direct engagement local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions market for exporters economic disparity ruling elite national context sanctions embargoes Myanmar NLD Thailand China disengagement economic impact political change local manufacturers working class export restrictions developmental aid import restrictions economic disparity ruling elite regional players political and economic class
test-society-simhbrasnba-con02a	The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. The rights of refugees are a cornerstone of international law  Signatories of The 1951 Convention on Refugees have a legal responsibility to offer asylum to any foreign national who has a well-founded fear of persecution, for political, religious, ethnic or social reasons, and who is unwilling to return home. Moreover the refugee is protected against forcible return when his life may be threatened, something which is an obligation even for countries which are not parties to the convention bust respect as it is part of international customary law. [1] This treaty is one of the cornerstones of international human rights law, and as such states should uphold it to the letter.  [1] Jastram, Kate, and Achiron, Marilyn, Refugee Protection: A Guide to International Refugee Law’, P.14. refugee rights international law 1951 Refugee Convention signatories legal responsibility asylum well-founded fear persecution political religious ethnic social reasons forcible return life threat international customary law human rights law states obligation treaty cornerstone Jastram Achiron Refugee Protection Guide International Refugee Law refugee rights international law 1951 refugee convention legal responsibility asylum persecution political reasons religious reasons ethnic reasons social reasons forcible return international customary law human rights law state obligations refugee protection refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum signatories legal responsibility well-founded fear persecution political reasons religious reasons ethnic reasons social reasons forcible return life threat international customary law human rights treaty state obligations Refugee Protection Guide Jastram Achiron refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees legal responsibility asylum well-founded fear persecution political reasons religious reasons ethnic reasons social reasons forcible return life threat international customary law human rights law state obligations refugee protection refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum well-founded fear of persecution political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution non-refoulement international customary law human rights law state obligations refugee protection Jastram Achiron Refugee Protection Guide refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum well-founded fear of persecution political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution forcible return international customary law human rights law state obligations legal responsibility refugee protection refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees legal responsibility asylum persecution political religious ethnic social forcible return international customary law human rights state obligations treaty Jastram Achiron Refugee Protection Guide to International Refugee Law refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum fear of persecution political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution non-refoulement international customary law human rights law legal obligations signatories treaty protection state responsibility Jastram Achiron Refugee Protection international human rights refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum persecution political reasons religious reasons ethnic reasons social reasons non-return international customary law human rights state obligations legal responsibility refugee protection Jastram Achiron guide to refugee law refugee rights international law 1951 Convention on Refugees asylum well-founded fear of persecution political persecution religious persecution ethnic persecution social persecution non-refoulement international customary law human rights law state obligations Jastram Kate Achiron Marilyn Refugee Protection Guide international refugee law
test-economy-egecegphw-pro02a	The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, The expansion of Heathrow is vital for the economy  Expanding Heathrow would ensure many current jobs as well as creating new ones. Currently, Heathrow supports around 250,000 jobs. [1] Added to this many hundreds of thousands more are dependent upon the tourist trade in London which relies on good transport links like Heathrow. Loosing competitiveness in front of other European airports not only could imply wasting the possibility to create new jobs, but lose some of those that already exist. Expansion of Heathrow would also be building a vital part of infrastructure at a time when British infrastructure spending is very low as a result of the recession so helping to boost growth. Good flight connections are critical for attracting new business and maintaining current business. This is because aviation infrastructure is important for identifying new business opportunities. The UK’s economic future depends on trading not just with traditional destinations in Europe and America but also with the expanding cities of China and India, cities such as Chongqing and Chengdu. [2] Businesses based in these cities will be much more likely to invest in Britain with direct flights. [3]  [1] BBC News, ‘New group backs Heathrow expansion’, 21 July 2003,   [2] Duncan, E., ‘Wake up. We need a third runway’. The Times, 2012,   [3] Salomone, Roger, ‘Time to up the ante on roads and airports’, EEF Blog, 2 April 2013, Heathrow expansion economy jobs tourist trade London transport links European airports competitiveness infrastructure recession growth flight connections business aviation trade China India investment direct flights UK economic future new business opportunities third runway roads airports Heathrow expansion economy benefits job creation tourism impact European airports competitiveness infrastructure investment recession recovery business attraction global trade emerging markets aviation industry growth direct flights importance investment opportunities UK international trade transport links development job preservation business opportunities identification economic future trade diversification London tourism dependence British infrastructure spending third runway necessity transport infrastructure improvement economic growth stimulation business investment encouragement aviation connectivity enhancement Heathrow job support economic competitiveness enhancement global business relations flight connections quality trade with China trade with India new business opportunities Heathrow expansion controversy Heathrow expansion economy jobs tourist trade London European airports competitiveness infrastructure British infrastructure spending recession growth flight connections business attraction aviation infrastructure new business opportunities UK economic future international trade Europe America China India Chongqing Chengdu direct flights business investment Britain Heathrow expansion economic growth job creation tourism transport links European airports competitiveness infrastructure investment recession flight connections business attraction international trade emerging markets direct flights investment opportunities UK economy aviation industry employment economic development business opportunities global cities trade routes transportation infrastructure economic recovery business investment passenger traffic air travel regional development urban planning logistics economic geography industry trends policy analysis government strategy public sector private sector stakeholder engagement decision-making strategic planning long-term benefits short-term impacts environmental considerations community impact Heathrow economy jobs tourist trade competitiveness European airports infrastructure recession business opportunities flight connections aviation infrastructure trade Europe America China India direct flights investment UK economic future third runway transport links business investment growth infrastructure spending new business current business economic development job creation job loss business attraction international trade global cities economic competitiveness urban development transport infrastructure economic growth aviation industry passenger traffic commercial aviation airport expansion regional development business relocation economic复兴 policy making international connectivity market access Heathrow expansion economic growth job creation infrastructure investment competitiveness European airports tourist trade London economy business opportunities aviation infrastructure trade relations international flights UK economy business investment direct flights Chinese cities Indian cities Chongqing Chengdu recession UK infrastructure business attraction economic future trade destinations Europe America new group third runway roads airports EEF Blog The Times BBC News Heathrow economy jobs tourist trade London transport links European airports competitiveness infrastructure recession growth flight connections business opportunities trading China India Chongqing Chengdu investment third runway roads airports Heathrow expansion economy jobs tourist trade competitiveness European airports infrastructure recession growth flight connections new business current business aviation infrastructure business opportunities UK economic future trading Europe America China India direct flights investment Britain Heathrow expansion economy job creation employment tourism transport links European airports competitiveness British infrastructure recession growth flight connections business attraction aviation infrastructure trade global cities Chongqing Chengdu direct flights investment UK economic future business opportunities Heathrow expansion economy job creation tourism transport links European airports competitiveness infrastructure spending recession economic growth business attraction aviation infrastructure international trade direct flights investment opportunities UK economic future China India business opportunities infrastructure development recession impact economic competitiveness regional airports travel industry business investment global connectivity
test-health-dhghwapgd-con01a	"Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: Generic drugs often prove to be less effective than their brand name counterparts, and can even be dangerous  Generic drugs are meant to retain a substantial degree of bioequivalence with their brand name predecessors. Yet, even under strict testing laws in this regard, generic drugs have on several cases been shown to manifest side effects not present in their parent products. For example, a generic version of Wellbutrin XL, an anti-depressant, that was ostensibly chemically equivalent to the brand name drug, caused suicidal episodes in several users1. This demonstrates that no amount of chemical testing can guarantee true bioequivalence, and thus generic drugs cannot be considered as identical to brand name drugs in terms of safety. While improving testing of generics would go some way toward fixing this problem, it would not do so entirely, as the market for new drugs will be so greatly widened with the approval of generic production that the cost of screening will be very high and the likelihood of poor knock-offs reaching consumers, particularly in the developing world where screening is less robust, is increased substantially2. Brand name drugs may be more expensive, but their safety is more thoroughly guaranteed. Flooding the market with cheap, potentially dangerous alternative drugs helps no one but the undertaker.  1 Childs, Dan. 2007. ""Generic Drugs: Dangerous Differences?"". ABC News. Available: 2 Mercurio, Bryan. 2007. ""Resolving the Public Health Crisis in the Developing World: Problems and Barriers of Access to Essential Medicines"". Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights. Available: generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL chemical testing safety market approval testing costs developing world drug screening public health essential medicines drug safety regulatory standards pharmaceuticals cost-effectiveness health risks patient outcomes medication equivalence generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL chemical testing market approval cost of screening developing world drug safety public health essential medicines drug prices pharmaceutical regulation generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing safety testing laws market approval generic production cost of screening poor knock-offs developing world screening robustness drug safety public health essential medicines cost undertaker drug effectiveness pharmaceutical regulation patient outcomes drug approval process health risks chemical composition therapeutic equivalence pharmacokinetics pharmacodynamics medication safety drug efficacy regulatory oversight healthcare economics clinical trials post-market surveillance adverse reactions drug interchangeability medication errors consumer protection healthcare policy generic drugs brand name counterparts bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL chemical testing market approval safety guarantee developing world cost of screening brand name drugs expense safety undertaker public health crisis essential medicines access barriers generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing market flooding developing world drug safety cost of screening public health crisis access to medicines drug regulation pharmaceutical industry undertaker drug efficacy healthcare economics medication safety regulatory standards generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing safety market for new drugs cost of screening developing world screening robustness drug safety public health essential medicines undertaker drug effectiveness drug regulation pharmaceutical industry generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing safety market regulation developing world drug safety cost of screening public health access to medicines drug approval brand name drug safety generic drug risks pharmaceutical regulation international health policy generic drugs brand name counterparts bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing safety improving testing market for new drugs cost of screening poor knock-offs developing world screening robustness brand name drug safety public health crisis essential medicines access barriers undertaker generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL chemical testing market regulation developing world drug safety cost of screening public health essential medicines pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy regulatory standards patient safety drug approval process generics quality brand name efficacy undertaker metaphor healthcare economics generic drugs brand name drugs bioequivalence side effects Wellbutrin XL suicidal episodes chemical testing market expansion cost of screening poor knock-offs developing world screening robustness drug safety public health essential medicines cost undertaker health crisis access barriers"
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con01a	Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. Self-preservation is our primary moral duty  Many people, especially those who belong to religious groups believe that we have a duty to preserve our own lives. They would argue that suicide is never justified, even if the reasons might appear to be good. It is impossible to sacrifice your life for others, because you cannot know how important your life is to others in relation to how important other people’s lives are. Either life is invaluable and it is thus impossible to value one life higher than others, or it can be valued, but it is impossible for us to assess our life’s value in relation to others. Therefore, while we accept that some might die, it is not for the individual to take matters into his or her own hands and accelerate the process, as this decision might be made on the wrong grounds, but cannot be reversed. self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs duty to preserve life suicide justifying suicide importance of life value of life sacrifice for others assessing life value individual decision irreversible decisions ethics of suicide moral philosophy life preservation ethics self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs duty to live suicide justification life sacrifice life value individual decision irreversible actions ethical considerations life preservation moral responsibility personal autonomy ethical dilemmas human life moral philosophy bioethics existential value personal ethics moral obligations self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs life preservation suicide justification sacrifice life value individual decision reversibility self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs duty to live suicide justification life's value sacrificing life individual decision irreversible choices ethical considerations life preservation moral philosophy personal responsibility societal impact value of life ethical dilemmas human life moral obligations religious perspectives philosophical arguments ethical theories moral reasoning life importance individual rights collective good moral absolutism moral relativism life sacrifice ethical decision-making moral autonomy life preservation ethics moral imperatives ethical principles life's worth moral justification ethical standards moral responsibility life significance moral values self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs suicide justification life value sacrifice individual decision irreversible actions ethical considerations self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs duty to live suicide justification life's value sacrificing life individual decision irreversible actions ethical considerations moral responsibility life's importance human life moral philosophy ethical dilemmas suicide ethics life preservation religious morality personal ethics philosophical debate self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs duty to live suicide justifiable reasons life sacrifice value of life individual vs others life valuation irreversible decisions ethical considerations human value moral philosophy life importance existential ethics religious ethics moral responsibility ethical dilemmas life preservation self-harm moral absolutism ethical relativism bioethics human rights survival instinct moral obligation life choices ethical decision-making moral psychology ethical theories death moral justifications life termination personal autonomy moral authority ethical frameworks moral consequences life significance moral self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs life preservation suicide justifiable reasons sacrificing life life's value individual decision irreversible actions ethical considerations moral philosophy human life value assessment existential ethics moral relativism ethical dilemmas life importance personal responsibility moral absolutes self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs life preservation suicide justification life value individual decision irreversible actions ethical considerations life importance sacrificial ethics moral philosophy ethical dilemmas human life value moral responsibility self-preservation moral duty religious beliefs life preservation suicide justifiable reasons sacrificing life life importance invaluable life assessing life value individual decision irreversible actions
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con02a	Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. Open source software undermines national security.  Even if closed source software firms are ultimately answerable to their shareholders, their shareholders want them to produce software which meets the needs of their customers so that they can sell their products. That is why Microsoft has offered a cheap version of Windows Vista to developing nations, and has been willing to cut the price of its software in negotiations with governments around the world.  More worrying than the burden that closed source software places on a government’s coffers is the threat that open source software presents to a state’s security.  By definition, the code for open source software is freely available. However, the continual attempts to hack into government computer systems demonstrate that many of the same hackers are now moving beyond mere targets of opportunity. Hackers could well take advantage of the increasing ubiquity of open source code to attack national computer systems.  The additional security that open source software claims to benefit from is an illusion. Rather, it is the lack of ubiquitous open source platforms that has kept OSs such as Linux and BSD safe from attack. The possibility that an might yield some form of a reward is reduced when a hacker is presented with fewer viable targets.  Although open source code may give ethical and honest coders more opportunities to spot the flaws in programmes, it also incentivises hackers to invest their efforts in spotting such flaws first. open source software national security closed source software shareholders customer needs Windows Vista developing nations government budget security threat freely available code government computer systems hackers targets of opportunity security illusion ubiquitous platforms Linux BSD ethical coders flaw spotting hacker incentives Open source national security closed source shareholders customer needs Windows Vista developing nations government coffers state security freely available code government computer systems hackers targets of opportunity open source platforms Linux BSD ethical coders flaws programmes hacker incentives open source national security closed source software firms shareholders customer needs Windows Vista developing nations price negotiations government budgets state security freely available code government computer systems hackers targets of opportunity ubiquitous open source security illusion fewer targets ethical coders flaw spotting open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government spending security threats open source code hackers government computer systems open source platforms Linux BSD ethical coders security flaws hacker incentives open source national security closed source shareholder interests customer needs software pricing government expenditure cybersecurity code availability hacking government systems security vulnerabilities open source platforms Linux BSD ethical coders software flaws open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations software pricing government expenditures cybersecurity open source code hacking government systems security vulnerabilities ethical coding hacker incentives code flaws software platforms Linux BSD attack targets software ubiquity security claims open source benefits closed source platforms hacker targets software security open source community government software national security threats software industry cyber threats open source development hacker community software flaws government security software markets cybersecurity measures open source philosophy closed source advantages open source software national security closed source software shareholder interest customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations software pricing government expenditure security threats open source code hacking government computer systems ubiquity of open source security illusion Linux BSD ethical coders hacker incentives code flaws open source software national security closed source software shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations software pricing government finances cybersecurity code availability hacking government computer systems security threats open source platforms Linux BSD security illusions ethical coders hacker incentives code flaws open source national security closed source shareholder interests customer needs Microsoft Windows Vista developing nations government expenses security threat freely available code government systems hacking targets of opportunity security illusion Linux BSD ethical coding hacker incentives national security closed source software open source software shareholders customer needs cheap software versions government negotiations government coffers open source code availability government computer systems hacker attacks open source security illusion ubiquitous platforms Linux BSD ethical coders hacker incentives software flaws
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro04a	Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 Mayors would raise the profile of the city they represent  Elected mayors would speak on behalf of their communities, raising the profile of their town or city nationally and internationally. This could be particularly valuable when negotiating with businesses, helping to draw valuable investment into their area and overcoming bureaucratic hurdles that typically hinder development. Chambers of commerce in cities that are holding referendums believe a figurehead will provide a focal point for business relations and a single point of contact that champions the city’s interests. [1] In addition, mayors would give local government in general a higher profile after years of increasing centralisation by national government. Acting collectively, and through the change in attitudes their higher media profile would generate, mayors would be able to draw power away from the centre once again and bring it closer to the people.  [1] Carter, Andrew, ‘Mayors and Economic Growth’, in Tom Gash and Sam Sims eds., What can elected mayors do for our cities? Institute for Government, 2012, pp.37-42, p.41 mayors city profile elected officials community representation national recognition international presence business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic obstacles chambers of commerce referendums economic development local government centralisation power distribution media attention public engagement economic growth civic leadership urban governance mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national profile international profile business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referendums business relations local government centralisation national government collective action media profile power decentralisation economic growth elected officials city interests civic engagement political representation public figure urban development local authority governance municipal leadership political reform citizen engagement government decentralization urban policy mayoral impact economic development community development local politics government relations urban affairs public administration city management regional development mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national recognition international recognition business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles development facilitation chambers of commerce referendums business relations city interests local government centralisation national government media profile power decentralisation public engagement economic growth political representation civic leadership community development urban governance elected mayors city profile community representation national visibility international visibility business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referendums business relations single point of contact city interests local government centralisation national government collective action media profile power decentralisation community engagement economic growth Institute for Government mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national profile international profile business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles chambers of commerce referendums business relations focal point local government centralisation media profile power decentralisation economic growth elected mayors city profile community representation national attention international attention business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic obstacle reduction chambers of commerce business relations local government prominence centralisation reduction media presence power redistribution economic growth civic engagement mayoral referendums local development political decentralisation community focal point mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national profile international profile business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles development facilitation chambers of commerce referendums business relations single point of contact city champion local government centralisation national government higher media profile power decentralisation economic growth Institute for Government mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national profile international profile business negotiations investment attraction bureaucratic hurdles development facilitation chambers of commerce referendums business relations single point of contact local government higher profile centralisation national government collective action media profile power decentralisation people empowerment economic growth Mayors city profile elected mayors community representation national recognition international recognition business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic obstacles development facilitation chambers of commerce referendums business relations city champion local government centralisation national government media profile power decentralisation public engagement economic growth elected mayors city profile community representation national recognition international visibility business negotiation investment attraction bureaucratic obstacle reduction chambers of commerce referendums business relations city interests local government profile centralisation opposition media presence power decentralisation citizen proximity economic growth institutional change
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro02a	Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, Schools are best places to ensure good nutrition  Education is universal from 5 or 6 to 16 years old in most countries, 58% of children worldwide attend secondary school, [1] with even poor countries providing education for all from 5 to 12 years old. As a result giving breakfast at school will mean that all children between these ages receive it.  [1] Unicef, ‘58: The percentage of children of secondary school age worldwide who attend secondary school is 58’, Unicef global databases, 2008, School nutrition education ages global school attendance childhood education Unicef statistics school breakfast programs educational policies primary education secondary education international education child health nutritional programs educational attainment global education trends early education student welfare school meal initiatives educational equality childhood development nutrition in schools school nutrition childhood education global education statistics breakfast programs in schools Unicef data secondary school attendance education for all child nutrition programs international education policies school age nutrition initiatives Schools Nutrition Education Universal Ages 5-16 Secondary School Children Worldwide Poor Countries Breakfast Unicef Statistics Education Policy Child Nutrition School Meals Schools good nutrition universal education 5 to 16 years 58% secondary school attendance poor countries education school breakfast programs child nutrition educational systems global education statistics nutrition education children school secondary attendance breakfast Unicef global databases age years poor countries universal result receive school nutrition universal education child education secondary school attendance breakfast programs education age range global child welfare Unicef statistics primary school attendance educational meal programs schools nutrition education universal children secondary school poor countries breakfast Unicef global databases age attendance health development meals poverty learning adolescents primary school international statistics school nutrition education age range global education statistics childhood nutrition programs breakfast in schools universal education secondary school attendance children's health and education Unicef data nutritional support in education nutrition education school children secondary school Unicef global databases breakfast age poor countries universal education attendance health development policy meals poverty learning growth statistics nutrition education school breakfast children secondary school attendance ages Unicef global statistics poor countries universal education
test-economy-epegiahsc-con01a	The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= The FTAA is bad for industries in developing nations.  This agreement would put farmers and workers in some of the world’s most impoverished nations in direct competition with some of the richest companies in the developed world. FTAA would have small, domestic industries in countries like Bolivia or Haiti compete with massive American corporations, and prevent their governments from aiding them in any way. The disparity of power and resources would be so great in the case of such a collision, that it would mean these small industries could easily be wiped out and never develop to a level where they can sustain a healthy national economy and become competitive against giant multinational corporations. This would be disastrous for development and poverty reduction in South America [1] .  [1] Robinson, Mary. “Free Trade Area of the Americas: Latin America Deserves Better.” New York Times. 18 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/opinion/18iht-edrob_ed3_.html?scp=1&sq= FTAA industries developing nations farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid power disparity resources disparity national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Free Trade Area of the Americas Latin America FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources small industries national economy competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times 2003 free trade economic impact Latin America globalization trade agreements industry development sustainable development economic disparities international trade policy implications FTAA developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision industries national economy competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Latin America free trade economic impact Robinson New York Times opinion 2003 FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision wiped out national economy competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Latin America economic impact trade agreements globalization economic disparity trade liberalization market competition industrial development economic policy international trade free trade economic growth sustainable development market access trade barriers investment economic vulnerability FTAA developing nations industries competition farmers workers impoverished nations rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Free Trade Area of the Americas Latin America FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity of power resources small industries wipe out national economy sustainable competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times 2003 free trade economic impact Latin America FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources small industries healthy national economy multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Robinson Mary New York Times free trade economic impact trade agreements globalization economic disparity trade liberalization FTAA developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources small industries national economy multinational corporations disaster development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas developing nations industries farmers workers impoverished nations competition rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision industries wiped out national economy competitive giant multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times 2003 FTAA developing nations industries competition farmers workers impoverished nations rich companies developed world small domestic industries Bolivia Haiti American corporations government aid disparity power resources collision wiped out national economy competitive multinational corporations development poverty reduction South America Mary Robinson New York Times Free Trade Area of the Americas Latin America
test-science-wsihwclscaaw-con03a	Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition of a large scale cyber attack is extremely vague  Armed acts of aggression are a good method of judging if an action is an act of war because they result in actual destruction, violence and loss of human life. Cyber attacks, on the other hand, do not and thus there is no objective way to tell what scale of a cyber attack is enough to constitute an act of war. While Pentagon claims a cyber attack that is equivalent of damage caused by traditional warfare as a standard, how is it supposed to be applied if pretty much all of the cyber attacks have been bloodless [24]? For instance, stealing large amounts of confidential data from a country is a large scale cyber attack, and could have an immense economic impact, but it is bloodless and so how much damage does there need to be before it can be a casus belli? It is very difficult to measure the impact of even a very evident and intense cyber attack, as NATO found out when assessing a cyber attack on Georgia in 2008 [25]. While the Pentagon might have a nice theoretical framework, in reality there are too many unanswered (and possible impossible to answer) questions. This can lead to abuse of justifications for war and unnecessary violence. Definition large scale cyber attack vague armed acts aggression act of war destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless Pentagon traditional warfare standard damage casus belli confidential data economic impact NATO Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse justifications war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war actual destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless Pentagon damage caused by traditional warfare stealing confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia unanswered questions abuse of justifications for war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack cyber warfare act of war armed aggression destruction violence loss of life Pentagon traditional warfare economic impact confidential data bloodless attacks casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions justifications for war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack definition vagueness armed acts of aggression act of war criteria cyber attack impact bloodless attacks casus belli Pentagon standard cyber attack measurement NATO assessment justifications for war unnecessary violence cyber attack act of war armed aggression destruction violence loss of life cyber warfare Pentagon standard traditional warfare bloodless attacks confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO Georgia cyber attack assessment theoretical framework justification for war unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war actual destruction violence loss of human life cyber attacks bloodless Pentagon standard traditional warfare confidential data theft economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack act of war armed acts of aggression cyber warfare destruction violence loss of human life Pentagon traditional warfare confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework abuse of justification unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack armed acts of aggression act of war cyber attacks traditional warfare damage economic impact confidential data casus belli NATO cyber attack on Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence cyber attack act of war armed aggression destruction violence human life Pentagon traditional warfare confidential data economic impact casus belli NATO Georgia theoretical framework unanswered questions abuse of justifications unnecessary violence large scale cyber attack act of war armed acts of aggression cyber warfare Pentagon standard casus belli NATO cyber attack impact Georgia cyber attack theoretical framework war justification violence
test-international-iiahwagit-pro02a	Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid Poaching is becoming more advanced  A stronger, militarised approach is needed as poaching is becoming far more advanced. Poachers now operate with high-calibre rifles, night vision scopes, silencers and use helicopters to hunt their prey. [1] These methods are used particularly against rhinoceroses in South Africa, whose horns have become extremely valuable on the Asian market for their supposed medical properties. [2] In response to this, South African rangers are being given specialised training and use their own aerial surveillance to track poachers down with success, [3] supporting the argument for a militarised response to protect endangered animals.  [1] WWF, ‘African rhino poaching crisis’  [2] Zapwing, ‘The Rhino Poaching Crisis’  [3] ibid military response advanced poaching techniques rhinoceros poaching South African rangers aerial surveillance militarised conservation anti-poaching strategies high-calibre weapons night vision technology silencers helicopters Asian market rhino horn trade endangered species protection specialised training wildlife crime poacher tactics ranger tactics African wildlife conservation efforts militarised response advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceros poaching South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animal protection WWF Zapwing rhino poaching crisis militarised response high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties ranger training aerial surveillance endangered animals poaching crisis WWF Zapwing poaching advanced poaching methods militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals militarised response African rhino poaching crisis Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis advanced poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals militarised response African rhino poaching Rhino Poaching Crisis WWF Zapwing poaching militarised approach advanced poaching high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis poaching militarised approach high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceroses South Africa Asian market medical properties rangers specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing Rhino Poaching Crisis militarised response advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision silencers helicopters rhinoceros poaching South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF Zapwing rhino poaching crisis militarised response advanced poaching techniques high-calibre rifles night vision scopes silencers helicopters rhinoceros poaching South Africa Asian market medical properties specialised training aerial surveillance endangered animals WWF African rhino poaching crisis Zapwing rhino poaching crisis
test-society-asfhwapg-con03a	"Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? Immoral to own a human life  Patenting genes and DNA fragments is immoral because of their significance for human life and welfare. It is immoral to own building blocks of the human life. Commercialization of human genes degrades value of human life. Once we give people the possibility to put an ownership tag on genes (basics of life), there is people who value human life merely based on monetary value. Bidding for the best gene, highest price and making the basics of life the same as buying a car. Andy Miah in his essay on Ethical Issues in Genetics argues: ""Evidence of such disaffection has appeared most recently from the emergence of Ron's Angels, a company set up for the auctioning of female eggs and male sperm to infertile couples seeking 'exceptional' children. Whilst numerous companies of this kind now exist, Ron's Angels is interesting not simply for having arranged a standard and reasonable price for such genes; far from it. Rather, as indicated above, eggs and sperm are awarded to the highest bidder.""1 Thus making the perception of human life what people believe is ""fair to pay"" and creating a race to figure out the cheapest ways of buying parts of the human body. 1 10) Miah, A., Patenting Human DNA. In Almond, B. & Parker, M. (2003) Ethical Issues in the New Genetics: Are Genes Us? immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization human genes value of life ownership genetic material monetary value bidding gene auction Ron's Angels infertile couples exceptional children highest bidder human body parts Andy Miah ethical issues genetics patenting human DNA biotechnology ethics gene ownership human dignity commodification of life immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments significance human welfare building blocks commercialization degradation value ownership genes monetary value bidding highest price buying car Ron's Angels auctioning female eggs male sperm infertile couples exceptional children standard price highest bidder perception fair to pay cheapest ways human body ethical issues new genetics immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization genetic ownership human value monetary value bidding genes buying human parts ethical issues genetics Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction infertile couples exceptional children human body parts cheapest ways Almond Parker Miah gene patenting human life commercialization ethics genetic materials ownership monetary value human dignity moral implications bidding genetic traits commercial exploitation moral philosophy bioethics genetic engineering patent law human rights genomics biotechnology genetic resources immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degrading value ownership basic building blocks monetary value ethical issues genetics bidding highest price buying human parts Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction infertile couples exceptional children fair to pay cheapest ways Andy Miah patenting human DNA ethical concerns genetic material human dignity commodification immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization human dignity genetic material ownership monetary value human genes bidding Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction ethical issues genetics Almond Parker Miah patenting human DNA bioethics genetic commercialization human body parts cheapest ways human perception genetic commodification Patenting genes DNA fragments human life commercialization genetic ownership ethical issues human dignity monetary value life commodification genetic auction Ron's Angels egg and sperm sale genetic material human body parts ethical concerns genetic commerce moral implications gene trading bioethics genetic engineering human rights genetic equity immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degradation value ownership monetary bidding human genes Ron's Angels egg auction sperm infertile couples exceptional children price perception cheapest body parts ethical issues genetics Almond Parker Patenting Human DNA patenting genes DNA fragments human life welfare commercialization genetic material ownership ethical issues morality genetic patents human value monetary value gene bidding genetic commerce Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction infertile couples exceptional children genetic selection human body parts ethical implications Andy Miah gene ownership genetic ethics commercial genetics genetic commercialization human dignity genetic rights genetic property gene trading genetic market genetic commodities genetic worth human genetics ethics immoral human life patenting genes DNA fragments commercialization degrading value ownership genetic material ethics Andy Miah Ron's Angels egg auction sperm auction infertile couples exceptional children monetary value human body parts genetic patents ethical issues new genetics"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con03a	We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. We instinctively know killing is wrong  While sometimes our feelings as to what is right and what is wrong are not accurate they are needed when thinking about morality. If a theory is well argued and thought out but goes against our feelings as to what is right and wrong then we will dismiss it. Most people have the feeling that killing is wrong and so to partake in any action that leads to the death of another is also wrong. killing morality right wrong feelings instincts theory ethics actions death philosophical reasoning societal norms moral judgments intuitive responses human values ethical principles conscience reasoning against instincts killing morality instincts right wrong feelings theory actions death ethics philosophy human nature moral reasoning instinctive knowledge moral actions societal norms psychological responses ethical theories moral judgments morality ethical theories moral intuition right and wrong killing ethical actions moral judgments instinctive ethics moral reasoning death ethical dilemmas moral psychology moral philosophy intuitive morality action morality ethical behavior moral principles moral sentiments moral instincts moral philosophy theories morality ethical theories instinctive moral beliefs cognitive dissonance moral psychology killing ethics moral intuitions action consequences moral reasoning philosophical ethics right and wrong actions moral judgments ethical dilemmas human behavior ethics moral philosophy killing morality instincts right wrong feelings ethics theory dismissal action death human behavior moral judgment philosophical reasoning morality ethics right and wrong killing instinct moral feelings moral theory moral dismissal action consequences human ethics moral philosophy moral intuition ethical reasoning moral judgment moral principles death human actions moral beliefs moral psychology morality ethics intuition killing wrong right feelings moral judgments ethical theories dismissal actions death participation conscience moral reasoning societal norms philosophical arguments human values instinctive beliefs killing morality wrong feelings right theory dismiss instinct actions death ethics philosophical beliefs human behavior society values reasoning judgment morality ethics instinct right wrong killing feelings theory dismissal actions death participation moral judgment ethical theories human instincts moral reasoning ethical behavior moral principles instinctive morality moral philosophy morality ethics moral psychology intuitive ethics moral philosophy ethical theories deontological ethics consequentialism moral intuitions moral judgment killing wrongful death moral dilemmas moral reasoning ethical reasoning moral feelings moral accuracy moral theories moral dismissal moral actions human ethics action ethics death ethics moral instincts ethical conduct morality in society moral norms moral truth moral beliefs ethical considerations moral principles moral consequences moral responsibility
test-society-simhbrasnba-con03a	We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. We must practice what we preach  Democratic nations preach the language of freedom, human rights and justice. They encourage those who live under oppression to oppose their rulers and work towards these goals. This is all rendered hollow, and hypocritical if they then refuse to protect individuals who are persecuted for taking the brave and noble step of working to improve their societies. Not only is this a moral failing but practically very harmful too. It is in the interests of democratic nations to spread democracy and peaceful forms of government. If the people of authoritarian nations don't feel they have the support of other, then the incentive for them to risk everything and stand up in the name of freedom is diminished, and so too the best chance of change in such oppressive regimes. democracy human rights justice freedom oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support risk change oppressive systems democratic values human rights advocacy international support refugee protection moral responsibility global democracy promotion political asylum oppression resistance freedom fighters authoritarian regimes peaceful governance societal improvement moral hypocrisy practical consequences democratic nations obligations authoritarian states civic courage change facilitation international solidarity human rights defenders democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution support change authoritarian regimes moral failing practical harm peaceful government incentive risk standing up societal improvement democratic nations human rights justice freedom oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support risk change oppression incentives stand noble brave democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spreading democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support change incentive bravery noble society improvement rulers risk standing up freedom fighters practice what we preach democratic nations language of freedom human rights justice encourage opposition oppressive rulers work towards goals refuse protection persecuted individuals moral failing practically harmful spread democracy peaceful government support authoritarian nations risk stand up freedom change oppressive regimes democracy freedom human rights justice oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spreading democracy peaceful government authoritarian regimes support incentive change standing up for freedom democracy human rights justice freedom oppression rulers persecuted moral failing harm spread democracy peaceful government support authoritarian regimes change stand up freedom incentive democracy human rights justice freedom oppression persecution moral failing practical harm spreading democracy peaceful government support authoritarian regimes change incentive standing up risk oppressive regimes democracy human rights freedom justice oppression persecuted individuals moral failing practical harm spread democracy peaceful governance authoritarian regimes support for activists incentive for change standing up for freedom
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con03a	New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology  Humanity has revolutionized the world repeatedly through such monumental inventions as agriculture, steel, anti-biotics, and microchips. And as technology has improved, so too has the rate at which technology improves. It is predicted that there will be 32 times more change between 2000 and 2050 than there was between 1950 and 2000. In the midst of this, many great minds will be focussed on emissions abatement and climate control technologies. So, even if the most severe climate predictions do come to pass, it is unimaginable that humanity will not find a way to intervene. Even small changes will make a difference – more efficient coal power stations can emit a third less emissions than less efficient ones 1. Renewable energy will become more competitive and scalable and technology develops we may even be able to remove carbon from the atmosphere so undoing the damage. 1  1. Bradsher, Keith. “China Outpaces U.S. in Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants.”, New York Times Published: May 10, 2009. New Technology Humanity Revolutionized Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technology Improvement Change Rate 2000-2050 1950-2000 Emissions Abatement Climate Control Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Emissions Reduction Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmosphere Environmental Impact Technological Advancements Global Warming Solutions Sustainability Green Technology Energy Efficiency Climate Change Mitigation New Technology Humanity Revolution Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Progress Change Rate 2000-2050 1950-2000 Emissions Abatement Climate Control Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Environmental Impact Bradsher Keith New York Times Cleaner Coal Energy Efficiency New Technology Humanity Revolutionized Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Progress Change Rate 2000-2050 1950-2000 Emissions Abatement Climate Control Technologies Severe Climate Predictions Human Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Reduced Emissions Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmospheric Damage Bradsher China US Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants New Technology Humanity Revolutionized World Monumental Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Improvement Rate of Technological Change Predicted Technological Progress Emissions Abatement Climate Control Technologies Severe Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Environmental Technology Sustainable Development Future Innovations Technological Solutions Climate Change Mitigation Energy Efficiency Carbon Emissions Reduction Renewable Energy Competitiveness Scalable Renewable Solutions Carbon Capture Technology Advanced Coal Technologies Global Environmental Challenges Technological Advancements in Energy Clean Energy New Technology Humanity Revolutionized Monumental Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technology Improvement Rate Change Prediction Emissions Abatement Climate Control Technologies Severe Climate Predictions Human Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmosphere Keith Bradsher China Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants New York Times New Technology Humanity Revolutionized Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technology Improvement Rate Change Prediction Emissions Abatement Climate Control Technologies Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Keith Bradsher China Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants New York Times New Technology Humanity Revolutionized Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Improvement Change Rate 2000-2050 1950-2000 Emissions Abatement Climate Control Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmosphere Damage Bradsher Keith China U.S. Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants New York Times May 10 2009 New Technology Humanity Revolution Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Progress Change Rate Emissions Abatement Climate Control Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Environmental Impact Technological Advancements Sustainable Development Energy Efficiency Climate Technology Green Innovation Future Trends Technological Evolution Environmental Solutions Renewable Resources Carbon Footprint Reduction Climate Change Mitigation Sustainable Technologies Eco-friendly Innovations Environmental Protection Advanced Energy Systems Global Warming Solutions Technological Breakthroughs Greenhouse Gas Reduction Sustainable Practices New Technology Humanity Revolutionized World Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technology Improvement Rate Increase Change Prediction Emissions Abatement Climate Control Severe Climate Predictions Human Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Emission Reduction Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmospheric Damage Bradsher Keith China Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants New York Times New Technology Humanity Inventions Agriculture Steel Antibiotics Microchips Technological Improvement Change Rate Predictions 2000-2050 1950-2000 Emissions Abatement Climate Control Technologies Severe Climate Predictions Intervention Efficient Coal Power Stations Renewable Energy Carbon Removal Atmospheric Damage Keith Bradsher New York Times Cleaner Coal-Fired Plants
test-science-dssghsdmd-pro04a	Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. Strategic missile defense technology is substantially more advanced and discriminating in application than nuclear weapons, making potential future wars less potentially devastating  An operational national missile defense system renders nuclear weapons, and intercontinental ballistic missiles generally, obsolete. When a country can shoot down all enemy missiles, those weapons lose their power. The future of war, once countries have access to the technology to build missile shields, will no longer be marked by fingers held over the proverbial red button. Rather, the incentive for conflict between states armed with effective missile defenses will be to seek diplomatic solutions to problems. The technology will likely be in the hands of many nations very soon, as the United States has already provided the technology to Japan and Australia, and will be building defense batteries in Romania from 2015 (McMichael, 2009). Furthermore, even should war break out, they will necessarily be far less destructive, as they will not feature the city-leveling power of nuclear missiles. With missile defense, war will be less likely and, should it occur, less destructive. strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons missile shields diplomatic solutions conflict resolution United States Japan Australia Romania war likelihood reduced destruction city-leveling power McMichael 2009 strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield technology international cooperation defense batteries war destructiveness global security non-proliferation technology transfer military strategy future warfare deterrence arms control international relations peacekeeping technological advancement war prevention defense innovation missile technology military defense security studies strategic studies geopolitical dynamics defense policy missile defense deployment missile defense effectiveness missile defense impacts missile defense implications strategic stability arms race missile defense alliances missile defense strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles national missile defense system obsolete weapons conflict prevention diplomatic solutions missile shield technology international cooperation defense batteries reduced war destruction city-leveling power missile defense benefits future warfare global security technology transfer Japan Australia Romania war reduction peace promotion strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense obsolete weapons shoot down enemy missiles future of war diplomatic solutions missile shields conflict prevention effective missile defenses technology sharing United States Japan Australia Romania less destructive wars city-leveling power war likelihood reduction strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons missile shields diplomatic solutions conflict prevention less destructive wars United States Japan Australia Romania missile defense batteries city-leveling power war likelihood war destruction McMichael 2009 Strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles operational national missile defense obsolete weapons conflict resolution diplomatic solutions missile shield technology global proliferation United States Japan Australia Romania war destructiveness city-leveling power reduced conflict future warfare international security defensive capabilities Strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete shoot down enemy missiles power loss future of war red button diplomatic solutions conflict resolution missile shields technology transfer United States Japan Australia Romania defense batteries city-leveling destructive power war likelihood reduced casualties strategic missile defense nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles missile shield technology national missile defense system diplomatic solutions future of war reduced war destruction missile defense proliferation United States missile defense Japan missile defense Australia missile defense Romania missile defense McMichael 2009 war likelihood reduction city-leveling power missile defense effectiveness strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles obsolete weapons national missile defense system diplomatic solutions conflict prevention missile shield technology international cooperation defensive technologies war reduction destructive power city-leveling military innovation global security future warfare peacekeeping technological diffusion defense batteries operational deployment McMichael 2009 strategic missile defense advanced technology nuclear weapons less devastating wars operational missile defense system obsolete nuclear weapons intercontinental ballistic missiles missile shields diplomatic solutions conflict resolution missile defense technology international cooperation US missile defense Japan Australia Romania reduced destruction city-leveling power less likely war McMichael 2009
test-economy-egecegphw-pro03a	Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow is in the best location for London  Flying is critical for business. Heathrow is well located for the people that will pick up the bill funding its expansion. People need to be able to get to their homes and work easily from the airport otherwise it is impractical. According to the Civil Aviation Authority 25% of business passengers start their journey within 30 minutes of Heathrow, far more than any other airport. [1] This demonstrates that the demand for Heathrow’s services from the local area is real and pronounced. Heathrow is closer to London than its rivals Gatwick and Stansted and has better transport links through the Piccadilly line and Heathrow Express. A new airport could potentially be closer, but finding space within the M25 for a large airport without attracting the same kind of opposition that expanding Heathrow has would be next to impossible  [1] Leunig, Tim, ‘A bigger and quieter Heathrow is the answer to our aviation capacity problem’, The Spectator, 5 October 2012, Heathrow location London business flying expansion funding accessibility homes work Civil Aviation Authority business passengers journey demand local area rivals Gatwick Stansted transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 opposition aviation capacity Heathrow location London business flying expansion funding transport accessibility Civil Aviation Authority business passengers local demand Gatwick Stansted Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 opposition aviation capacity Heathrow London business travel airport expansion passenger demand local transport Piccadilly line Heathrow Express airport location M25 aviation capacity London airports Gatwick Stansted Civil Aviation Authority business passengers travel time airport opposition Leunig The Spectator Heathrow London business travel airport expansion funding transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 aviation capacity opposition Gatwick Stansted Civil Aviation Authority business passengers journey start local demand airport proximity new airport feasibility quieter Heathrow aviation problem solution Heathrow London business flying expansion funding accessibility transport Civil Aviation Authority business passengers Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 aviation capacity opposition Leunig Tim The Spectator Heathrow London business flying expansion funding accessibility homes work Civil Aviation Authority business passengers journey demand local area rivals Gatwick Stansted transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 opposition aviation capacity Heathrow London flying business expansion funding transportation proximity airport demand local area business passengers travel time rivals Gatwick Stansted transport links Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 aviation capacity opposition noise bigger quieter Heathrow London business travel airport location transport links expansion funding civil aviation authority business passengers Piccadilly line Heathrow Express aviation capacity M25 airport opposition Leunig Spectator Heathrow London flying business expansion funding transport Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 aviation capacity opposition Gatwick Stansted Civil Aviation Authority business passengers local area demand airport location proximity travel time infrastructure connectivity economic impact environmental considerations noise pollution urban planning policy-making aviation industry passenger convenience travel efficiency regional development economic growth transport links airport capacity flight operations passenger flow infrastructure development airport expansion UK economy transport options travel patterns business travel passenger experience airport Heathrow location London business flying transport expansion funding accessibility Civil Aviation Authority business passengers proximity demand local area rivals Gatwick Stansted Piccadilly line Heathrow Express M25 opposition aviation capacity bigger quieter
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-pro02a	Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice co-operation  Crime does not stop at national borders. Therefore efforts to fight crime cannot, either. A country that abolishes capital punishment will be in a much better position to cooperate on justice issues internationally.  Many states, particularly ones in the Global North, have policies of not extraditing people to jeopardy of capital punishment. Not only could more people be extradited, foreign states may be more willing to provide broader based assistance and co-operation if they see that a state has made steps forward in criminal justice policy.  Some states have a policy of not extraditing to states where there is a risk of capital punishment: a particular clause on this is included in the US-Mexico extradition treaty, and it is the position of the European Court of Human Rights. [1]  [1] Soering v United Kingdom - available at Justice cooperation crime national borders capital punishment international cooperation extradition Global North criminal justice policy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice cooperation international crime cross-border crime capital punishment extradition policies criminal justice reform international legal assistance human rights Soering v United Kingdom European Court of Human Rights US-Mexico extradition treaty Global North justice policies Justice cooperation Crime International borders Capital punishment Extradition Criminal justice policy Global North European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom US-Mexico extradition treaty Human rights Legal cooperation International law Penal reform Diplomatic relations Judicial assistance Cross-border crime Death penalty Legal treaties International jurisprudence Justice cooperation crime international national borders fight crime capital punishment abolition international justice cooperation extradition policies Global North criminal justice policy states risk capital punishment US-Mexico treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice co-operation Crime National borders Capital punishment International cooperation Extradition Global North Criminal justice policy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice cooperation crime international national borders fight crime abolish capital punishment international cooperation Global North extradition policies risk of capital punishment criminal justice policy US-Mexico extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice cooperation international crime capital punishment extradition policies criminal justice reform international legal cooperation human rights extradition treaties European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice cooperation crime prevention international law capital punishment extradition policies criminal justice reform global north human rights legal treaties Soering v United Kingdom European Court of Human Rights US-Mexico extradition treaty judicial assistance international cooperation death penalty abolition legal diplomacy cross-border crime judicial reforms human rights standards legal agreements Justice cooperation Crime National borders Capital punishment International cooperation Criminal justice Extradition Global North Policy Death penalty Extradition treaty European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom Justice cooperation Crime internationalization Capital punishment abolition Extradition policies Criminal justice reform International legal assistance Death penalty opposition Human rights considerations Extradition treaties European Court of Human Rights Soering v United Kingdom
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol method individuality banning intrusion personal meaningful Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol method personal individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion religious culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible religious garment religious symbol individuality banning symbols intrusion personal meaningful uniform dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book Christians The Bible garment religious symbol individuality banning personal intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible garment religious symbol method personal banning intrusion individuality Uniform Dissent The Guardian Jessica Shepherd culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible religious symbol individuality Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims wear personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible religious symbol method personal banning intrusion individuality Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book Christians The Bible religious symbol individuality Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion religious freedom personal items religious symbols individuality secular Christianity Islam Bible religious book banning intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con02a	The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 The Ban is Unfeasible  The problem with the ban on cluster bombs is that it is unfeasible in the prevention of the use of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries aside from the U.S. will continue to use the weapons and will likely do so less responsibly. There is no way to persuade these countries to abandon the weapons. Countries such as China and the US are unconcerned by threats that their use can be a crime against humanity and might result in international criminal prosecutions as they are not signed up to the ICC and as Security Council members can prevent investigations of themselves or their clients.  The U.S. and Western powers continuing to manufacture cluster bombs allows them to engage with the other users of cluster bombs on the battlefield. Many countries import weapons from Western powers and as such, continuing the manufacture of cluster bombs allows Western powers to keep a check on their use by other countries.  Further, the ability for Western powers to use cluster bombs allows Western powers to discourage their use on the battlefield through the threat of retaliation with the same weaponry. As such, banning the weapons could cost the lives of soldiers on the battlefield.8 cluster bombs ban unfeasibility battlefield prevention continued use irresponsible usage persuasion difficulty humanitarian crime international prosecution ICC non-signatories Security Council vetoes manufacturing continuation engagement with users import reliance usage check deterrence retaliation threat soldier safety unfeasible cluster bombs battlefield prevention use countries responsible persuade abandon weapons United States China international criminal court crime against humanity Security Council investigations manufacture Western powers import check engagement retaliation discourage banning soldier lives military strategy humanitarian concerns international law combat effectiveness weapon regulation diplomatic pressure ethical warfare arms control military alliances strategic interests military technology defense policy war ethics combat zones international relations geopolitical strategies weapon export military doctrines humanitarian law combatants non-state actors military operations cluster bombs unfeasible ban prevention battlefield use country defiance US policy China stance international criminal court Security Council weapon manufacturing Western powers import weapons battlefield engagement retaliation soldier safety crime against humanity international law military strategy humanitarian impact unfeasible ban cluster bombs battlefield prevention country compliance responsible use persuasion difficulties international criminal court security council influence manufacture continuation weapon import usage monitoring retaliation threat soldier safety unfeasible prevention use cluster bombs battlefield countries U.S. China ICC Security Council investigations manufacturing engagement users import Western powers check discourage retaliation soldier lives unfeasible ban cluster bombs battlefield prevention country usage irresponsible use persuasion difficulties international criminal court security council influence manufacture continuation engagement with users weapon imports control through supply retaliation threat soldier safety battlefield dynamics Western powers international law defiance humanitarian concerns military strategy arms trade implications unfeasible prevention battlefield responsible use persuasion crime against humanity international criminal prosecutions ICC Security Council manufacture Western powers import check retaliation soldier safety unfeasible prevention cluster bombs battlefield countries U.S. China ICC Security Council manufacture import Western powers retaliation soldiers use weaponry ban crime against humanity international criminal prosecutions engagement users check discourage cost lives cluster bombs international law military strategy humanitarian law weapon regulation arms control international relations security council ICC manufacturing import retaliation conflict zones soldier safety battlefield dynamics responsible use persuasion enforcement crime against humanity Western powers non-signatory countries military engagement strategic weapons international criminal prosecutions compliance war ethics arms trade diplomatic pressure combat effectiveness military doctrine operational necessity legal immunity defense policy global security armed conflict tactical use international community disarmament weapon deployment military tactics war crimes international treaties military alliances defensive measures unfeasible prevention battlefield countries irresponsible persuasion abandonment weapons China US ICC Security Council investigations manufacture engagement import check use Western powers retaliation cost soldiers lives ban cluster bombs crime against humanity international criminal prosecutions clients battlefield engagement strategic leverage military doctrine humanitarian concerns arms control international law warfare tactics defense strategy diplomatic relations military alliances security studies international relations peacekeeping military ethics conflict zones armed forces strategic studies weapons proliferation disarmament global security tactical considerations
test-economy-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage poverty reduction healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans financial security women work home Kenya jewellery healthcare education investment poverty reduction household economics income generation economic empowerment gender equality microfinance entrepreneurial activities social impact community development economic growth professional development skill building job creation economic stability rural development urban development economic policy labor market income inequality social welfare economic resilience livelihood strategies economic resources financial inclusion income sources poverty alleviation economic opportunities jobs livelihoods financial capital employment poverty reduction women empowerment income generation sustainable livelihoods healthcare education economic security asset building wage earning home-based work jewelry making Kenya economic empowerment household income investment financial stability long-term poverty alleviation jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction women empowerment income generation economic security healthcare investment education investment employment benefits financial security wage earning capital assets loan access household poverty women working home-based work jewelry design Kenya Ellis et al Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage poverty reduction households financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya designing jewellery earning income improving way of life jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women empowerment household income financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery design way of life improvement Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital financial capital employment wages loans women control of life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery design income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access to capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control of life second wage poverty reduction households financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery income way of life Ellis et al Petty
test-international-aghwrem-pro05a	Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Regional factors favour re-engagement  Myanmar has continuing economic and political relations with many other countries, including members of the ASEAN, and significantly, China (which is also the source of a large proportion of foreign investment in Myanmar). These countries, some of which are major economic and political partners of the US and the EU, do not share the same attitude about the legitimacy of the Myanmar government and the approach that should be taken towards it. For the purposes of regional stability, it would be better for the US and the EU to align their positions with the others. This reduces the risk of diplomatic rifts which could destabilise the region. Further, if the international community presents a united viewpoint on what steps Myanmar should take to improve its democracy, such steps are more likely to be taken. Myanmar ASEAN China foreign investment US EU regional stability diplomatic relations economic partners political relations democracy international community re-engagement legitimacy government steps united viewpoint diplomatic rifts regional factors approach improvement stability attitude re-engagement favour continuing relations major partners united stance policy alignment international cooperation political legitimacy diplomatic alignment economic cooperation regional cooperation international relations political stability economic stability diplomatic stability regional security international support political reforms economic reforms democratic reforms international pressure regional influence global relations regional stability diplomatic relations ASEAN China Myanmar foreign investment economic relations political relations US EU international community democracy legitimacy government re-engagement united viewpoint steps for improvement diplomatic rifts regional factors Myanmar ASEAN China foreign investment economic relations political relations US EU regional stability diplomatic rifts international community united viewpoint democracy improvement re-engagement regional factors legitimacy government approach Regional factors re-engagement Myanmar economic relations political relations ASEAN China foreign investment US EU government legitimacy diplomatic approach regional stability international community united viewpoint democracy improvement diplomatic rifts regional destabilisation Myanmar ASEAN China foreign investment economic relations political relations US EU diplomatic rifts regional stability democracy international community government legitimacy re-engagement political partners economic partners united viewpoint democratic improvement steps attitude regional factors Regional factors re-engagement Myanmar economic relations political relations ASEAN China foreign investment US EU legitimacy government regional stability diplomatic rifts international community united viewpoint democracy improvement Regional factors re-engagement Myanmar economic relations political relations ASEAN China foreign investment US EU legitimacy Myanmar government diplomatic approach regional stability diplomatic rifts united viewpoint international community democracy improvement steps for improvement Myanmar ASEAN China foreign investment US EU regional stability diplomatic relations international community democracy political relations economic relations legitimacy government re-engagement united viewpoint steps to improve democracy regional factors policy alignment diplomatic rifts regional partners economic partners political partners foreign policy international relations Myanmar government steps for improvement international pressure regional cooperation policy coordination Myanmar ASEAN China foreign investment regional stability diplomatic relations economic partners political legitimacy international community democracy improvement re-engagement US EU sanctions trade human rights governance geopolitical strategy Southeast Asia conflict resolution cooperation regional stability diplomatic relations economic partnerships political legitimacy international unity Myanmar government ASEAN China US EU foreign investment democracy improvement diplomatic rifts regional factors re-engagement
test-health-dhghwapgd-con02a	"Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: Patent rights allow firms to more readily release their products and methods into the public domain, particularly through licensing  Without patent protection, innovative and enterprising firms lacking the capacity to market successfully or efficiently produce new drugs might develop new drugs and never release them, since it would simply result in others profiting from their efforts. After all, no one likes to see others profit by their hard work, and leaving them nothing; such is tantamount to slavery. Patent protection encourages the release of new ideas and products to the public, which serves to benefit society generally1. The main mechanism for this is the system of licensing, by which firs can retain their right of ownership over a drug while essentially renting the ability to produce it to firms with productive capacities that would better capitalize on the new product. Furthermore, the disclosure of ideas to the public allows firms to try to make the product better by ""inventing around"" the initial design, or by exploiting it once the term of the patent expires2. If the drug formula never enters the public, it might never do so, leaving society bereft of a potentially valuable asset.  1 Rockwell, Llewellyn. 2011. ""The Google Pharm Case"". Mises Daily. Available: 2 Business Line. 2007. ""Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around"". Hindu Business Line. Available: patent rights licensing public domain new drugs market efficiently production capacity patent protection innovative firms enterprising firms society benefit ownership rights productive capacities capitalizing on product disclosure of ideas inventing around patent term valuable asset societal loss legal framework intellectual property competitive advantage technology transfer economic incentives market entry pharmaceutical industry research and development proprietary technology commercialization strategies drug development public good economic welfare patent law technological advancement innovation encouragement licensing agreements patent expiration market dynamics product improvement economic growth legal protection property patent rights firms public domain licensing patent protection innovative firms enterprising firms market successfully produce new drugs profit hard work slavery release new ideas benefit society system of licensing ownership drug production productive capacities capitalize disclosure public invent around patent expires drug formula valuable asset patent rights licensing drug development market entry innovation public domain intellectual property societal benefit productive capacity drug formula patent expiration invention economic incentives pharmaceutical industry technology transfer competitive advantage legal protection commercialization research and development patent system business strategy market dynamics policy impact economic theory patent law technology diffusion competitive landscapes licensing agreements drug production market competition patent disclosure sustainable innovation public good economic growth enterprise development IP strategy patent leverage drug discovery technology adaptation patent duration economic welfare patent incentives drug accessibility patent rights public domain licensing patent protection innovative firms enterprising firms market successfully efficiently produce new drugs profit from efforts disclosure of ideas public benefit system of licensing ownership rights productive capacities capitalize on product disclosure of ideas inventing around patent term valuable asset societal benefit Google Pharm Case Patents Grant Freedom to Invent Around Mises Daily Hindu Business Line patent rights licensing drug development market inefficiency innovation encouragement societal benefit ownership retention production capacity intellectual property public disclosure idea exploitation patent expiration creative development economic incentives pharmaceutical industry technology transfer competitive advantage legal protection research and development commercialization strategies patent rights product release public domain licensing patent protection innovative firms drug development market success production efficiency profit sharing new ideas social benefit ownership rights drug production productive capacity idea disclosure invention improvement patent expiration valuable assets pharmaceutical industry intellectual property economic incentives technology transfer research and development competitive advantage legal protection commercialization societal impact public access innovation cycle patent system economic theory business strategy intellectual capital generic drugs market entry drug pricing access to medication health care pharmaceutical policy patent law technology licensing patent rights licensing public domain innovation drug development market efficiency intellectual property societal benefit invention disclosure patent expiration productive capacity royalty pharmaceutical industry research and development competitive advantage technology transfer legal protection economic incentive proprietary rights patent law intellectual capital commercialization entrepreneurship market entry drug formula public asset patent term patent system patent licensing drug production economic profit societal impact technology improvement patent protection patent abuse patent troll patent portfolio patent strategy patent infringement patent validity patent enforcement patent valuation patent portfolio management patent rights public domain licensing drug development market efficiency production capacity innovation encouragement societal benefit ownership retention product improvement patent expiration formula disclosure valuable asset intellectual property patent protection pharmaceutical industry economic incentive technology transfer research and development competitive advantage patent rights innovative firms public domain licensing drug development market capacity patent protection societal benefit ownership retention product enhancement patent expiration idea disclosure technological advancement economic incentive intellectual property legal framework competitive advantage pharmaceutical industry research and development patent rights licensing public domain innovative firms drug development market protection societal benefit disclosure invention patent expiration productive capacities new products hard work public asset intellectual property legal protection economic incentives pharmaceutical industry technology transfer innovation encouragement"
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro01a	A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. A school breakfast gives all students an equal start to the day  All children should have equal opportunities, a breakfast for all helps provide this. With schools providing breakfast for everyone the start to the day will be the same for all. No one will starting school hungry or thirsty. Everyone will have had a chance to wake up before their lessons start allowing them to get as good a start to the day as possible. school breakfast equal start all students equal opportunities breakfast for all no one hungry no one thirsty wake up good start lessons nutrition hydration morning routine educational equity student well-being healthy breakfast school meals daily routine academic performance child health school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger no thirst wake up good start daily lessons equal opportunity school provision morning nutrition hydration student welfare education support meal programs child health academic performance equitable access breakfast clubs school meals nutritional equity morning routine student readiness meal inclusivity breakfast benefits hydration importance school day preparation nutritional start healthy habits breakfast impact meal consistency student engagement education equity morning well-being school breakfast programs child nutrition initiatives academic achievement breakfast accessibility meal services school wellness school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger hydration wake up lesson readiness equitable education morning nutrition student welfare school nutrition programs healthy start academic performance child development breakfast clubs morning meal school meals nutrition initiatives educational equity school breakfast equal start all students equal opportunities breakfast for all no one hungry no one thirsty wake up good start day preparation school nutrition universal breakfast program morning meal student readiness educational equity meal provision hunger prevention hydration morning routine lesson readiness school breakfast equal start all students equal opportunities breakfast for all start to the day no one hungry wake up good start school lessons nutritional start morning routine educational equity student well-being school breakfast equal start all students no hunger morning nutrition educational equity breakfast programs student wellness meal provision daily routine hydration cognitive function school performance equal opportunities breakfast for all start the day wake up lesson readiness good start no one hungry school breakfast equal start all students equal opportunities no hunger no thirst wake up good start lessons breakfast provision daily routine child welfare educational support morning nutrition hydration school meals equitable education healthy start learning readiness student well-being school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hungry students hydration wake up lesson readiness morning nutrition educational equity breakfast program benefits improved learning conditions school meal initiative student health support daily wellness school breakfast equal start student opportunities no hunger wake up good start breakfast for all school day no thirst equal opportunities meal provision educational support school breakfast equal start student opportunities breakfast for all no hunger hydration wake up lesson readiness daily start equal opportunities morning nutrition school nutrition programs hunger-free learning morning preparation student wellness
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con02a	The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. The recipient is forced to receive the sacrifice of another  In many cases, the recipient is not in position to consent to the donation. Thus, even if it saves his or her life, it is comes with an intrusion on his or her moral integrity that he or she might value higher than survival. If we are to receive such a drastic sacrifice from someone that we love – surely we must have a right to veto it? [1] This means that to enable the choice of the donor the choice of the receiver has been ignored, there seems to be little reason to simply switch those two positions around as is proposed.  [1] Monforte-Royo, C., et al. “The wish to hasten death: a review of clinical studies.” Psycho-Oncology 20.8 (2011): 795-804. donation consent moral integrity survival right to veto recipient's choice donor's choice ethical dilemma forced sacrifice autonomy medical ethics end-of-life decisions psycho-oncology wish to hasten death clinical studies forced donation non-consensual sacrifice moral integrity life-saving intrusion right to veto donor-receiver dynamics hasten death clinical studies psycho-oncology donation consent moral integrity survival veto recipient rights donor choice ethical implications forced sacrifice life-saving interventions medical ethics patient autonomy right to refuse treatment hasten death end-of-life decisions psycho-oncology forced donation recipient consent moral integrity life-saving sacrifice donor choice receiver veto hasten death ethical considerations involuntary donation patient autonomy end-of-life decisions medical ethics informed consent donor-receiver dynamics psycho-oncology terminal illness quality of life moral philosophy bioethics forced receive sacrifice consent donation moral integrity survival veto donor receiver choice hasten death psycho-oncology forced sacrifice moral integrity non-consensual donation right to veto donor's choice receiver's autonomy life-saving intrusion ethical dilemma hasten death psycho-oncology forced sacrifice consent donation moral integrity survival right to veto choice of donor choice of receiver wish to hasten death clinical studies psycho-oncology sacrifice recipient donor consent moral integrity survival veto choice psycho-oncology wish to hasten death clinical studies ethical dilemmas informed consent medical ethics patient rights autonomy end-of-life decisions donor-receiver dynamics medical interventions forced sacrifice recipient consent moral integrity life-saving donation right to veto donor choice receiver choice hasten death ethical considerations medical ethics patient autonomy end-of-life decisions psycho-oncology clinical studies wish to die moral philosophy bioethics healthcare policy informed consent autonomy violation altruistic acts medical interventions ethical dilemmas patient rights medical ethics research consent in medicine donor-recipient dynamics human rights in healthcare moral integrity consent forced sacrifice recipient rights donor choice ethical considerations hasten death psycho-oncology life-saving interventions moral dilemmas
test-politics-oapdhwinkp-con03a	Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, Ignoring North Korea wont resolve the situation  While the great powers can try to keep on with business as usual how will this be helpful? The situation is unstable and needs to be resolved which is something that ignoring the North will not do. Commentators thought that the North would collapse as a result of the withdrawal of support that was given by the USSR in the early 1990s but it did not happen. The regime will likely be able to hang on in the status quo situation pretty much indefinitely.  There is also no reason to believe that the provocations may not become bigger should smaller provocations be ignored. While North Korea can attract the world’s attention with a missile test launch it is likely to keep doing such small and relatively harmless actions. Should such actions fail the regime may resort to bigger incidents such as the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010 which resulted in 46 deaths which may have been an attempt at coercive diplomacy against a regime that was unwilling to engage in negotiations. [1]  [1] Cha, Victor, ‘The Sinking of the Cheonan’, Center for Strategic & International Studies, 22 April 2010, North Korea situation resolution great powers business as usual instability regime survival USSR support 1990s provocations missile tests Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy negotiations international attention security diplomacy conflict East Asia peninsula tensions military actions geopolitical foreign policy sanctions diplomatic relations nuclear program regional stability global security geopolitical tensions international relations East Asian security North Korean regime provocations escalation missile launches South Korea defense strategic studies international studies security studies peace nuclear threats military strategy diplomacy effectiveness North Korea situation resolve great powers business as usual instability commentators collapse USSR 1990s regime status quo provocations missile tests world's attention smaller actions bigger incidents Cheonan 2010 46 deaths coercive diplomacy negotiations North Korea instability international relations nuclear threat diplomatic engagement provocative actions Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy South Korea missile launches USSR support regime survival global attention conflict resolution great powers business as usual security studies East Asia foreign policy geopolitical tensions North Korea situation unresolved great powers business as usual unstable regime collapse USSR support withdrawal provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan sinking South Korea negotiations international attention status quo smaller incidents bigger incidents 46 deaths 2010 Victor Cha Center for Strategic & International Studies North Korea situation instability great powers business as usual regime status quo provocations missile test Cheonan coercive diplomacy negotiations South Korea USSR support withdrawal commentator predictions collapse indefinite survival missile launches small actions bigger incidents international attention unresolved tension diplomatic engagement security risks regional stability North Korea situation instability resolution great powers business as usual commentators USSR withdrawal regime survival provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan sinking 2010 South Korea international relations security studies Asian politics diplomatic engagement conflict resolution non-proliferation nuclear threats regional stability military tactics state behavior international community geopolitical tensions foreign policy crisis management security challenges global affairs peacekeeping diplomatic negotiations military response economic sanctions international law human rights strategic studies defense policy regional security international security North Korea situation instability resolution great powers business as usual commentators USSR regime status quo provocations missile tests Cheonan 2010 South Korea deaths coercive diplomacy negotiations North Korea international relations instability great powers business as usual unresolved situation regime survival USSR withdrawal commentators collapse status quo provocations missile tests coercive diplomacy Cheonan sinking South Korea negotiations security East Asia diplomatic engagement military incidents regional tensions foreign policy geopolitical strategies North Korean strategy international community 互動 半島穩定 核恐懼 經濟制裁 劉易斯 朝鮮問題 安全威脅 對話與和平 North Korea international relations geopolitical tensions diplomatic strategies Cold War aftermath USSR support regime stability provocations missile tests Cheonan incident coercive diplomacy South Korea security studies conflict resolution great powers global stability foreign policy East Asia nuclear proliferation regional security North Korea international relations diplomatic negotiations provocations military actions Cheonan sinking coercive diplomacy security studies geopolitical tensions East Asia foreign policy strategic studies missile tests regime stability USSR support commentator analysis bilateral relations conflict resolution regional stability
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con03a	Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 Closed source software is better at meeting consumer needs.  Closed source software companies are more than capable of segmenting their products to reach each part of the market, as Microsoft has shown by producing its new Windows 7 operating system in a record six different versions.  Microsoft’s monopoly of desktop computers ensures that if a programmer produces a niche software package or software translation for a specialized purpose, that programmer knows that potential clients will almost certainly be able to run the program if it is designed for Windows. If this monopoly is broken up and governments start to push Linux or other open source alternatives, the programmer will either have to develop for two or more platforms, thereby increasing the cost of the final product, or they will have to gamble on a single platform; both options would reduce the likelihood of the niche solution reaching the clients that need it.  While open source software does allow anyone to spot a potential market and customize software to sell to that market, that access is also its great undoing. The type of accessibility that many open source products pride themselves on providing leaves projects open to abuse, either by well-meaning amateurs or intentional wreckers. Constant self-policing by the open source community is required, in order to guarantee the stability of the software it creates. An analogy can be drawn with Wikipedia, where the freedom of the mob led to defamatory statements being written about the former editor of USA Today [i] . Governments should be wary of relying on an anarchic, self-organising community to serve their IT needs, no matter how smart and well intentioned the members of that community may be.  [i] Seigenthaler, John. .”A false Wikipedia “biography”.” USA Today. 29 November 2005 closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 monopoly desktop computers niche software open source Linux platform development market customization software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT anarchic community closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software programming platforms cost Linux open source market customization accessibility abuse self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT stability self-organising community closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software programming platforms cost increase Linux open source alternatives market customization software stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT needs self-organising community closed source consumer needs market segmentation Windows 7 desktop monopoly niche software multi-platform development open source market accessibility software stability community policing Wikipedia analogy government IT reliance open source community Closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop monopoly niche software programming platforms Linux open source software customization market accessibility open source community software stability Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT anarchic community self-organising smart community closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software programming platforms Linux open source market customization software stability self-policing Wikipedia government IT anarchic community Seigenthaler biography closed source consumer needs market segmentation Windows 7 Microsoft monopoly desktop computers niche software programming costs open source software platforms market customization accessibility software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT open source community self-organizing closed source software consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop computers monopoly niche software programming platforms cost open source alternatives market access customization software stability self-policing Wikipedia defamatory statements government IT self-organising community closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 desktop monopoly niche software programming costs platform development Linux open source market customization software accessibility open source abuse self-policing Wikipedia defamatory content government IT anarchy self-organizing community closed source consumer needs product segmentation Microsoft Windows 7 monopoly desktop computers niche software programming costs platform development Linux open source market customization software stability community policing Wikipedia defamatory statements IT needs government reliance anarchic community
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro01a	Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Every human being has a right to life  Perhaps the most basic and fundamental of all our rights. However, with every right comes a choice. The right to speech does not remove the option to remain silent; the right to vote brings with it the right to abstain. In the same way, the right to choose to die is implicit in the right to life. The degree to which physical pain and psychological distress can be tolerated is different in all humans. Quality of life judgements are private and personal, thus only the sufferer can make relevant decisions. [1] This was particularly evident in the case of Daniel James. [2] After suffering a spinal dislocation as the result of a rugby accident he decided that he would live a second-rate existence if he continued with life and that it was not something he wanted to prolong. People are given a large degree of autonomy within their lives and since deciding to end your life does not physically harm anyone else, it should be within your rights to decide when you wish to die. While the act of suicide does remove option to choose life, most cases in which physician assisted suicide is reasonable, death is the inevitable and often imminent outcome for the patient regardless if by suicide or pathological process. The choice for the patient, therefore, is not to die, but to cease suffering and tto chose the time and manner of their death.  [1] Derek Humphrey, 'Liberty and Death: A manifesto concerning an individual's right to choose to die', assistedsuicide.org 1 March 2005,  (accessed 4/6/2011)  [2] Elizabeth Stewart, 'Parents defend assisted suicide of paralysed rugby player', guardian.co.uk, 17 October 2008,  (accessed 6/6/2011) right to life right to die physician assisted suicide autonomy quality of life personal choice suffering psychological distress physical pain terminal illness end-of-life decisions ethical considerations legal aspects human rights dignity palliative care voluntary euthanasia unbearable suffering decision-making individual freedom medical ethics compassionate care life and death autonomy in healthcare patient rights ethical dilemmas end-of-life options human dignity life quality choice in dying death with dignity medical assistance in dying patient autonomy health law bioethics moral philosophy spinal injury rugby right to life right to die autonomy quality of life personal choice physician assisted suicide end-of-life decisions Derek Humphrey Daniel James spinal injury suicide euthanasia ethical considerations legal aspects medical ethics palliative care suffering terminal illness human rights dignity in dying voluntary euthanasia autonomy in healthcare moral philosophy bioethics patient rights compassionate care end-of-life options death with dignity assisted dying humane death intolerable suffering mental anguish physical pain personal dignity individual rights choice in dying healthcare decisions legal right to life right to die physician-assisted suicide autonomy quality of life personal choice suffering inevitability of death Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal dislocation rugby accident psychological distress physical pain euthanasia moral rights human rights legal rights ethical considerations terminal illness palliative care patient rights end-of-life decisions autonomy in healthcare dignity in dying compassionate response medical ethics voluntary euthanasia healthcare decision-making patient autonomy end-of-life choices philosophical considerations moral philosophy bioethics legal aspects right to life right to die physician-assisted suicide autonomy quality of life personal choice suffering Derek Humphrey Daniel James spinal injury ethical rights end-of-life decisions patient rights terminal illness psychological distress physical pain humane treatment voluntary euthanasia moral considerations right to life right to die autonomy physician-assisted suicide quality of life personal choice human rights suffering dignity Daniel James spinal injury Elizabeth Stewart Derek Humphrey liberty death euthanasia palliative care terminal illness ethical considerations legal aspects right to life choice right to die physical pain psychological distress quality of life personal autonomy physician-assisted suicide euthanasia Daniel James spinal injury rugby accident Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart liberty death assisted suicide moral rights suffering end-of-life decisions individual rights palliative care ethical considerations autonomy in healthcare legal rights human rights terminal illness unbearable suffering personal dignity medical ethics humane treatment compassionate care right to life right to die autonomy quality of life personal choice suffering euthanasia physician-assisted suicide Daniel James spinal injury dignity end-of-life decisions Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart guardianship ethical considerations moral rights legal perspectives palliative care psychological distress physical pain human rights individual rights autonomy in healthcare medical ethics compassionate care informed consent terminal illness palliative options humane treatment decision-making capacity bioethics societal norms medical assistance in dying voluntary euthanasia patient rights healthcare policy ethical dile right to life right to die autonomy quality of life personal choice physician assisted suicide suffering terminal illness Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal injury rugby accident psychological distress physical pain end-of-life decisions euthanasia bioethics moral rights human dignity legal considerations ethical debates compassionate care patient rights death with dignity palliative care humane death self-determination voluntary euthanasia guardianship medical ethics informed consent healthcare policy personal freedom ethical implications societal values End of Life Choice Act palliative right to life right to die autonomy quality of life psychological distress physical pain physician assisted suicide tolerance personal choice inevitable death suffering Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal dislocation rugby accident parents assisted suicide manslaughter ethical considerations legal implications medical ethics palliative care end-of-life decisions human rights dignity in death voluntary euthanasia moral philosophy bioethics autonomy in healthcare terminal illness patient rights humane treatment death with dignity choice in dying compassionate care patient autonomy medical assistance in dying humane right to life right to die choice autonomy quality of life suffering physician-assisted suicide Daniel James Derek Humphrey Elizabeth Stewart spinal dislocation rugby accident terminal illness personal dignity end-of-life decisions voluntary euthanasia legal and ethical considerations
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro01a	Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Is A Better General Justifying Aim for Punishment  Rehabilitation is the most valuable ideological justification for imprisonment, for it alone promotes the humanising belief in the notion that offenders can be saved and not simply punished. Desert (retributive) theory, on the other hand, sees punishment as an end in itself, in other words, punishment for punishment’s sake. This has no place in any enlightened society.  An example can be taken from the aftermath of the London rioters, where 170 riot offenders under 18 are now in custody without firstly understanding the causes of the riots nor the reasons of why these people offended. [1]  The rehabilitative ideal does not ignore society and the victim. In fact it is because retribution places such great value on the prisoner’s rights that it tries so hard to change the offender and prevent his reoffending. By seeking to reduce reoffending and to reduce crime, it seeks constructively to promote the safety of the public, and to protect individuals from the victimisation of crime. The public agrees; a 2008 poll of British citizens found 82% ‘thought rehabilitation was as important, or more important than punishment as a criterion when sentencing criminals’. [2] Such a model of punishment is therefore a more enlightened approach in a modern day criminal justice system. Our current system which focuses more on retribution does not have the possibility of seeking to prevent reoffending by curing the offender of their desire to reoffend.  [1] Malik, Shiv, ‘UK riots cause 8% rise in jailed children’, guardian.co.uk, 8 September 2011.  [2] Directgov. Rehabilitation versus punishment - judge for yourself. 1 July 2008 . Rehabilitation Punishment Ideological Justification Imprisonment Humanising Belief Offenders Retributive Theory Enlightened Society London Riots Juvenile Offenders Society Victims Reducing Reoffending Public Safety Victimisation Criminal Justice System Sentencing Poll British Citizens Preventing Crime Curing Offenders Desire to Reoffend Retribution rehabilitation punishment retributive theory desert theory enlightened society London riots juvenile offenders public safety victimisation criminal justice system reoffending sentencing criteria prisoner rights societal values humanising belief offender rehabilitation constructive punishment crime prevention public opinion sentencing objectives rehabilitation punishment retributive justice desert theory enlightenment criminal justice system reoffending public safety victimisation offender treatment societal values UK riots juvenile offenders public opinion sentencing criteria humanising belief offender reform crime prevention prisoner rights rehabilitation justifying aim punishment humanising belief offenders saved retributive theory enlightened society London rioters juvenile offenders societal impact victim consideration public safety crime prevention reoffending public opinion sentencing criteria criminal justice system retribution curing desire to reoffend Rehabilitation punishment retributive justice desert theory offender reform public safety reoffending prevention criminal justice system societal values victim protection ideological justification humanization enlightenment offender rights sentencing criteria public opinion youth offenders London riots correctional philosophy constructive punishment Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Humanising Offenders Retributive Society Victims Reoffending Crime Public Safety Victimization Criminal Justice System Enlightenment Poll British Citizens Sentencing Cure Desire Prevention UK Riots Children Custody Causes Reasons Reconciliation Social Impact Moral Responsibility Policy Effectiveness Rehabilitation Model Retribution Model Justice Compassion Deterrence Liability Ethical Considerations Legal Philosophy Social Welfare Community Reintegration Rehabilitation Programs Sentencing Goals Judicial System Social Rehabilitation Justification Punishment Humanizing Offenders Retributive Desert Enlightened Society London Riots Juvenile Offenders Recidivism Public Safety Victim Protection Criminal Justice System Retribution Prevent Reoffending Public Opinion Sentencing Criteria Cure Offenders rehabilitation punishment ideological justification imprisonment humanising belief offenders retributive theory enlightened society London riots juvenile offenders societal impact victimisation public safety crime prevention reoffending British citizens sentencing criteria criminal justice system retribution curing desire to reoffend rehabilitation retributive justice punishment offender reform crime prevention societal benefit victim protection public safety reoffending rates penal ideology ethical punishment criminal justice system public opinion youth offenders London riots prisoner rights moral responsibility social reintegration penal reform enlightened society rehabilitation punishment retributive justice ideological justification imprisonment humanising belief offenders desert theory enlightened society London rioters custody causes of riots reoffending public safety victimisation criminal justice system retribution crime prevention British citizens sentencing criminals modern approach curing desire to reoffend
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro02a	The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. The legal ownership of guns by ordinary citizens inevitably leads to many accidental deaths  The legal ownership of guns by law-abiding citizens inevitably leads to many unnecessary and tragic deaths. Legally held guns are stolen and end up in the hands of criminals, who would have greater difficulty in obtaining such weapons if firearms were less prevalent in society. Guns also end up in the hands of children, leading to tragic accidents and terrible disasters such as the Columbine High School massacre in the U.S.A. Sometimes even normal-seeming registered gun owners appear to go mad and kill, as tragically happened at Hungerford and Dunblaine in the U.K. gun control firearm regulation accidental shootings gun violence legal gun ownership law-abiding citizens stolen firearms criminal access to guns child access to firearms school shootings mass shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblane gun prevalence societal impact of guns mental health and gun ownership gun control firearm regulation accidental deaths gun ownership law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminals gun prevalence child safety school shootings registered gun owners mental health mass shootings Hungerford Dunblane Columbine gun control firearm regulation accidental shootings gun theft criminal use of firearms child access to guns school shootings mass shootings mental health and gun ownership legal gun ownership risks gun prevalence and crime Hungerford shooting Dunblane massacre Columbine massacre law-abiding gun owners unnecessary deaths tragic gun incidents legal gun ownership accidental deaths unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen firearms criminals obtaining guns gun prevalence guns in children's hands school shootings Columbine High School registered gun owners mass shootings Hungerford Dunblane U.K. gun laws firearm regulation gun control debate public safety weapon accessibility gun control accidental deaths legal ownership law-abiding citizens unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen firearms criminals prevalence of firearms gun safety children accidents school shootings Columbine registered gun owners mental health Hungerford Dunblaine U.K. gun laws gun control accidental deaths firearm ownership law-abiding citizens stolen guns criminals gun prevalence children accidents school shootings mental health registered gun owners mass shootings Hungerford Dunblane gun ownership legal firearms accidental deaths unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen guns criminals gun prevalence children accidents school shootings registered gun owners mental health gun control societal impact public safety gun control legal gun ownership accidental deaths unnecessary deaths tragic deaths stolen firearms criminal access to guns gun prevalence gun accidents children and guns school shootings mass shootings Columbine Hungerford Dunblane registered gun owners gun violence mental health firearm regulation gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens stolen firearms criminals children gun accidents Columbine Hungerford Dunblane registered gun owners mental health firearm prevalence societal impact tragedy prevention gun control accidental deaths law-abiding citizens firearm prevalence stolen guns criminals child safety gun ownership regulation tragic accidents mass shootings Hungerford Dunblaine Columbine registered gun owners mental health societal impact of guns
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con06a	Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism is demanding  If we choose to save the five people just because we have the power to do so then we also have to consider all the other lives that are in our power to save. It is in our power to donate all of our excess money to charity to save lives and so we must also do this. Actions like this are worthy of praise but no one would suggest that we have a duty to do them. Utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy ethical theory consequentialism duty obligation moral responsibility charity altruism personal sacrifice moral praise ethical action moral demand moral choice power to save excess wealth philanthropy ethical dilemma moral obligation Utilitarianism moral obligation ethical dilemmas duty supererogatory actions charity moral philosophy Kantian ethics consequentialism moral responsibility altruism sacrifice personal ethics moral demands ethical theories moral agent moral worth ethical actions moral psychology Utilitarianism ethical obligations moral duty supererogatory actions consequentialism altruism charitable donations ethical philosophy moral responsibility power to save excess wealth duty versus praiseworthy actions Utilitarianism moral obligation duty to save consequentialism ethical theory maximization of utility altruism personal responsibility moral demand supererogatory actions charity donation ethical dilemmas moral philosophy action evaluation moral praise ethical justification moral limits practical ethics ethical decision-making Utilitarianism ethical theory moral philosophy duty obligation consequentialism greatest happiness principle supererogatory actions moral responsibility charity altruism self-sacrifice ethical duties moral demands moral psychology ethical decision-making life-saving humanitarian aid moral praise moral permissibility utilitarianism moral obligation save lives donate money charity ethical responsibility power to save moral duty praise-worthy actions utilitarian ethics consequentialism moral philosophy duty to help ethical theories moral demands altruism voluntary actions moral praise ethical dilemmas humanitarian actions Utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical duty consequentialism greatest happiness principle moral obligation altruism supererogatory actions ethical responsibility charitable donations moral demands ethical theory deontological ethics moral psychology Utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical theory duty obligation moral obligation altruism charity donation excess wealth saving lives moral praise ethical actions power responsibility consequentialism moral psychology ethical dilemmas action evaluation moral agents moral worth utilitarian principles ethical theories comparison Kantian ethics virtue ethics moral philosophy critique moral obligation criticism ethical decision making moral reasoning ethical standards moral judgments moral theories altruistic actions utilitarianism implications moral responsibility ethical consequences utilitarianism debate moral philosophy discussion ethical principles duty ethics utilitarianism moral duty ethical obligations consequentialism supererogatory actions moral psychology duty vs praise charitable donations ethical theories moral philosophy Utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy Peter Singer duty obligation charity donations supererogatory moral demands ethical living altruism moral responsibility maximization of good consequentialism
test-society-asfhwapg-con04a	A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , A liability regime not patents.  There are alternatives to the kind of blanket patenting that stifles innovation and drives up prices . The most obvious is to have no patents at all for genes which would result in a free for all but might have the result the proposition argues it would, that without any kind of pay back for the research no one will do the research in the first place.  However there are alternatives that prevent many of the problems of patents while still bringing in many of the benefits . This would be to have some kind of rights for the discover. Unlike patents there would be no right to refuse or provide conditions for access to the discovery. This would be a use now pay later system. Anyone could research using the discovery or seek to commercialize it but would have to pay a fee which would depend upon what the application was1. Palombi has proposed the creation of ‘Genetic Sequence Rights’ “the GSR would be administered using… the present ‘international’ patent system so as to minimize establishment costs and to facilitate its adoption. A GSR would be granted to the first person to file and disclose a genetic sequence defining genetic material of any origin and explaining its function and utility… The GSR would become part of an international electronic database which would be freely accessible by any person.  Upon registration the GSR holder would have the right to a GSR use fee (GSR fee). The GSR fee would vary depending on the nature of the use. For publicly funded institutions such as universities, experimental use would not attract a GSR fee, but for commercial entities, the GSR fee would apply commensurately with the nature of the use2.” This would therefore create a much fairer system that both encourages research for commercial purposes and for academic purposes.  1. Dutfield G., DNA patenting: implications for public health research, WHO   2. Palombi, Luigi, “The Genetic Sequence Right: A Sui Generis Alternative to the Patenting of Biological Materials”, Patenting Lives Conference, 1-2 December 2005, p.18.  , liability regime patents innovation prices alternatives no patents genes free for all research pay back discovery rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR patent system international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities fair system commercial purposes academic purposes DNA patenting public health research Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime patents innovation prices alternatives blanket patenting genes free for all research payback discoverer rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system genetic sequence genetic material function utility international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions universities commercial entities fair system commercial purposes academic purposes DNA patenting public health research Patenting Lives Conference liability regime alternatives patents innovation prices no patents genes free for all research payoff discovery rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system establishment costs adoption genetic sequence genetic material function utility international electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions universities experimental use commercial entities fairer system commercial purposes academic purposes DNA patenting public health research Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents free for all research incentive no patents genetic sequence rights GSR use now pay later commercial access academic access international patent system public health research DNA patenting sui generis alternative patenting biological materials innovation price control discovery rights experimental use commercial entities fee structure fair system research encouragement Palombi Dutfield WHO Patenting Lives Conference liability regime patents innovation research free-for-all payback discovery rights use-now-pay-later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system electronic database GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities public health research patenting lives Luigi Palombi liability regime alternatives to patents innovation gene patents free for all research incentives Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities DNA patenting public health research Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime patents innovation research genetic sequence rights GSR commercialization academic research patent alternatives sui generis public health DNA patenting international patent system access disclosure use fee commercial entities publicly funded institutions gene patents stifling innovation payback discovery rights free-for-all (system) liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents no patents free for all research incentives discoverer rights use now pay later Genetic Sequence Rights GSR international patent system publicly funded institutions commercial entities GSR use fee fairer system public health research Luigi Palombi Patenting Lives Conference liability regime patents innovation gene patents genetic sequence rights GSR commercial research academic research patent alternatives free for all research incentives payback for research use now pay later international patent system electronic database public health research commercial entities publicly funded institutions experimental use sui generis patenting lives Luigi Palombi DNA patenting WHO stifles innovation drives up prices first to file genetic material function utility GSR fee nature of use liability regime alternatives to patents gene patents free for all research incentives Genetic Sequence Rights GSR use now pay later Palombi international patent system GSR use fee publicly funded institutions commercial entities fairer system DNA patenting public health research sui generis alternative biological materials
test-economy-epegiahsc-con04a	FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA is bad for labour in developed countries.  Liberalizing the labour market across the entirety of the Americas would be a severe blow to workers in the US and Canada. It would put them in direct competition with workers from countries where the average salary is much lower than in the US, who would be willing to work for a fraction of what a US or Canadian worker currently makes. In order to stay competitive in such a market, they would have to accept lower salaries and a cut in benefits. This would reverse decades of progress in the direction of better protections for workers and workers’ rights, as well as lead to higher unemployment levels in developed countries [1] . This has occurred as a result of previous free trade agreements in the Americas for example the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) after it was implemented resulted in the displacement of 682,000 US jobs [2] this then gives employers a chance to reduce working conditions as there is surplus labor.  [1] Suroweicki, James. “The Free-Trade Paradox.” The New Yorker. 26 May 2008.   [2] Scott, Robert E., “Heading South: U.S.-Mexico trade and job displacement after NAFTA”, Economic Policy Institute, 3 May 2011, FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas US Canada average salary lower fraction US worker Canadian worker competitive lower salaries cut benefits reverse progress worker protections rights higher unemployment developed countries free trade agreements Americas North American Free Trade Area NAFTA displacement US jobs employers reduce working conditions surplus labor FTAA labour market developed countries US Canada salary job competition worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions economic impact globalization trade liberalization employment wage reduction job security international trade labor standards trade policies economic inequality job outsourcing labor market flexibility job market economic studies trade agreements labor rights North American Free Trade Agreement economic policy labor force trade impacts US labor market Canadian labor market job loss employment trends wage levels labor economics trade theory free trade FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower salaries benefits worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor free-trade paradox economic policy trade impacts employment effects wage competition international trade labor standards outsourcing labor mobility economic inequality job market trade liberalization industrial zones wage disparity global economics trade policy labor rights economic development impact assessment economic globalization trade zones employment trends wage suppression job security FTAA labour market developed countries US Canada lower salaries worker rights protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact international trade worker competition salary disparity benefits reduction trade liberalization economic policy globalization effects FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower salaries benefits worker protections workers’ rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor economic impact trade policies wage competition international trade job security employment trends economic inequality global economy trade liberalization employment legislation labor standards economic disparities trade agreements international labor workforce economic protectionism trade negotiations labor market dynamics wage differentials job market economic globalization labor force labor market regulation FTAA labour market developed countries US Canada lower salaries worker rights protections unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement working conditions surplus labor economic impact international trade worker competition global economy trade policies wage disparity employment effects labor standards trade liberalization economic globalization labor market dynamics wage pressures labor rights trade impacts economic inequality job security trade negotiations labor market reforms international labor standards trade agreements wage competition labor market changes employment trends global trade economic development labor force trade benefits labor market adjustment FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas US Canada average salary lower salaries cut in benefits worker protections workers' rights higher unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement US jobs reducing working conditions surplus labor James Suroweicki The New Yorker Robert E. Scott Economic Policy Institute FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing Americas US Canada average salary worker competition lower salaries benefits cut worker protections workers' rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement employers working conditions surplus labor economic policy trade paradox globalization job security international trade economic impact labor market dynamics wage disparities employment trends trade liberalization economic inequality job outsourcing trade negotiations labor standards international economics policy analysis worker displacement trade impacts NAFTA consequences labor market changes job loss trade agreement criticism labor rights economic FTAA labour developed countries US Canada liberalizing labour market Americas average salary lower salaries cut benefits worker protections workers rights unemployment free trade agreements NAFTA job displacement surplus labor working conditions James Suroweicki The New Yorker Robert E. Scott Economic Policy Institute FTAA labour developed countries liberalizing labour market Americas workers US Canada average salary lower fraction stay competitive lower salaries cut benefits progress worker protections rights higher unemployment free trade agreements North American Free Trade Area NAFTA displacement jobs employers reduce working conditions surplus labor Suroweicki James The Free-Trade Paradox The New Yorker Robert E. Scott Heading South Economic Policy Institute
test-politics-dhwem-pro02a	PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs give value for money  Mercenaries are a cost efficient way of fighting. Although expensive to hire, the government does not have to cover the cost of training, housing, pensions or healthcare. Mercenaries, unlike regular troops, are only paid for the days on which they are used. Outsourcing when necessary will reduce the cost of the force. For example, the US army is around a third smaller than it was in the 1991 Gulf War (PBS News Hour, 2004). This saves taxpayers’ money and avoids the build up of conventional troops, which, in the past, has contributed to the development of arms races which can be cripplingly expensive as shown by the collapse of the Soviet Union. PMCs value for money cost efficiency mercenaries government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare payment structure outsourcing military downsizing US army 1991 Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union economic burden PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency military outsourcing government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare operational costs taxpayer savings military downsizing Gulf War arms races Soviet Union economic burden defense budget private military companies value for money troop reduction conventional forces military expenditure cost-effective warfare outsourcing military services reduced military personnel financial savings military strategy defense policy PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare day-rate soldiers outsourcing military reduction US army Gulf War taxpayer savings arms races Soviet Union military spending PMCs cost efficiency mercenaries value for money government savings training costs housing costs pensions healthcare pay per use outsourcing military downsizing US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union economic burden PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare outsourced military force reduction US army size Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union Collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting expensive to hire government training housing pensions healthcare regular troops paid for days used outsourcing reduce force cost US army smaller 1991 Gulf War taxpayers’ money avoid conventional troop build up arms races Soviet Union collapse PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficient fighting government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare regular troops paid for service outsourcing cost reduction force size US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union collapse military spending PMCs mercenaries cost efficiency value for money government savings training costs housing expenses pensions healthcare on-demand troops outsourcing military downsizing US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms race Soviet Union economic burden PMCs value for money mercenaries cost efficiency fighting government expenses training costs housing costs pensions healthcare irregular troops payment outsourcing cost reduction military force US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union military expenditure PMCs cost efficiency mercenaries government expenditure training costs housing costs pensions healthcare day-rate payment force reduction US army Gulf War taxpayer savings conventional troops arms races Soviet Union-collapse
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con02a	Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's Resiliency  All the conclusions about the effects of rising atmospheric GHGs are based on computerized climate models. Even those that develop and use the models admit that the models are not nearly complex enough to be 100% accurate. Climate science is incredibly complicated and different models sometimes produce vastly different results 1.Increased carbon dioxide will increase plant life which may mitigate other damages of climate change and protect species currently considered threatened by climate change. Therefore, it is far too early to conclude that humanity is going to be destroyed. The earth's climate is continuously changing, with or without anthropogenic effects, and life has always found a way to continue.  1. Lemonick, Michael D., 'How much can we really trust climate models to tell us about the future?', 18th january 2011. Earth's resiliency climate models GHGs atmospheric changes carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic effects climate science complexity model accuracy varying model results environmental adaptation long-term climate patterns human impact on climate climate predictions scientific uncertainty ecological resilience global warming effects Earth's resilience climate models atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic effects climate science complexity model accuracy life continuity environmental adaptation ecological resilience scientific uncertainty climate predictions Lemonick Michael D climate research environmental science global warming impacts natural climate variability Earth's resiliency climate models rising atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation anthropogenic effects climate science complexity model accuracy life continuity environmental adaptation ecological resilience climate prediction reliability scientific uncertainty natural climate variability anthropogenic impact debate Earth's resiliency climate models anthropogenic effects carbon dioxide plant life climate change species protection climate science complexity model accuracy environmental adaptation human impact natural climate variability future predictions climate research environmental sustainability ecological balance greenhouse gases global warming scientific uncertainty plant growth atmospheric composition climate mitigation biodiversity environmental resilience sustainable development climate policy scientific consensus environmental stewardship Earth's resiliency climate models atmospheric GHGs carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects environmental adaptation climate science complexity model accuracy species protection ecological balance future predictions scientific uncertainty Lemonick Michael D. Earth's climate resiliency GHGs climate models carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation threatened species anthropogenic effects climate science model accuracy varying results life continuity Michael D. Lemonick climate predictions future climate environmental adaptation scientific uncertainty Earth's resilience climate models GHGs global warming carbon dioxide plant life climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic effects natural climate variability climate science complexity model accuracy future predictions ecological adaptation environmental impact scientific uncertainty long-term climate trends Michael D. Lemonick climate research trust in models Earth's resiliency atmospheric GHGs climate models carbon dioxide plant life climate change anthropogenic effects species protection climate science model accuracy future predictions environmental adaptation ecological balance Michael D. Lemonick Earth's climate resiliency greenhouse gases climate models anthropogenic effects carbon dioxide plant life climate change threatened species human impact environmental science climate predictions climate variability natural adaptation Michael Lemonick climate modeling accuracy Earth's resiliency climate models rising atmospheric GHGs computerized models climate science model accuracy plant life carbon dioxide climate change mitigation species protection anthropogenic effects climate continuity life adaptation climate predictions Lemonick Michael D.
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro01a	The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: The unauthorised downloading of copyrighted material should be addressed and prevented by the state  Copyrighted material is intellectual property: someone worked hard for it to produce it. Downloading this content without paying the proper rights holder for it amounts to theft.  Furthermore, downloading copyrighted material from an unauthorized source creates an impossible market for producers of copyrighted content, because they have to ‘compete with free’. Why would the average consumer want to pay for a download from an authorized website, when she can get the same movie from a pirate-site for free? To build a commercially viable content industry online, we need to protect this industry from the unfair competition of the parallel market. [1]  [1] Piotr Stryszowski , Danny Scorpecci, Piracy of Digital Content. 2009, OECD Publishing. URL for purchase: unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property rights holder theft unfair competition authorized sources pirate sites content industry commercial viability Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci Piracy of Digital Content OECD Publishing unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property hard work content theft market competition free content authorized websites pirate sites consumer behavior commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market digital piracy OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property theft market competition authorized sources piracy digital content content industry commercial viability unfair competition parallel market consumer behavior payment rights holder authorized websites pirate sites free content legal framework policy measures enforcement digital rights management consumer education economic impact copyright law international cooperation technology solutions content protection legal alternatives unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property content theft market competition free content pirate sites authorized websites content industry commercial viability unfair competition parallel market piracy of digital content OECD Publishing unauthorised downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property theft market competition content industry piracy digital content OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property theft market competition authorized sources pirate sites content industry unfair competition digital piracy OECD Publishing Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci Piracy of Digital Content unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property hard work content creation theft market competition free content consumer behavior authorized websites pirate sites content industry commercial viability unfair competition parallel market digital content piracy Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state prevention intellectual property hard work content theft market competition free content pirate sites authorized websites commercial viability content industry unfair competition parallel market digital piracy OECD Publishing Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci copyright intellectual property unauthorized downloading theft market competition piracy digital content copyright protection fair competition content industry authorized websites consumer behavior Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci OECD Publishing commercially viable parallel market rights holder unauthorized downloading copyrighted material state intervention intellectual property rights holder theft market competition piracy digital content OECD Piotr Stryszowski Danny Scorpecci commercially viable content industry fair competition parallel market consumer behavior legal downloads unauthorized sources pirate sites
test-international-iiahwagit-pro03a	Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered animals are a source of pride for African countries  Endangered animals warrant a tougher degree of protection in Africa as they have notable cultural significance. Some groups believe that African elephants have mystic powers attached to them and have coveted them for centuries. [1] African lions have been depicted on the coat of arms for states and institutions both past and present. [2] They are intrinsically linked with Africa’s past and its identity. The extinction of these animals, therefore, would have a negative cultural impact and should be prevented.  [1] University of California, Los Angeles, ‘Elephant: The Animal and its Ivory in African Culture’  [2] Coleman, Q. ‘The importance of African lions’ Endangered species African wildlife cultural heritage animal protection African elephants mystic beliefs historical significance African lions coat of arms national identity conservation efforts ecological impact traditional values wildlife management species extinction cultural symbols animal symbolism African ecology wildlife preservation biodiversity endangered species African pride conservation laws cultural heritage mystical beliefs African elephants ivory trade historical symbols African lions coats of arms national identity extinction prevention wildlife protection traditional values animal rights ecological importance heritage preservation biodiversity conservation African wildlife cultural significance African animals conservation cultural significance pride protection mystic powers elephants lions coat of arms extinction identity heritage wildlife preservation African culture animal symbolism endangered animals African pride cultural significance protection in Africa mystic powers African elephants cultural identity African lions coat of arms extinction prevention African heritage UCLA elephant ivory Q. Coleman African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms identity extinction conservation pride tougher protection animal rights wildlife preservation African culture historical importance ecological impact endangered species biodiversity heritage traditional beliefs Endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions extinction negative cultural impact UCLA Elephant Ivory African Culture Q. Coleman importance of lions endangered animals African countries cultural significance African elephants mystic powers African lions coat of arms cultural impact extinction prevention UCLA Q. Coleman endangered animals African countries cultural significance mystic powers African elephants coat of arms African lions extinction prevention University of California Los Angeles cultural impact African identity elephant ivory African culture lion importance African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms identity extinction conservation pride protection endangered species UCLA University of California Los Angeles Coleman Q. African elephants mystic powers cultural significance African lions coat of arms extinction cultural impact UCLA African culture ivory Q. Coleman
test-education-egscphsrdt-con03a	Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. Safeguarding the teacher-student relationship  Random drug tests change the student-teacher relationship from one of trust into one of suspicion, whereby the teachers and the school establishment become a body which many students will perceive as being out to catch them, and suspicious of all. The destruction of this trust makes it far harder for teachers to impart useful information on illegal drugs and the consequences of their use to students, and students may be less willing to seek teachers out on this information. This would lead to students relying increasingly on their peers and the internet for information on illegal drugs, and this information is far more likely to be of questionable policy or influenced by notions of drug use as 'cool' or glamorous. Thus schools' anti-drugs message may be harmed by random drug tests. safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students illegal drugs consequences information peers internet questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message drug testing student-teacher trust anti-drug education peer influence drug use perception school authority student confidentiality educational environment drug awareness trust erosion school policies student behavior illegal drugs youth culture drug testing impact teacher-student communication safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students illegal drugs consequences information peers internet questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message Safeguarding teacher-student relationship Random drug tests Trust destruction Teacher-student trust Suspicion increase Teacher perception School authority Student-teacher dynamic Drug education Information imparting Student willingness Peer information Internet drug info Questionable information Drug use glorification School anti-drugs message Drug test impact Educational environment Student-teacher communication teacher-student trust random drug testing school authority perception student-teacher relationship drug education effectiveness peer information reliance internet drug information anti-drug message impact school trust erosion student-teacher communication drug use glamorization questionable drug information teacher-student trust drug testing policies peer influence drug education student-teacher relationship trust erosion anti-drug messages school authority student perception reliable information sources safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students illegal drugs consequences information peers internet questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message teacher-student trust random drug tests suspicion student-teacher relationship trust destruction imparting information illegal drugs consequences student-teacher communication peer influence internet information drug use glamorization school anti-drugs message questionable policy safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion school establishment perception students teachers information illegal drugs consequences willingness peers internet questionable policy drug use cool glamorous anti-drugs message educational environment student-teacher dynamics harm reduction drug education school policies youth development psychological impact authoritative figures adolescent behavior substance abuse prevention safeguarding teacher-student relationship random drug tests trust suspicion teachers school establishment students consequences illegal drugs imparting information seeking help peers internet questionable information drug use policy cool glamorous anti-drugs message
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con03a	Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 Don’t panic!  The role of the security services is in part to deal with some very dangerous ideas and events. But the point is to deal with them in such a way that does not cause public disorder or even panic. We clearly don’t want every report detailing specific threats to be made public, especially if it is reporting something that could be devastating but there is a low risk of it actually occurring. If such information is taken the wrong way it can potentially cause panic, either over nothing, or else in such a way that it damages any possible response to the crisis. Unfortunately the media and the public often misunderstand risk. For example preventing terrorism has been regularly cited in polls as being the Americans top foreign policy goal with more than 80% thinking it very important in Gallup polls for over a decade [1] even when the chance of being killed by terrorism in Western countries is very low. If the public misunderstands the risk the response is unlikely to be proportionate and can be akin to yelling fire in a packed theatre.  While it is not (usually) a security, but rather a public health issue, pandemics make a good example. The question of how much information to release is only slightly different than in security; officials want to release enough information that everyone is informed, but not so much that there is panic whenever there is an unusual death. [2] In 2009 the WHO declared swine flu to be a pandemic despite it being a relatively mild virus that did not cause many deaths, so causing an unnecessary scare and stockpiling of drugs. [3]  [1] Jones, Jeffrey M., ‘Americans Say Preventing Terrorism Top Foreign Policy Goal’, Gallup Politics, 20 February 2013  [2] Honigsbaum, Mark, ‘The coronavirus conundrum: when to press the panic button’, guardian.co.uk, 14 February 2013  [3] Cheng, Maria, ‘WHO’s response to swine flu pandemic flawed’, Phys.org, 10 May 2011 security services public disorder panic threat reports risk assessment media influence public misunderstanding terrorism prevention foreign policy Gallup polls risk proportionality pandemic information public health swine flu WHO response coronavirus pandemic risk communication crisis management information release public reaction security vs health misinformation policy goals threat perception health policy global health infectious diseases public trust government transparency crisis communication media role risk awareness societal impact health security vaccine stockpiling health emergencies public safety information control public education risk management policy priorities threat levels security services public disorder panic risk assessment media misunderstanding public health pandemic communication terrorism prevention public policy WHO swine flu coronavirus information release crisis management proportionate response risk perception health officials security officials misinformation public reaction threat assessment policy goals Gallup polls panic button unnecessary scare drug stockpiling virus severity health crises communication strategies security services public disorder panic risk assessment media influence public understanding terrorism prevention foreign policy pandemic management information release swine flu coronavirus WHO response health communication crisis management proportionate response misinformation stockpiling unnecessary scare threat perception low probability events risk communication public health security policy terrorism risk health policy crisis communication policy goals public safety health emergencies global health international security information control public perception emergency preparedness health threats security threats risk mitigation media role policy priorities public education health security security services public disorder information release media misunderstanding risk perception terrorism prevention public health pandemic management swine flu coronavirus WHO response policy goals public reaction information balance panic prevention low risk events threat assessment crisis communication health officials misinformation proportionate response security services public disorder risk management media influence public perception terrorism prevention pandemic response information disclosure proportionate response risk communication health crises WHO swine flu coronavirus panic public health foreign policy terrorism risk misinformation crisis management security services public disorder terrorism risk perception media influence public health pandemics information release swine flu WHO response coronavirus panic button security vs. public health risk communication misinformation health policy foreign policy goals terror threat pandemic response proportional response public safety crisis management emergency preparedness health education risk assessment threat assessment information control public trust health security biological threats policy priorities national security global health misinformation management crisis communication public information risk management health threats security strategy threat mitigation public reaction health emergencies security services public disorder panic threat reports risk assessment public misunderstanding terrorism foreign policy Gallup polls terrorism risk proportionate response public health pandemics information release swine flu WHO pandemic declaration stockpiling drugs coronavirus panic button risk communication crisis management media role public perception health policy security policy security services public disorder panic prevention threat assessment risk communication media influence public perception terrorism prevention foreign policy goals risk misunderstanding proportionate response public health pandemic management information release swine flu WHO response coronavirus panic button health communication crisis management security vs public health security services public disorder panic risk assessment media influence public perception terrorism foreign policy pandemics information release WHO swine flu coronavirus policy goals health communication crisis management proportionate response misinformation threat perception low-risk events public health security communication risk communication trust transparency emergency preparedness social impact health emergencies international health regulations media role public understanding security policies health policies global health governance risk management public safety crisis communication misinformation control threat assessment security strategies health strategies policy implementation public engagement security services public disorder risk management media influence public understanding terrorism prevention foreign policy risk perception disproportionate response pandemic communication information release public health swine flu WHO response coronavirus panic button crisis management informed public unnecessary scare stockpiling drugs flawed response low risk events information control security vs health official transparency terrorist threats Western countries policy goals public safety emergency preparedness health policy security policy risk communication societal impact healthcare management security strategy media responsibility health threats crisis communication public awareness government response
test-politics-nlpdwhbusbuc-con03a	This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 This House Believes That the U.S. Should Ban The Use of Cluster Bombs  Currently the U.S. is working on improving the reliability of cluster bombs. The weakness of cluster bombs, being that the bomblets often do not explode is something that U.S. military has understood for a long time. It is inefficient for the military to allow this problem to continue. As such a large amount of military funding goes into improving cluster bombs.  The U.S. is hoping to improve cluster bombs in two ways, the first is ensuring that when the cluster bombs are deployed that all bomblets explode on impact or explode very quickly after the initial barrage. However, the U.S. is also working on technology that would allow bomblets to disarm themselves after a short period of time, hence preventing accidental discharges in the future.  If these improvements work, then cluster bombs cease to cause civilian damage and will likely be an incredibly effective tool in warfare. Hence a ban on them when this technology is being deployed is premature.10 U.S. military cluster bombs bomblets reliability improvement military funding technology development civilian damage warfare effectiveness ban premature disarm mechanism impact explosion accidental discharge prevention cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability military funding civilian damage warfare effectiveness technology improvements accidental discharges disarm mechanism impact explosion premature ban warfare tools military technology cluster bombs U.S. military reliability improvement bomblets unexploded ordnance military funding technology development civilian damage warfare effectiveness premature ban disarmament technology impact explosion delayed explosion accidental discharge prevention U.S. military cluster bombs ban reliability improvement bomblets explosions military funding technology development civilian damage warfare effectiveness premature ban impact reliability self-disarming technology accidental discharges future prevention efficient military tools U.S. military cluster bombs ban reliability improvement bomblets explode on impact self-disarm technology civilian damage warfare effectiveness premature ban military funding technology deployment U.S. military cluster bombs ban improvement reliability bomblets explode civilian damage warfare technology disarm accidental discharges military funding effectiveness premature ban U.S. military cluster bombs ban reliability bomblets explode military funding technology disarming civilian damage warfare improvement premature ban impact accidental discharges effectiveness deployment House debate ethical warfare humanitarian impact unexploded ordnance military tactics international law weapon development defense policy munitions safety conflict zones post-conflict risks precision weapons military strategy arms control technological advancements combat efficiency moral implications strategic value international relations humanitarian disarmament weapon regulations military ethics lethal weapons 爆破炸弹 cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability civilian damage warfare technology disarm impact accidental discharges military funding improvements ban premature cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets reliability improvement explosive efficiency civilian damage warfare effectiveness disarm technology accidental discharges premature ban cluster bombs U.S. military bomblets explode on impact technology improvements civilian damage warfare effectiveness ban premature military funding disarm technology accidental discharges reliability improvement
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro02a	Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. Mayors would be more accountable than a council  Electing mayors would improve accountability in local government. A Mayor would have a bigger mandate, which could be up to 500,000 votes compared to 5,000 for individual councillors making them more directly accountable to the city’s electorate. [1] They are also more visible; 57% of people could name their mayor when they had one compared to only 8% being able to name their council leader and so they are more likely to be held to account for their individual policies. [2] By comparison where there are not mayors an elaborate and confusing series of committees make decisions in most areas, making it easy for individual councillors or parties to dodge responsibility for unpopular decisions or failed policies. Bristol is a good example of this with wobbly coalitions resulting from backroom deals and constantly shifting politics; the council changed hands seven times in the ten years to 2012. [3] Placing this power in the hands of an elected mayor would streamline decision-making and increase accountability. A mayor who failed to improve local services or in other ways implement their campaign promises would have little chance of re-election.  [1] Sims, Sam, ‘Electing mayors for more English cities would increase local democratic accountability and widen political participation. But the government must grant them real power and freedom’, blogs.lse.ac.uk, 7 October 2011.  [2] Gash, Tom, ‘A turning point for England’s big cities’, Institute for Government, 29 March 2012.  [3] The Economist, ‘Why elected mayors matter’, 19 April 2012. mayors accountability council local government mandate electorate visibility decision-making responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol coalitions backroom deals shifting politics re-election local services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation real power freedom big cities turning point Institute for Government The Economist Sam Sims Tom Gash mayors accountability local government mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom big cities elected mayors city leadership council leader Bristol coalitions politics unpopular decisions failed policies streamlining responsibility accountability mayors council local government mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom unpopular decisions failed policies coalitions backroom deals shifting politics streamlined governance mayors accountability council local government mandate votes visibility electorate committees councillors responsibility decisions policies Bristol coalitions politics power services promises re-election accountability elected mayors local government mandate visibility electorate committees decision-making coalition re-election services campaign promises democratic participation power freedom English cities political participation responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies coalition shifting politics streamline governance public trust mayoral system council system government efficiency civic engagement municipal leadership urban politics public accountability electoral systems governance reform administrative structure political responsibility electoral mandate policy implementation local democracy political leadership municipal governance mayoral accountability council accountability voter engagement political representation local politics accountability local government mayors council mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election services policies democratic participation power freedom coalitions politics responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies streamlining improvement cities English cities big cities turning point elected mayors democratic accountability political participation government real power freedom backroom deals shifting politics council leader name recognition wobbly coalitions council changes Bristol Mayors accountability local government mandate electorate visibility council leader committees decision-making Bristol coalitions re-election political participation power freedom England cities democratic accountability unpopular decisions failed policies streamlining campaign promises re-election chances local services improvement governance political responsibility voter engagement democratic representation administrative efficiency public trust leadership governance structures community involvement civic engagement political reforms urban governance municipal politics electoral systems democratic institutions. mayors accountability local government mandate visibility electorate committees decision-making responsibility unpopular decisions failed policies Bristol coalitions backroom deals politics power re-election services promises democratic accountability political participation real power freedom turning point big cities elected mayors matter accountability mayors council local government mandate electorate visibility committees decision-making re-election services campaign promises democratic accountability political participation power freedom cities coalitions politics unpopular decisions failed policies streamline mayors accountability local government elected officials municipal politics city governance direct democracy voter engagement political representation decision-making process public responsibility mayoral mandates city electorates council leaders visibility public recognition political accountability committee structures coalition politics city councils Bristol political stability service improvement campaign promises re-election prospects democratic participation government power institutional reform urban leadership governance models electoral systems political accountability mechanisms public policy implementation municipal administration civic engagement urban politics governance efficiency political accountability measures mayor-council relations local democracy political
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils religious symbols banning unfair targeting scapegoat cultural heritage religious freedom increased hatred racism societal impact crucifix hijab Jewish skullcap Belgium veil ban religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat problems hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning unfair targeting group scapegoating cultural heritage religious freedom increased hatred racism societal problems Belgium veil ban religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting groups scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred racism criticism country live belgian ban full veils bbc news europe banning religious symbols unfair targeting religious groups scapegoat highlight problems blame culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap increase hatred religious groups racism criticism worse place to live Belgian ban full veils religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat culture religion heritage hatred racism criticism country problems hijab crucifix jewish skullcap belgian ban full veils bbc news europe religious symbols banning unfair targeting scapegoating cultural heritage religious freedom social cohesion increased hatred racism criticism societal impact Belgian ban full veils Crucifix hijab Jewish skullcap religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat culture religion heritage hatred racism criticism country living conditions hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con02a	"This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . This is not the will of the people of Quebec.  Secession from Canada would not be a fair or adequate representation of the will of the people of Quebec.  The most recent referendum and all current polling data suggest that an overwhelming majority of Quebecers are opposed to Quebec seeking independence from Canada [1] . The government of Quebec pursuing such a policy is only representative of a very small minority of people in Quebec, and therefore is undemocratic in nature. Moreover, this policy explicitly denies consideration or enfranchisement for the very large populations of Anglophone Quebecers who also deserve representation, and whose interests are being wholly discounted to pursue this one policy on behalf of the Francophones in their province.  Therefore, pursuing secession is both wholly undemocratic, but also specifically disenfranchises a very large portion of the population entirely in a trade-off for one specific policy that doesn’t appeal strongly to anyone beyond a very small minority of citizens.  [1] Chung, Andrew. ""Sovereignty ""outmoded,"" Quebec poll indicates."" Star 19 May 2010, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec secession Canada independence referendum polling data Anglophone Quebecers Francophones democracy disenfranchisement minority sovereignty policy representation government citizens outmoded opposition Quebec secession Canadian unity Quebec independence Quebec referendum Quebec sovereignty Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers Quebec government Quebec polling Canadian democracy minority representation Quebec disenfranchisement Quebec policy Canadian provincial relations Quebec independence support Canadian constitutional law Canadian political landscape Quebec cultural identity Canadian federalism Quebec political movements Quebec public opinion Canadian national unity Quebec separatism Canadian regionalism Quebec legislative agenda Canadian citizenship Quebec societal preferences Canadian legal frameworks Quebec political trends Quebec demographic analysis Canadian referendum history Quebec voter behavior Canadian political science Quebec secession independence Canada referendum polling majority minority government democracy disenfranchisement Anglophone Francophone representation sovereignty policy citizens Quebec secession Canadian unity Quebec independence Quebec sovereignty referendum results Quebec polling data majority opinion Anglophone Quebecers Francophone Quebecers democratic representation disenfranchisement minority policy Quebec government sovereignty movement Canadian politics regional autonomy national identity Quebec history constitutional law public opinion trends Quebec secession Canada democracy referendum polling independence Anglophone Francophone disenfranchisement sovereignty minority representation policy Quebec secession Canada democracy referendum polling Anglophone Francophone independence disenfranchisement minority sovereignty policy representation citizens outmoded regional political governance public opinion majority interests political landscape regional dynamics democratic principles Quebec identity Canadian federalism nationalist agenda constitutional issues provincial rights national unity linguistic communities cultural heritage political stability economic implications social cohesion constitutional reform governance structures federal-provincial relations citizenship identity politics civil rights democratic processes voter turnout political participation legislative actions Quebec secession Canada referendum polling independence democracy disenfranchisement Anglophone Francophone minority majority sovereignty representation policy citizens outmoded government political opposition national identity regional interests polling-data democratic-process disenfranchised-populations Quebec-politics Canadian-politics public-opinion secession-movements minority-rights majority-rule democratic-representation political-representation sovereignty-movements Quebec-referendum Canadian-identity regional-identity political-minorities majority-op Quebec secession Canada referendum polling data majority independence government policy undemocratic Anglophone Quebecers Francophones disenfranchisement minority sovereignty political representation democratic process public opinion regional identity national unity Quebec secession independence Canada referendum polling majority opposition government minority undemocratic Anglophone Francophone disenfranchisement sovereignty outmoded policy representation interests citizens Quebec secession Canada independence referendum polling majority Francophones Anglophones representation disenfranchisement undemocratic sovereignty minority policy"
test-law-umtlilhotac-pro01a	Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, Televising turns justice into entertainment  Broadcasting trials would be likely to turn the court in to entertainment. The Simpson trial showed how harmful a televised high profile trial can be degenerating into a freak show. The ICC trials are among the most high profile in the world so are likely to be susceptible to this. Much of the interest in the SCSL Charles Taylor trial came along when Naomi Campbell gave evidence so giving the trial celebrity interest that had little to do with the legalities involved [1] .  Jurisdictions where cameras are not permitted in courts still can and do have accurate, informative and timely reports of cases, however high profile, without filming them. Courtroom sketches, written transcripts and other tools allow reportage without the use of original footage in a tawdry manner.  [1] Bowcott, Owen, ‘Charles Taylor and the ‘dirty-looking stones’ given to Naomi Campbell’, theguardian.com, 26 April 2012, televised trials court entertainment high-profile cases celebrity witnesses media impact courtroom sketch artists written transcripts legal reportage public interest judicial integrity Simpson trial Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell testimony International Criminal Court Special Court for Sierra Leone camera access trial coverage legal proceedings media scrutiny televised trials courtroom entertainment high-profile cases media circus judicial integrity public interest celebrity involvement courtroom sketch artists written transcripts media coverage legal proceedings broadcast regulations trial publicity judicial system media influence on justice live streaming trials courtroom technology jury impact media ethics legal reporting televised trials courtroom entertainment high-profile cases media circus Simpson trial ICC trials celebrity involvement Naomi Campbell Charles Taylor trial courtroom sketches written transcripts media reporting judicial dignity public perception legal integrity televised trials courtroom entertainment high-profile cases Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity interest courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage legal proceedings judicial integrity public interest televising courtrooms broadcast trials fair trial media influence court reporting sensationalism televised trials court entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media influence judicial process public interest high-profile cases legal reporting tawdry coverage celebrity testimony courtroom cameras trial publicity jurisprudence media law ethical reporting televised trials courtroom entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell high-profile cases courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage judicial integrity public interest celebrity involvement legal reporting tawdry footage juridical spectacle fair trial media influence court procedures broadcasting laws trial integrity media ethics entertainment value high-profile defendants legal proceedings courtroom decorum press coverage live streaming trial publicity courtroom conduct judicial transparency filming restrictions trial reporting courtroom media trial sensationalism legal drama celebrity trials public trials media trials courtroom televised trials court entertainment high-profile cases media circus Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity testimony courtroom sketches written transcripts judicial reporting public interest legal proceedings media impact on justice televised trials court entertainment justice system media influence high-profile cases Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell celebrity involvement courtroom sketches written transcripts legal reportage camera-free courts public interest trial integrity judicial process media coverage legal proceedings courtroom dignity televised trials court entertainment Simpson trial ICC trials Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage legal proceedings public interest high-profile cases judicial process courtroom reporting camera in court trial publicity judicial integrity media influence on trials celebrity witness court proceedings legal reporting trial coverage telecasting trials courtroom drama trial luridness media circus judicial decorum trial sensationalism legal ethics public trial courtroom behavior judicial transparency legal broadcast trial integrity media law trial publicity effects courtroom technology legal media interaction trial televised trials courtroom entertainment justice system Simpson trial ICC trials celebrity interest Charles Taylor trial Naomi Campbell courtroom sketches written transcripts media coverage legal reporting courtroom cameras high-profile cases public interest judicial proceedings trial publicity televised high-profile trials harm of televised trials freak show tawdry manner informative reports accurate reportage timely reports legalities court reportage original footage media tools jurisdictional differences courtroom media trial coverage legal integrity public scrutiny judicial integrity media influence trial transparency courtroom behavior judicial process legal ethics
test-health-dhghwapgd-con03a	"The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: The product of a firm's intellectual endeavor is the property of that firm, and it deserves to profit from it  When a firm directs individuals to mix their labor with its capital or other resources, part of that firm's identity inheres in the product that arises from the effort. This is the origin of, and fundamental philosophical justification for, property rights. Property rights are an unquestioned mainstay of life in all developed countries, and are an essential prerequisite for stable markets to develop and function1. The law protects patent rights in much the same way as more conventional physical property, as well it should. Individuals and firms generating ideas and using their effort to produce an intangible good, such as a new drug formula, have a property right on those ideas and the products that arise from them. It is the effort to produce a real good, albeit an intangible one, that marks the difference between an idea in someone's head that he does not act up, and intellectual property that can be protected by a patent. Developing a new drug is a very intensive endeavor, taking time, energy, and usually a considerable amount of financial investment2. The cost of developing a new drug varies widely, from a low of $800 million to nearly $2 billion per drug and is rising3. People and firms deserve as a matter of principle to benefit from the products of the effort of creation. For this reason, stealing intellectual property, which developing generic drugs is, is the same as stealing an actual physical product. Each is a real thing, even if one can be touched while the other is intangible in a physical sense. As a matter of principle, property rights can be assigned to intangible assets like drug formulae, and in practice they are a necessity to many firms' financial survival.  1Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. 2004. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 3 Masia, Neal, 2008, ""The Cost of Developing a New Drug"", Focus on Intellectual Property Rights, America.gov, Available: intellectual property property rights patent rights intangible assets drug development pharmaceutical industry research and development financial investment generic drugs legal protection market stability economic principles philosophic justification innovation incentives 产权保护 制药成本 无形财产 药物研发 专利保护 泛制药 知识产权 物权 市场发展 经济投资 法律保护 研发投资 创新动力 药物配方 产权分配 知识产权原则 市场 intellectual property firm's rights property rights developed countries market stability patent protection intangible goods new drug formula financial investment drug development cost generic drugs intellectual property theft intangible assets pharmaceutical industry research and development property rights assignment firm survival principle of creation cost of innovation property rights intellectual property patent rights intangible assets drug development pharmaceutical industry financial investment innovation legal protection market stability economic principles intellectual endeavor firm identity tangible property generic drugs research and development cost of new drug economic survival property rights justification patent law idea realization market function developed countries property rights philosophy property rights mainstay intangible goods idea production effort of creation intellectual property theft financial benefit property assignment market necessity drug formula economic principle property right intangible property physical product real good intellectual asset intellectual property firm's property rights property rights justification developed countries stable markets patent rights intangible goods new drug formula property right generic drugs stealing intellectual property financial survival drug development cost research and development pharmaceutical industry intellectual property firm's identity property rights stable markets patent rights intangible good new drug formula financial survival research and development cost of development drug development generic drugs intellectual property rights economic principle legal protection pharmaceutical industry innovation incentivization intellectual endeavor tangible and intangible assets intellectual property firm's rights property rights developed countries patent protection intangible assets drug development financial investment generic drugs pharmaceutical industry research and development cost of development intellectual endeavor stable markets philosophical justification legal protection conventional property real good tangible product financial survival principle of creation stealing intellectual property effort of creation drug formula market function economic incentives legal principles economic development innovation encouragement property assignment academic sources congressional reports industry costs governmental studies legal frameworks economic benefits patent rights property rights justification intellectual assets market prerequisite firm intellectual endeavor property rights philosophical justification developed countries stable markets patent rights intangible good new drug formula financial survival intellectual property generic drugs research and development pharmaceutical industry cost of development financial investment property rights intangible assets drug formulae financial survival principle practice 偷窃 实际产品 触摸 无形 开发新药 费力 时间和精力 药物开发 成本 知识产权 仿制药 财产 努力 创造 受益 原则 法律保护 专利权 物理财产 思想 行动 无形资产 专利保护 intellectual property property rights patent rights intangible assets drug formulae pharmaceutical industry R&D costs generic drugs intellectual endeavor labor-mixing philosophical justification market stability legal protection financial survival physical property idea development economic principles innovation incentives copyright law trade secrets intellectual property property rights patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry intangible assets intellectual property rights financial investment generic drugs property rights philosophy market stability drug formula legal protection innovation costs pharmaceutical R&D economic principles patent law tangible vs intangible ethical considerations business ethics intellectual labor capital resources inventor's rights product identity market regulation drug pricing public policy patent system research and development costs biopharmaceutical innovation healthcare economics drug discovery process pharmaceutical business intellectual property law economic incentives drug patenting patent expiration generic intellectual property property rights intangible assets patent rights drug development pharmaceutical industry financial investment generic drugs intellectual endeavor market stability legal protection philosophical justification R&D costs innovation incentives economic principles tangible vs intangible business ethics patent law industrial property technology transfer"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con03a	"FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA is bad for the environment.  Free trade creates a ""race to the bottom"", whereby developing countries lower their labor and environmental standards in an effort to attract foreign investment. Developed countries, which may have higher standards, are then forced to lower them as well in order to make sure companies don’t relocate or outsource their jobs abroad [1] .  [1] Hassoun, Nicole. “Free Trade and the Environment”. Environmental Ethics, Vol. 31. FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries job relocation outsourcing Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics Vol. 31 FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries relocation outsourcing jobs Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics Vol. 31 FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries job relocation outsourcing Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries job outsourcing Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing job relocation Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries outsourcing jobs Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries developing countries relocation outsourcing jobs Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries outsourcing jobs Nicole Hassoun Environmental Ethics FTAA environment free trade race to the bottom developing countries labor standards environmental standards foreign investment developed countries higher standards companies relocate outsource jobs abroad Hassoun Nicole Free Trade and the Environment Environmental Ethics Vol. 31"
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro02a	Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) Those who are in the late stages of a terminal disease have a horrific future agead of them  The gradual decline of their body, the failure of their organs and the need for artificial support. In some cases, the illness will slowly destroy their minds, the essence of themselves; even if this is not the case, the huge amounts of medication required to ‘control’ their pain will often leave them in a delirious and incapable state. At least five percent of terminal pain cannot be controlled, even with the best care. Faced with this, it is surely more humane that those people be allowed to choose the manner of their own end, and have the assistance of a doctor to die with dignity. One particular account was of Sue Rodriguez who died slowly of Lou Gehrig's disease. She lived for several years with the knowledge that her muscles would, one by one, waste away until the day came when, fully conscious, she would choke to death. She begged the courts to reassure her that a doctor would be allowed to assist her in choosing the moment of death. They refused. Rodriguez did not accept the verdict and with the help of an anonymous physician committed suicide in February 1994. [1]  [1] Chris Docker, Cases in history, euthanasia.cc, 2000  (accessed 6/6/2011) terminal illness late stages bodily decline organ failure artificial support mental deterioration medication side effects uncontrolled pain dignity in death assisted suicide euthanasia Lou Gehrig's disease legal challenges Sue Rodriguez physician-assisted suicide ethical considerations humane treatment quality of life end-of-life care palliative care medical ethics patient autonomy terminal illness end-of-life hospice care palliative care terminal pain uncontrolled pain assisted dying euthanasia right to die dignity in dying terminal disease progression Lou Gehrig's disease amyotrophic lateral sclerosis ALS Sue Rodriguez legal aspects of euthanasia physician-assisted suicide moral arguments for euthanasia terminal illness late stages incurable disease medical assistance euthanasia assisted suicide palliative care unbearable pain end-of-life care dignity in dying muscle atrophy Lou Gehrig's disease legal challenges court rulings compassionate care ethical issues patient autonomy quality of life terminal pain management delirium incapacity Sue Rodriguez Chris Docker euthanasia cases artificial support organ failure gradual decline humane death physician-assisted death 终端疾病 晚期 无法治愈疾病 医疗援助 安乐死 自 terminal illness end-of-life care hospice care palliative care physician-assisted suicide euthanasia dignity in dying terminal pain uncontrolled pain quality of life Lou Gehrig's disease ALS Sue Rodriguez legal issues patient rights terminal prognosis mental decline physical decline artificial support medication side effects delirium incapacity humane death assisted dying ethical considerations right to die court cases medical ethics physician-assistance compassionate care death with dignity terminal suffering alternative treatments healthcare policy patient autonomy terminal disease late stages bodily decline organ failure artificial support mental deterioration pain management uncontrollable pain palliative care physician-assisted suicide humane death dignity Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting conscious death court refusal assisted suicide ethical considerations end-of-life choices terminal illness late stages disease body decline organ failure artificial support mental deterioration medication pain control humane death doctor-assisted dying dignity Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting choking court decision physician-assisted suicide euthanasia legal battle Chris Docker cases in history terminal illness end-of-life care pain management palliative care dignity in dying assisted suicide euthanasia terminal pain incurable disease advance directives healthcare ethics Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease amyotrophic lateral sclerosis ALS incurable conditions medical assistance in dying physician-assisted death legal challenges human rights quality of life compassionate care terminal decline organ failure artificial life support delirium incapacity humane treatment voluntary euthanasia right to die ethical considerations medical ethics court cases terminal prognosis terminal disease late stages horrific future body decline organ failure artificial support illness mind destruction pain management delirious state uncontrollable pain humane choice assisted death doctor assistance die with dignity Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wastage legal battle court refusal physician assistance suicide Chris Docker euthanasia cases terminal illness late stages body decline organ failure artificial support mind destruction pain management delirious state uncontrolled pain humane approach assisted dying doctor's assistance dignity in death Sue Rodriguez Lou Gehrig's disease muscle wasting conscious death court refusal physician-assisted suicide euthanasia cases Chris Docker terminal illness end-of-life care palliative care euthanasia assisted suicide terminal pain dignity in dying Lou Gehrig's disease Sue Rodriguez legal rights compassionate care medical ethics quality of life incurable disease physician-assisted death humane death incurable suffering progressive illness brain deterioration muscle wasting court ruling right to die terminal decline artificial support organ failure medication side effects delirium mental decline incurable conditions chronic pain management terminal patients end-of-life choices medical assistance in dying terminal prognosis incurable pain
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con02a	"Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Unilateral action is burdensome, and dangerous.  POINT  The motion suggests that a particular government is imposing democracy, but in fact it is far better to try and encourage democracy multilaterally. Multilateral assistance, like the UN Democracy Fund which seeks to ""strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourages the participation of all groups in the democratic process""1, is better, because it makes the support seem less political and colonial, and more honest. By using the international community to encourage democracy in a given country, we increase the chances of the people in that country respecting and supporting our attempts, rather than viewing them with suspicion2.  1 United Nations Democracy Fund, 'About UNDEF', 2010,  2 Doyle , Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral multilateral democracy government imposition encouragement UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous imposing democracy multilateral encouragement UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral approach UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights democratic process international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy colonial political Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral encouragement democracy promotion UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights political neutrality colonial perceptions international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post Unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion Michael Doyle Promoting Democracy The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral better encourage democracy UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous government imposing democracy multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process political colonial international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy Michael Doyle The Huffington Post unilateral action burdensome dangerous multilateral assistance UN Democracy Fund civil society human rights participation democratic process international community respect support suspicion promoting democracy imposing democracy colonial political Michael Doyle The Huffington Post"
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con05a	The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. The act of killing is emotionally damaging  To actually be involved in the death of another person is an incredibly traumatic experience. Soldiers coming back from war often suffer from ‘post-traumatic stress disorder’ which suggests that being in a situation in which you have to take another persons life has a long lasting impact on your mental health. This is also true for people who are not directly involved in the act of killing. For instance, the people who worked on developing the atomic bomb described an incredible guilt for what they had created even though they were not involved in the decision to drop the bombs. The same traumatic experiences would likely affect the person responsible for pulling the lever. killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb responsibility pulling the lever indirect involvement moral injury psychological impact violence warfare human life ethical burden emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers moral injury pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact psychological trauma killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health atomic bomb guilt moral injury responsibility lethal action psychological impact indirect involvement wartime psychology trauma response emotional trauma combat stress psychological consequences lethal force emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder mental health impact guilt psychological effects killing war soldiers atomic bomb moral injury indirect involvement responsibility lever pulling killing emotionally damaging traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers decision-making pulling the lever indirect involvement psychological impact trauma responsibility ethical burden emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder mental health soldiers war taking a life guilt atomic bomb developers decision makers pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers moral injury pulling the lever indirect involvement psychological impact responsibility long-lasting impact emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war taking life mental health guilt atomic bomb indirect involvement moral injury pulling the lever psychological impact killing emotional damage trauma post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb development responsibility pulling the lever indirect involvement long-lasting impact psychological effects violence ethics moral injury emotional damage traumatic experience post-traumatic stress disorder PTSD soldiers war mental health guilt atomic bomb developers decision-making pulling the lever indirect involvement
test-politics-dhwem-pro01a	PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs are a valuable resource  PMCs are a flexible and efficient tool with which to fight 21st Century wars making them a necessity. Private contractors can be hired at short notice and used only when necessary. They can be used to carry out specific missions, to reinforce traditional troops where greater numbers are required or to protect other contractors whilst traditional troops carry out more lucrative missions. Additionally, most PMCs are non-combative but rather defensive, providing security for officials, supply trains etc. As a result they are viewed less as invaders or “the enemy” and more as peace-keepers. PMCs private military companies private contractors flexible military resources efficient combat tools 21st century warfare short notice hiring mission-specific forces troop reinforcement security protection non-combative roles defensive operations peace-keeping official security supply train protection combat support private security military efficiency modern war strategies supplementing traditional forces rapid deployment specialized military services conflict zones operational flexibility cost-effective defense global security providers PMCs private military companies private security contractors 21st century warfare flexible military solutions efficient military tools short notice hires specific military missions troop reinforcement protective contractors non-combative security defensive roles peace-keeping forces military efficiency modern conflict support PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers combat support tactical flexibility modern warfare military contractors operational readiness strategic assets conflict zones peacekeeping operations security services military augmentation force multipliers rapid deployment cost-effective international security defense industry military support combat readiness security contractors global conflicts mission readiness tactical support non-combat roles specialized training dynamic environments PMCs private military companies valuable resource flexible tool 21st century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors traditional troops lucrative missions non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers less invaders enemy perception PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st century wars private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers combat support modern warfare outsourcing military services strategic assets PMCs private military companies valuable resource flexible tool 21st century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors non-combative defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers invaders enemy PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors security officials supply trains non-combative defensive peace-keepers viewed positively PMCs private military companies 21st century warfare flexible military resources efficient military solutions private contractors short notice hiring mission-specific forces troop reinforcement protective services non-combative roles defensive operations security providers peace-keeping forces official protection supply train security PMCs private military companies flexible efficient 21st Century wars necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops protect contractors defensive security officials supply trains peace-keepers non-combative invaders enemy PMCs private military companies flexibility efficiency 21st century warfare necessity private contractors short notice specific missions reinforce troops security defensive non-combative peace-keepers protection supply trains officials traditional troops combative invaders enemy
test-law-cppshbcjsfm-pro02a	Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . Rehabilitation Has Greater Regard For the Offender  Rehabilitation has another important value – it recognises the reality of social inequity. To say that some offenders need help to be rehabilitated is to accept the idea that circumstances can constrain, if not compel, and lead to criminality; it admits that we can help unfortunate persons who have been overcome by their circumstance. It rejects the idea that individuals, regardless of their position in the social order, exercise equal freedom in deciding whether to commit a crime, and should be punished equally according to their offence, irrespective of their social backgrounds. Prisons are little more than schools of crime if there aren't any rehabilitation programs. Prisons isolate offenders from their families and friends so that when they are released their social networks tend to be made up largely of those whom they met in prison. As well as sharing ideas, prisoners may validate each others’ criminal activity. Employers are less willing to employ those who have been to prison. Such circumstances may reduce the options available to past offenders and make future criminal behaviour more likely. Rehabilitation becomes more difficult. In addition, rates of self-harm and abuse are alarmingly high within both men’s and women’s prisons. In 2006 alone, there were 11,503 attempts by women to self-harm in British prisons. [1] This suggests that imprisoning offenders unnecessarily is harmful both for the offenders themselves and for society as a whole.  [1] Women in Prison. Statistics. Retrieved August 4, 2011, from Women in Prison . rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm abuse prison recidivism social support crime prevention public safety mental health women in prison reintegration punishment social order criminal behavior prison reform human rights justice system community reintegration offender rehabilitation social isolation prison environment societal impact criminal justice policy prison programs inmate rights correctional facilities women prisoners incarceration social justice crime control offender treatment prison conditions inmate welfare social inclusion legal reform offender management Rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm prison conditions recidivism societal impact penal reform restorative justice inmate support mental health women in prison statistical evidence crime prevention community reintegration prisoner rights rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality freedom crime punishment social order prisons criminal behavior social networks employment self-harm abuse statistics women in prison societal impact punishment effectiveness rehabilitation programs crime schools social isolation offender reintegration criminal validation employment discrimination self-harm rates prison conditions societal harm offender welfare rehabilitation challenges social support crime prevention penal system justice reform Rehabilitation social inequity criminal behavior social networks employment barriers prison conditions self-harm recidivism social support crime prevention offender reintegration societal impact punishment vs rehabilitation criminal justice system inmate welfare societal equity community rehabilitation programs prison reform mental health in prisons women in prison rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality freedom punishment social order prisons crime social networks employment self-harm abuse women in prison statistics societal impact criminal behavior rehabilitation programs imprisonment effects Rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm prison women crime social order punishment rehabilitation programs isolation future criminal behaviour society statistics Women in Prison rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality social networks employment self-harm prison recidivism punishment social order equality crime prevention community reintegration mental health women in prison statistical data social support criminal justice system Rehabilitation Offender Social Inequity Criminality Circumstances Freedom Punishment Prisons Crime Social Networks Employment Self-Harm Abuse Women in Prison Statistics Society Criminal Behaviour Rehabilitation Programs Isolation Validation Offenders Punishment Equality Prisons as Schools of Crime Social Order Criminal Activity Future Offenses Rehabilitation Difficulty Imprisonment Harm British Prisons Women's Prisons Self-Harm Attempts Criminal Justice Social Reintegration Community Support Sentencing Policies Rehabilitation Benefits Crime Prevention Social Support rehabilitation offender social inequity circumstances criminality help unfortunate freedom crime punishment social order prison isolation social networks employment self-harm abuse women statistics society harm rehabilitation social inequity offender circumstances criminality freedom crime prison social networks employment self-harm abuse women statistics society punishment rehabilitation programs crime prevention social integration recidivism mental health incarceration social support legal reform criminal justice system community reintegration policy prison reform equality human rights public safety socioeconomic factors crime causation offender rehabilitation social蜻蜓Clip1445890737707Services correctional facilities mental health services social work penal system
test-politics-eppghwlrba-pro01a	The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, The only function of a gun is to kill  The only function of a gun is to kill. The more instruments of death and injury can be removed from our society, the safer it will be. In the U.S.A. death by gunshot has become the leading cause of death among some social groups; in particular for African-American males aged from 12 to 19 years old. [1] Quite simply, guns are lethal and the fewer people have them the better.  [1 ‘Study: Homicide leading cause of death among young black males, Jacksonville.com, 5 May 2010, gun control firearm mortality youth violence African American public safety lethal weapons homicide rates social impact gun ownership policy reform gun control firearm legislation gun violence lethal weapons death rates public safety youth mortality African American males homicide statistics USA social issues firearm-related deaths injury prevention gun ownership societal impact lethal instruments gun policies violence reduction safety measures demographic studies health concerns crime prevention urban issues legislative reforms community safety arms control non-violent solutions alternative defense methods mental health social reforms public health initiatives law enforcement policy making safety enhancements cultural shifts gun-free zones education on firearms awareness campaigns preventative measures societal well-being guns lethal death injury society safety United States USA homicide African-American males youth teenagers firearms violence public health mortality social issues gun control firearm-related deaths gun control firearm fatalities youth violence African-American male mortality homicide rates public safety weapon regulation lethal instruments societal impact of guns gun-related deaths gun control firearm mortality youth violence African-American mortality gun-related deaths public safety homicide rates lethal weapons social impact of guns gun legislation gun control firearms public safety gun violence homicide rates African-American youth lethal weapons social impact firearm regulation death statistics youth mortality injury prevention gun laws Second Amendment weapon ownership societal risks lethal force urban violence policy reform community health gun violence firearm fatalities lethal weapons youth mortality African-American youth homicide rates public safety gun control social impact firearm injury death prevention youth safety lethal instruments societal harm weapon regulation gun control firearm regulation lethal weapons public safety gun violence death rates homicide prevention youth mortality African-American mortality urban violence gun禁售 firearm injury lethal force societal impact weapons policy gun control gun violence firearm deaths youth mortality African American males homicide rates public safety weapon regulation lethal weapons societal impact of guns youth safety firearm legislation death statistics social group risks gun ownership prevention strategies community health violence prevention policy making public health crisis gun control firearm regulation violence prevention public safety youth mortality African-American youth homicide rates gun-related deaths lethal weapons societal impact of guns
test-digital-freedoms-piidfiphwu-pro02a	A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: A graduated response will be an effective deterrent  Research has shown that consumers are likely to stop downloading from unauthorized sources when warned by their ISP. For example: Seven out of ten (72%) UK music consumers would stop illegally downloading if told to do so by their ISP, and 90 per cent of consumers would stop illegally file-sharing after two warnings from their ISP. [1]  This shows that the threat of a possible disconnection together with a friendly warning is enough to stop most consumers from downloading from illegal source. The reasoning behind it is simple: consumers can now download without a cost, a graduated response mechanism first raises awareness scaring off those who are only casually downloading out of convenience and then heightens the expected cost of infringement and thus makes it more likely consumers will use legal sources. [2] [1] IFPI, Digital Music Report 2009. 2009. URL for PDF:   [2] Olivier Bomsel and Heritania Ranaivoson, ‘Decreasing copyright enforcement costs: the scope of a graduated response’. 2009. Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues, Volume 6(2), p. 13 – 29. URL for PDF: graduated response effective deterrent consumer behavior illegal downloading ISP warnings disconnection threat copyright enforcement legal sources digital music report economic research copyright issues Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson graduated response effective deterrent illegal downloading unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior file-sharing disconnection threat cost of infringement legal sources copyright enforcement economic research digital music report IFPI Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized downloading ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement cost legal sources copyright enforcement economic research IFPI report Bomsel Ranaivoson study graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement cost legal sources IFPI report economic research copyright enforcement Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized downloads ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement costs legal sources IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson copyright enforcement costs Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent consumers unauthorized sources ISP warnings illegally downloading file-sharing disconnection threat friendly warning awareness casual downloading infringement costs legal sources IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson copyright enforcement Review of Economic Research on Copyright Issues graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources ISP warnings illegal downloading file-sharing consumer behavior cost of infringement legal sources copyright enforcement digital music IFPI economic research Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson graduated response effective deterrent consumer behavior ISP warnings illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising infringement cost legal sources IFPI Digital Music Report Olivier Bomsel Heritania Ranaivoson copyright enforcement economic research graduated response effective deterrent unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior illegal downloading file-sharing disconnection threat awareness raising copyright enforcement legal sources IFPI report economic research copyright issues graduated response effective deterrent illegal downloading unauthorized sources ISP warnings consumer behavior copyright enforcement legal sources file-sharing disconnection threats awareness raising cost of infringement digital music IFPI report economic research copyright issues
test-environment-chbwtlgcc-con01a	Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' Carbon Trading Schemes  The EU ETS is an example of a viable carbon market, it covers thirty countries from the EU as well as Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway. Countries within the ETS are using market mechanisms to force domestic emitters to meet national caps as the amount of allowances reduces over time emissions fall. In 2020 under the ETS emissions will be 21% lower than in 2005 1. The IPCC report contains recommendations for how emissions can be abated through the simultaneous application of numerous small reductions and the implementation of abatement technologies and this is exactly what schemes like the ETS encourage. Part of the reason that the ETS is successful is that it is ensuring an even playing field between countries by (more or less) applying its rules equally across borders and industries.2  1. European Trading System, 2010  2. European Commission Climate Action, 'Emissions Trading System' carbon trading EU ETS emissions trading carbon market emissions reduction national caps allowances IPCC abatement technologies environmental policy climate action European Commission cross-border regulations industry standards carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System Emissions Trading System climate action European Commission environmental policy greenhouse gases carbon market regulatory framework sustainable development economic instruments environmental regulation carbon pricing climate change mitigation energy transition industrial emissions environmental sustainability international cooperation climate strategies policy instruments emission trading carbon credits cap and trade environmental governance green economy low carbon carbon neutrality sustainable practices regulatory compliance environmental impact carbon carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC recommendations abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System Emissions Trading System climate action carbon trading EU ETS carbon market emissions reduction market mechanisms domestic emitters national caps allowances emissions trading IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System European Commission Climate Action emissions trading system carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction cap and trade market mechanisms carbon allowances IPCC recommendations abatement technologies environmental policy cross-border regulations industrial emissions climate action European Commission ETS success factors carbon market greenhouse gases sustainable development environmental economics regulatory frameworks carbon pricing carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowance reduction IPCC recommendations abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules climate action European Commission European Trading System carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction cap-and-trade market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC recommendations abatement technologies even playing field cross-border regulations industries standards EU climate action emissions trading system carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms national caps allowances IPCC recommendations abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules industries European Trading System Climate Action Emissions Trading System carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms allowances national caps IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border regulation environmental policy climate action European Commission carbon market sustainable development greenhouse gases pollution control economic incentives regulatory framework environmental economics carbon trading EU ETS emissions reduction market mechanisms allowances national caps IPCC report abatement technologies even playing field cross-border rules climate action European Commission
test-international-iiahwagit-pro04a	Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching is linked to terrorism  Stronger protection of animals should be implemented to reduce the funding for terrorist groups. Certain terrorist organisations use the illegal ivory and horn trade as funding for their operations. Al-Shabaab, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), and the Sudanese Janjaweed all use the illicit trade as a source of income, with the former using the trade for 40% of its expenditure. [1] This enables them to carry out attacks such as the 2013 Westgate siege in Kenya. [2] Tougher protection of endangered animals would reduce the ability of these groups to fund themselves. In turn, this would decrease their operational capability, increasing stability in Africa.  [1] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [2] Tackett,C. ‘How elephant poaching helped fund Kenya terrorist attack’ Poaching Terrorism Animal Protection Illegal Ivory Trade Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Funding Sources Terrorist Attacks Westgate Siege Kenya Operational Capability Stability in Africa Endangered Animals Tougher Protection Illegal Wildlife Trade Funding Terrorism Conservation Security poaching terrorism animal protection ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illegal wildlife trade funding sources terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya endangered species operational capability stability in Africa elephant poaching terrorist funding Poaching Terrorism Stronger Protection Animals Reduce Funding Terrorist Groups Illegal Ivory Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army LRA Sudanese Janjaweed Illicit Trade Source of Income Westgate Siege Kenya Elephant Poaching Terrorist Attacks Operational Capability Stability in Africa Stewart Tackett poaching terrorism stronger protection animals reduce funding terrorist groups illegal ivory horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed illicit trade income source 2013 Westgate siege Kenya tougher protection endangered animals operational capability stability in Africa illegal ivory trade funds attacks elephant poaching Kenya terrorist attack Poaching Terrorism Animal Protection Illegal Ivory Trade Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Funding Sources Terrorist Operations Westgate Siege Kenya Endangered Animals Operational Capability African Stability poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab LRA Sudanese Janjaweed terrorist funding Westgate siege Kenya anti-poaching laws African stability wildlife conservation counter-terrorism strategies poaching terrorism animal protection illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army LRA Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist operations Westgate siege Kenya operational capability stability Africa elephant poaching terrorist attacks illegal wildlife trade conservation security Poaching Terrorism Animal Protection Illegal Ivory Trade Horn Trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed Ivory Trade Funding Terrorist Attacks Westgate Siege Endangered Species Operational Capability African Stability Wildlife Conservation Counterterrorism Law Enforcement International Cooperation Environmental Security Economic Impact terrorism poaching illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist groups protection endangered animals stability Africa Westgate siege Kenya operational capability reduction elephant poaching terrorist attacks poaching terrorism illegal ivory trade horn trade Al-Shabaab Lord’s Resistance Army Sudanese Janjaweed funding terrorist groups endangered animals protection operational capability stability Africa Westgate siege Kenya elephant poaching
test-international-atiahblit-con04a	The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. The MDG is the barrier  Significant progress has been made in meeting the MDG in Africa, therefore criticism needs to be raised on the MDG themselves. The MDG are unrealistic, unfair, and the benchmarks set fail to acknowledge progress made (Easterly, 2009).  The barrier to achieving universal education is not a lack of investment, rather inappropriate targets. MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress recognition Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress acknowledgment Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress recognition Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress recognition Easterly universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks progress acknowledgment Easterly 2009 universal education investment inappropriate targets MDG Millennium Development Goals Africa progress criticism unrealistic unfair benchmarks Easterly 2009 universal education investment targets development international goals poverty reduction health education economic development sustainability
test-law-cplglghwbhwd-con03a	The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. The DC Handgun ban is inconsistent with other legislation in the U.S.  A change in legislation in DC that is markedly different from everywhere else in the U.S. is harmful. Whilst the constitution might be amended to give a specific change for DC, the rest of the U.S. will still be able to bear arms. The point of the American constitution is that it is meant to give an even field to all citizens under the law. Minor differences between people within different states is acceptable; owing to specific needs of specific states and all state legislation must be proved to be constitutional anyway. This difference is specifically problematic because of the nature of its interactions with both the constitution and the law.  This change is harmful because the state is dependent upon consistency within the law and perception of the law as being a fair mechanism for all people. Large inconsistencies within the law should not be tolerated as such inconsistencies often bring into debate the legitimacy of the state’s legal code. This is problematic as such debates and inconsistencies can lead to confusion about the reach of the law as well as doubt in the legitimacy of the law. The law is dependent upon citizens understanding and subscribing to the legal code, otherwise legal systems might suffer from problems such as people simply not reporting crime to the police owing to their doubt in the legal system and its ability to protect them, or otherwise law abiding citizens from other areas of the country inadvertently breaking the law by bringing guns into D.C. DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional amendment state-specific laws legal consistency perceived fairness law legitimacy citizen trust legal system crime reporting gun control interstate travel Second Amendment firearm regulations urban vs rural laws national legal standards constitutional rights legislative harmony public safety law enforcement challenges DC handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state legal code citizens' legal understanding gun laws Second Amendment interstate legal differences legal legitimacy citizen trust in law crime reporting legal system efficacy state-specific gun regulations constitutional amendments federal vs. state laws gun control debate legal perception public safety constitutional rights state sovereignty DC handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state law differences legal uniformity constitutional amendments second amendment gun rights legal legitimacy public perception of law law enforcement crime reporting legal compliance interstate legal differences gun control constitutional rights legal fairness citizen's trust in law legal system integrity gun ownership laws urban vs rural law differences D.C. law American legal principles constitutional protection legal coherence firearms legislation regional legal variations legal equality gun legislation impact public safety legal skepticism constitutional law statutory law legal authority legislative impact gun policy DC Handgun Ban U.S. Legislation Constitutional Consistency State Law Uniformity Legal Legitimacy Citizen Trust Law Enforcement Efficacy Constitutional Rights Gun Control State vs Federal Law Legal Perception Interstate Travel Firearms Regulation Constitutional Amendments State-specific Legislation Legal Consistency Public Safety Second Amendment Rights Legal Compliance Citizen Cooperation Crime Reporting Legal Doubt Interstate Gun Laws Constitutional Equality Legal Integrity Law Abidance Gun Ownership Rights Legislative Harmony Legal System Erosion Constitutional Integrity Law Enforcement Challenges Citizen Legal Understanding Legislative Disparity Interstate DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state legal differences constitutional amendment gun rights American constitution state legislation legal fairness law legitimacy legal consistency citizen trust crime reporting law enforcement interstate travel gun control Second Amendment legal perceptions state laws constitutional law legal uniformity public safety law abidance legal skepticism firearms regulation legislative impact constitutional rights legal coherence gun ownership federalism state sovereignty legal integrity law adherence legislative disparity constitutional protection legal confusion citizen cooperation legal validity state gun laws legal system DC Handgun ban Constitutional consistency State legal uniformity Citizen legal perception Constitutional amendments State-specific legislation Legal legitimacy Citizen trust in law Interstate legal differences Gun control laws Second Amendment Legal system integrity Crime reporting Law adherence Gun ownership rights Legal debate Constitutional rights State legal code Legal coherence Citizen legal awareness DC handgun ban constitutional inconsistencies U.S. legislation gun rights state-specific laws constitutional amendments legal uniformity citizen perception legal legitimacy law enforcement crime reporting interstate travel firearm regulations legislative harm constitutional rights Second Amendment state laws federal law legal inconsistency public trust legal system gun control interstate gun laws legal compliance constitutional challenges gun ownership legal coherence state sovereignty federal oversight legislative coherence constitutional interpretation gun policy legal consistency public safety constitutional principles state vs federal law gun legislation legal debate constitutional law state legislation DC Handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional amendment gun ownership rights state legal consistency constitutional fairness law legitimacy legal system doubts crime reporting gun law compliance interstate travel firearm legislation American legal system citizen legal understanding law enforcement effectiveness constitutional rights state-specific laws legal uniformity gun control debate federal versus state law DC handgun ban U.S. legislation constitutional consistency state legal codes gun rights legal legitimacy citizen perception constitutional amendments state vs federal law legal uniformity crime reporting law enforcement trust interstate travel firearm regulations DC handgun ban constitutional inconsistency state legal code gun legislation U.S. constitutional law legal legitimacy citizen legal understanding firearm laws state legislation constitutional amendments legal uniformity law and order public safety gun control legal perception constitutional rights state-specific laws legal debate crime reporting legal compliance
test-politics-cdmaggpdgdf-con04a	Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 Transparency can lead to conflict  The idea that transparency is good assumes that the people watching the government be transparent are likely to provide a moderating influence on policy. This is not always the case. Instead transparency can lead to more conflict.  First a nationalist population may force the government into taking more action than it wants. One obvious way to quiet such sentiment is to show that the country is not ready for war; something that may not be possible if being transparent. Instead if it is transparent that the military could win then there is nothing to stop a march to war. It then becomes possible for multiple interest groups to form into coalitions each with differing reasons for conflict trading off with each other resulting in overstretch and conflict. [1]  Secondly when there is a rapidly changing balance of power then transparency for the rising power may not be a good thing. Instead as Deng Xiaoping advised they should “Hide your strength, bide your time”. [2] Showing in the open how your military is expanding may simply force action from the current dominant power. Transparency, combined with domestic media worrying about the other’s build up can make the other side seem more and more of a threat that must be dealt with before it can get any more powerful. It is quite a common international relations theory that one way or another relative power and the quest for hegemony is the cause for war, [3] transparency simply encourages this. William C. Wohlforth points out when studying the cause of the First World War that it is perception of relative power that matters. Germany’s leaders believed it had to strike before it out of time as a result of Russia rapidly industrialising. [4] Transparency unfortunately reduces the ability of the government to manage perception.  [1] Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire, Cornell University Press, 1991, p.17  [2] Allison, Graham, and Blackwill, Robert D., ‘Will China Ever Be No.1?’, YakeGlobal, 20 February 2013  [3] Kaplan, Robert D., ‘Why John J. Mearsheimer Is Right (About Some Things)’, The Atlantic, 20 December 2011  [4] Wohlforth, William C., ‘The Perception of Power: Russia in the Pre-1914 Balance’, World Politics, Vol.39, No.3, (April 1987), pp.353-381, p.362 transparency conflict government moderating influence policy nationalist population military action war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power Deng Xiaoping hide strength bide time military expansion dominant power domestic media international relations theory relative power hegemony perception William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany leaders Russia industrialising manage perception Transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch international relations power hegemony domestic media threat rising power Hide your strength bide your time relative power First World War perception industrialisation Germany Russia Jack Snyder William C. Wohlforth Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict moderating influence nationalist population military readiness interest groups overstretch rapidly changing balance of power Hide your strength bide your time domestic media relative power hegemony perception of power Germany Russia industrialising World Politics international relations Jack Snyder William C. Wohlforth Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer transparency conflict moderating influence nationalist population military expansion interest groups overstretch rising power Hide your strength bide your time balance of power perception management relative power hegemony international relations First World War Germany Russia industrialisation William C. Wohlforth Jack Snyder Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power hide your strength bide your time domestic media threat international relations theory relative power hegemony perception government management Jack Snyder Myths of Empire Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialisation transparency conflict moderating influence government nationalist population military war interest groups overstretch balance of power rising power hide your strength bide your time domestic media international relations theory relative power hegemony perception William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialising John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military readiness war interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power rising power hide strength bide time military expansion dominant power domestic media threat perception international relations relative power hegemony William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialisation perception management transparency conflict moderating influence policy nationalist population government action military capability war interest groups coalition overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power hide strength bide time military expansion dominant power domestic media international relations relative power hegemony perception William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialisation Jack Snyder Myths of Empire Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill Robert D. Kaplan John J. Mearsheimer Transparency conflict government moderating influence policy nationalist population military action war interest groups coalitions overstretch balance of power rising power Hide your strength bide your time domestic media threat perception international relations relative power hegemony William C. Wohlforth First World War perception of power Germany Russia industrialisation John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill transparency conflict government moderating influence nationalist population military war interest groups coalitions overstretch rapidly changing balance of power rising power hide strength bide time military expansion dominant power domestic media international relations theory relative power hegemony perception William C. Wohlforth First World War Germany Russia industrialising John J. Mearsheimer Robert D. Kaplan Graham Allison Robert D. Blackwill
test-politics-lghwdecm-pro03a	Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected Mayors would attract the best candidates to run for office.  Elected mayors would allow talented individuals to make a difference, regardless of their party affiliation. The present system rewards long-serving and loyal party hacks rather than innovative managers, thinkers and leaders; polls show that the public think councillors put party politics above the needs of their community. Those who are most talented who are elected are simply using the council as a stepping stone for running for national office. If mayors were directly elected, local parties would have to find dynamic candidates with a proven ability to solve problems and manage big organisations, or risk such candidates running and winning as independents. This has already been shown to be the case in London where Ken Livingstone (who initially became Mayor as an independent) and Boris Johnson, both established and well known politicians, ran for Mayor, and in Birmingham where Lam Byrne, formally no.2 at the treasury, has expressed an interest in running. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Labour’s Liam Byrne wants to run for Birmingham mayor’, 30 March 2012. Elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation long-serving loyal party hacks innovative managers thinkers leaders public opinion councillors party politics community needs stepping stone national office directly elected dynamic candidates problem solving manage big organisations independents Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor Elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving loyal party hacks public opinion councillors party politics community needs stepping stone national office directly elected local parties dynamic candidates problem-solving manage big organisations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury mayor race political change local governance electoral reform community leadership political independents political talent public service civic engagement Elected Mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders party politics community needs stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solvers big organisations independents London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury Elected Mayors attract best candidates talented individuals difference-making party affiliation present system rewards loyalty long-serving party hacks innovative managers thinkers leaders public opinion councillors party politics community needs council as stepping stone national office local parties dynamic candidates problem-solving manage big organisations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury mayor election direct election governance improvement political reform elected mayors attract best candidates talented individuals difference makers party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving party hacks public opinion councillors party politics community needs stepping stone national office directly elected mayors dynamic candidates problem solvers big organizations independent candidates London mayoral elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayor Liam Byrne treasury experience elected mayors attract best candidates talented individuals make a difference party affiliation reward innovative leaders public perception councillor priorities stepping stone national office dynamic candidates proven ability solve problems manage organizations London mayoral elections Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham mayor Liam Byrne independent candidates Elected Mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders party politics community needs stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solvers manage organizations independent candidates Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne Birmingham mayor local parties proven ability public opinion council long-serving loyal party members Elected Mayors Best Candidates Talented Individuals Party Affiliation Innovative Managers Thinkers Leaders Party Politics Community Needs Stepping Stone National Office Directly Elected Dynamic Candidates Problem Solvers Big Organisations Independent Candidates London Mayor Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Mayor Liam Byrne Treasury BBC News elected mayors attract candidates talented individuals innovative leaders party politics community needs dynamic candidates problem solvers manage organizations independent candidates London Mayor Birmingham Mayor Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Liam Byrne elected mayors best candidates talented individuals party affiliation innovative managers thinkers leaders long-serving loyal party hacks public opinion party politics community needs stepping stone national office dynamic candidates problem solvers big organizations independent candidates London Ken Livingstone Boris Johnson Birmingham Liam Byrne treasury mayor elections
test-politics-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality intervention religious practice symbolism intrusion full Muslim veil Belgium ban criticism ostracisation confinement home religious freedom human rights cultural sensitivity public policy legislation religious attire Muslim women social inclusion discrimination religious expression religious symbols personal choice intervention privacy individuality bans full Muslim veil Belgium ostracised confined obligation criticism public policy cultural sensitivity religious freedom human rights ethical considerations societal norms legal implications multiculturalism Religious freedom personal choice individual rights privacy cultural sensitivity Muslim veil full hijab Belgium ban religious symbolism societal norms legal intervention cultural identity religious expression public policy human rights religious practices social inclusion religious obligations women's rights freedom of expression religious symbols personal choice individual freedom privacy individuality religious practice full Muslim veil ban on veils Belgium criticism ostracisation confinement obligation to wear religious expression cultural sensitivity human rights freedom of religion public policy legislation on religious attire Religious symbols personal choice privacy individuality full Muslim veil Belgium ban intrusion ostracisation confinement religious practice symbolism freedom of religion human rights cultural sensitivity public policy civil liberties religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation home confinement BBC News Europe religious symbols personal choice privacy individuality full Muslim veil Belgium ban criticism ostracisation confinement religious freedom human rights cultural sensitivity public policy religious attire legal restrictions societal impact personal obligation freedom of expression women's rights cultural identity religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgian ban criticism ostracisation confinement obligation BBC News Europe religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy intrusion full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights public policy religious practices symbolism individuality legal restrictions societal impact women's rights European laws religious garments cultural identity freedom of expression social inclusion discrimination multiculturalism secularism ethical considerations international perspectives religious obligations public debate political decisions societal norms religious attire human rights violations legal challenges faith-based practices cultural pluralism gender equality Islamic dress religious diversity public opinion religious freedom personal choice individual rights cultural sensitivity Muslim veil full veil ban Belgium privacy individuality religious practice symbolism social inclusion legal restrictions human rights freedom of expression religious attire public policy cultural norms societal norms religious obligations social exclusion
test-law-rmelhrilhbiw-pro01a	The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, The Settlements are illegal, and demonstrate the impotence of the international community  The Settlements, constructed on land that is neither recognizably Israel’s nor which Israel has even claimed to annex are illegal, encroaching on the territory of a future Palestinian state.  It is absurd for the international community to demand the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, and yet allow Israel to establish its population on that land in settlements that view themselves and are viewed by Israel as Israeli territory. [1]  Furthermore, their continued expansion is something that each and every Palestinian can see every day. As a result, the continued expansion both: 1. Destroys Palestinian confidence in the ability and willingness of the International community to enforce its own promises, especially after repeated American and European promises to stop their construction.  2. Convinces Palestinian opinion that the negotiating process is an Israeli game to buy time until they have changed the facts on the ground.  As a consequence of these two factors, the continued expansion of settlements has an impact in driving Palestinians towards violent resistance even beyond the direct impact of the settlement construction by undermining their faith in International Law, and by adding a sense of urgency to their grievances.  [1] MacIntyre, Donald, ‘The Big Question: What are Israeli settlements, and why are they coming under pressure?’, the Independent, 29 May 2009, settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory Palestinian confidence international promises negotiating process violent resistance international law urgency Palestinian grievances Israeli game facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald the Independent 2009 settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence enforcement promises negotiating process Israeli game time facts on the ground violent resistance International Law urgency grievances settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence international law negotiations violent resistance Israeli game facts on the ground grievances MacIntyre Donald the Independent 2009 illegal settlements international community impotence Palestinian state creation West Bank land Israeli territory encroachment Palestinian confidence destruction international promises violation negotiation process skepticism violent resistance increase international law undermining Palestinian grievances urgency settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence enforcement promises negotiating process violent resistance International Law urgency grievances MacIntyre Donald the Independent 29 May 2009 settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence American promises European promises negotiation process violent resistance International Law urgency grievances settlements illegal international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence negotiating process violent resistance International Law urgency grievances MacIntyre Donald the Independent 2009 illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence International Law negotiating process violent resistance Israeli game changed facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald the Independent 29 May 2009 Israeli settlements international law Palestinian state West Bank annexation illegal occupation Palestinian confidence international community negotiation process violent resistance international promises facts on the ground MacIntyre Donald illegal settlements international community Palestinian state West Bank Israeli territory expansion Palestinian confidence negotiating process violent resistance International Law Israeli game facts on the ground American promises European promises MacIntyre Donald The Big Question pressure on settlements Israeli settlements
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-con01a	"Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec would not be able to be economically viable on its own.  Quebec independence simply will not work because Quebec would not be financially viable as an independent economy.  Quebec has been financially dependent on the rest of Canada for years [1] specifically being dependent on “have” provinces such as Alberta to prop-up its economy as a “have-not” provinces through equalization payments [2] . Moreover, all financial indicators point to the situation staying as it is or worsening, with no signs of improvement in the economy visible [3] .  If Quebec were to gain independence, it simply would not be able to sustain itself as an independent country. Quality of life would necessarily have to drop for all those living in Quebec and the economy would only crash further as confidence in it would dwindle once you remove the credibility the support of the Canadian government and economy that currently gives it.  Therefore, Quebec should not secede from Canada as it would only serve to harm their economy and the livelihoods of the people they supposedly are there to protect.  [1] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] Van Praet, Nicolas. ""No progress in Quebec prosperity: report."" Financial Post 30 Aug 2011, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec independence economically viable financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash credibility Canadian government prosperity secession livelihood people protection Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post report progress prosperity Quebec independence economically viable financial viability independent economy financially dependent Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity economic harm livelihoods Quebec independence economic viability financial dependence Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity economic harm livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic confidence Canadian government economic support secession economic harm livelihood prosperity Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government secession prosperity livelihood economic support Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec independence economic viability financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support prosperity secession livelihoods Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta equalization payments have-not provinces financial indicators economic sustainability quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity livelihood Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post Quebec economic viability independence financial dependency Canada have provinces Alberta have-not provinces equalization payments financial indicators quality of life economic crash Canadian government economic support secession prosperity Nicolas Van Praet Financial Post economic harm livelihoods"
test-economy-egecegphw-pro01a	Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow is full; it must expand  Put simply Heathrow is at the limits of its capacity so there needs to be expansion. Heathrow is already at 99% capacity and running so close to maximum capacity means that any minor problem can result in large delays for passengers. London’s major rivals have four-runway hub airports Paris, Frankfurt, even Madrid [1] this means these cities have much greater capacity as they can take up to 700,000 flights a year compared to Heathrow’s 480,000. [2] Britain does not want to be left behind, crumbling in the dust. These airports therefore clearly have the capacity to take flights that would otherwise be going to Heathrow. Heathrow needs to expand to maintain its competitiveness so that the airport retains its position the most popular place to stop-over in before catching a connecting flight. Colin Matthews, the chief executive of Heathrow (formerly BAA) has argued that Heathrow’s lack of hub capacity currently costs the UK £14billion. [3] Heathrow is in danger of falling behind continental rivals in Frankfurt and Amsterdam.  [1] Leunig, T., ‘A third runway? Yes, and a fourth too, please’ The Times, 2012,   [2] Lundgren, Kari, “Heathrow Limit Costs U.K. 14 Billion Pounds, Airport Says”, Bloomberg, 15 November 2012,   [3] Topham, Gwyn., ‘Heathrow must be expanded or replaced, airport chief announces’ The Guardian, 15 November 2012, Heathrow expansion airport capacity four-runway hub London Paris Frankfurt Madrid flight capacity minor problems large delays passengers competitiveness connecting flight Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity economic cost UK continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity limits maximum delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights year Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews chief executive BAA hub capacity costs UK falling behind continental Amsterdam third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow airport capacity expansion four-runway hub airports flight delays London rivals Paris Frankfurt Madrid competitive disadvantage stop-over flights Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy costs airport competitiveness continental rivals third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity limits airport congestion flight delays hub airports four-runway airports Paris Charles de Gaulle Frankfurt Airport Madrid-Barajas Airport London competitiveness airport connectivity Colin Matthews BAA economic impact hub capacity UK aviation European airport rivalry third runway fourth runway Gwyn Topham Tim Leunig Kari Lundgren Bloomberg The Times The Guardian Heathrow expand capacity limits minor problem large delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid greater capacity 700 000 flights year 480 000 Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity costs £14billion falling behind continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway UK airport chief replaced Topham Gwyn The Guardian Bloomberg Leunig Times Kari Lundgren Heathrow expansion capacity London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid delays passengers Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews chief executive BAA hub capacity UK economy falling behind continental Amsterdam Leunig The Times Lundgren Bloomberg Topham The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights year Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity costs UK falling behind continental Amsterdam third runway fourth runway The Times Bloomberg The Guardian Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity economic cost continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway UK aviation airport development passenger traffic flight operations infrastructure improvement London airports European airports aviation industry transport policy economic impact airport management flight capacity airport expansion strategic planning transport economics aviation competitiveness regional development airport capacity air travel global hubs aviation market transport infrastructure airport performance aviation strategy airport limitations Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays passengers London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights year Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity UK economy falling behind continental rivals Amsterdam third runway fourth runway costs The Times Bloomberg The Guardian airport chief announcement Heathrow expansion capacity limits delays London rivals four-runway hub airports Paris Frankfurt Madrid flights Britain competitiveness stop-over Colin Matthews BAA hub capacity costs falling behind continental Amsterdam The Times Bloomberg The Guardian
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro07a	Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs would increase tax revenue  In 2009-2010, the tax revenue from tobacco in the UK was £10.5 billion. [1] If the state legalizes drugs, it can tax them and use the revenue from this practise to fund treatment. At the moment such treatment is difficult to justify as it appears to be spending ordinary taxpayers’ money on junkies.  [1] Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association, ‘Tax Revenue From Tobacco’, accessed 16th June 2011 - Legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation treatment funding taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association legal drugs tax revenue UK tobacco £10.5 billion drug legalization fund treatment taxpayers’ money junkies 2009-2010 Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation treatment funding taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax revenue from tobacco legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers' Association legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion state legalization drug taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax revenue data substance abuse treatment public funding justification legal drugs tax revenue UK tobacco tax drug legalization drug taxation treatment funding taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers' Association 2009-2010 £10.5 billion Legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization tax policy drug treatment taxpayer funding economic impact substance abuse public health fiscal benefits government income regulated substances controlled drugs harm reduction social welfare economic arguments for legalization drug regulation revenue generation fiscal policy addiction treatment funding sources public expenditure societal costs legalize and tax health economics policy reform economic analysis drug control government finance tax income economic benefits social impact fiscal impact drug policy taxation legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization state taxation funding treatment taxpayers’ money junkies policy justification public finance substance abuse health economics legal drugs tax revenue tobacco UK 2009-2010 £10.5 billion drug legalization drug taxation treatment funding taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association tax revenue from tobacco policy justification public health financing legal drugs tax revenue UK tobacco £10.5 billion 2009-2010 drug legalization drug taxation funding treatment taxpayer money junkies Tobacco Manufacturers’ Association
test-digital-freedoms-dfiphbgs-con01a	Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. Open source software is more expensive for governments in the long run.  Open source software is often confused with free software; in fact, it is usually provided at some cost to the user. More importantly, if a Microsoft product fails, a government IT department knows that it can rely on a patch or technical support. Whereas, with open source software, they are left waiting on a community to get round to tackling the problem. This has meant that governments which choose open source software have had to pay for expensive support packages, which makes the total cost of the IT solution similar to that of the closed source software. This has been to the advantage of major consultancy firms, which are often chosen to put together IT solutions and who can make more money from pushing expensive support contracts than on upfront costs for software.  In the rush to find the software with the cheapest sticker price, there is a risk that governments will end up paying more overall for open software that lacks the accessibility and features of the closed source alternatives. open source software government expenses long-term costs free software cost to user Microsoft support technical support community support support packages consultancy firms expensive support contracts total cost of ownership software sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source software government expenses long-term costs free software cost to user technical support Microsoft products patch support community support expensive support packages total cost IT solutions closed source software consultancy firms upfront costs sticker price software accessibility features comparison overall payment open source government long run expensive free software cost user Microsoft IT department patch technical support community support packages total cost IT solution consultancy firms upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives overall cost risk software open source software government costs long-term expenses free software misconception cost to user Microsoft support open source community technical support expensive support packages total cost of ownership consultancy firms IT solutions upfront software costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives government IT spending software expenses open source software government costs long-term expenses free software cost to user Microsoft support patch support technical support open source community support packages total cost IT solutions consultancy firms expensive support contracts software sticker price overall costs software accessibility closed source alternatives open source software government expenses long-term costs free software misconception software costs Microsoft support open source community technical support consultancy firms IT solutions expensive support packages closed source software software sticker price overall costs software accessibility software features open source software government expenses long-term costs free software cost to user Microsoft support patch technical support community support expensive support packages total cost of ownership consultancy firms IT solutions upfront costs software sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives overall costs risk open source software government IT costs long-term expenses free software misconception paid support packages Microsoft technical support community-driven updates consultancy firms IT solution costs upfront software costs total cost of ownership accessibility features closed source alternatives software sticker price overall payment risk open source software government cost long run free software technical support Microsoft patch community expensive support consultancy firms IT solutions upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives open source software government cost long run free software expense technical support patch community expensive support consultancy firms IT solution upfront costs sticker price accessibility features closed source alternatives
test-health-dhghwapgd-con04a	"Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: Robust drug patent laws incentivize investment of time and money in developing new products  When a real chance of profit exists in the development of a new product or drug, people and firms put the effort into developing and creating them. The incentive to profit drives a great deal of people's intellectual endeavors. Research and development, for example, forms a major part of industries' investment, as they seek to create new products and inventions that will benefit consumers, and thus society as a whole. Research and development is extremely costly, however. The US pharmaceutical industry alone spends tens of billions of dollars every year on researching new drugs1. The fear of theft, or of lack of profit stemming from such research, will serve as a powerful disincentive to investment. Without the protection of patents, new drugs lose much of their value, since a second-comer on the field can simply take the formula and develop the same product without the heavy costs of research involved, leaving the innovative company worse off than its copycat competitor. This will lead to far less innovation, and will hamper companies currently geared toward innovative and progressive products. Patent protection is particularly important to companies with high fixed costs and low marginal costs, such as pharmaceutical firms. Without the guarantee of ownership over intellectual products, the incentive to invest in their development is diminished as they will not be guaranteed a payback for their research costs as a competitor could simply take the product off them. Within a robust patents system, firms compete to produce the best product for patenting and licensing that will give them a higher market share and allow them to reap high profits. These incentives lead firms to ""invent around"" one another's patents, leading to gradual improvements in drugs and treatments, benefiting all consumers2. Without patents the drugs companies are trapped in a kind of prisoners' dilemma where both are individually better off by refusing to innovate, yet both suffer if neither innovates. Patents are the solution to this: if a company innovates, it alone can reap the rewards of the new invention3. In the absence of patent protection there is no incentive to develop new drugs, meaning in the long run more people will suffer from diseases and ailments that might have been cured were it profitable to invest in developing them. Clearly, patent protection is essential for a dynamic, progressive pharmaceutical industry.  1 Congressional Budget Office. 2006. Research and Development in the Pharmaceutical Industry"". The Congress of the United States. Available: 2 Nicol, Dianne and Jane Nielsen. 2003. ""Patents and Medical Biotechnology: Empirical Analysis of Issues Facing the Australian Industry"". Center for Law and Genetics Occasional Paper 6. Available: 3 Yale Law & Technology. 2011, ""Patents: Essential, if flawed"", Available: patent protection innovation incentives pharmaceutical R&D drug development costs intellectual property rights market competition profit guarantees research investment healthcare advancements competitive advantage industry progress economic benefits inventor motivation pharmaceutical patents product development technology advancement consumer benefits societal impact patent laws drug patents investment in research fixed costs marginal costs patent system patents and licensing gradual improvements drug treatments prisoners' dilemma patent protection essential dynamic pharmaceutical industry long-term health benefits disease treatment profit-driven research intellectual endeavors R&D costs theft prevention second-comer disadvantage high fixed patent laws drug development pharmaceutical industry research and development innovation incentives profit motivation intellectual property patent protection cost of research new drug development market competition pharmaceutical patents intellectual endeavors industry investment societal benefit high fixed costs low marginal costs patent licensing gradual improvements drugs and treatments prisoner's dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry medical biotechnology empirical analysis patent system long-term health benefits competitive market drug companies incentives for innovation patent rewards economic impact pharmaceutical research healthcare advancements drug invention profit guarantee copycat competitors patent value legal protection patent protection pharmaceutical industry research and development innovation incentives drug development costs intellectual property rights market competition profit motivation biotechnology patents economic incentives pharmaceutical patents intellectual endeavors societal benefits high fixed costs low marginal costs patent licensing prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry patent incentives drug innovation disease treatment public health long-term investment profit guarantees competitive advantage gradual improvements medical treatments invention around patents drug theft patent system generic drugs industry investment research costs drug companies consumer benefits progressive products invention motivation industrial development drug patent laws robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry high fixed costs low marginal costs patent protection intellectual property market share gradual improvements prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry profit guarantee innovation encouragement drug development societal benefit consumer advantage competitive product development patent licensing circumventing patents disease treatment economic incentive intellectual endeavor cost recovery 仿制药竞争 创新动力 专利交叉授权 法律保护 新药研发风险 专利系统的正面影响 专利促进技术进步 无专利环境下的创新障碍 patent protection innovation incentives pharmaceutical industry research and development drug development intellectual property market competition profit motive biotechnology patent licensing economic investment drug patents pharmaceutical patents healthcare advancement social benefit intellectual endeavor fixed costs marginal costs prisoners' dilemma dynamic industry progressive technology patented products intellectual theft competitive advantage gradual improvements medical treatments disease prevention economic disincentives patent system pharmaceutical research new inventions consumer benefits societal benefits industry investment patent laws robust patents drug formula copycat competitors high profits market share drug companies robust drug patent laws incentivize investment time and money developing new products profit opportunity research and development pharmaceutical industry intellectual endeavors costly R&D fear of theft lack of profit patent protection new drug value innovative companies high fixed costs low marginal costs patent system market competition gradual improvements prisoner's dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry patent flaws medical biotechnology Australian industry empirical analysis intellectual property drug development innovation incentives progressive products consumer benefits societal impact profit guarantee research costs competitor advantage drug efficacy long-term health benefits pharmaceutical innovation drug patent laws investment new products profit research and development pharmaceutical industry costs innovation competition patent protection intellectual property incentives market share gradual improvements drugs treatments consumers prisoners' dilemma diseases ailments dynamic industry progression patent licensing empirical analysis medical biotechnology law and genetics flawed patents societal benefit patent protection pharmaceutical industry research and development innovation incentives drug development profit motive intellectual property investment security market competition product value cost recovery economic incentives high fixed costs low marginal costs patent licensing gradual improvements medical treatments consumer benefit prisoners' dilemma dynamic industry disease treatment long-term health benefits patent protection pharmaceutical industry research and development drug innovation intellectual property incentive to innovate patent laws drug development market competition profit guarantee drug patents pharmaceutical patents economic incentives pharmaceutical investment innovative products drug formulas R&D costs pharmaceutical research drug profitability patent system progressive products consumer benefits medical treatments pharmaceutical competition intellectual endeavors drug theft patent licensing market share drug improvements prisoners' dilemma disease treatment patent flaws dynamic pharmaceuticals robust drug patent laws incentivize investment research and development pharmaceutical industry high fixed costs low marginal costs patent protection intellectual property market competition innovation public health profit motive economic incentives biotechnology patents and medical biotechnology prisoners' dilemma dynamic pharmaceutical industry drug development consumer benefit societal benefit intellectual endeavors cost of innovation competition in pharmaceuticals patent licensing gradual improvements in drugs drug treatments lack of patent protection disincentive to investment theft of intellectual property payback for research costs market share high profits invent around patents long-term"
test-economy-epegiahsc-con02a	The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... The FTAA is bad for South American Agriculture.  During the FTAA negotiations, the US has consistently refused to eliminate subsidies for American farmers [1] . Because of subsidies, great agricultural surpluses are produced that are then sold on developing markets at prices lower than the cost of production. Farmers in places like Brazil or Argentina, who are much more efficient in their process of production but do not benefit from subsidies, could not compete with these low priced imports, either locally or on the American market. Farmers would soon go out of business.  [1] Marquis, Christopher. “Panama Challenges Miami as Free Trade Headquarters.” New York Times. 11 November 2003. www.nytimes.com/2003/11/11/world/panama-challenges-miami-as-free-trade-h... FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets cost of production Brazil Argentina efficient production low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade international trade economic impact trade negotiations subsidies impact developing countries agricultural exports trade policies economic competition global markets trade agreements agricultural trade economic sustainability FTAA South American agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production costs Brazil Argentina competition low-priced imports trade policies free trade economic impact farmer bankruptcy international trade subsidy effects market access trade negotiations New York Times Christopher Marquis FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets low priced imports Brazil Argentina efficient production competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade economics international trade subsidies impact developing countries agricultural policy trade negotiations New York Times Christopher Marquis Panama Miami free trade headquarters FTAA South American agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production costs Brazil Argentina efficient production low-priced imports local markets American market competition farmers out of business free trade Miami Panama New York Times Christopher Marquis 2003 FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina production efficiency low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade economic impact agricultural policy international trade subsidies impact market prices cost of production FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production costs Brazil Argentina efficiency competition low priced imports local market American market farmers out of business free trade economic impact trade negotiations subsidy policy international trade agricultural policy developing countries market competition trade surplus export pricing trade barriers economic inequality trade agreements global trade subsidy reform trade liberalization agricultural exports economic development trade policies market access fair trade trade disputes economic sanctions trade balance export subsidies domestic production international commerce FTAA South American agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets production costs Brazil Argentina efficiency competition imports local market American market farmers business Christopher Marquis New York Times Panama free trade negotiations elimination of subsidies trade policies economic impact agricultural trade international trade agreements developing countries farmer subsidies market competition trade surplus export prices tariff barriers trade barriers agricultural policy global trade free trade areas economic development Latin America trade negotiations agricultural exports farm subsidies trade liberalization economic inequality FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina production efficiency low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade economic impact agricultural policy international trade subsidies impact developing countries trade negotiations New York Times Christopher Marquis Panama Miami free trade headquarters FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina efficient production low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade trade negotiations economic impact agricultural policy international trade subsidies impact farmer livelihoods FTAA South American Agriculture US subsidies American farmers agricultural surpluses developing markets Brazil Argentina production efficiency low priced imports competition local market American market farmers out of business free trade Christopher Marquis New York Times Panama Miami free trade headquarters
test-health-dhpelhbass-pro03a	"Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) Suicide is a lonely, desperate act, carried out in secrecy and often as a cry for help  The impact on the family who remain can be catastrophic. Often because they were unaware of how their loved one was feeling. Suicide cases such as Megan Meier, an American teenager who committed suicide by hanging herself in 2006, [1] as the parents have to launch police investigations into why their child might have felt so desperate. By legalising assisted suicide, the process can be brought out into the open. In some cases, families might have been unaware of the true feelings of their loved one; being forced to confront the issue of their illness may do great good, perhaps even allowing them to persuade the patient not to end their life. In other cases, it makes them part of the process: they can understand the reasons behind their decision without feelings of guilt and recrimination, and the terminally ill patient can speak openly to them about their feelings before their death.  [1] Wikipedia, ""Suicide of Megan Meier"", en.wikipedia.org,  (accessed 6/6/2011) suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family unawareness emotional impact Megan Meier teenage suicide parents police investigation assisted suicide legalization openness illness persuasion guilt recrimination terminally ill communication feelings decision-making suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier teenage suicide police investigations assisted suicide legalisation openness family involvement terminally ill decision making guilt recrimination end of life communication suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier suicide by hanging police investigations assisted suicide legalization openness terminally ill patient decisions family involvement guilt recrimination open communication suicide lonely desperate secrecy cry for help family impact unaware feelings Megan Meier suicide case legalising assisted suicide transparency family involvement terminally ill decision understanding guilt recrimination open communication end of life patient feelings death discussion suicide loneliness desperation secrecy family unawareness impacted families Megan Meier American teenager suicide by hanging parents police investigations legalising assisted suicide terminally ill family involvement end of life feelings of guilt recrimination open communication emotional support suicide prevention suicide loneliness desperation secrecy family impact unawareness Megan Meier assisted suicide legalisation family involvement terminal illness open discussion guilt recrimination suicide loneliness desperation secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier police investigation legalisation assisted suicide openness illness awareness persuasion terminally ill decision understanding guilt recrimination open communication suicide loneliness desperation secrecy family unawareness impact Megan Meier assisted suicide legalization openness illness persuasion terminally ill communication guilt recrimination suicide loneliness despair secrecy cry for help family impact unawareness Megan Meier teenage suicide police investigation assisted suicide legalization transparency family involvement decision-making terminal illness guilt recrimination open communication suicide loneliness desperation secrecy family impact unawareness Megan Meier assisted suicide legalisation family involvement terminal illness open communication guilt recrimination"
test-politics-ypppdghwid-con01a	"Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. Democracy by its very nature cannot be imposed.  Democratic government is not only government for the people, but also government by and of the people. A foreign-imposed government is not a government established by the people which it rules, meaning that it lacks the legitimacy necessary to claim democratic status. It is wrong to force a government upon people, and imposers of 'democracy' do just that. This is exacerbated by the fact that foreign-imposed democracies often have a great deal of trouble governing themselves independently (like the Iraqi and Afghani governments, which are still very much reliant on the United States), thus de- legitimizing the government even further1.  1 Doyle, Michael. ""Promoting Democracy is Not Imposing Democracy."" The Huffington Post. democracy imposed government democratic legitimacy foreign intervention self-governance independence political sovereignty domestic rule external influence democratic principles governance stability international relations state autonomy democratic transition imposed democracy democratic governance political legitimacy self-determination foreign-imposed government reliance external support democratic status political autonomy democratic rule government legitimacy forced government democratic imposers political intervention democratic values governance challenges international democracy promotion political control democratic systems governance independence democratic government political system democratization political authority government interference democratic ideals political independence democracy imposed government legitimacy people foreign-imposed democratic self-governance independence United States Iraq Afghanistan Doyle Michael Promoting Democracy The Huffington Post democracy imposed government legitimacy self-rule foreign intervention democratic governance independence self-determination political sovereignty external influence state autonomy democratic transition Iraqi government Afghani government United States influence democratic legitimacy governance challenges imposed regime democratic principles political legitimacy democracy imposition legitimacy self-governance foreign-imposed governments Iraqi government Afghani government United States democratic status government by the people government for the people Michael Doyle promoting democracy imposing democracy self-rule independence governance issues de-legitimization democracy imposed legitimacy government people foreign independent self-governance Iraq Afghanistan United States force höchting doctrine political sovereignty international relations democracy promotion political legitimacy self-determination democracy imposed government democratic legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention Iraqi government Afghani government United States influence promoting democracy Michael Doyle Huffington Post democracy imposition legitimacy self-governance foreign-imposed government people democratic independence external-influence Iraq Afghanistan United-States governance sovereignty political-self-determination democracy imposed government legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention independent governance democratic status people's rule government reliance external influence democratic promotion political sovereignty civic engagement governmental autonomy democracy imposed government legitimacy self-governance foreign intervention Iraq Afghanistan United States democratic legitimacy self-determination governance independence political sovereignty external influence democratic principles international relations state autonomy democracy imposed legitimacy foreign-imposed government self-rule independence democracypromotion governance legitimacycrisis selfdetermination externalintervention democraticvalues politicalsovereignty statelegitimacy democraticgovernance internationalrelations democracyimposition stateautonomy"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism nuclear warheads strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace unequal treaty New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney warhead missile bombers rail-mobile ICBMs missile launchers strategic nuclear weapons unequal treaty balance of power world peace nuclear arms control strategic offensive arms erector-launcher mechanism long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles bilateral negotiations arms reduction nuclear disarmament international security US foreign policy Russian military strategy New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers rail-mobile ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism strategic nuclear warheads heavy bomber unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Baker Spring Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads warhead-reduction targets unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty opposition New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START nuclear weapon limits strategic nuclear warheads unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Baker Spring flaws New START nuclear policy international relations arms control strategic stability New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage warhead limits rail-mobile ICBMs bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles treaty loopholes strategic nuclear weapons launchers unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Mitt Romney Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Foundry START treaty erector-launcher mechanism Treaties and limitations nuclear weapon limits missile bombers railcar flatcar long-range bombers nuclear policy international relations nuclear disarmament strategic arms reduction New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads warhead-reduction targets unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty flaws nuclear arms control strategic offensive arms reduction New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START erector-launcher mechanism strategic nuclear warheads warhead-reduction targets unilateral reductions balance of power world peace Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers warhead counting long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace New START Russia US nuclear weapons tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Mitt Romney warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs strategic nuclear warheads treaty limitations unilateral reductions balance of power world peace opposition to New START Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms Heritage Foundation The Foundry Baker Spring Twelve Flaws of New START"
test-international-ehbfe-con01a	Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ Moves toward federalism will endanger the stability of the EU  There are great dangers of forcing people in a direction they do not wish to go. An ill-advised dash to build a federal Europe could raise dormant nationalist feelings, promote the rise of populist politicians with xenophobic agendas and endanger the stability of the EU. A Gaullist “Europe of Nations” [1] preserves the current benefits of EU without the risks of further unwanted political integration.  “(...)Dominant groups have more to gain from the majoritarian principle which is indispensable for constitutional democracies. As such, minorities would be placed at an ever more disadvantaged position in a European state. Thus, the progression of the EU into a federal state is bound to have a more negative than it would a positive impact on European integration.” [2]  [1] Ross, ‘Chirac the Great or de Gaulle the Small?’  [2] Cocodia, ‘Problems of Integration in a Federal Europe’ federalism EU stability nationalism populist politicians xenophobia Gaullist Europe minority disadvantage constitutional democracy European integration political integration risks federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations constitutional democracies minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks federalism stability EU nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minorities European integration political integration risks disadvantages federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations minority disadvantages constitutional democracies European integration political integration risks federalism stability EU nationalism populism xenophobia Gaullist Europe of Nations minorities majoritarian principle constitutional democracies European state integration Cocodia Ross Chirac de Gaulle federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations Gaullist majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minority disadvantage European integration federal state political integration risks unwanted integration constitutional principles democratic governance nationalist rise populist rise xenophobia minority rights European Union federal Europe political risks integration challenges governance issues democratic processes constitutional challenges national identity European identity political cohesion social cohesion institutional reform EU reforms EU governance EU politics democratic deficit regionalism separatism EU enlargement EU membership federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Gaullist Europe of Nations constitutional democracies majoritarian principle minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Gaullist Europe of Nations majoritarian principle constitutional democracies minority disadvantages European integration federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations Gaullist model constitutional democracies majoritarian principle minority rights European integration political integration risks federal Europe disadvantages federalism EU stability nationalist feelings populist politicians xenophobic agendas Europe of Nations constitutional democracies minority disadvantages European integration political integration risks
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres stigmatization war crimes international criminal court reintegration social exclusion prosecution humanitarian law recruitment compassion justice child-soldier focus wider abuses conflict situations transitional justice victim-perpetrator duality DDR programs international criticism political resistance peacebuilding youth protection community reintegration psychological care medical care chronic war combat trauma life imprisonment sentencing guidelines recruitment child combatants fostering family-based care institutional care prosecutions stigmatizing demobilisation disarmament reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation recruitment combatants stigmatization social exclusion reprisal attacks unsentenced casualties foster care youth homes youth protection facilities legal criticism humanitarian law Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots crimes against children wider abuses conflict situations exclusive focus prosecution compassion justice universal values Child Soldiers Global Report Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Sierra Leone demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction DDR former child soldiers treatment centres war crimes stigmatization social exclusion international criminal court ICC sentencing guidelines reintegration prosecution humanitarian law child recruitment abuse conflict situations compassion justice political criticism authoritarian regimes Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Liberia Sierra Leone recovery process chronic war habitual life youth homes youth protection facilities family-based care institutional care disclosure participation authority universal concepts global report child soldiers recruitment use Removing barriers demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR chronic war habituation to normal life former child soldiers treatment centres Sierra Leone war criminals stigma former combatants sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation child soldiers as officers recruitment conflict crime social exclusion Colombia fostering family-based care institutional care International Criminal Court ICC prosecution child-soldier focus Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Thomas Lubanga child abuses humanitarian law non-liberal regimes authoritarian Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR medical care psychological care post-conflict reconstruction former child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC International Criminal Court rehabilitation officers conflict recruitment social exclusion fostering family-based care youth homes youth protection facilities institutional care fear disclosure participation authority compassion justice recruitment use child soldiers crimes against children prosecutions Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L serious crimes abuses conflict situations global report child soldiers global report Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Chronic war Habituation Normal life Former child soldiers Treatment centres Sierra Leone War criminals Stigma Sentencing guidelines International Criminal Court ICC Life imprisonment Rehabilitation Officers Recruitment Village communities Conflict Peace-time Stigmatization Social exclusion Colombian child combatants Specialized care Institutional care Fear Prosecuting war crimes Universal compassion Justice Child recruitment Abuse Conflict situations Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Serious crimes Prosecutions War-time Post demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care child soldiers treatment centres Sierra Leone war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC rehabilitation recruitment villages social exclusion Colombian child combatants stigmatization youth homes youth protection facilities institutional care fear disclosure authority international criticism democratic states non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes human rights compassion justice child-soldier focus wider abuses Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Congo serious crimes adults children Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR Child Soldiers War Crimes International Criminal Court ICC Rehabilitation Post-Conflict Reconstruction Medical Care Psychological Care Stigmatization Social Exclusion Youth Protection Institutional Care Compassion Justice Humanitarian Law Prosecutions Recruitment Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia Global Report Child Soldiers Coalition America ICC Tactics War Criminals Treatment Reform Education Youth Homes Family-Based Care Fear Status Disclosure Political Criticism Universal Concepts child soldiers war crimes ICC Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction stigma rehabilitation Sierra Leone Colombia Union of Congolese Patriots Thomas Lubanga humanitarian law social exclusion reprisal attacks youth protection international community chronic war habituation to normal life treatment centres young officers recruitment combatants uninjured casualties fear of prosecution authority of ICC universal justice compassion protection problems family-based care politician criticism jurists non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes wider abuses conflict situations demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care habituation normal life child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma sentencing guidelines ICC life imprisonment rehabilitation former child soldiers recruitment conflict crime reprisal attacks social exclusion Colombian child combatants stigmatization institutional care youth homes youth protection facilities ICC authority international criticism democratic states non-liberal regimes authoritarian regimes universal justice Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L serious crimes child-soldier focus
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro03a	The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. The decision to die is a deeply personal one - it is no business of the state.  Ultimately, the decision to die is a personal one, it may affect others but, clearly it has the greatest impact on the person who decides to die.  Clearly those who remain behind will have to deal with the consequences of that death and the end of their relationship with that person but, one would hope, that would be the case if she had died of natural causes at a later date. Furthermore the experience of watching someone die can by as traumatic, or more so, for the carer or loved one than it is for the individual concerned.  What it clearly is not, is an issue for legislators and other strangers who have no connection to the person involved. There are deeply personal issues such as love, death, sex, and reproduction where we accept the state may have a role in the formal sense of preventing their abuse but otherwise should not have an opinion either way. With the right to die the state has maintained not only an opinion but a criminal sanction. This is a clear example of where the role of the state is to respect the individual and step back; legislation is far too cumbersome a tool with be used in circumstances as varied and complex as these.  Dealing with the loss of a loved one, particularly in a situation such as assisted suicide, is painful and traumatic enough for all concerned without adding to that the additional stress of a threat of criminal sanction. assisted suicide end-of-life choices personal autonomy state intervention palliative care euthanasia right to die legislative oversight moral ethics caregiver trauma legal consequences human rights individual dignity terminal illness compassionate care social policy death with dignity patient rights medical ethics voluntary euthanasia right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention legislative role end-of-life decisions individual rights criminal sanctions personal relationships impact on loved ones trauma euthanasia moral issues ethical considerations legal consequences compassionate care personal choice government overreach quality of life palliative care personal decision state interference right to die assisted suicide individual autonomy 立法干预 personal autonomy impact on others carers loved ones trauma criminal sanction respect for individuals complex circumstances loss pain trauma right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention criminal sanctions end-of-life decisions individual rights legislative role personal impact emotional trauma carer experience natural death state opinion legal enforcement personal matters human rights moral issues compassionate care legal consequences trauma of loss end-of-life choices personal autonomy state intervention assisted suicide criminalization individual rights palliative care ethical considerations humanitarian approach legal reform compassionate response terminal illness quality of life patient dignity death with dignity autonomy vs. state control bioethics moral philosophy healthcare policy legislative impact on personal decisions societal values individual freedoms privacy rights family impact caregiver burden emotional trauma legal repercussions moral relativism human rights death rights legal ethics social justice healthcare ethics compassionate legislation personal responsibility societal norms legal and ethical dilemmas humane right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention criminal sanctions end-of-life decisions personal freedom death with dignity impact on loved ones ethical considerations legislative role individual rights compassionate care trauma of loss legal implications personal choice state's role in personal matters complex circumstances euthanasia palliative care personal choice state interference right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy end of life legislator role criminal sanction trauma carer impact natural death individual rights deeply personal issues love death sex reproduction state role formal prevention abuse varied circumstances complex situations loss pain stress threat legal punishment assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention right to die legislation criminal sanction end-of-life decisions personal relationships trauma carer experiences death love reproduction sexual autonomy government role individual rights legal implications moral issues compassionate care palliative care ethical considerations human rights dignity in dying personal choice family impact societal norms emotional impact legal reform compassionate response terminal illness quality of life public policy legislative reform individual freedoms state overreach personal freedoms ethical dilemmas moral philosophy healthcare policy end-of-life care patient right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention legal sanctions end-of-life decisions individual rights legislative role personal relationships trauma carer impact moral issues euthanasia palliative care suicide laws human rights death with dignity ethical considerations criminalization right to die assisted suicide personal autonomy state intervention legislative oversight individual rights end-of-life decisions euthanasia moral autonomy legal sanctions personal choice terminal illness compassionate care humane treatment criminalization palliative care dignity in dying bioethics patient rights caregiver burden emotional trauma death with dignity personal freedom government overreach ethical considerations human rights quality of life voluntary euthanasia death penalty public policy compassionate exemption patient autonomy healthcare legislation moral philosophy life and death decisions legal ethics death and dying family impact
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con02a	"In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 In joining the single currency, Britain would have to surrender her sovereignty and allow Brussels (where the EU is based) to dictate her financial affairs.  If she accepted the Euro as her currency, Britain would have to hand the control she has over her economy over to Brussels. EU Committees would dictate how she may spend and tax. It is too dangerous for any country to have her economic affairs dictated by another country. This is an issue even Europhiles (those who support the EU) are sceptical about. ""Joining the euro would involve a major surrendering of our sovereignty, severely hindering our ability to run the economy as we see fit. We would lose control over interest rates, and the ability to manage the economy through taxing and spending. Instead, it would be run by European committees… Even British politician Kenneth Clarke, nicknamed “Europe’s biggest friend” and one of the leading campaigners for the euro, admits that Britain’s ability to tax is central to its democracy.”1  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"", page 70 euro sovereignty economic control brussels eu financial affairs taxation spending interest rates europhiles kenneth clarke british economy democracy european committees single currency britain euro adoption economic management political control currency union Britain euro sovereignty Brussels economic control EU financial affairs taxation spending interest rates Europhiles Kenneth Clarke democracy economic management European committees single currency Britain's economy currency adoption political control fiscal policy European Union economic sovereignty national autonomy economic policy euro adoption UK economy fiscal autonomy economic governance eurozone monetary policy economic independence european integration european economic management economic decision-making european fiscal authority euro adoption implications UK economic sovereignty european fiscal control national economic control european economic sovereignty UK economic policy european economic euro sovereignty economic control financial affairs brussels eu committees taxation spending interest rates europhiles kenneth clarke britain single currency european union democracy economy management single currency Britain sovereignty Brussels financial affairs Euro economy EU Committees tax spend economic affairs country Europhiles joining euro major surrender sovereignty run economy interest rates manage economy taxing spending European committees British politician Kenneth Clarke Euro's biggest friend Britain's ability to tax democracy euro sovereignty economic control eu brussels financial affairs taxation spending interest rates european committees britain economy democracy Kenneth Clarke Europhiles economic independence currency union political autonomy Britain single currency sovereignty Brussels Euro financial affairs economy EU Committees tax spend Europhiles joining euro surrender sovereignty control economy interest rates manage economy European committees Kenneth Clarke Britain's ability to tax democracy single currency Britain sovereignty Brussels financial affairs Euro economy EU Committees taxing spending economic affairs Europhiles sceptical Kenneth Clarke interest rates manage economy European committees Britain's ability to tax democracy euro sovereignty economic control brussels financial affairs europhiles interest rates taxing spending european committees kenneth clarke democracy britain single currency economy management political independence fiscal policy eu membership economic sovereignty european union euro sovereignty economic control Brussels EU financial affairs taxation spending interest rates democracy Europhiles Kenneth Clarke Britain single currency economic management European committees fiscal policy monetary policy national autonomy EU integration sovereignty economic control Brussels Euro financial affairs taxing spending interest rates Europhiles Kenneth Clarke democracy economy management European committees currency Britain single currency economic sovereignty fiscal policy monetary policy EU influence"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro03a	Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.  National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples. [1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history.  The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed.  A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty.  [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6 policies free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history boundaries ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement colonial legacy erasing boundaries labour markets unity xenophobia political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 free labour market unity national borders colonial history ethnic groups border Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history xenophobic fears political construction sense of unity disparities inequalities poverty reduction free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups border Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history unity xenophobia political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history sense of unity xenophobic fears political construction reducing disparities poverty inequalities free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history impacts unity rebuilding xenophobic fears political construction poverty disparities inequality reduction policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups border Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets sense of unity xenophobic fears political construction reducing disparities inequalities poverty policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa boundaries ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history unity xenophobic fears political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 Policies free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups border Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement colonial history erasing boundaries labour markets unity xenophobic fears political construction reducing disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012 free labour market unity national borders Africa colonial history ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history sense of unity xenophobic fears political construction reducing disparities poverty inequalities Cogneau 2012 Policies free labour market unity national borders colonial history Africa ethnic groups Togo Ghana Dagomba Akposso Konkomba Ewe freedom of movement erasing boundaries labour markets colonial history unity xenophobic fears political construction disparities inequalities poverty Cogneau 2012
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con01a	"Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy of the 2006 referendum  South Ossetia was wrong to hold elections under conflict conditions. In 2006, South Ossetia can be said to have been in 8 conflicts with Georgia when it held its 2006 referendum on independence. Holding referendums under such conflict conditions is generally illegitimate because the results of the elections are skewed by the conflict, threats, and the various risks for the voters involved. This caused David Bakradze, the chairman of a Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee, to comment, “Under conflict conditions, you cannot speak about legitimate elections.” [1] This mirrors European human rights watchdog, the Council of Europe’s, denunciation of the referendum as ""unnecessary, unhelpful and unfair"". [2] Furthermore Russia's involvement in the 2006 referendum arguably corrupted its validity, as many of the authorities in S. Ossetia were installed there by the Russian government. [3]  [1] Radio Free Europe. “Overwhelming Support For South Ossetia Independence”. Radio Free Europe. The Journal of the Turkish Weekly. 13 November 2006.   [2] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [3] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006. Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee David Bakradze Council of Europe denunciation Russia involvement validity authorities Russian government Radio Free Europe Turkish Weekly Open Democracy Moscow’s fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Jamestown Foundation Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgian independence David Bakradze Council of Europe Russia corruption validity Moscow fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Jamestown Foundation South Ossetia 2006 referendum conflict conditions illegitimate elections David Bakradze Council of Europe Russian involvement Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee European human rights watchdog Moscow’s fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor The Jamestown Foundation Shaun Walker Open Democracy Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly Vladimir Socor 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions illegitimate elections David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia's involvement corrupted validity Moscow’s fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor The Jamestown Foundation Shaun Walker Open Democracy Radio Free Europe The Journal of the Turkish Weekly independence voter risks threats skewed results European human rights watchdog Georgian conflicts Russian government authoritiesinstallation illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe Russia Moscow's fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Shaun Walker David Bakradze threats voter risks European human rights watchdog unnecessary unhelpful unfair corruption validity installed authorities illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections skewed results threats risks David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia involvement corrupted validity Russian government Radio Free Europe Open Democracy Eurasia Daily Monitor Jamestown Foundation Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections 8 conflicts Georgia skewed results threats voter risks David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia involvement Russian government authorities Moscow fingerprints Eurasia Daily Monitor Shaun Walker Open Democracy Vladimir Socor Jamestown Foundation illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections David Bakradze Council of Europe Russia European human rights validity Georgian independence Moscow influence Eurasia Shaun Walker Vladimir Socor Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Open Democracy The Jamestown Foundation skewed results threats voter risks unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russian government South Ossetian authorities corruption Illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections Georgia David Bakradze Council of Europe denunciation Russia involvement validity authorities Russian government Radio Free Europe Open Democracy Vladimir Socor Eurasia Daily Monitor The Jamestown Foundation illegitimacy 2006 referendum South Ossetia conflict conditions elections threats risks David Bakradze Georgian parliamentary European Integration Committee Council of Europe denunciation unnecessary unhelpful unfair Russia involvement corruption validity authorities Russian government Radio Free Europe Open Democracy Eurasia Daily Monitor Moscow's fingerprints Vladimir Socor The Jamestown Foundation"
test-international-iwiaghbss-con01a	Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Other states would not want to waste resources on a refugee state  The Seychelles are not a particularly rich place. Their main industries are tourism and tuna fishing accounting for 32% of employment, [1] both of which are unfortunately entirely dependent upon the territory of the islands themselves and cannot be moved. The result is that the Seychelles have little to offer those states that might consider giving up territory. The country will therefore have difficulty rebuilding its economy and would likely be a drain upon its host making countries unwilling to take on the commitment.  [1] The World Bank, ‘Seychelles Overview’, October 2013, Seychelles tourism tuna fishing economy refugees resource waste territorial dependency economic rebuilding host country commitment World Bank employment industries island territory economic drain state reluctance refugee state resource waste Seychelles not rich main industries tourism tuna fishing employment territory dependency economic difficulty rebuilding economy host country burden unwilling states World Bank Seychelles overview refugee state resource allocation Seychelles tourism tuna fishing economic dependency territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles economy employment sectors island nation challenges international aid state relocation feasibility refugee state resource allocation territorial considerations economic dependency tourism industry tuna fishing employment statistics economic reconstruction host country burden World Bank data Seychelles economy tourism tuna fishing employment resource dependency territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country commitment World Bank Seychelles Overview refugee state resource waste Seychelles limited economic resources tourism dependency tuna fishing territorial limitations economic rebuilding challenges host country burden World Bank overview refugee state resource allocation Seychelles economic dependency tourism tuna fishing territorial limitations economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank Seychelles Overview 2013 refugee state resource allocation Seychelles economic dependency territorial limitations tourism industry tuna fishing employment economic rebuilding host country commitment World Bank Seychelles economy economic drain international aid migration policies environmental refugees island economies resource-poor states economic diversification sustainable development refugee state resource allocation economic dependency territorial constraints Seychelles tourism tuna fishing economic rebuilding host country burden World Bank employment statistics island economy economic diversification international aid regional cooperation sustainable development environmental challenges climate change impact migration policies diplomatic relations economic incentives global poverty humanitarian assistance development challenges economic resilience international support state sovereignty economic migration economic vulnerability foreign aid economic recovery territorial concessions international community economic partnerships refugee integration sustainable livelihoods economic stability international cooperation resource management environmental sustainability economic planning refugee state resource浪费 Seychelles not rich main industries tourism tuna fishing employment dependent on territory cannot be moved little to offer unwilling to give up territory difficulty rebuilding economy drain on host commitment The World Bank Seychelles Overview 2013
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con05a	Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors should not be asked to take the moral burden of people who want to commit suicide  It is not fair to ask doctors who have committed their lives to preserving health to act as an instrument of killing a person. The doctor will then have to live with the doubt as to whether the act of assisting in the donation was just or not. In other words, if the person who wanted to die for another did not do so voluntarily, the act of killing him or her is morally wrong and the doctor becomes complicit. In order to carry out this scheme, the individual moral autonomy of doctors will be violated. [1]  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). Doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing doubt moral wrong complicit individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 doctors moral burden suicide health preservation killing doubt moral wrong complicity individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia ethical issues medical ethics physician-assisted suicide healthcare professionals moral responsibility patient autonomy end-of-life care ethical dilemmas doctors moral burden assisted suicide euthanasia medical ethics patient autonomy physician-assisted death organ donation moral responsibility professional integrity voluntary action ethical dilemma health preservation killing vs. healing complicity moral wrong individual autonomy Tremblay Catholic News Agency organ donation euthanasia Doctors moral burden suicide health preservation ethical dilemma voluntary action moral wrong complicity individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia ethical concerns medical ethics physician-assisted suicide end-of-life decisions patient autonomy medical professionalism ethical responsibilities medical practice euthanasia debate healthcare ethics doctors moral burden suicide health preservation assisted death moral autonomy euthanasia organ donation ethical dilemmas medical ethics patient rights voluntary action complicity Tremblay Catholic News Agency euthanasia doctor's moral burden assisted suicide health preservation moral wrong voluntary donation individual moral autonomy doctor's complicity organ donation euthanasia ethical considerations Doctors moral burden suicide preserving health instrument of killing moral wrong complicit individual moral autonomy organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 euthanasia physician-assisted suicide moral burden doctor's role medical ethics patient autonomy voluntary euthanasia organ donation moral responsibility medical profession ethical dilemmas patient rights doctor's duty end-of-life care moral autonomy legal implications healthcare ethics assisted dying palliative care conscientious objection euthanasia assisted suicide doctor's moral obligation patient autonomy ethical dilemmas medical ethics organ donation euthanasia voluntary and involuntary euthanasia professional responsibility moral burden physician-assisted suicide medical practice ethical considerations patient rights doctor's role health preservation moral complicity individual moral autonomy Tremblay Catholic News Agency euthanasia doctor's moral responsibility assisted suicide medical ethics organ donation patient autonomy voluntary euthanasia moral burden health preservation medical profession ethical dilemmas legal implications patient consent complicity in death Tremblay Joe Catholic News Agency 2013
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro06a	The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, The law is hypocritical  In most countries where drugs are illegal, tobacco and alcohol, which arguably have equally devastating consequences in society, are legal. In a UK study, alcohol was shown to have the worst effects of any drug, yet the current law recognises that people should be able to choose whether they drink or not. [1] The same should be true of drugs.  [1] Professor David Nutt, ‘Drug Harms in the UK: a multicriteria decision analysis’, The Lancet, Vol 376, Issue 9752, pp. 1558-1565, 6th November 2010, law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms Professor David Nutt multicriteria decision analysis drug legality personal choice law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt choice legality regulation substance abuse public health policy reform law hypocrisy drug prohibition tobacco alcohol societal impact UK study Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis legal inconsistency personal choice drug legalization health consequences regulation disparities law hypocrisy drug policy illegal drugs tobacco alcohol societal impact UK study Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis legal drugs personal choice regulation public health substance abuse legislative inconsistency harm reduction evidence-based policy drug classification law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms professor David Nutt multicriteria decision analysis The Lancet legal personal choice drug policy substance regulation law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms Professor David Nutt choice legal multicriteria decision analysis The Lancet law hypocrisy drug policy tobacco alcohol societal impact legal disparity drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt UK study substance regulation public health drug legalization personal choice law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt choice legality regulation substance abuse public health policy reform law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects drug harms multicriteria decision analysis Professor David Nutt The Lancet legal personal choice regulation public health substance abuse policy reform ethics harm reduction drug classification societal norms enforcement safety addiction treatment criminalization decriminalization user rights government intervention public opinion scientific evidence legal consistency health impacts economic factors social issues moral arguments comparative analysis law enforcement public policy legislation drug use societal impact alcohol law hypocrisy drugs illegal tobacco alcohol consequences society UK study alcohol effects legal choice Professor David Nutt drug harms multicriteria decision analysis The Lancet
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro03a	Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. Boycotting Euro 2012 is proportional  Diplomacy is necessary with any regime almost no matter how oppressive they are however that does not show approval of a regime to the world in the way that high profile visits and events can. Just as the Beijing Olympics were the People’s Republic of China’s coming out party so Euro 2012 is an ideal chance for Ukraine to show itself off to Europe and the rest of the world. If there was not a boycott this would implicitly show that Europe approves of Ukraine and the actions of its government.  In a list of possible diplomatic responses that range from verbal diplomatic complaints right up to sanctions a boycott represents a mid-point. A boycott is perhaps the best action that the European Union leaders could take is it takes away the shine that the event would otherwise give the Yanukovych. It will be denying him the political benefits of the Euros while highlighting rights concerns. A boycott is also proportional because it gives Ukraine’s leaders a chance to reform before beginning any further measures that would have a much deeper effect on diplomatic relations. boycott Euro 2012 diplomacy regime oppressive approval high-profile events Beijing Olympics People's Republic of China Ukraine Europe world boycott effectiveness sanctions verbal complaints proportional response European Union Yanukovych political benefits rights concerns reform diplomatic relations boycott Euro 2012 diplomacy oppressive regimes approval high profile events Beijing Olympics Ukraine Europe international relations political benefits rights concerns EU leaders sanctions diplomatic responses reform Yanukovych mid-point measure political shine proportional response human rights international scrutiny diplomatic pressure sports events political leverage event boycott political message international stage government actions diplomatic tools event participation European Union sports diplomacy political influence event hosting international approval diplomatic sanctions political reforms political gestures international events sports and politics diplomatic Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High-profile Events Approval Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Proportional Reform Political benefits Rights concerns Yanukovych Diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 proportional response diplomacy with oppressive regimes high-profile visits event approval Beijing Olympics People's Republic of China Ukraine international image European approval Yanukovych political benefits rights concerns diplomatic complaints sanctions European Union leaders Ukraine reform proportional action diplomatic measures boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine Yanukovych diplomacy proportional Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China high profile visits Europe approval regime oppression sanctions verbal complaints diplomatic responses rights concerns political benefits reform diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 Diplomatic pressure Proportional response Regime approval High-profile events Beijing Olympics Ukraine's international image European Union actions Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point diplomatic action Political benefits Rights concerns Chance for reform Deeper diplomatic measures boycott Euro 2012 diplomatic response proportionality regime approval high-profile events Beijing Olympics Ukraine European approval Yanukovych diplomatic complaints sanctions reform rights concerns political benefits mid-point European Union leaders diplomatic relations Boycotting Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High profile visits Events Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Implicit approval Government actions Diplomatic responses Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Leaders Political benefits Yanukovych Rights concerns Reform Further measures Diplomatic relations boycotting Euro 2012 proportional diplomacy regime oppressive high-profile visits events approval Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe world implicit approval government actions diplomatic responses verbal complaints sanctions mid-point European Union leaders political benefits Yanukovych rights concerns proportional action reform further measures deeper effect diplomatic relations Boycott Euro 2012 Diplomacy Regime Oppressive High-profile visits Beijing Olympics People’s Republic of China Ukraine Europe World Approval Actions Government Diplomatic responses Verbal complaints Sanctions Mid-point European Union Leaders Proportional Political benefits Rights concerns Reform Further measures Diplomatic relations
test-international-iiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil conflicts debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania financial situation animal conservation costs African countries limited resources least developed countries endangered species protection civil wars debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints wildlife conservation development challenges globalisation impacts African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit animal protection Tanzania revenue expenditure globalisation under-development African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil unrest foreign debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania finances wildlife conservation costs African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection globalisation under-development African countries limited funds least developed countries endangered animal protection civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil conflict high debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints wildlife conservation global development underdevelopment causes globalization challenges The World Factbook Simensen analysis African countries little money least developed countries endangered animals protection unviable civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects under-development globalisation challenges The World Factbook African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection globalisation under-development challenges financial constraints conservation efforts economic pressures development issues resource allocation African countries least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania animal protection projects Simensen The World Factbook
test-international-aglhrilhb-con01a	Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, Peace more important than Justice  In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up.  This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on.  [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesties truth and reconciliation commissions conflict South Sudan ceasefire stability atrocities healing opposition indictments rebels oil centre breach peace justice truth reconciliation amnesty prosecutions conflict stability atrocities healing South Sudan rebels ceasefire indictment oil center breach Deutsch Welle allafrica.com peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesty conflict South Sudan ceasefire atrocities stability healing truth commissions indictments opposition rebels oil centre breaching fighting future prevention Peace Justice Reconciliation Prosecutions Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Amnesties South Sudan Ceasefire Atrocities Healing Conflict Prevention Indictments Opposition Stability Regional Security Human Rights International Law Forgiveness Restorative Justice Peace Justice prosecutions reconciliation Truth and Reconciliation Commissions amnesties weapons conflict South Sudan ceasefire stability atrocities healing opposition indicted ceasefire breach rebels oil centre Deustche Welle allafrica.com peace justice reconciliation prosecutions truth commissions amnesties stability conflict South Sudan ceasefire atrocities healing future prevention rebels ceasefire breach indictments oil centre allafrica.com Deutsche Welle 18 February 2014 Peace Justice Reconciliation Prosecutions Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Amnesties Conflict South Sudan Ceasefire Atrocities Stability Healing Indictments Opposition Breach Fighting Future Atrocities Prevention Regional Stability International Conflict Resolution Human Rights Political Violence Post-Conflict Justice Moral Philosophy Legal Implications Peacebuilding War Crimes Genocide Amnesty Laws Global Peace Studies Conflict Resolution Strategies International Law Humanitarian Law Judiciary Systems Peace Processes Mediation Negotiation Forgiveness Social Healing Community Re peace justice reconciliation prosecutions amnesty truth commissions conflict resolution South Sudan ceasefire atrocities stability healing rebels indictments oil centre ceasefire breach regional stability human rights international law peace justice prosecutions reconciliation amnesty truth commissions conflict South Sudan ceasefire stability atrocities healing opposed rebels oil centre indicted crimes peace justice prosecutions reconciliation amnesties truth commissions stability conflict South Sudan ceasefire atrocities healing future prevention rebel forces indictments ceasefire breaches oil center attack political instability human rights violations
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurialism economic stability political stability short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance investment climate IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term investment education primary school attendance IOE 2011 Deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix poverty loans future investment stable environment economic climate short-termism entrepreneurialism high interest rates repayment long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loans investment entrepreneurialism capital access political stability economic environment short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved problems microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loan investment entrepreneurialism capital access political stability economic environment short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 Deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix solution poor community loan invest future access to capital entrepreneurialism stable political environment economic environment investment climate short-termism quick return high interest rates long term interests primary school attendance long term investment IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment investment climate short-termism high interest rates loan repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education investment IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurship economic stability political stability short-termism high interest rates long-term interests education primary school attendance deeper issues microfinance quick-fix solution poverty loans investment entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism interest rates repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education financial sustainability community development economic growth IOE 2011
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro01a	Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). Hosting creates a 'feel-good' factor  Hosting creates a 'feel-good factor'. It is hard to put a price on the buzz that surrounds international sporting events. Think of Paris during the World Football Cup in 1998 or Sydney during the 2002 Olympics. Even sporting success abroad can unite a nation (for example the England Rugby Union Team's victory in the 2003 Rugby World Cup in Australia). Governments are aware of the huge potential for boosting national pride and national unity. The Paris 2012 bid has used a well-known footballer, Zinedine Zidane, who is the son of an immigrant to stress how hosting the Olympics would bring Parisians of all backgrounds together. It is partly because of this 'feel-good factor' that so many people want their city to host the Olympics (97% of Parisians and 87% of Londoners want the 2012 Olympics). international sporting events world football cup sydney olympics paris 1998 national pride national unity zinedine zidane paris 2012 bid london 2012 olympics support feel-good factor hosting benefits sporting success english rugby 2003 rugby world cup community integration public enthusiasm event hosting olympic bid social cohesion hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting public support London 2012 Olympics Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics hosting public support cultural impact sporting success social cohesion economic benefit community engagement global events sports tourism urban development legacy benefits civic pride international exposure athlete inspiration media attention infrastructure improvement community spirit event hosting government support public opinion sports diplomacy cultural exchange event legacy sports enthusiasm hosting benefits sports culture tourist attraction city branding legacy projects Olympic values Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup 1998 Sydney 2002 Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics public support 2012 Olympics Parisians Londoners feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane hosting Olympics public support city hosting Olympic Games Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Zinedine Zidane Paris 2012 Olympics public support city hosting event impact social cohesion international events sports tourism community engagement global attention economic boost cultural exchange legacy benefits fan experience media coverage urban development legacy planning sports facilities international exposure visitor experience local community event management volunteerism civic pride urban regeneration sports culture hosting benefits global community international relations sports diplomacy event legacy feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting public support London 2012 Olympics sporting success abroad England Rugby Union Team 2003 Rugby World Cup social cohesion immigrant integration community spirit event buzz economic impact tourism boost global spotlight cultural exchange legacy benefits Hosting feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney 2002 Olympics England Rugby Union Team 2003 Rugby World Cup national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics Parisians public support 2012 Olympics Londoners hosting feel-good factor international sporting events price buzz Paris World Football Cup 1998 Sydney 2002 Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympics public support 2012 Olympics Londoners Parisians feel-good factor international sporting events World Football Cup Sydney Olympics sporting success national pride national unity Paris 2012 bid Zinedine Zidane Olympic hosting public support
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro03a	"The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 The capitalist society enhances personal freedom  The Western democratic capitalist system protects individual's rights and liberties through freedom from of interference by other people. Mature adult citizens are believed to have the capacity to choose what kind of life they want to lead and create their own future without paternalistic coercion from the state (Berlin, 1958). The capitalist society's ideals could perhaps be best exemplified with the American dream where everyone has an initial equal opportunity to reach their full potential, each individual being choosing their own path free from external coercion,. James Truslow Adams defines the American Dream as the following in 1931 ""life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement""1. The current President of United Stated Barack Obama is a typical example of a person who has achieved the American dream. Barack Obama did not start his life with a traditional ""fortunate circumstance"" previous presidents had enjoyed (e.g. George Bush). Nevertheless he succeeded in transcending his social class, his race etc. and became the president of United States2. Thus capitalism provides everyone with a fair chance to reach great achievements in their life if they seize the opportunities.  1 James Truslow Adams papers, 1918-1949. (n.d.). Columbia University Library. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Barack Obama is the American Dream writ large. (2008). Mirror. Retrieved June 7, 2011 capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life path paternalistic coercion American dream equal opportunity full potential external coercion James Truslow Adams life quality opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama American Dream social class race presidential achievements capitalism fair chance great achievements capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams life quality achievement Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidency United States political success economic system societal ideals capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity self-actualization James Truslow Adams life richness opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidential achievements capitalism benefits fair chance societal progress individual success political leadership American ideals democratic values economic system personal growth human potential societal impact historical context political biography American culture societal change leadership example economic opportunity political representation social equality American society political system democracy capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life path paternalistic coercion state American dream equal opportunity full potential James Truslow Adams life better richer fuller opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama American Dream transcend social class race presidency fair chance great achievements capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American dream equal opportunity full potential James Truslow Adams life quality opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidential leadership capitalism fair chance great achievements self-made success American ideal political ascent social class transcendence capitalist society personal freedom Western democratic capitalist system individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life choices create own future paternalistic coercion state American dream equal opportunity reach full potential self-determination James Truslow Adams life better richer fuller opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama American dream social class race capitalism fair chance great achievements capitalist society personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens capacity to choose life choices future creation paternalistic coercion state interference American dream equal opportunity full potential individual paths external coercion James Truslow Adams life improvement richness fullness opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama American dream achievement social class transcendence racial barriers presidential success traditional fortunate circumstances George Bush fair chance great achievements life opportunities capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adult citizens self-determination American dream equal opportunity self-creation James Truslow Adams life enrichment opportunity ability achievement Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers presidential leadership American Dream embodiment fair chance great achievements capitalism benefits self-made success political advancement democratic ideals economic opportunity social progression individual potential societal advancement political success meritocracy American values leadership diversity democratic capitalism individual achievement social transcendence racial equality political representation American success capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature adults self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers political achievements fair chance self-made success economic system individual choice paternalistic state classical liberalism economic liberty social equality opportunity achievement potential coersive governance individualism societal ideals political progression American politics presidential history democratic values economic philosophy social progress economic opportunities American society political representation racial diversity leadership self-creation personal capitalism personal freedom Western democracy individual rights liberties freedom from interference mature citizens self-determination American Dream equal opportunity James Truslow Adams Barack Obama social mobility racial barriers economic achievement political leadership self-made success democratic capitalism individual choice paternalistic state"
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal Russian nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC treaty implementation limitations on missile defense unilateral statement treaty withdrawal strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms missile defense testing Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State nuclear arsenal reduction missile defense restrictions treaty flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense offensive arms strategic defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC unilateral statement Russia United States strategic arms deterrence treaty restrictions missile defense program Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State Verification Compliance Implementation unilateral statements New START Treaty Fact Sheet Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Hill New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense quantitative restrictions qualitative restrictions missile defense capabilities strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission unilateral statement Russia United States strategic arms reduction deterrence ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile testing treaty implementation restrictions withdrawal right Barack Obama Dmitri Medvedev U.S. Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance and Implementation Heritage New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal US missile defence Russian nuclear advantage treaty restrictions missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission nonstrategic nuclear weapons treaty flaws offensive arms defensive arms treaty withdrawal ICBM SLBM missile defense testing Barack Obama Dmitry Medvedev US Department of State treaty implementation unilateral statements strategic arms reduction missile defense capabilities New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers strategic offensive arms treaty restrictions US missile defense program deterrence unilateral statement Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation US Department of State nuclear arsenal atrophy weapons enterprise cost grounds Russian advantage strategic arms missile defense capabilities treaty flaws Jewish issue Barack Obama Dmit New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA US strategic nuclear arsenal US missile defense Russian nuclear advantage treaty restrictions missile defense interceptors ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty flaws Obama administration Russian Federation strategic offensive arms nonstrategic nuclear weapons treaty compliance unilateral statements missile defense capabilities nuclear modernization defensive arms offensive arms deterrence treaty implementation strategic arms reduction missile defense testing treaty withdrawal US Congress nuclear arsenal reduction nuclear enterprise interrelationship of offensive and defensive arms New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems missile delivery systems deterrence U.S. missile defense Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission restrictions U.S. missile defense program strategic offensive arms quantitative qualitative treaty implementation unilateral statement extraordinary events treaty withdrawal testing missile defense treaty flaws Barak Obama New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems Russia nuclear advantage US missile defense restrictions treaty withdrawal clause ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission strategic offensive arms defensive arms US-Russia arms control nuclear deterrence US Congress US President cost of nuclear modernization quantitative and qualitative missile defense treaty implementation missile defense testing US strategic defense Russian unilateral statement New START flaws nuclear capabilities US strategic arsenal New START treaty nuclear modernization missile defense nonstrategic nuclear weapons treaty restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission Russian advantage deterrence ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors unilateral statements strategic offensive arms treaty implementation cost grounds Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA David Ganz Elizabeth Weingarten Baker Spring Peter Brookes Barack Obama Dmitri Medvedev U.S. Department of State Heritage Foundation The Foundry The Hill The Atlantic Treaty Between The New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization missile defense strategic arms tactical nuclear weapons deterrence US missile defence restrictions Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty flaws strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors unilateral statement Russia US strategic nuclear arsenal atrophying nuclear arsenal weapons enterprise Obama Administration Kremlin treaty implementation nonstrategic nuclear weapons New START missile defense impact New START treaty oversight New START unilateral statements New START and deterrence New START"
test-international-ehbfe-con02a	"Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ Existing contributive inequalities within the Union would be amplified by a formal federal system  There is a possibility that once a federation, Europe will adopt certain policies that might be harmful for a minority of the member states. In consequence, any economic downturn in those states could manifest itself on a larger scale in the United States of Europe as economies of the member states rely (more than ever) on each other.  Furthermore different states may not contribute equally. States, because inducements to cooperate or threats to punish may be low, fail to provide for the collective benefit, therefore essentially ""passing the buck"" to other states, and most frequently to the most economically powerful participants. Citizens of large states like France, Great Britain, and Germany frequently complain that smaller states are not paying their ""fair share"" of the costs of the European Union. Meanwhile, smaller states may complain that they are overlooked or even disregarded because of their economically weaker status. These issues will be exacerbated in a European federation.  Decentralization decreases economic progress. [1] European countries where regions have more powers and responsibilities in terms of taxation, legislation and education policies tend to do better economically than centralised ones. Centralism hammers development of countries at the cost of its citizens.  [1] EUObserver, ‘Centralised states bad for economy, study shows’ federal system economic downturn member states economic interdependence unequal contribution collective benefit smaller states economic power decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization economic development citizen complaints policy adoption minority states fiscal responsibility governance structure economic disparity economic inequalities federal system policy impacts minority states economic downturn interdependence unequal contributions collective benefit passing the buck economically powerful states fair share decentralization economic progress regional powers centralism development citizen costs centralised states economic study federal system economic downturn collective benefit economic inequalities decentralization centralism economic progress regional powers taxation legislation education policies member states European federation cooperation economic contributions fiscal policies political centralization economic development European Union fair share economic policies regional responsibilities study findings EUObserver policy implementation decentralised states centralised states economic impact citizen well-being political decentralization fiscal decentralization governance structures economic performance European integration economic governance policy coordination regional autonomy fiscal autonomy economic disparities policy outcomes economic challenges governance contributive inequalities formal federal system harmful policies minority member states economic downturn united states of europe economic interdependence unequal contributions collective benefit free-riding economically powerful states fair share smaller states overlooked economically weaker european federation decentralization economic progress regional powers centralism citizen costs economic development EUObserver centralised states economy study federal system economic downturn member states contributive inequalities collective benefit economic progress decentralization centralism regional powers taxation legislation education policies economic development citizen complaints fair share minority policies economic reliance inducements threats cooperation economic costs smaller states weaker status European federation study centralised states economic impact regional autonomy policy-making governance Union dynamics federation consequences state cooperation economic disparities political economy regional development state responsibilities economic policy fiscal federalism inter-state relations European integration economic efficiency governance structures federal system economic inequalities policy harm minority states economic downturn interdependence unequal contribution collective benefit passing the buck powerful participants fair share complaints smaller states oversight economic weakness decentralization economic progress regional powers centralization development citizen cost contributive inequalities federal system policy harm minority member states economic downturn interdependence unequal contribution collective benefit passing the buck economically powerful states fair share large states small states overlooked economically weaker decentralized states economic progress regional powers centralization development citizens federal system economic downturn member states unequal contribution collective benefit economic interdependence decentralization centralization regional powers taxation legislation education policies economic progress development citizen impact smaller states large states fair share European Union European federation policy impact economic disparity federal system economic downturn collective benefit economic inequality decentralization regional powers centralization economic progress policy harm minority states cooperation economic interdependence fiscal contribution smaller states economic status large states cost distribution development EU taxation legislation education policies federal system economic downturn member states collective benefit economic progress decentralization centralism taxation legislation education policies regional powers economic development EUObserver study centralised states economic impact contributive inequalities federation policy adoption minority states cooperation threats punishment economic reliance buck passing economic power fair share large states small states overlooked economically weaker exacerbation European Union economic policies regional responsibilities centralised governance economic growth citizen cost development hammering"
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con01a	The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. The scientific community as a whole overwhelmingly rejects Creationism.  95% of all scientists accept evolution, and only a fraction of those that do not accept Creationism. [1] The numbers are even smaller among biologists, the people most qualified to discuss the relative merits of Creationism and evolution, as the study of life and biological processes are their specialty. There is, in fact, greater consensus in biology than in virtually any other discipline. Evolution is often called one of the most thoroughly proven theories, more so even than such things as the observable laws of physics, which break down at the subatomic level. Evolution is a constant, which is why it has survived as a theory for 150 years. [2] The scientific community always fights any effort to institute Creationism in schools through the political process. [3] This is why, when court cases are brought on the issue of teaching Creationism, the panel of scientists is always on the side of evolution. Only a few discredited cranks support Creationism, and they invariably break down under cross-examination when they can offer no positive evidence for their claims. Furthermore, many scientists have religious faith and accept evolution. They simply see no reason to reject observable reality just to serve faith [4] . Creationists try to portray evolution as contrary to religion, which forms one of the main planks of their political campaigns against it, but such claims are fallacious. Science and faith can be compatible, so long as people are willing to accept observable reality as well as belief. The scientific community rejects creationism because it is not true and is not science.  [1] Robinson, B. 1995. “Public Beliefs About Education and Creation”.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Irons, Peter. 2007. “Disaster in Dover: The Trials (and Tribulations) of Intelligent Design”. University of Montana Law Review 68(1).  [4] Gould, Stephen. 2002. Rocks of Ages: Science and Religion in the Fullness of Life. New York: Ballantine Books. Creationism, evolution, scientific community, consensus, biologists, observable reality, theory, scientific method, education, religion, compatibility, court cases, political process, discredited, positive evidence, faith, science, rejection, fact, theory, public beliefs, biology,面板maalodu, 知识产权, 科学与信仰, 教育与创造论, 法庭审判, 政治活动, 科学界, 生物学共识, 可接受的现实, 科学与宗教的相容性 Note: The last few terms appear to have been mistakenly written in Chinese. If scientific community creationism rejection evolution consensus biologists observable reality scientific theory political process court cases discredited scientists cross-examination positive evidence religious faith science compatibility fallacious claims intelligent design Dover trial Stephen Gould Rocks of Ages scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists theory observable reality political process court cases discredited cross-examination evidence scientists religious faith science faith compatibility fallacy intelligent design education public beliefs fact theory natural selection Dover trial Stephen Gould Rocks of Ages Ballantine Books Richard Lenski Action Bioscience Peter Irons University of Montana Law Review B. Robinson 1995 2011 2007 2002 scientific community rejects Creationism 95% scientists accept evolution biologists support evolution consensus in biology evolution thoroughly proven Creationism not science court cases support evolution scientists with religious faith science and religion compatible observable reality Creationism political campaigns Creationism fallacious scientific rejection of creationism scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality scientific theory political process court cases discredited cranks religious faith compatibility observable reality science religion fallacious claims intelligent design Dover trial Stephen Gould Rocks of Ages scientific community Creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality court cases political process discredited scientists religious faith science and religion fallacious claims observable laws of physics subatomic level theory survival positive evidence cross-examination compatible belief rejection of creationism public beliefs education Intelligent Design Rocks of Ages Stephen Gould scientific community creationism rejection evolution consensus biologists theory observable reality physics court cases religious faith science fallacy compatibility Dover trial Intelligent Design Rocks of Ages Stephen Gould scientific community rejection Creationism consensus evolution biologists observable reality court cases political process discredited positive evidence religious faith compatibility science fallacy education public belief fact and theory Intelligent Design trials tribulations Rocks of Ages scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality theory religious faith court cases political process discredited cross-examination compatible science religion fallacious Intelligent Design Dover trial Richard Lenski Stephen Gould scientific community creationism evolution consensus biologists observable reality scientific theory political process court cases discredited cross-examination religious faith science and religion compatibility observable laws of physics subatomic level theory survival 150 years fallacious claims intelligent design Dover trial Rocks of Ages Stephen Gould Ballantine Books Richard Lenski Action Bioscience Peter Irons University of Montana Law Review B. Robinson Public Beliefs About Education and Creation
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty military institutions death Guinea General Lansana Conte president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader's illness vulnerability government response external threats internal threats public secrecy leader's death smooth succession loyalty government army vital institutions Guinea General Lansana Conte power transfer National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare military officers coup 2008 Huma Yusuf Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy succession institutions death power transfer president National Assembly election military officers coup Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare Huma Yusuf Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government response threats public leader's health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government army vital institutions Guinea General Lansana Conte death power transfer National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup quick announcement Huma Yusuf Military coup Guinea’s President The Christian Science Monitor 23 December 2008 leadership vulnerability political succession government instability health secrecy coup d'état military intervention political rivals public disclosure governmental loyalty institutional control smooth transition power vacuum political threats health crisis leadership transition Guinea coup 2008 Guinea Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare National Assembly president military officers rivals misuse opportunity leader's illness vulnerability government response external threats internal threats public secrecy leader's health leader's death smooth succession loyalty government institutions army generals Guinea Lansana Conte presidential succession National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare military coup junior officers Huma Yusuf Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government responses threats public health secrecy succession loyalty government army institutions General Lansana Conte Guinea death power National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election junior military officers coup Huma Yusuf The Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government response threats public health secrecy succession loyalty government army institutions death General Lansana Conte Guinea president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election military officers coup Yusuf Huma Military coup Christian Science Monitor illness vulnerability leadership succession military coup political stability transparency public trust governance institutional loyalty emergency response health secrecy political rivals strategic opportunity power transition constitutional procedures Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare junior military officers coup d'état democratic principles international relations regional security power vacuum political crisis historical context governance challenges leadership continuity public disclosure military intervention political succession constitutional crisis governmental response legal framework political instability power dynamics strategic advantage health disclosure governmental institutions leadership transition political maneuver rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty institutions death power transferred president National Assembly election military officers coup Guinea Yusuf Huma Christian Science Monitor
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro02a	Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science allows us to control death, suicide and euthanasia are sensible corollaries to that.  We now live longer than at any time in the 100,000 years or so of human evolution and longer than the other primates [i] . In many nations we have successfully increased the quantity of life without improving the quality. More to the point, too little thought has been given to the quality of our deaths.  Let us consider the example of the cancer patient who opts not to put herself through the agony and uncertainty of chemotherapy. In such a circumstance, we accept that a person may accept the certainty of death with grace and reason rather than chasing after a slim probability of living longer but in pain.  All proposition is arguing is that this approach can also apply to other conditions, which may not be terminal in the strict sense of the world but certainly lead to the death of that person in any meaningful sense. The application of medical science to extend a life, long after life is ‘worth living’ or would be possible to live without these interventions cannot be considered a moral good for its own sake. Many find that they are facing the prospect of living out the rest of their days in physical pain or are losing their memory. As a result, some may see ‘going out at the top of their game’ as the better, and more natural, option.  [i] Caleb E Finch. Evolution of Human Lifespan and the Diseases of Aging: Roles of Infection, Inflammation, and Nutrition. Proceding of the National Academy of Sciences of the united States of America. 12 October 2009. Medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions life extension moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan aging infection inflammation nutrition Medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life terminal illness chemotherapy moral good physical pain memory loss aging terminal conditions non-terminal conditions life extension natural death palliative care end-of-life decisions bioethics aging diseases life quality health interventions medical ethics human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition lifespan evolution elderly care cognitive decline humane death dignity in dying assisted dying life-prolonging treatments patient autonomy healthcare policy moral philosophy ethical considerations quality of death Medical science control death suicide euthanasia human evolution quantity of life quality of life cancer patient chemotherapy terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan aging diseases infection inflammation nutrition Medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss aging Caleb E Finch human lifespan diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science control over death suicide euthanasia human evolution lifespan extension quality of life quality of death cancer patient chemotherapy non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science death suicide euthanasia human evolution life expectancy quality of life quality of death cancer chemotherapy terminal illness non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss Caleb E Finch human lifespan aging infection inflammation nutrition medical science death control suicide euthanasia human evolution life extension life quality terminal illness chemotherapy non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch human lifespan aging diseases infection inflammation nutrition medical science death control suicide euthanasia human evolution life extension quality of life end-of-life care cancer chemotherapy non-terminal conditions moral good physical pain memory loss natural death Caleb E Finch aging diseases of aging infection inflammation nutrition medical ethics end-of-life care quality of life terminal illness palliative care euthanasia assisted suicide longevity human evolution aging chronic disease pain management cognitive decline dignity in dying moral philosophy bioethics healthcare policy patient rights life extension technologies natural death disease prevention gerontology life quality assessment ethical considerations in medicine patient autonomy healthcare decision making
test-international-miasimyhw-pro04a	Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.  Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states.  Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered [1] . Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right.  [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012. free labour market effective management migration informal movement policies free movement travel documents regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS truck drivers data information movement monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility formal treatment deportation harassment human rights Lucas 2012 free labour market effective management migration informal movement policies free movement travel documents regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties emigration process health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls data information identity movement monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility deportation harassment formal health treatment human rights Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management regional framework bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls travel documentation migrant identity data collection policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrant rights South Africa deportation fears formal health treatment equality in health rights Southern Africa migration free labour market effective management of migration informal migration policies for free movement travel documents regional migration framework Southern Africa migration bilateral ties benefits of managing migration health benefits border control efficiency HIV/AIDS truck drivers migration data information on migration policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants right to health care health accessibility South Africa migrant issues human rights formal health treatment migration and health equal rights migration policies strategic migration management formal approval of movement regional migration policies free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework bilateral ties emigration process health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls travel documentation migrant identity movement monitoring migration data policy construction undocumented migrants health care access migrant rights deportation fear health treatment formal approval Southern Africa South Africa Human Rights Watch Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management informal migration regional framework bilateral ties health benefits border control HIV/AIDS data and information travel documentation policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility deportation human rights free labour market migration management regional framework bilateral ties health benefits HIV/AIDS border controls data and information travel documentation policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fear human rights free labour market migration management regional framework bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS travel documentation identity data collection policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access deportation fear human rights formal movement approval free labour market effective management migration informal movement policies free movement travel documents regional framework Southern Africa bilateral ties health benefits border controls HIV/AIDS truck drivers data collection information migration monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care accessibility new migrants deportation harassment formal health treatment equal rights Human Rights Watch Lucas 2012 free labour market migration management regional migration framework bilateral ties health benefits border control efficiency HIV/AIDS travel documentation migrant identity data monitoring policy construction trade efficiency undocumented migrants health care access migrant rights South Africa deportation fear health treatment human rights
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics aggressors defenders army organisation civilian targeting conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers legal formulations ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms incomplete defences mitigated sentences duress vulnerable communities state policy lenient sentencing developing nations recognised governments local law-making international oversight UN troops funding motivation training western peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism civilian protection armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones civilian protection child soldiers cultural relativism legal defenses duress circumstances lenient sentencing developing nations government influence local law-making international oversight UN troops peacekeeping western intervention neo-colonialism enforcement standards ICC expertise military participation survival strategy armed conflict cultural construction ICC jurisdiction war assumptions aggressors defenders organised armies civilian targeting conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors child soldier defence lenient sentencing recognised governments local law-making bodies UN troops underfunded peacekeepers unmotivated peacekeepers poorly trained peacekeepers western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance legal expertise child military participation terrorising populations reinforcing armies armed conflict cultural construction ICC jurisdiction aggressors and defenders organised armies civilian evacuation conflicts in Africa central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentence developing nations geographic influence local law-making bodies UN troops western peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism international community war-time conduct enforcement expertise child military participation survival strategy terrorise populations reinforce armies cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction war assumptions aggressors defenders organised armies civilian targets conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use legal norms ICC prosecutions defences acquittal sentence mitigation duress vulnerable communities law enforcement child soldiers state policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making international oversight United Nations troops peacekeepers western nations neo-colonialism war-time conduct international community legal expertise investigative body survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war assumptions conflict zones civilian targeting conflict dynamics Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms incomplete defences sentence mitigation duress vulnerable communities lenient sentencing resource-limited states policy enforcement conflict oversight developing nations recognized governments local law-making UN troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers neo-colonialism civilian protection international standards cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war dynamics clear division aggressors defenders organised armies civilian protection conflict zones conflicts in Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers systematic pernicious deliberate uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors proof defence acquittal sentence mitigation arming children duress lenient sentence state policy recognised governments local law-making bodies international oversight combat supervision United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction aggressors defenders chains of command civilians conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors proof defence acquittal mitigation leniency vulnerable communities duress better-resourced states policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making armed struggle international community oversight combat United Nations troops funding motivation training peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction aggressors defenders chains of command civilians conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers systematic pernicious deliberate legal norms prosecutors formulations motions defences acquittal sentences leniency better-resourced states duress vulnerable communities developing nations geographic influence recognised governments local law-making international community combat oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers legal defenses ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms lenient sentences vulnerable communities duress enforcement recognized governments local law-making UN troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance expertise survival strategy terrorize populations reinforce armies
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con02a	A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. A South Ossetian state is unviable  There are many factors that make South Ossetia unviable as a state. South Ossetia is very small with a very small population. It is also a landlocked state and very poor. These facts make it unlikely that South Ossetia could act effectively as an independent state. The result is that it would become dependent on other states. [1] This can already be seen from the fact that S. Ossetia has only been able to secure its current de facto independence with substantial military and foreign aid from Russia. [2] S. Ossetia is economically unviable as an independent state. It is landlocked and only has meaningful road access to the sea through Georgia. S. Ossetian GDP was estimated at US$ 15 million (US$ 250 per capita) in a work published in 2002. S. Ossetia is arguably lacking in the basic economic necessities for autonomy. Indeed, a $15 million GDP would make South Ossetia one of the poorest nations in the world. Particularly following a war with Georgia in the 1990s, South Ossetia has struggled economically. Employment and supplies are scarce. The majority of the population survives on subsistence farming. Virtually the only significant economic asset that South Ossetia possesses is control of the Roki Tunnel that links Russia and Georgia, from which the South Ossetian government reportedly obtains as much as a third of its budget by levying customs duties on freight traffic. The separatist officials admitted that Tskhinvali received more than 60 percent of its 2006 budget revenue directly from the Russian government. [3] [4] Finally, S. Ossetia has a population of roughly 70,000. [5] This would make it one of the smallest states in the world. This fact, combined with its high level of poverty, makes it a poor candidate for independence, and shows that its “independence” would compel it to become even more dependent on Russia, or else risk disintegrating as an unviable state.  [1] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006.   [2] Socor, Vladimir. “MOSCOW’S FINGERPRINTS ALL OVER SOUTH OSSETIA’S REFERENDUM”. Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 3 Issue: 212. The Jamestown Foundation. 15 November 2006.   [3] Walker, Shaun. “South Ossetia: Russian, Georgian...independent?”. Open Democracy. 15 November 2006.   [4] Vaisman, Daria. “No recognition for breakaway South Ossetia's vote”. The Christian Science Monitor. 10 November 2006.   [5] BBC News. “S Ossetia votes for independence”. BBC News. 13 November 2006. South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic dependency Russia military aid foreign aid GDP poverty subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties freight traffic Tskhinvali budget revenue smallest states disintegration independence unviable state international recognition separatism conflict Georgia economic necessities autonomy employment supplies economic assets war economic struggle poverty economic unviability political dependency international relations regional stability ethnic conflict separatist movements territorial disputes economic sanctions political isolation autonomy South Ossetia economic viability statehood independence population landlocked poverty economic necessities Roki Tunnel GDP subsistence farming Russian support Tskhinvali budget smallest states international recognition separatism Georgia Caucasus conflict autonomy military aid foreign aid economic asset customs duties freight traffic disintegration unviable state dependency international relations geopolitical regional stability 2006 referendum war employment supplies infrastructure political status de facto independence international community unrecognized state economic sanctions trade South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic dependence Russian aid military support economic necessities GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue independence disintegration smallest states poverty international recognition Georgia separatism voting independence referendum South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poverty economic unviability dependence on Russia military aid foreign aid de facto independence limited road access GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue smallest states disintegration international recognition separatism ethnic conflict Georgia Russian support economic necessities autonomy employment scarcity resources scarcity poverty international relations Eurasia Caucasus political dependency economic dependency international law statehood criteria sovereignty territorial integrity regional stability conflict resolution peacekeeping humanitarian aid South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poverty economic viability subsistence farming Roki Tunnel Russian support dependency Tskhinvali GDP employment supplies smallest states international recognition separatism Georgia military aid foreign aid economic asset customs duties freight traffic budget revenue disintegration independence referendum Caucasian conflict regional stability ethnic tension autonomy international law statehood criteria geopolitical considerations Eurasian politics Caucasian studies conflict resolution humanitarian issues economic development political dependency territorial disputes national security economic South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic dependence military aid foreign aid Russia de facto independence GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget Tskhinvali smallest states poverty independence referendum separatist disintegration international recognition Georgia Eurasia economic viability autonomy employment supplies infrastructure trade economic necessities war post-war recovery international relations statehood nation-building sovereignty geopolitical factors regional instability security development governance economic sanctions international support ethnic South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poverty economic dependency Russia de facto independence military aid foreign aid economic necessities GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties Tskhinvali budget revenue smallest states disintegration independence international recognition Georgia conflict separatist region Caucasian politics Eurasian geopolitics international relations unrecognized territories ethnic conflict regional instability economic challenges political dependency security issues international law territorial disputes humanitarian concerns economic sanctions development aid peace processes diplomatic relations geopolitical South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poor economic dependency Russian support GDP subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties budget revenue independence separatism disintegration international recognition geopolitical factors economic necessities autonomy military aid foreign aid Tskhinvali unemployment scarce supplies poverty smallest states unviable independence international relations Caucasian conflicts regional instability Russian influence Georgian access economic asset separatist officials budget contribution international community non-recognition sovereignty issues ethnic conflicts political autonomy economic South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked economic dependency military aid Russia GDP poverty subsistence farming Roki Tunnel customs duties Tskhinvali budget revenue smallest states disintegration independence separatist international recognition Georgia Eurasia conflict political stability economic necessities unemployment scarce resources poor candidate for independence de facto independence international relations regional security ethnic tensions foreign policy economic sanctions trade barriers geopolitical influence peace negotiations humanitarian aid development assistance infrastructure territorial disputes sovereignty governance South Ossetia unviable state small population landlocked poverty economic dependency Russia Georgia Roki Tunnel subsistence farming GDP budget revenue independence disintegration international recognition separatism military aid foreign aid economic necessities employment supplies customs duties freight traffic Tskhinvali smallest states world conflict war Eurasia separatist region de facto independence international relations geopolitical economic viability international community governance autonomy control economic asset political stability economic development infrastructure poverty levels regional dynamics
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con01a	"For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" For Britain to join the single currency is simply unthinkable; jobs will be lost  The EU creates economic conditions that threaten jobs. As explained by Anthony Browne in The Euro: Should Britain join?, ""Joining the Euro would damage the British economy with 'one size fits all' interest rates, and so destroy jobs.""1 This is not merely a product of anti-EU propaganda created by the British tabloid press; The evidence speaks for itself; ""In 2000, (Euro was launched 1st January, 1999) unemployment in Euroland averaged about 10 per cent, compared to under 6 per cent in the UK"" Britain must also learn from the mistakes of history; ""Past experience has already shown us that locking ourselves into inappropriate interest rates destroys jobs. After we joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism, 100,000 businesses went bankrupt and unemployment doubled before we were finally forced out in 1992."" Repetition of this is to be avoided at all costs and by Britain staying out of the Euro.  1Browne, A., 2001, ""The Euro: Should Britain Join?"" economic conditions job loss British economy interest rates Euro adoption unemployment EU membership economic impact currency union historical precedent ERM experience business bankruptcy Eurozone performance policy mismatch economic sovereignty Britain single currency Euro jobs EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join one size fits all interest rates British economy unemployment Euroland UK anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankruptcy unemployment history mistakes Britain join single currency unthinkable jobs lost EU economic conditions threaten jobs Anthony Browne The Euro interest rates destroy jobs anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press evidence unemployment Euroland 2000 UK mistakes history Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled stay out Euro repetition avoid Britain single currency unthinkable job losses EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro join damage British economy one size fits all interest rates destroy jobs evidence unemployment Euroland 2000 10 per cent 6 per cent UK history mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled 1992 repetition avoid staying out Euro Britain single currency Euro jobs economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join one size fits all interest rates unemployment Euroland British economy anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcy unemployment 1992 history mistakes inappropriate interest rates repetition staying out Eurozone economic policy financial stability European Union economic integration currency union economic performance job creation economic debate UK economy currency financial markets monetary policy economic growth economic indicators economic forecast economic analysis Britain single currency Euro jobs unemployment EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? interest rates British economy one size fits all economic damage British tabloid press evidence unemployment statistics Euroland 2000 historical mistakes Exchange Rate Mechanism businesses bankrupt unemployment doubled 1992 repetition staying out currency independence Britain single currency Euro job losses EU economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain join? interest rates British economy unemployment Euroland UK Exchange Rate Mechanism history mistakes business bankruptcies staying out of Euro repetition costs economic impact currency union monetary policy financial stability British economy Euro single currency job loss EU economic conditions Anthony Browne interest rates unemployment Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcy historical mistakes economic damage one size fits all policy British tabloid press Euro adoption risks economic stability UK unemployment Euroland comparison currency union financial sovereignty Britain single currency Euro unemployment economic conditions Anthony Browne The Euro: Should Britain Join one size fits all interest rates British economy job destruction anti-EU propaganda British tabloid press unemployment statistics Euroland Exchange Rate Mechanism business bankruptcy historical mistakes staying out of Euro Euro Britain single currency jobs economy unemployment interest rates Anthony Browne EU economic conditions Exchange Rate Mechanism British tabloid press history mistakes bankruptcy unemployment rates Euroland 1992 2000 Euro launch one size fits all propaganda evidence"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con02a	Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions don't get to the real truth  Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation.  [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000,   [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran , Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa: Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, Prosecutions real truth healing process hide crimes lie true motivations prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confess crimes prison sentences apologies reconciliation Linfield South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission Graybill Lanegran Truth Justice Reconciliation Africa cases Prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confess crimes prison sentences apologies reconciliation Susie Linfield Truth and Reconciliation Commission Lyn Graybill Kimberly Lanegran Africa justice cases truth reconciliation prosecutions TRC South Africa Gacaca courts Rwandan genocide confessions apologies justice human rights abuses healing process incentives prison sentences reconciliatory justice full record human rights Prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie motivations offences prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confess crimes prison sentences apologies reconciliation Linfield Susie Graybill Lyn Lanegran Kimberly Prosecutions truth healing incentives hide lie motivations prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation 非洲 真相 正义 和解 南非 过渡司法 卢旺达加查查法庭 犯罪 认罪 减刑 道歉 康复 人权 侵犯 真相与和解委员会 司法 非洲案例 正义交易 reflection Linfield Graybill Lanegran bostonreview ufl.edu Prosecutions real truth healing process hiding crimes lying true motivations TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice Africa truth commissions genocides legal incentives testimonies impunity public healing societal recovery victim-offender mediation prosecutions truth healing incentives hide crimes lie motivations offences prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts reconciliatory justice confess crimes prison sentences apologies reconciliation prosecutions truth healing crimes motivations prison TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts confessions prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice truth prosecution healing incentives hiding crimes lying motivations offenses TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts confession prison sentences apologies reconciliation justice Africa cases Linfield Graybill Lanegran Prosecutions truth healing TRC South Africa human rights abuses Rwandan Gacaca courts confessions prison sentences reconciliation apologies justice incentives lying crimes motivations genocides truth and reconciliation Africa cases legal systems restorative justice
test-international-iwiaghbss-con02a	New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries forged by those fleeing disaster  There have been very few countries that have been created in circumstances that are at all similar to that which would happen when island nations are forced to abandon their homeland. The closest parallel is Israel when Jews arrived en mass first because they were promised the land after WWI, when it is notable that they purchased the land they occupied, [1] and then after the disaster of the Holocaust. The Palestinians have not been happy about the loss of territory. Indeed there have been few examples in history of peoples’ willingly giving up land to a new arrival whether it is due to colonialism or migration. The result, especially if sovereignty is involved, is usually conflict.  [1] Pipes, Daniel, ‘Not Stealing Palestine, but Purchasing Israel’, National Review Online, 21 June 2011, New countries disaster refugees island nations forced migration Israel Holocaust Palestinians land acquisition colonialism sovereignty conflict migration history land purchase colonization displacement national sovereignty refugee resettlement territorial disputes island nations forced migration new countries sovereignty conflict colonialism migration Israel Palestinians homeland abandonment disaster refugees Holocaust territorial disputes land purchase historical parallels state creation refugee resettlement indigenous rights climate change displacement island nations forced migration sovereignty historical parallels Israel Palestinian conflict colonialism land acquisition WWII Holocaust territorial disputes state formation refugee resettlement climate change displacement humanitarian crises international law self-determination New countries island nations forced migration Israel Palestinian conflict post-disaster relocation sovereignty issues colonialism mass migration land acquisition historical parallels Holocaust WWI land purchase territorial disputes peaceful relocation conflict prevention climate refugees statehood international law human displacement New countries disaster refugees island nations land abandonment Israel Jewish migration land purchase Holocaust Palestinian conflict territorial disputes sovereignty colonization migration conflict historical parallels state creation refugee resettlement international law human rights climate change displacement Israel Palestinians WWII Holocaust land purchase sovereignty conflict migration colonialism island nations abandonment new countries disaster refugees historical parallels New countries island nations displacement climate refugees sovereignty territorial disputes Israel Palestinians colonialism migration conflict Holocaust land rights historical parallels self-determination international law refugee resettlement state formation territorial integrity human rights island nations forced migration new countries sovereignty conflict Israel Palestinian territories Holocaust land purchase colonialism migration historical parallels refugees state formation territorial disputes New countries disaster refugees island nations abandonment Israel Jewish migration post-WWI Holocaust Palestinian conflict land purchase colonialism migration sovereignty territorial disputes conflict historical parallels refugee resettlement state formation displacement international law human rights ecological migration climate refugees island nations forced migration new countries sovereignty land acquisition colonialism conflict Israel Palestinians WWII Holocaust territorial disputes land purchases mass migration historical parallels
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con04a	Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Particular need in Africa  Capital punishment for particularly dangerous offenders is a practical solution for African nations with low quality prison systems, which, through either deliberate policy or basic underfunding, can have poor conditions, or poor security. In 2013, over a thousand prisoners escaped from a prison near Benghazi in Libya [1] . A similar escape with particularly dangerous offenders would be dangerous - a corpse can’t escape.  [1] Zway, Suliman Ali, “Amid protests, Inmates escape from Libyan prison”, New York Times, 27 July 2013, Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems low quality poor conditions poor security prisoner escape Benghazi Libya corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems low quality poor conditions poor security prisoner escape Benghazi Libya Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution African nations low quality prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoners escape Benghazi Libya dangerous escape corpse escape prevention inmate escape prison breaks prison policy prison funding prison management criminal justice system public safety prison reform Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems poor conditions poor security prison escapes Libyan prison Benghazi corpse inmates Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems underfunding poor conditions security inmate escapes Libya Benghazi corpse practical solution New York Times Suliman Ali Zway protests inmates capital punishment dangerous offenders african nations low quality prison systems poor prison conditions poor prison security prisoner escapes Benghazi prison escape corpse cannot escape Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 prison escape Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders practical solution low quality prison systems poor conditions poor security prisoner escapes Benghazi Libya Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 corpse escape prevention capital punishment dangerous offenders African nations low quality prison systems poor prison conditions poor prison security prisoner escapes Benghazi Libya inmates escape Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 prison escape corpse cannot escape practical solution penal system challenges African prisons prison funding prison policy Africa capital punishment dangerous offenders prison systems low quality poor conditions poor security prisoner escapes Benghazi Libya corpse Suliman Ali Zway New York Times 2013 Africa Capital punishment Dangerous offenders Prison systems Low quality Poor conditions Poor security Prison escapes Benghazi Libya Prisoner escapes Dangerous prisoners Policy Underfunding 2013 Suliman Ali Zway New York Times Corpus Sentence Document Legal Human rights Criminal justice Rehabilitation Deterrence Public safety Death penalty Alternatives Sentencing Punishment Morality Ethics International law Humanitarian concerns
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV illnesses government running incapacitated President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe Victorian Web privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS/HIV illnesses government running incapacitated long period President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe Victorian Web privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV illnesses damage government running incapacitate long period leader working bed William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars denial of privacy leaders' privacy rights government officials' health public knowledge of leaders' health leaders' illnesses impact of leaders' health on governance confidentiality of health information public interest vs. privacy William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister health privacy Napoleonic Wars leadership political leaders' personal life public figures' privacy ethics Privacy leaders states citizens health illnesses AIDS HIV government functioning incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars transparency public interest medical conditions political leadership confidentiality Denial of privacy leaders' privacy state leaders' health privacy rights leaders' illnesses public's right to know government functionality leader incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars Prime Minister of Great Britain health and leadership political privacy public figure privacy AIDS/HIV embarrassing illnesses government transparency leader's personal life public interest health disclosure privacy leaders states citizens health illness AIDS HIV embarrassing damage government running incapacitate long period President bed job William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacity long period President job William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars function disclose public interest confidentiality leadership illness impact governance political health public figure personal privacy medical condition disclosure criteria political stability public awareness leadership transparency Denial privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV illnesses government running incapacitates President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe toastr Victorian Web Marjie Bloy 2006 privacy leaders states citizens health illnesses AIDS HIV government running incapacitated President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars confidentiality public interest medical conditions leadership political figures health privacy public health government functionality historical examples political ethics public disclosure illness impact governance leadership health political health transparency
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro02a	"Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycotting Euro 2012 will highlight Ukraine’s backsliding on human rights  European leaders must take a stand on human rights in their own back yard if they are to be taken seriously on the issue anywhere in the world. There are numerous human rights abuses in Ukraine; migrants ""risk abusive treatment and arbitrary detention"", Roma and people with dark skin in particular face governmental and societal discrimination and some xenophobic attacks and may be prosecuted for acting in self defense. [1] Amnesty International has highlighted abuse of power by the police “numerous cases in Euro 2012 host cities in which police have tortured people in an attempt to extort money, extract a confession, or simply because of the victims’ sexuality or ethnic origin”. [2] If Europe turns a blind eye to these kinds of abuses in neighbouring states without even a minor diplomatic snub it will not have the moral authority to confront worse abuses elsewhere in the world. States that are abusing their own citizens would shrug off criticism believing that European states will not back their criticism up with any action.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] ‘Ukraine: Euro 2012 jeopardised by criminal police force – New Amnesty report’, Amnesty.org.uk, 2 May 2012 . Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin diplomatic snub moral authority state abuse citizens criticism action Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants Roma xenophobic attacks Amnesty International police abuse torture diplomatic snub moral authority human rights abuses self-defense ethnic discrimination sexuality discrimination European states criticism action backsliding governmental discrimination societal discrimination arbitrary detention abusive treatment Euro 2012 host cities extort money extract confession Boycotting Euro 2012 human rights Ukraine European leaders backsliding migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub human rights abuses U.S. Department of State Amnesty.org.uk Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights abuses European leaders backsliding migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub accountability criticism action international standards human rights violations neighboring states credibility sports and politics ethical responsibility European values human rights defenders police misconduct social justice international pressure diplomatic consequences human rights advocacy public awareness corporate responsibility spectator awareness host nation scrutiny tournament implications human Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abuse arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub citizen abuse international criticism action U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor 2010 Country Reports Amnesty.org.uk Euro 2012 host cities Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders moral authority migrants arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police torture extortion sexual orientation ethnic origin diplomatic snub state abuse citizens criticism action Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub state abuses citizens criticism action Boycotting Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders backsliding migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self defense Amnesty International police abuse torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority criticism action Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State 2010 Country Reports human rights practices Euro 2012 host cities criminal police force Boycott Euro 2012 Ukraine human rights European leaders migrants abusive treatment arbitrary detention Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks self-defense Amnesty International police torture extortion confession sexuality ethnic origin moral authority diplomatic snub state abuse citizens criticism action boycott Euro 2012 human rights Ukraine European leaders migrants Roma discrimination xenophobic attacks police abuse torture diplomatic snub moral authority international criticism state abuse citizens self-defense ethnic origin sexuality Amnesty International Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State 2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices"
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro02a	Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf Hosting stimulates regeneration in local areas  Hosting stimulates regeneration. The IOC is enthusiastic about bids that will leave a lasting impact and have looked favourably on cities that locate their Olympic Villages and stadia in deprived areas in need of regeneration. The 1992 Barcelona Olympics were used as a means to completely overhaul the port and coast of the city creating an artificial beach and waterside cultural area that became a lasting tourist attraction. Along with cleaning up areas and new stadia, Olympic Villages release between 5,000 and 20,000 new homes which governments can chose to hand over as low-cost housing (as is proposed for London 2012). Whilst these projects could be completed without the Olympics, the need to provide an overall package (transport, accommodation, stadia, greenery etc.) for a set deadline means that there is far more incentive to get the projects done. An example of this in London is the plan for a new £15bn underground rail system called ‘Crossrail’, first proposed over 20 years ago but only now being developed because of the attention surrounding the London 2012 bid.1 The fact that international scrutiny will follow the building program means that it is far more likely to be completed to a high standard (consider the detailed coverage of the preparations for Athens 2004).  1 Hayes, S. (2011, April 19). Crossrail will leave a positive legacy. Retrieved May 12, 2011, from Wharf regeneration local development IOC Olympic bids lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics port overhaul artificial beach waterside cultural area tourist attraction Olympic Villages new homes low-cost housing transport accommodation greenery Crossrail international scrutiny Athens 2004 legacy urban renewal infrastructure improvement public housing Olympic Games impact economic development community improvement urban planning Olympic legacy urban regeneration IOC criteria Olympic Villages stadia construction deprived areas Barcelona Olympics coastal redevelopment artificial beaches waterside cultural areas low-cost housing Olympic Village housing Crossrail transport infrastructure international scrutiny Athens 2004 London 2012 urban planning public housing economic impact tourism development sustainable development Olympic Games benefits long-term urban projects city transformation infrastructure improvement project completion high-standard construction positive legacy Olympic Games urban regeneration Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas Barcelona 1992 Olympic legacy low-cost housing Crossrail London 2012 international scrutiny Athens 2004 transport infrastructure environmental improvement cultural development tourist attraction economic impact community development legacy planning government initiatives public investment social housing urban planning economic regeneration sustainable development community facilities infrastructure projects public transportation event-driven development long-term benefits urban transformation city improvement environmental regeneration social regeneration economic stimulation regeneration projects urban renewal Olympic regeneration lasting impact deprived areas Olympic Villages stadia 1992 Barcelona Olympics artificial beach tourist attraction Olympic Villages housing low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail international scrutiny Athens 2004 high standard construction urban development Olympic legacy infrastructure improvement port overhaul waterside cultural area transport improvement green spaces housing projects government initiatives sports facilities economic boost community development urban renewal legacy planning sustainable development public investment civic pride media attention project acceleration deadline-driven progress Olympic Village regeneration deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics waterfront development Olympic legacy low-cost housing Crossrail infrastructure development urban renewal international scrutiny lasting impact Olympic bid transport improvement green spaces accommodation stadia construction economic stimulation social housing tourism boost hosting stimulates regeneration local areas IOC enthusiastic bids lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics port coast city artificial beach waterside cultural tourist attraction cleaning new homes low-cost housing London 2012 projects underground rail system Crossrail international scrutiny building program Athens 2004 legacy Wharf Olympic regeneration urban redevelopment IOC bids lasting impact Olympic Villages stadia deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics waterfront transformation tourist attraction Olympic Village housing low-cost housing transport infrastructure Crossrail international scrutiny Athens 2004 preparations London 2012 bid Olympic legacy urban planning sustainable development community benefit economic boost infrastructure improvement green spaces public transportation tourist destinations legacy projects urban renewal housing projects Olympic Games impact city revitalization infrastructure projects international attention host city benefits long-term planning Olympic regeneration urban renewal sports legacy hosting benefits IOC preferences deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics coastal redevelopment artificial beaches Olympic Villages stadia construction housing development low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail project international scrutiny high-standard construction Athens 2004 economic impact infrastructure improvement lasting impact tourist attraction green spaces transport enhancement regeneration local areas IOC Olympic bids lasting impact deprived areas 1992 Barcelona Olympics port overhaul artificial beach waterside cultural area tourist attraction cleaning areas new stadia Olympic Villages low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail underground rail system international scrutiny high standard Athens 2004 building program positive legacy urban development infrastructure improvement sports legacy community benefit economic boost tourism growth environmental enhancement sustainable development public transport housing projects city transformation event-driven regeneration policy impact governmental Olympic regeneration urban development IOC bids lasting impact deprived areas Olympic Villages stadia 1992 Barcelona Olympics artificial beach waterside cultural area new homes low-cost housing London 2012 Crossrail underground rail system international scrutiny Athens 2004 high standards legacy tourist attraction
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro05a	Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs currently fund terrorism and regional instability  The Taliban gets most of its revenue from poppies, which provide the opium for heroin. They do this by intimidating local farmers who would otherwise sell their harvest at market. They then demand “protection money” as well, or else either another local warlord or the ‘protectors’ themselves would rob the farmer. Something like 22,700 people have died in Mexico since January 2007 from gangsters who want to protect their revenue and almost the entire continent of South America, from Brazil to Colombia, has had their governments destabilised by drug lords. [1] The hugely-costly but unsuccessful war on drugs could be ended, starving terrorists of the profits of drug production. As a result peace and development could be brought to unstable drug-producing states such as Colombia and Afghanistan.  [1] Mexico under siege, The drug war on our doorstep, Los Angeles Times , 27 September 2011, Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban revenue poppies opium heroin local farmers market protection money warlord rob gangsters Mexico deaths South America Brazil Colombia drug lords governments destabilized war on drugs unsuccessful profits drug production peace development unstable states Colombia Afghanistan Los Angeles Times drug war siege Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords robbery Mexico gangsters South America Brazil Colombia drug lords war on drugs peace development Colombia Afghanistan Los Angeles Times Mexico under siege drug war doorstep 2011 terrorism regional instability Taliban opium heroin poppies protection money Mexican drug war South America drug lords war on drugs Colombia Afghanistan peace development drug-producing states illegal drugs drug trafficking violence government destabilization Taliban opium heroin poppies protection money local farmers regional instability terrorism drug revenue warlords Mexico drug-related deaths South America Brazil Colombia drug lords government destabilization war on drugs peace development drug-producing states Afghanistan Los Angeles Times drug war revenue protection terrorism regional instability Taliban revenue poppies opium heroin local farmers protection money warlords robbery drug trade gangsters deaths Mexico South America Brazil Colombia drug lords government destabilization war on drugs failed policies drug production profits peace development unstable states Afghanistan conflict law enforcement international security economic impact drug trafficking violence public health addiction smuggling border control crime judicial reform human rights social issues military intervention diplomatic relations policy reform legalization decriminalization treatment rehabilitation drug trade terrorism funding Taliban revenue opium production heroin trafficking farmer exploitation protection money Mexican drug war South American instability drug war costs anti-drug policies terrorist profit reduction peace initiatives development aid Colombia conflict Afghanistan stability Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban opium heroin poppies farmers protection money warlords Mexico gangsters South America Brazil Colombia government destabilization war on drugs drug lords Afghanistan peace development Drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin farmer intimidation protection money Mexico gangsters drug-related deaths South America Brazil Colombia government destabilization war on drugs unsuccessful peace development Afghanistan drug lords drug production profits economic impact illegal narcotics trade conflict resolution law enforcement international security public health drug policy reform illicit drug trade narcotics trafficking violence organized crime anti-drug measures social impact economic sanctions rehabilitation prevention border control international cooperation policy analysis substance abuse health care drugs terrorism regional instability Taliban poppies opium heroin farmers protection money warlords Mexico gangsters South America Brazil Colombia drug lords war on drugs peace development Colombia Afghanistan Terrorism Regional instability Taliban Poppies Opium Heroin Intimidation Protection money Farmers Warlords Robbery Mexico Drug-related deaths Gangsters South America Brazil Colombia Drug lords Government destabilization War on drugs Drug profits Peace Development Afghanistan
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro02a	"Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. Each man has a right to private property  The right to own property is central to man's existence since it ensures him of his independence of survival. It provides a means to sustain himself without relying on others inasmuch as he has control over a property and can make a living from it. However in order to acquire property the person must gain it from his own labour, if he takes the fruit of someone else's labour without consent that would be plain stealth. However, this is not the only requirement which must be fulfilled in order to gain property: imagine a scenario where I pour out tomato juice into the ocean, I have mixed my own labour with nature and made an ""own"" creation, but could it be said that the ocean is my property? Most people would certainly say no and therefore one of the following two provisos must also be met before one can fully acquire property: 1. It does not impact on others chance of survival/ comfort of life 2. Leaves the others better off than before. Let us presume that we have a wasteland which generates very little harvest since it is uncultivated. If I privatise and cultivate a bit of this land it will generate more harvest since I have put work effort in it. Presuming that the privatisation does not leave the others worse off than before e.g. there is plenty of other wasteland they can cultivate on their own and does thus not harm anyone else's opportunities/chances to cultivate their own land, privatisation is allowed for the individual good. Alternately, others are better off if they do not have the skill to cultivate land themselves and can lease their labour working on my privatized land, they would win on the deal since the wage I pay them would be better than what they would have gained on their own1/2.  1 Locke, J. (n.d.). Chapter. V. Of Property. Constitution Society. Retrieved June 7, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft provisos impact on others survival comfort leave others better off wasteland cultivation privatization harvest skill leasing labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft proviso survival impact comfort of life better off wasteland cultivation privatisation opportunity lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick property rights ethical considerations resource distribution individual good social contract justice ownership natural rights economic theories philosophical arguments political philosophy moral philosophy libertarianism classical liberalism rights theory property acquisition fair distribution human rights land use economic freedom self-sufficiency property ownership resource allocation ethical ownership legitimate acquisition private property right to own independence survival labor consent theft provisos impact on others survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatization opportunities skill lease labor wage 约翰·洛克 罗伯特·诺齐克 Chapter V Of Property Anarchy State and Utopia private property right to own independence survival control labor consent theft requirement provisos impact survival comfort better off wasteland cultivation harvest privatisation opportunity skill lease labor wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society right private property independence survival labour consent stealth provisos impact survival comfort wasteland harvest cultivation privatisation opportunities skill lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft provisos impact on others comfort of life wasteland cultivation harvest privatization skill leasing labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia private property man's existence independence survival labour consent theft wasteland cultivation harvest impact comfort privatization individual good skill lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society private property right to own independence survival labor consent theft provisos survival impact comfort of life better off wasteland cultivation privatization lease labor wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft acquisition property provisos impact on others survival comfort wasteland cultivation privatization individual good collective benefit John Locke Robert Nozick property rights land use ethical considerations economic theory political philosophy resource distribution ownership justice entitlement mutual benefit labour theory of property natural resources sustainability moral philosophy legal theory social contract property law economic development land ownership resource management ethical economics fairness equality human rights civil liberties legal rights philosophical arguments private property right to own independence survival labour consent theft proviso survival impact comfort of life wasteland cultivation privatisation individual good skill lease labour wage John Locke Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Chapter V Of Property Constitution Society"
test-politics-dhwem-con01a	PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs have an interest in conflict.  ncreased reliance on mercenaries is destabilising in the long term. It allows invaders and local governments to feel that they can get away with not providing sufficiently trained or numerous security forces because there are men on the ground. It also means that the most influential actors, large multi-national companies, no longer have to pressure governments so hard to provide security guarantees for everyone because they can buy their own. That leaves those without influence or money high and dry. This then leads to a proliferation of armed forces in the country, some working for the central government, others for local governments and some for private individuals and firms. These PMCs are hired provide security and to help create stability yet that is not where their interests lie. If the country returns to stability they are out of a job so it is in their interest to keep an unstable situation unstable to result in more work. (Wennmann, 2008) PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilisation security forces multi-national companies security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising security forces multinational companies influence government stability armed forces central government local governments private firms job security instability Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising long-term security forces invaders local governments trained numerous multi-national companies influence security guarantees influence money armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability interests unstable job Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilisation security forces multi-national companies government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability instability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilising security forces multi-national companies influence pressure governments security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability unstable work Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilising long term security forces trained numerous invaders local governments multi-national companies security guarantees influence money armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability 不稳定 jobs Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilisation long-term effects security forces multinational companies security guarantees armed forces proliferation central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security conflict prolongation Wennmann 2008 PMCs conflict mercenaries destabilisation security forces multinational companies government pressure security guarantees armed forces proliferation central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilisation security forces multi-national companies government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security Wennmann 2008 PMCs mercenaries conflict destabilising security forces multi-national companies influence government security guarantees armed forces central government local governments private individuals firms stability job security Wennmann 2008
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest governance regulation political instability sustainability NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poverty loan repayment poorest populations structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance limitations infrastructure limitations poverty and microfinance poorest communities poverty analysis structural constraints microfinance sustainability long-term solutions governance issues microfinance regulation political instability microfinance actors NGO involvement community involvement state role private sector role partnership tensions actor objectives microfinance effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poverty loan repayment poorest populations structural constraints bad governance inadequate regulation political instability sustainability long-term solutions supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance lack of infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest money to survive tiny loans repayment sustainability structural constraints bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships different objectives effectiveness realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political stability actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance limitations infrastructure challenges poverty levels repayment capacity poorest identification structural constraints governance issues regulatory frameworks political instability supply-side factors actor involvement partnership tensions objective diversity motivation differences realistic barriers microfinance lack of infrastructure poorest people inability to repay loans structural constraints bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships different objectives motivations realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest need money invest repay loans poorest individuals structural constraints sustainability long-term solution bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations tensions effectiveness
test-international-gpsmhbsosb-con03a	Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia has a right to territorial integrity  Georgia has a legitimate sovereign right to maintain its territorial integrity as well as the social contract accompanying it. Georgia has the right to take action to secure the integrity of these things, unless blocked by a higher international authority. Internationally, S. Ossetia's independence is recognised by only five nations (including Russia), demonstrating that the international community is not convinced that S. Ossetia's claim to self-determination trumps Georgia's claim to territorial integrity. [1] In order to obtain independence, it is important that a country be recognized diplomatically by a significant number of the members of the United Nations. This is important in large part because it ensures that a state will have viable diplomatic relations internationally if it becomes independent. It also demonstrates that the international system supports a certain action being taken internationally. Thus Georgia's claim should continue to stand until the international community changes its mind, and at the moment the international community has legitimate concerns regarding the regional instability and conflict that an independent S. Ossetia might foster. Moreover, as shown above the S. Ossetian state is entirely dependent on Russian support, and so it can be accurately stated that the issue of S. Ossetian independence, and its threat to Georgian territorial integrity, has arisen only because of Russian interference within Georgia. Even those who argue that any region has the right to self-determination would probably reject the idea that nations have the right to foster and encourage parts of other nations to secede from their current state and join another. The S. Ossetian independence movement can thus be correctly seen simply as Russian aggression against Georgia for its own advantage, not an issue of self-determination.  [1] RIA Novosti. “Nicaragua recognizes South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. RIA Novosti. 4 September 2008. Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international support regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession aggression RIA Novosti Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority South Ossetia independence recognition diplomatic recognition United Nations international community regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract action international authority South Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international system regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence recognition international community self-determination diplomatic recognition United Nations regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference Russian aggression secession state sovereignty international law international relations diplomatic relations state recognition UN membership territorial disputes separatism peacekeeping international norms statehood criteria international consensus security council unilateral recognition multilateral diplomacy state dependencies foreign policy geopolitical tension legal sovereignty de facto control international sanctions diplomatic isolation humanitarian concerns minority rights Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international community regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Georgia territorial integrity sovereign right social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international support regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression RIA Novosti Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract S. Ossetia independence international recognition United Nations diplomatic relations international community regional stability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression RIA Novosti Nicaragua Abkhazia Georgia territorial integrity sovereign rights social contract international authority S. Ossetia independence diplomatic recognition United Nations international community regional instability conflict Russian support Russian interference self-determination secession Russian aggression Nicaragua Abkhazia territorial integrity sovereignty international recognition diplomatic relations UN membership self-determination regional stability Russian interference South Ossetia Abkhazia separatism international law statehood criteria nationalism conflict resolution international community diplomatic support human rights ethnic minorities geopolitical influence
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro03a	Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, Data breaches can result in huge amounts of personal data falling into unscrupulous hands  The data collected and sold by companies is not safe. Servers with even the most sophisticated security systems are susceptible to hackers and other miscreants seeking to exploit the personal data of unsuspecting customers. Identity theft is a ubiquitous threat in the Information Age, one that increases every year as the arms race between data protection designers and invaders rages on. Data breaches have been rapidly increasing [1] and although the total number declined from 412 million exposed records in 2011 to 267 million in 2012 this has increasingly been due to hacking rather than simple negligence. [2] The result of these breaches is huge costs to individuals who have their identities and also to firms that appear to be unsafe. As individuals see companies as being uncaring of their information they tend to punish them in the market. [3] There is no opt-in because the individual has no means of seeing to whom the data is sold, and how secure their servers might be, putting them doubly at risk. Firms are better off not playing with fire and keeping data that could have huge potential costs to them if it is lost, and individuals are better off not having their information disseminated across cyberspace without any guarantee of its safety.  [1] Federal Trade Commission. “Privacy online: Fair information practices in the electronic marketplace: A report to Congress. Technical report, Federal Trade Commission”. May 2000.   [2] Risk Based Security, “Historically, Over 1.2 Billion Records Exposed According to Risk Based Security, Inc.” Risk Based Security, 22 February 2012,   Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Acquisti, A. “The Economics of Personal Data and the Economics of Privacy”. OECD. 2010, data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants identity theft information age data protection invaders exposed records hacking negligence costs individuals firms market punishment opt-in data security cyberspace privacy Federal Trade Commission Risk Based Security OECD economics of personal data economics of privacy data breaches personal data security systems hackers identity theft information age data protection exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual privacy market punishment data dissemination cyber safety FTC privacy online Risk Based Security OECD economics of personal data privacy economics data breaches personal data identity theft information age data protection hacking security systems exposed records costs individual privacy market trust data dissemination cybersecurity privacy economics FTC risk management opt-in data security economic impact consumer protection data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data selling company security server security hackers miscreants personal data exploitation identity theft information age data protection data security hacking negligence breach costs individual costs firm costs market punishment data opt-in data dissemination cyberspace safety FTC report risk based security OECD economics exposed records reported breaches economic privacy personal data economics data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers identity theft information age data protection invasion exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individuals firms market punishment opt-in data safety cyberspace FTC privacy online Risk Based Security economics of personal data OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data sale companies server security sophisticated security systems hackers miscreants personal data exploitation identity theft information age data protection data breach increase exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual identity theft firm safety perception market punishment data security opt-in data dissemination cyberspace data safety privacy online fair information practices electronic marketplace FTC record exposure risk based security reported data breaches PR Newswire economics of personal data privacy economics OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data sale security systems hackers identity theft information age data protection invaders hacking negligence exposed records costs identity theft market punishment opt-in data security potential costs information dissemination privacy economics of personal data economics of privacy data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands sophisticated security hackers miscreants identity theft information age data protection invaders exposed records hacking negligence breach costs identity theft market punishment opt-in data security cyberspace safety economic privacy FTC Risk Based Security Acquisti OECD data breaches personal data unscrupulous hands data collection data sale server security sophisticated security hackers miscreants personal data exploitation identity theft information age data protection data invaders exposed records hacking negligence breach costs individual identity firm reputation market punishment data opt-in data dissemination cyberspace safety privacy online fair information practices electronic marketplace FTC risk based security OECD economics of personal data economics of privacy data breaches personal data security systems hackers identity theft information age data protection exposed records hacking negligence breach costs market punishment data dissemination privacy online fair information practices electronic marketplace FTC risk based security OECD economics of personal data economics of privacy
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro04a	Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com Deregulation contributed to the banking crises and, therefore the 2009 economic crash  It is clear that the economic meltdown was, in large part, caused by deregulation of the banking and financial sectors. The Republican obsession causes not only environmental damage and low wages but it doesn’t even succeed in its avowed aim of leaving the market free to generate wealth. In just a way of letting the parties friends in the boardrooms of corporate America to get even richer by gambling with the homes and pensions of ordinary, hard-working Americans [i] .  The Congressional Republican response to the 2008 crash was to pass a bill that curtailed 38 environmental regulations, blaming the EPA for the stalled economy. Why is anyone’s guess.  [i] “Why Government Becomes the Scapegoat”. Governemtnisgood.com deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash economic meltdown banking deregulation financial sector deregulation Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America boardrooms gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economic stagnation government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions ordinary Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economic stagnation government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions Congressional Republican response 2008 crash EPA stalled economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America gambling homes pensions Congressional Republican 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoat deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions ordinary Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoating deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom wealth generation corporate America gambling homes pensions ordinary Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA economy government scapegoating Deregulation banking crises 2009 economic crash financial sectors Republican policies environmental damage low wages market freedom corporate America gambling homes pensions hard-working Americans Congressional Republican response 2008 crash environmental regulations EPA stalled economy government scapegoating
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro02a	Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. Radio is cheap to produce and easily accessible.  Community radio relies on the power of its ideas and the thirst for those ideas among its audience. It accepts the notion that it is the exchange of information and views, freely given and received, that is more important than the ideas themselves.  It doesn’t require massive budgets and radio waves can be received on equipment that costs pennies; more importantly it can be shared.  For all of its pretensions of accessibility the devices used to access the Internet tend to be expensive and they also tend not to be shared – unlike radios [i] .  To give some context to this, even paying Western prices, a small radio station can be started for as little as $10,000 with monthly costs of $1,000 [ii] . Some of that, of course, relates to government issued licences, clearly this does not apply if the station is planning to be ignored by the authorities. These costs can be further reduced when the founders have a pre-existing knowledge of radio engineering or work with a partner organisation such as the BBC World Service or the various NGOs who specialise in the field [iii] .  [i] Plunkett, John, Community radio: A rare success story. The Guardian. 9 March 2009.  [ii] Prometheus Radio Project.  [iii] Wikipedia. Community Radio. radio cheap production accessibility community ideas audience information views exchange budgets equipment pennies sharing internet devices expensive Western prices station startup costs government licences engineering BBC World Service NGOs success story Plunkett John Guardian Prometheus Project Wikipedia community radio accessible affordability information exchange low budget radio waves shared equipment internet costs radio station setup monthly expenses government licenses radio engineering BBC World Service NGOs Prometheus Radio Project success story community radio accessibility cost-effective information exchange audience engagement low budget radio engineering shared technology internet access device costs government licenses NGO support radio station setup Prometheus Radio Project BBC World Service radio production costs community radio impact information exchange importance low-cost media solutions internet access barriers affordable communication tools community radio sustainability government licensing fees radio station startup costs partnership benefits in radio NGO support for community radio BBC World Service collaboration radio engineering knowledge shared media devices community radio audience engagement low budget media projects radio as accessible technology digital divide solutions media affordability community media empowerment community radio radio production accessibility information exchange low budget radio equipment shared technology internet access cost comparison radio station startup monthly expenses government licenses radio engineering BBC World Service NGO support community media broadcast technology low-cost communication public access digital divide community radio low production costs accessibility information exchange affordable equipment shared technology internet access costs radio station startup costs government licenses radio engineering knowledge partner organizations BBC World Service NGOs Prometheus Radio Project Plunkett John The Guardian Wikipedia community radio success low monthly costs pre-existing radio knowledge community radio radio production accessibility information exchange low-cost technology internet access costs radio stations budget requirements government licensing NGO support radio engineering Prometheus Radio Project BBC World Service John Plunkett The Guardian community radio accessibility low cost information exchange shared technology internet devices expensive radio engineering BBC World Service NGOs government licenses Prometheus Radio Project startup costs monthly expenses community engagement media freedom communication tools local broadcasting public service nonprofit organizations cheap production easily accessible community radio power of ideas audience thirst information exchange low budget inexpensive equipment shared devices internet access cost expensive devices small radio station startup costs monthly expenses government licenses radio engineering partner organizations BBC World Service NGOs success story John Plunkett The Guardian Prometheus Radio Project Wikipedia community radio radio production costs accessibility information exchange shared equipment internet access costs radio station startup costs government licenses radio engineering NGO support BBC World Service Prometheus Radio Project Plunkett John The Guardian Wikipedia
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con02a	We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. We cannot make any judgments about whose life is valuable and whose is not  It is impossible to know what any of the people involved in the situation will do with their life. One might be a serial killer while another might be a life-saving doctor. By attempting to use some sort of calculation in the scenario we are presuming that we have more knowledge than we actually do. In reality we are totally ignorant to the right course of action and doing anything in the situation could be a terrible mistake that causes a lot of pain and suffering in the future. judgments life value unpredictability future outcomes moral uncertainty ethical dilemmas human potential consequences decision-making ignorance pain suffering responsibility intervention non-interference potential harm moral relativism life trajectories righteous actions unforeseen results calculated risks inherent value Existential uncertainty valuable life judgments moral decision-making unpredictability of life outcomes ethical dilemmas future consequences ignorance in decision-making potential for harm moral uncertainty life's value judgmental ethics life outcome unpredictability moral ignorance decision-making consequences ethical judgment limitations life value judgments moral uncertainty future outcomes unpredictable consequences ethical dilemmas human potential decision-making ignorance pain and suffering moral knowledge calculation ethics scenario ethics action consequences potential futures moral mistakes life-saving serial killer doctor moral prescience moral judgments life value unpredictability of human actions ethical dilemmas knowledge limitations potential consequences right course of action causing harm moral ignorance decision-making ethics life value moral judgment human potential unpredictable outcomes moral ignorance ethical dilemmas future consequences decision-making ethics potential harm unavoidable uncertainty life value moral judgments human potential unpredictable outcomes serial killer life-saving doctor ethical dilemmas knowledge limits ignorance wrong decisions future consequences pain and suffering judgments life value situation outcomes future actions serial killer life-saving doctor calculation presumption knowledge limits ignorance course of action mistake pain suffering judgment life value unpredictability human potential serial killer life-saving doctor moral uncertainty ignorance ethical dilemma consequences pain suffering decision-making right action presumption knowledge limits judgments life value situation outcomes serial killer life-saving doctor calculation knowledge limits ignorance action consequences pain suffering future impact judgment life value unpredictability human potential moral ignorance ethical dilemmas consequences future impact decision-making pain suffering moral responsibility valuation of life ethical calculations uncertainty
test-international-iighbopcc-con03a	A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, A more informal agreement avoids the US congress  The United States Congress is a potential hurdle for any climate agreement. While President Barack Obama is keen to make tackling climate change a legacy of his Presidency the Republican dominated Congress is both likely to try to block the President for that very reason and is sceptical of climate change. It is therefore a major benefit to have an agreement that will not need to be submitted to Congress for approval as any treaty needs to be confirmed by the Senate.  The Secretary of State Kerry argues that it is “definitely not going to be a treaty,” and “not going to be legally binding reduction targets like Kyoto”. It won’t need to be passed to the Senate because the President already has the power to implement the agreement through existing law. [1]  [1] Mufson, Steven, and Demirjian, Karoun, ‘Trick or treaty? The legal question hanging over the Paris climate change conference’, Washington Post, 30 November 2015, informal agreement US congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change scepticism Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry existing law Paris climate change conference informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto President's power existing law Paris climate conference informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry Paris climate change conference existing law legal question Washington Post informal agreement avoid US congress climate agreement Barack Obama Republican congress climate change skepticism Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry existing law Paris climate change conference Washington Post legal question informal agreement US congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change Senate approval treaty legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry Paris climate change conference Washington Post Mufson Demirjian existing law presidential power international negotiation environmental policy US politics legislative process global warming carbon reduction international law US foreign policy climate treaties US Senate international relations environmental legislation US executive branch climate negotiations political opposition US climate policy legal framework environmental agreements political climate US government international cooperation environmental protection US informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change Senate approval legally binding Kyoto Secretary of State Kerry existing law Paris climate change conference US congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change scepticism treaty Senate approval Secretary of State Kerry non-binding agreement Paris climate change conference existing law legal question informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican Congress climate change Senate approval Secretary of State Kerry legally binding Kyoto Protocol Paris climate conference existing law presidential power environmental policy international treaties US politics environmental legislation political obstacles climate negotiations legal framework informal agreement US congress climate agreement President Barack Obama Republican dominated Congress climate change Senate approval Secretary of State Kerry legally binding Kyoto existing law Paris climate change conference informal agreement US Congress climate agreement President Obama Republican Congress climate change legacy Senate approval treaty Secretary of State Kerry legally binding Kyoto existing law Paris climate change conference legal question implementation power
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con02a	Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. Education should be about truth and facts, not dogma and faith.  Scientific enquiry is, at its core, a search for truth [1] . It is about shining light in dark places. Dogmatic adherence to beliefs in spite of evidence, and even trying to cover up facts that contradict those beliefs is academically dishonest and intellectually facile. Evolution is proven fact, a theory so sound that it is the cornerstone of all biology. Nothing in biology makes any sense unless considered in the context of evolution. Schools should teach this fact, not the pseudoscience of religious demagogues. It is a fundamental attack on children's rights to subject them to false information for the sake of upholding outdated and disproved beliefs. It is a right of all people to have a valuable education, because good education is required to be able to take part in the democratic process, to be able to make informed decisions. That right is compromised when the educational system gives them a worthless education in untruths, like Creationism, because informed decisions must be based on fact, and must be objective the way science is, rather than loaded with religious undertones, that skew ones view of the facts. The value of education is only as good as its applicability, either directly or through its fostering of critical thinking. So, when the political process is used to circumvent the curriculum set by teachers and experts, who actually know the subjects they are talking about, and replacing them with the curriculum set by a scientifically illiterate political body, the children suffer as the quality of their education decreases.  [1] Pauling, Linus. 1983. No More War! New York: Dodd Mead. education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry light in dark places dogmatic adherence beliefs evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution theory biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body quality of education creationism Education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry evidence academic dishonesty intellectual facilitation evolution biology pseudoscience religious beliefs children's rights valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum scientific literacy educational quality Creationism education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information valuable education democratic process informed decisions untruths creationism critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate quality of education Education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry search for truth shining light in dark places dogmatic adherence beliefs evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone of biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body quality of education children Pauling Linus No More War 1983 Dodd Mead education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry light dark places academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone biology schools pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions Creationism critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body education quality children suffering education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry search for truth dogmatic adherence beliefs evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone of biology schools teach pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body quality of education children suffering Pauling No More War science objectivity education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry light dark places dogmatic adherence beliefs evidence academically dishonest intellectually facile evolution proven fact cornerstone biology schools teaching pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientifically illiterate political body quality of education Linus Pauling No More War education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry academic dishonesty intellectually facile evolution biology pseudoscience religious demagogues children's rights false information outdated beliefs democratic process informed decisions critical thinking curriculum scientifically illiterate political process quality of education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry evidence academically dishonest evolution biology pseudoscience religious beliefs children's rights democratic process informed decisions critical thinking curriculum teachers experts political process scientifically illiterate quality of education education truth facts dogma faith scientific enquiry evidence academic dishonesty intellectual laziness evolution biology pseudoscience religious beliefs children's rights valuable education democratic process informed decisions critical thinking political process curriculum teachers experts scientific literacy quality education
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western ethics international legislation supranational laws children's protection violence cultural practices society adaptation military induction necessity safety providers conflict zones community vulnerability armed groups recruitment survival South Sudan rebel armies parental loss extended family dispersion sources of safety democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs western liberal democracies law enforcement vulnerable communities democratic development child criminalization Cultural relativism intercultural justice politics governance child soldiers western perspectives legal frameworks cultural practices societal adaptation conflict zones survival strategies military induction protection independence democratic norms vulnerable communities western liberalism law enforcement child protection South Sudan civil war Christine Emily Ryan PhD Thesis University of London Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives legal protection conflict zones military induction societal adaptation survival strategies democratic norms international legislation supranational governance child recruitment South Sudan rebel armies wartime survival protection of minors inviolate childhood cultural constructs legal enforcement vulnerable communities war-induced displacement child exploitation armed conflict societal norms human rights ethical dilemmas cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice international legislation western constructs child protection conflict adaptation survival methods military induction community vulnerability war impacts South Sudan rebel army childhood constructs legal enforcement democratic norms child criminalisation Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives international legislation societal adaptation conflict regions child recruitment military organizations survival strategies community vulnerability democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs protection of children South Sudan Raised by War Christine Emily Ryan Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives non-western societies conflict zones military organisations survival strategies vulnerable communities legal frameworks democratic norms protection of childhood supranational legislation South Sudan civil war recruitment practices child protection international law cultural constructs societal adaptation violence in childhood traditional safety providers rebel armies social norms governance intercultural dialogue human rights ethical considerations cultural practices societal changes privation liberal democracies enforcement of norms criminalisation of behaviour child recruitment armed conflict community resilience legal Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protection violence cultural practices survival societal change military induction conflict necessity physical safety rebel army South Sudan vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalisation childhood western liberal democracies legal enforcement domestic legislation Christine Emily Ryan Southern Sudanese Second Civil War Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western protection violence cultural practices history tradition survival societal change military induction necessity physical safety war vulnerability armed conflict South Sudan rebel army parental death extended families safety strength inviolate childhood western liberal democracies privation domestic legislation democratic norms criminalisation protection cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protection violence cultural constructs survival military induction necessity conflict protection independence democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities criminalisation Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives supranational legislation societal adaptation survival methods military recruitment community vulnerability conflict zones protection mechanisms democratic norms legal enforcement child protection South Sudan Second Civil War Christine Emily Ryan
test-international-miasimyhw-pro05a	The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. The freedom to move is a human right.  Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres.  Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights. freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth priorities self-provement adulthood transition human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage exploring opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth priorities transition into adulthood human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth priorities proving oneself adulthood transition human identity empowerment freedom to move human rights mobility rights national borders Africa obstacles to mobility women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights youth migration right of passage identity exploration Mourides of Senegal informal trading networks Brotherhood rural to urban migration youth integration social networks cultural education human identity adulthood transition empowerment through migration research in Tanzania youth opportunities proving oneself transition into adulthood interconnected rights mobility and human dignity freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political social economic migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood rural areas social networks Mouride culture Tanzania transition adulthood human identity freedom to move human right mobility national spaces Africa obstacles removal interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights youth migration right of passage exploring opportunities identity formation Mourides of Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks youth transition adulthood human identity rights empowerment freedom to move human rights mobility national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood youths rural areas social networks Mouride culture Tanzania transition into adulthood human identity empowerment freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth migration adulthood human identity empowerment research human rights mobility national spaces Africa obstacles women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood social networks cultural education Tanzania youth migration self-proving adulthood transition human identity empowering rights freedom mobility human rights national spaces Africa obstacles interconnected rights women's empowerment political rights social rights economic rights migration young people right of passage opportunities identity Mourides Senegal informal trading Brotherhood rural areas social networks Mouride culture Tanzania transition into adulthood human identity empowerment
test-education-usuprmhbu-con02a	Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. Affirmative action creates bad workplaces for all minorities  Affirmative action creates a negative workplaces for all minorities whose group receives affirmative action support.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. This furthers the perception of the minority as being inferior, and removes their capacity to be treated as an equal in the workplace and prove themselves.  This assumption is not only harmful to those minorities who did receive assistance from affirmative action, but also anyone of that minority group regardless of if they were hired using affirmative action because there is simply an assumption that they are less qualified and there because of the policy because the policy exists.  Therefore, affirmative action creates an assumption that minorities in the workplace are less qualified and inherently inferior to the other workers due to the affirmative action policy causing resentment and deepening inequality, not helping eradicate it. affirmative action minorities workplace inequality merit assumption workplace resentment negative workplace perception minority representation hiring practices diversity policies workplace dynamics professional merit minority competence affirmative action impact workplace equality employment discrimination minority hiring workplace stereotypes professional equality employment policies workplace inclusion affirmative action workplace diversity minority representation workplace inequality employment discrimination merit-based hiring workplace resentment minority hiring practices affirmative action impacts workplace perceptions minority employees workplace meritocracy affirmative action benefits workplace culture minority professional development workplace inclusion affirmative action policies workplace equality hiring biases minority workplace experiences affirmative action workplace equality minority representation merit-based hiring workplace resentment employer bias workplace diversity minority discrimination policy impact employment equity workforce integration affirmative action consequences workplace dynamics minority achievement hiring practices workplace perception minority inclusion employment policies affirmative action criticism workplace prejudice affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment merit assumption policy impact workplace dynamics employment discrimination minority hiring workplace perception professional meritocracy affirmative action workplace inequality minority discrimination employment policy workplace resentment merit-based hiring workplace diversity social inequality employment discrimination workplace assumptions minority perception workplace meritocracy affirmative action effects workplace dynamics minority hiring policy impact workplace inequality solutions diversity initiatives merit vs. diversity affirmative action controversy affirmative action workplace inequality minority groups merit-based hiring workplace resentment minority perception policy impact workplace dynamics hiring practices employment equity diversity policies workplace equity job qualifications professional competence workplace diversity minority representation affirmative action effects workplace prejudice career advancement workforce integration affirmative action workplace inequality minority representation merit-based hiring workplace resentment minority stereotypes workplace diversity policy impact employment discrimination professional competence minority achievement workplace perceptions hiring practices social equity affirmative action criticism workforce integration minority inclusion job qualification workplace dynamics employment policies affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment merit assumption workplace perception minority inferiority policy impact workplace dynamics hiring practices affirmative action consequences minority representation workplace meritocracy inequality perpetuation affirmative action criticism minority workplace experience affirmative action workplace inequality minority resentment merit assumption workplace diversity policy impact workplace perceptions hiring practices minority representation workplace dynamics affirmative action workplace inequality minority discrimination merit assumption workplace resentment policy impact minority competence employment practices workplace diversity affirmative action consequences workplace perceptions minority representation inequality perpetuation affirmative action criticism workplace integration minority achievement hiring practices diversity policies workplace equality minority employees
test-international-ghwcitca-con03a	Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, Unlike warfare cyber-attacks don’t kill so they don’t need to be restricted in the same way  Warfare needs to be closely regulated because of the numbers of people who can be killed and the devastation that can result. This is not something that is a concern with cyber-attacks. So far cyber-attacks have not been very effective. ‘Stuxnet’ was a computer worm targeted an important control system in the Iranian nuclear program sabotaging gas centrifuges by making them run out of control. It was created by US and Israeli intelligence yet was not particularly effective, and certainly did not kill anyone. [1] Other major attacks have infected a large number of machines, such as ‘Shamoon’ that attacked the Saudi state oil company ARAMCO which affected 30,000 computers, but again this is simply destruction of property. [2] No matter how indiscriminate cyber-attacks may be that they don’t cause large numbers of deaths means there is little need to ban such attacks – it simply does not matter if attackers don’t follow a set of conventions like the Geneva conventions.  [1] Barzashka, Ivanka, ‘Are Cyber-Weapons Effective? Assessing Stuxnet’s Impact on the Iranian Enrichment Programme’, RUSI Journal, Vol.158, Issue 2, 28 April 2013,   [2] Garamone, Jim, ‘Panetta Spells out DOD Roles in Cyberdefense’, American Forces Press Service, 11 October 2012, warfare cyber-attacks kill restrict regulation deaths devastation effectiveness Stuxnet Iranian nuclear program gas centrifuges US intelligence Israeli intelligence Shamoon ARAMCO computers destruction of property indiscriminate conventions Geneva conventions cybersecurity military ethics cyber warfare cyber defense international law cyber security policy cyber operations digital warfare cyber threat cyber strategy cyber espionage cyber sabotage cyber weapons international relations national security cyber regulations cyber warfare ethics cyber conflict cyber attacks impact cyber defense strategy cyber security regulations cyber attack consequences cyber-attacks warfare regulation effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Iranian nuclear program Geneva Conventions casualties property damage military ethics cyber warfare digital sabotage international law cyber defense US intelligence Israeli intelligence cybersecurity policy military conventions cyber-attacks warfare regulation effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Geneva conventions deaths property damage US intelligence Israeli intelligence Iranian nuclear program gas centrifuges cyber defense Department of Defense Jim Garamone Ivanka Barzashka RUSI Journal American Forces Press Service cyber-attacks warfare restrictions regulation casualties devastation effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon Iranian nuclear program ARAMCO property destruction Geneva conventions ethical considerations military protocols cyber warfare laws international norms digital threats physical harm non-lethal attacks cyber security policies state-sponsored attacks intelligence operations computer worms sabotage centrifuges cyber defenses defense strategies weapon effectiveness cyber weapon limitations impact assessment cyber incident analysis technological warfare digital warfare ethics military strategy cyber conflict international law cyber crime digital security network attacks computer security cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence Geneva conventions death toll property destruction effectiveness cybersecurity international law military ethics cyber warfare cyber defense digital weapons state-sponsored attacks computer worms sabotage control systems gas centrifuges oil company indiscriminate attacks convention compliance defense policy ethical warfare cyber security policy military strategy digital espionage information warfare cyber-attacks warfare regulation Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO fatalities property damage effectiveness international law Geneva conventions cyber warfare military ethics defense policy cybersecurity Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence cyber defense DOD roles Cybersecurity strategy cyber conflict digital weapons cyber strategy cyber operations cyber security cyber threats cyber regulation cyber ethics cyber impact cyber warfare ethics cyber attack consequences cyber destruction cyber warfare laws cyber norms cyber attacks impact cyber attack effectiveness cyber attack regulation cyber warfare conventions cyber warfare cyber-attacks warfare regulations effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon Iran ARAMCO deaths property damage Geneva conventions military ethics cyber warfare international law defense policy cybersecurity digital weaponry state-sponsored cyber-attacks intelligence operations technological warfare non-lethal attacks cyber defense military strategy ethical warfare cyber conflict cyber security policies cybercrime cyber espionage digital sabotage cyber threats cyber countermeasures international cybersecurity norms cyber-attacks warfare regulation fatalities devastation effectiveness Stuxnet Iranian nuclear program Shamoon ARAMCO property destruction Geneva conventions defense military ethics cyber defense cybersecurity international law digital warfare non-lethal attacks cyber weaponry intelligence operations computer worms cyber sabotage nuclear enrichment gas centrifuges data corruption industrial control systems cyber espionage strategic military tactics cyber conflict cybersecurity policies digital security state-sponsored attacks cybercrime information warfare digital disruption cyber threats national security information systems cybersecurity measures digital attacks cyber cyber-attacks warfare regulation effectiveness Stuxnet Shamoon casualties property damage international law Geneva Conventions military ethics cybersecurity policy digital warfare Iran Saudi Arabia US intelligence Israeli intelligence ARAMCO computer worms cyber defense DOD roles cyber weapons ethical warfare cyber security impact assessment nuclear program gas centrifuges military regulation cyber attack conventions cyber warfare ethics destruction of data cyber attack effectiveness digital sabotage military conventions international security cyber threat national security information warfare cyber conflict cyber espionage cyber sabotage cyber-attacks warfare regulation lethality Stuxnet Shamoon ARAMCO Geneva conventions effectiveness property damage military ethics cyber defense international law digital warfare non-lethal attacks cyber security state-sponsored attacks Iranian nuclear program US intelligence Israeli intelligence
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems Verification Arms Agreements Trust Comprehensive Mechanisms Monitor Commitments Faith Bypass Expired START Verification Regime Robust New START Narrowing Requirements Exchanging Telemetry Reduction Effectiveness Inspections Weaknesses Ability Verify Deployed Warheads ICBMs Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missiles SLBMs Abolition Mobile ICBMs Weakening Standards Elimination Delivery Vehicles Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Flaws verification arms control trust monitoring commitments robustness START treaty New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs verification standards delivery vehicles Baker Spring Heritage Foundation telemetry, inspections, deployed warheads, ICBMs, SLBMs, mobile ICBMs, verification standards, delivery vehicles, START, New START, arms control, treaty compliance, missile performance, trust, agreement, verification system, robustness,核武器, 军控条约, 监测机制, 互信, 战略武器削减条约, 弹道导弹, 固定和移动发射器, 检查偏见, 消除标准 Note: The last three keywords are in Chinese, which might not be intended. If only English keywords are required, please let me know verification arms control trust monitoring mechanisms treaty commitments START treaty New START telemetry missile performance inspections compliance ICBMs SLBMs warhead verification delivery vehicle elimination Heritage Foundation Baker Spring flaws New START treaty Verification arms agreements trust monitoring mechanisms START treaty New START telemetry missile performance compliance inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty flaws Baker Spring Heritage Foundation problems with verification verification in arms agreements trust in arms control comprehensive verification mechanisms START treaty New START treaty verification regime telemetry exchange missile performance monitoring inspection effectiveness verification of deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards treaty compliance Russia inspections bias weaknesses in verification Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Twelve Flaws of New START verification trust arms agreements comprehensive monitoring compliance START treaty New START telemetry missile performance inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification arms control trust comprehensive mechanisms monitoring commitments START New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Baker Spring Heritage Foundation flaws treaty compliance verification arms control trust monitoring compliance START treaty New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles Baker Spring Heritage Foundation verification arms control agreements trust monitoring mechanisms New START START treaty telemetry missile performance treaty compliance inspections warhead verification ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination verification standards Baker Spring Heritage Foundation"
test-international-aglhrilhb-con03a	Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage  Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, Fear prosecutions leaders damage fighting country move on prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing amnesty country heal Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader surrender talks CAR fear prosecutions leaders damage fighting country move on amnesty prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC crimes LRA CAR surrender talks indictment peace reconciliation war crimes humanitarian justice conflict stability political impunity international law human rights violence militia leader prosecution fear amnesty debate post-conflict resolution transitional justice leadership culpability ethical dilemma governance accountability legal implications societal impact historical context genocide atrocities fear of prosecution leaders' continued aggression post-conflict amnesty Pol Pot Cambodian civil war Joseph Kony Lord's Resistance Army ICC indictments surrender negotiations post-conflict reconciliation amnesty debates international justice dilemmas conflict resolution strategies Uganda Central African Republic legal immunity for peace human rights violations war crimes peace process obstacles fear of prosecution leaders continue fighting country's ability to move on Pol Pot rebuild armies continued fighting post-regime violence amnesty offer healing with less death Joseph Kony LRA leader surrender talks ICC crimes indemnity Uganda bush land Fear of prosecution leaders damage country move on Pol Pot rebuild armies fight regime overthrown kill amnesty country heal Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes LRA CAR surrender talks fear of prosecution leaders continue fighting disrupting national recovery Pol Pot rebuild armies post-regime violence amnesty offer Joseph Kony LRA ICC indictment surrender conditions Uganda conflict prosecutions hinder peace leadership accountability amnesty debate fear prosecutions leaders damage fighting country move on Pol Pot armies regime overthrow kill amnesty heal Joseph Kony Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader surrender talks CAR fear of prosecution leaders continued fighting country healing amnesty Pol Pot Joseph Kony ICC crimes surrender Uganda LRA CAR disruption move on indemnity regime overthrow armies bush land BBC news Africa 2013 death less harm political conflict international justice peace process war crimes human rights violations reconciliation post-conflict resolution leader accountability fright of legal consequences ongoing violence conflict zones Caesar’s dilemma moral responsibility political amnesty legal immunity regional stability conflict resolution international law victim justice leaders prosecutions damage fighting country move on fear prosecution Pol Pot armies regime overthrown killing amnesty heal death Joseph Kony plague Uganda bush land surrender ICC indemnity crimes BBC news Africa LRA leader talks CAR amnesty prosecution leaders damage fighting country move on Pol Pot armies regime overthrow Joseph Kony Uganda bush land ICC indemnity surrender LRA CAR BBC news Africa
test-international-iwiaghbss-con03a	Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 Could retain sovereignty without acquiring new territory  While it is normal for states to have exclusive sovereign control over territory this has not always happened in the past. There have been governments in exile that have remained recognised as a result of wars or revolutions. Most notable perhaps was during world war II where there were governments in exile as a result of invasions by Germany and Japan. For example Philippine President Quezon set up The Commonwealth government in exile in Washington D.C. which remained the recognised government by the allies and therefore much of the world. [1]  A state therefore does not have to have control over a populated territory to maintain a sovereign government and for the world to recognise it as such. [2] Having a population on the territory over which the state has sovereignty matters little; migrants don’t always change citizenship when they move to live in another country. Indeed 56.9% of Samoans live outside their own territory. [3]  [1] Jose, Ricardo, T., ‘Governments in Exile’, University of the Philippines,  , p.182  [2] Yu, 2013,   [3] McAdam, 2010,  , p.8 sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government migrants citizenship Samoans exclusive sovereign control state recognition populated territory control over territory change in citizenship government exile territorial control state sovereignty international recognition sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control populated territory citizenship migrants Samoans exclusive control state recognition invasions Germany Japan allies world recognition territorial control government exile historical examples sovereign states non-territorial sovereignty state population citizenship change migrant population Samoan diaspora state sovereignty international recognition government legitimacy state authority territorial sovereignty non-resident population government in exile recognition state control historical sovereignty political refugee wartime government international sovereignty governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control territory state recognition population citizenship migrants Samoans state sovereignty control over territory international recognition sovereignty territory state control governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government migrants citizenship Samoans population territorial sovereignty state recognition sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control population citizenship migrants Samoans state recognition exclusive control invasions Germany Japan sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognised government migrants citizenship Samoans population state control sovereign recognition territorial sovereignty exclusive control historical examples state recognition government exile war revolutions invasions Germany Japan allies international recognition sovereignty without territory state existence territorial population citizenship change migrant population Samoan diaspora state authority governance political sovereignty territorial governance state legitimacy international law non-territorial sovereignty sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government control over territory population citizenship migrants Samoans exclusive sovereign control state recognition invasions Germany Japan sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognised government sovereign control population territory sovereignty migrants citizenship Samoans Ricardo T. Jose Yu 2013 McAdam 2010 sovereignty territory government in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government migrants citizenship Samoans sovereignty without territory exclusive sovereign control states invasions Germany Japan allies international recognition population territory control state sovereignty government recognition sovereignty territory governments in exile World War II Philippine President Quezon Commonwealth government recognized government sovereign control populated territory migrants citizenship Samoans exclusive control state recognition
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con03a	Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment is a comparatively small issue  Whatever the merits, capital punishment in Africa is a small issue. Capital punishment opponents should focus on China, which uses capital punishment in a secretive manner for all variety of offences and executes far more people than the rest of the world put together. [1]  If Western human rights groups genuinely want to improve human rights in Africa, there are a myriad of issues that affect many more people relating to good governance, political rights and socio-economic rights, rather than just focusing on a small number of individuals, generally convicted of particularly serious criminal offences.  [1] ‘Death Sentences and Executions 2012’, Amnesty International, April 2013,  , p.6 Capital punishment Africa China secretive executions human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes capital punishment Africa China secretive offences execution rates human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Capital punishment Africa China secretive manner human rights Western human rights groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Amnesty International death sentences executions Capital punishment Africa small issue China secretive manner human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious criminal offences Amnesty International death sentences executions 2012 capital punishment Africa China execution human rights Western groups good governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes Amnesty International death sentences 2012 secretive practices offences global perspective focus areas human rights improvement legal issues criminal justice capital punishment Africa small issue human rights China secretive executions socio-economic rights political rights good governance Amnesty International death sentences 2012 Western human rights groups serious criminal offences capital punishment Africa China secretive manner offences execution rates human rights Western groups governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes capital punishment Africa China secretive offences executions human rights Western groups governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes Amnesty International death sentences capital punishment Africa China secretive executions human rights Western groups governance political rights socio-economic rights serious crimes Capital punishment human rights Africa China execution secretive practices Amnesty International good governance political rights socio-economic rights criminal offences human rights groups Western organizations death sentences
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro01a	Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic Freedom  A core principle of art is that it should be free from any form of inhibition, as the particular artwork is an expression of the particular views and ideals of the artist. The subject matter in many instances is their own choice; therefore they have the right to say what they want about the subject matter, safe in the knowledge that is their opinion alone being portrayed.  The artist that painted ‘The Spear’, Brett Murray, created the piece as part of an exhibition that reflected his own discontent at the lack of major progress since the ruling African National Congress took power in South Africa after the end of Apartheid in 1994. Murray used his work to promulgate an idea that he has, allowing for others to see the art work for themselves and make up their own minds about President Zuma and the ANC. [1]  Art Galleries have a right to display any artist they feel will attract visitors as well showcase the forms of art that they believe is suitable. The Goodman Gallery saw no issue with Murray’s work to the extent that they prevented any particular works from being displayed. As it was their venue which was the setting for ‘The Spear’s display, The Goodman Gallery had the right to take decisions independently of external pressure. The removal of the exhibit sets a dangerous precedent whereby government can unduly censor artworks, threatening the free actions of artists and the galleries that display their work in turn affecting plural, democratic discourse. [2]  [1] Du Toit, ‘Artist Brett Murray explains why he painted ‘The spear’, 2 Ocean’s Vibe, 2012,   [2] Robins. P, ‘The spear that divided the nation’, Amandla, 2012, Artistic freedom expression inhibition views ideals subject matter opinion Brett Murray The Spear exhibition discontent progress African National Congress power Apartheid promulgate idea art work President Zuma Goodman Gallery visitors suitable external pressure government censor artworks artists plural democratic discourse Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist's Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Political Art Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition African National Congress Apartheid Art Galleries Display Rights Goodman Gallery Censorship Government Pressure Plural Democracy Discourse Controversy South Africa Cultural Expression Free Speech Visual Arts Public Reaction Political Commentary Artistic Integrity Gallery Policies Visitor Attraction Art World Creativity Social Commentary Artistic License Political Criticism Art Censorship Democratic Values Artistic Expression Cultural Critique Artistic freedom censorship expression inhibition artist rights subject choice opinion portrayal Brett Murray The Spear South Africa African National Congress ANC Apartheid Goodman Gallery exhibition discontent progress government censorship art galleries visitor attraction artistic independence external pressure precedent democratic discourse pluralism free actions Robins Du Toit art criticism political art societal critique visual arts contemporary art cultural expression freedom of speech public reaction controversy artistic integrity creative liberty Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist's Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Ideals Artwork Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress South Africa Apartheid Government Censorship Art Galleries Display Rights Goodman Gallery External Pressure Removal Dangerous Precedent Plural Democratic Discourse Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist's Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Post-Apartheid Plural Democratic Discourse Art Galleries Display Rights Goodman Gallery Censorship Government Pressure Freedom of Art Public Exhibition Opinion Portrayal Cultural Expression Political Commentary Artistic Integrity Creative License Sociopolitical Art Contemporary Art South African Art Zuma Artistic Censorship Public Reaction Artistic Expression Creative Freedom Visual Arts Political Art Artistic Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Views Ideals Subject Matter Opinion Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid Artwork Promulgate Idea Goodman Gallery Display Visitors Forms of Art Censorship Government Pressure Plural Democratic Discourse Zuma Censorship Precedent Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Views Ideals Artist Subject Matter Opinion Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid 1994 Promulgate Idea Art Gallery Visitors Suitable Goodman Gallery External Pressure Government Censorship Free Actions Plural Democratic Discourse Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Artist Rights Subject Matter Personal Views Ideals Creativity Art Exhibition Political Commentary Social Critique Government Censorship Art Galleries Display Rights Goodman Gallery The Spear Brett Murray ANC Jacob Zuma Apartheid Democratic Discourse Public Opinion Art Censorship Cultural Expression Free Speech Pluralism Exhibition Curation Artistic Integrity Sociopolitical Art Visual Commentary Gallery Autonomy Artistic License Public Reaction Art Controversy Political Art Government Influence Artistic Control Artistic Freedom Inhibition Expression Views Ideals Subject Matter Opinion The Spear Brett Murray Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Apartheid Idea Plural Democratic Discourse Art Galleries Visitors Goodman Gallery Censorship Government Dangerous Precedent Free Actions Removal External Pressure Display Work Artistic Freedom Expression Inhibition Views Ideals Subject Matter Opinion Brett Murray The Spear Exhibition Discontent Progress African National Congress Power South Africa Apartheid Ideas Viewers President Zuma Art Galleries Visitors Forms of Art Goodman Gallery Display External Pressure Government Censorship Free Actions Plural Democratic Discourse
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con03a	This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living This would encourage coercion for some to die to save others  By allowing sacrificial donations society becomes vulnerable to abuse of this system. It is possible that people are scared or coerced into sacrificing their lives for others. While society does all it can for those who are ill, it cannot start moving the boundaries for when it actively takes the lives of its citizens.  Even when there is no coercion, we cannot even know when a person is beyond all hope. Even in the direst situations, there are exceptional cases when people recover. However, if we take a person’s vital organs, the process is irreversible. Therefore, it is always wrong to prematurely kill another person, while the recipient is still alive and within the realm of luck and miracles. In the status quo the donor is already dead and the trade-off is not a problem, but this cannot be extended to the living coercion sacrifice donations abuse scared boundaries illness irreversible recovery vital organs premature killing donor recipient status quo living coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared coercing sacrificing boundaries taking lives beyond hope recovery irreversible prematurely killing donor recipient status quo living coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared take lives beyond hope recover vital organs irreversible prematurely kill status quo living donors ethical concerns medical boundaries societal impact informed consent exploitation terminal illness organ donation coercion prevention donor safety moral dilemmas healthcare policy patient rights donor consent legal implications medical ethics public health organ procurement compassion beneficence justice non-maleficence coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerable scared people sacrificing lives society ill boundaries actively takes citizens coercion person beyond hope recover direst situations vital organs irreversible wrong prematurely kill donor dead trade-off problem living status quo coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerable scared sacrificing lives society ill boundaries active killing citizens beyond hope recovery irreversible premature killing vital organs donor recipient status quo living trade-off coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared coercing sacrificing lives boundaries taking lives beyond hope recovery vital organs irreversible prematurely killing donor recipient status quo living coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability society coercion life sacrifice coercion hopelessness recovery vital organs irreversible premature killing donor death status quo living donors ethical boundaries consent abuse prevention medical miracles patient rights terminally ill organ donation policies ethical dilemmas moral philosophy health policy legal framework public trust coercion prevention medical ethics societal values humanitarian concerns life preservation dignity choice autonomy coercion sacrificial donations abuse vulnerability scared coercion sacrificing lives societal ethics boundaries taking lives hope recovery irreversibility premature killing organ donation status quo living donors ethical dilemmas medical ethics end-of-life decisions consent miracles human rights moral responsibility coercion sacrificial donations abuse coercion life sacrifice societal boundaries irreversible actions premature killing ethical concerns donor consent living donors organ donation medical ethics patient autonomy end-of-life decisions moral implications public trust healthcare policy bioethics legal considerations medical奇迹 患者康复 生命尊严 医学奇迹 治疗边界 社会共识 伦理审查 生命质量 人权保护 医疗决策 生命价值 捐赠规范 器官移植 医学伦 coercion sacrificial donations abuse scared society ill boundaries taking lives beyond hope recovery vital organs irreversible prematurely kill status quo donor recipient living ethical concerns moral implications potential abuse informed consent medical ethics voluntary donation end-of-life decisions healthcare policy public trust legal ramifications humanitarian considerations societal values medical miracles patient rights organ transplantation bioethics health disparities social justice medical advancement patient autonomy quality of life terminal illness ethical dilemmas decision-making moral philosophy life and death decisions
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con03a	Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Receive much greater interest from Taiwan  There are benefits to being one of only twenty-two countries that recognise another country; you are lavished with attention. The President of the RoC visited São Tomé in January 2014, [1] he was last intending to visit only two years before but cancelled as President Manuel Pinto da Costa was overseas. [2] Visits also regularly go the other way; in a four month period from October 2010 São Tomé’s President, Minister of Finance, and Prime Minister all made separate trips to Taiwan. [3] The PRC being recognised by many more countries could never provide the same level of attention. As one of the poorest countries in the world without the question of recognition the PRC would have practically no interest in such a small African state.  [1] ‘Ma vows to strengthen ROC-Sao Tome relations’, Taiwan Today, 27 January 2014,   [2] Hsiu-chuan, Shih, ‘Ma’s trip canceled due to scheduling conflict: Sao Tome’, Taipei Times, 5 April 2012,   [3] Martins, Vasco, ‘Aid for legitimacy: São Tomé and Principe hand in hand with Taiwan’, IPRIS Viewpoints, February 2011, Taiwan recognition international relations São Tomé and Príncipe diplomatic visits ROC PRC attention aid legitimacy poverty African state China foreign policy bilateral relations Presidents Minister of Finance Prime Minister trips Strengthen relations Taipei Times IPRIS Viewpoints Ma vows conflict scheduling hand in hand February 2011 January 2014 October 2010 April 2012 Manuel Pinto da Costa Taiwan São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations RoC PRC recognition visits President attention benefits poverty aid legitimacy international relations diplomacy Africa Asia foreign policy state visits international recognition political visits economic aid global politics international support Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations ROC PRC President visits attention benefits aid legitimacy poverty international relations diplomacy country recognition attention diplomacy African state China visits取消 Ma Ying-jeou relations strengthening foreign policy economic aid political recognition global influence Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations visits President RoC PRC attention benefits poverty aid legitimacy Taiwan recognition attention President RoC São Tomé visits trips PRC aid legitimacy poverty international relations diplomacy African state country recognition political attention bilateral relations foreign policy diplomatic visits Taiwan São Tomé and Principe diplomatic recognition ROC-Sao Tome relations President of ROC visit São Tomé President visit aid for legitimacy PRC recognition diplomatic benefits bilateral visits international attention small African state poverty and diplomacy Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations President ROC visits attention benefits poverty PRC international relations aid legitimacy Taiwan São Tomé and Príncipe diplomatic recognition ROC President attention visits São Tomé Minister of Finance Prime Minister PRC poorest countries African state aid legitimacy IPRIS Viewpoints Taipei Times Taiwan Today Ma relations strengthening cancellation scheduling conflict overseas January 2014 October 2010 February 2011 Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations ROC PRC international attention presidential visits foreign aid legitimacy small African states China diplomatic recognition global influence international relations bilateral relations diplomatic strategies state visits international politics poverty and diplomacy Taiwan recognition São Tomé and Principe diplomatic relations ROC PRC presidential visits international attention aid legitimacy bilateral relations Africa Asia foreign policy diplomatic allies economic support political recognition global politics international relations state visits foreign aid international diplomacy .country recognition diplomatic benefits international engagement state visits foreign relations political alliance government visits international partnerships diplomatic visits international cooperation
test-health-hdond-con04a	People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. People may have valid religious reasons not to donate organs  Many major religions, such as some forms of Orthodox Judaism {Haredim Issue}, specifically mandate leaving the body intact after death. To create a system that aims to strongly pressure people, with the threat of reduced priority for life-saving treatment, to violate their religious beliefs violates religious freedom. This policy would put individuals and families in the untenable position of having to choose between contravene the edicts of their god and losing the life of themselves or a loved one. While it could be said that any religion that bans organ donation would presumably ban receiving organs as transplants, this is not actually the case; some followers of Shintoism and Roma faiths prohibit removing organs from the body, but allow transplants to the body. religious freedom organ donation religious beliefs life-saving treatment Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue Shintoism Roma faiths body integrity transplant ethics religious practices medical ethics policy implications organ transplantation cultural sensitivity healthcare directives religious exemptions moral dilemmas patient rights ethical considerations religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violating beliefs individual choice family impact religious edicts Shintoism Roma faiths organ transplants banning removal allowing transplants religious freedom organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue Shintoism Roma faiths transplant ethics religious beliefs life-saving treatment policy impact family decision-making religious edicts contravene beliefs receiving organs banning transplants cultural practices medical ethics patient rights healthcare policy religious accommodation religious freedom organ donation major religions Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body integrity life-saving treatment religious beliefs Shintoism Roma faiths organ transplants moral dilemma religious edicts policy opposition religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs religious beliefs untunable position choose edicts god losing life loved one religion bans receiving organs transplants Shintoism Roma faiths prohibiting removing allowing transplants religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue religious freedom pressure policy life-saving treatment moral dilemma Shintoism Roma faiths transplant ethics body integrity cultural practices medical ethics human rights informed consent religious beliefs health policy religious freedom organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body integrity life-saving treatment religious beliefs transplantation ethics Shintoism Roma faiths organ transplants medical ethics policy implications personal choice cultural practices healthcare access religious practices ethical considerations organ donation policies patient rights religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs policy religious edicts Shintoism Roma faiths transplants organ removal religious practices ethical concerns medical ethics cultural beliefs human rights bodily integrity consent coercion moral dilemmas healthcare policy faith-based objections spiritual beliefs religious discrimination organ transplantation end-of-life issues bioethics donor registration public health medical ethics cultural sensitivity religious accommodation religious freedom organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body integrity life-saving treatment religious beliefs Shintoism Roma faiths organ transplants ethical dilemmas medical policies religious practices cultural sensitivity healthcare ethics patient rights transplant ethics religious exemptions moral conflict medical decisions religious reasons organ donation Orthodox Judaism Haredim Issue body intact religious freedom pressure reduced priority life-saving treatment violate beliefs religious beliefs untensible position contravene edicts Shintoism Roma faiths prohibit removing organs allow transplants
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro03a	COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. COUNTERPOINT Any large expenditure in one area will stimulate regeneration. Considering that the cost of hosting the London 2012 Olympics is predicted at £2.375 billion, expected to rise far higher, regeneration is the least that can be expected as a le  The Olympics are a showcase. Hosting the Olympics can be a way of making a strong political point because of the intense media scrutiny that accompanies the games. During the Cold War both Moscow 1980 and Los Angeles 1984 were used by the USSR and USA to show their economic strength. Seoul in 1988 used the games to demonstrate South Korea's economic and political maturity. The Beijing Olympics in 2008 are seen by many as evidence of China's acceptance into the global community and a way for her to showcase her economic growth and acceptance of the West. For New York, the 2012 bid is a way of showing that the post-9/11 healing process has been completed and that the city is 'open for business' despite the terrorist attacks. Olympics economic regeneration political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 post-9/11 economic strength political maturity global community economic growth terrorist attacks urban development international attention cultural impact legacy planning Olympics economic regeneration political showcase media scrutiny Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 post-9/11 economic strength global community political maturity terrorist attacks economic growth international relations sporting events urban development cultural impact national prestige bid justification financial investment public relations global visibility host city benefits long-term impact international events economic benefits political benefits social benefits infrastructure development legacy impact Olympics economic regeneration political showcase media scrutiny Cold War economic strength political maturity global community economic growth post-9/11 healing city resilience international relations sports diplomacy urban development legacy impact tourism boost infrastructure improvement national pride cultural exchange economic regeneration cost-benefit analysis media attention political statement international showcase global community integration economic strength demonstration political maturity post-9/11 recovery urban development tourism boost legacy impact infrastructure improvement cultural exchange security concerns diplomatic relations sports diplomacy national pride economic opportunity hosting benefits long-term effects public investment social impact international recognition urban renewal economic growth political leverage media scrutiny global platform economic resilience strategic bidding national image international community societal impact economic regeneration benefits political symbolism cultural significance economic revitalization international attention economic regeneration media scrutiny political statement Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery global community economic growth political maturity showcase Olympic Games large expenditure stimulation economic strength terrorist attacks openness for business Olympics economic regeneration political showcase media scrutiny Cold War economic strength political maturity global community post-9/11 healing city revival international prestige economic growth tourist attraction urban development hosting benefits long-term impact infrastructure improvement global attention cultural exchange national pride international relations cost-benefit analysis legacy creation sporting legacy social impact economic investment public relations urban renewal global events metropolitan transformation political statement international recognition visitor economy urban regeneration economic benefits social benefits infrastructure investment global stage city transformation economic leverage regeneration economic stimulation London 2012 Olympics cost media scrutiny political showcase Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 China global community New York post-9/11 economic growth political maturity terrorism urban development international relations Olympic bid city branding economic strength political statement global attention recovery resilience Olympics regeneration economic impact political significance media scrutiny international relations Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery global community economic growth political maturity showcase event cost expenditure stimulation le Olympic regeneration economic stimulation London 2012 cost analysis political showcase media scrutiny Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 bid post-9/11 recovery global community economic growth political maturity Cold War economic strength media coverage international relations urban development legacy impact tourism boost infrastructure improvements national pride global spotlight sporting events economic benefits political statements cultural exchange security measures hosting impacts bid Olympics economic regeneration media scrutiny political statement Cold War Moscow 1980 Los Angeles 1984 Seoul 1988 Beijing 2008 New York 2012 post-9/11 economic strength global community showcase urban development international relations sports diplomacy legacy tourism infrastructure improvements
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro04a	Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, Legalisation reduces crime  The illegality of drugs fuels a huge amount of crime that could be eliminated if drugs were legalised. Price controls would mean that addicts would no longer have to steal to fund their habits, and a state-provided drug services would put dealers out of business, starving criminal gangs of their main source of funding. For example, an Italian Mafia family were making around $44bn a year from cocaine smuggling. [1] This represents something like 3% of Italy’s entire GDP – and that from only one crime syndicate.  [1] Kington, Tom, ‘Italian police raids reveal how an 80-year-old gangster held sway over the feared Calabrian mafia’, The Observer, 18 July 2010, legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction treatment state-provided services drug trafficking mafia crime syndicates cocaine smuggling illegal trade economic impact law enforcement public health social issues criminal organizations funding reduction economic crime drug decriminalization legislative reform crime prevention drug market organized crime illegal drugs legal drugs policy effectiveness crime economics substance abuse public policy legal regulation drug legalization arguments criminal funding sources legal market underworld economy drug trade crime rate societal impact drug control legal framework illegal drug trade law Legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-regulated drugs criminal gangs drug smuggling mafia economic impact Italy Calabrian mafia police raids drug legalization benefits illicit drug trade public safety drug enforcement crime economics legalisation crime reduction drug policy price control addiction theft drug dealers criminal gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP Calabrian mafia police raids 80-year-old gangster legalisation reduces crime drug illegality crime elimination price controls addict funding state-provided drugs criminal gangs funding loss Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling crime syndicate GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state drug services criminal gangs funding sources Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact Calabrian mafia police raids crime syndicate legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding reduction Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction theft prevention state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding reduction Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price control addiction theft prevention state-provided services drug dealers criminal gangs funding Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP crime syndicate police raids Calabrian mafia legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction treatment state-provided drug services criminal gangs drug trafficking Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact law enforcement public safety economic impact illegal drug trade social harm reduction drug legalization benefits crime economics organized crime drug war alternatives legalisation crime reduction drug policy price controls addiction treatment state-provided services drug trafficking criminal gangs Italian Mafia cocaine smuggling GDP impact law enforcement social impact economic impact public health drug regulation syringe exchange rehabilitation programs drug decriminalisation harm reduction
test-international-iiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protecting species illegal trading rhino horns supply and demand poaching conservation price reduction profitability hunting government seizure farming militarization poaching war intervention strategies legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts effective hunters kill endangered animals extinction protected status expensive supply demand Asia price profitability poaching militarization farming South Africa rhino horn seized government destruction intervention poachers war conservation wildlife legislation market economics policy ivory trade horn trade fur trade pelts trade endangered species animal protection wildlife protection poaching prevention animal farming sustainable use rhino conservation poaching solutions legal trade illegal trade legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals protection extinction pelts horns tusks demand supply Asia price rhino horns militarization poaching farming South Africa Rhino horn war intervention poachers legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protecting animals illegal hunting rhino horns demand and supply poaching conservation market price profitable hunting animal farming South Africa militarization poaching war wildlife protection government seized items legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunters protection extinction pelts value horns demand Rhino horn price reduction supply increase poaching militarization South Africa Rhino horn farming poaching intervention government seized assets wildlife conservation illegal trade economic incentives environmental policy animal rights legal frameworks market regulation ecological impact sustainable practices wildlife management ethical hunting species preservation trade legislation conservation strategies poaching prevention economic sustainability biodiversity legal markets illegal wildlife trade poaching crisis policy reform endangered species act Legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protection poaching demand supply price profitability hunting conservation militarization rhino horn farming South Africa wildlife trafficking economic incentives illegal trade conservation strategies animal rights environmental policy policy debate legal trade market regulation poaching prevention wildlife management species preservation economic impact ethical considerations international law CITES wildlife crime biodiversity ecological balance environmental sustainability legal frameworks trade restrictions economic models supply chain consumer behavior market dynamics legislative approaches conservation Legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters kill endangered animals protect extinction protected status expensive demand Asia rhino horns price profitability poaching militarization fail war poachers farming South Africa Rhino horn supply seized governments destroyed Molewa Statement poaching intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals protection poaching extinction economic value demand supply price profitability hunting conservation militarization poaching war South Africa rhino farming government intervention seized items destruction wildlife management economic incentives legal market illegal trade animal rights ecological impact sustainable use legalization trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting protection extinction market price demand supply profitability poaching militarization farming rhino horn South Africa conservation policy wildlife management legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting protection poaching market price supply demand conservation rhino horn wildlife farming policy reform economic incentives illegal trade wildlife management poaching prevention South Africa militarization wildlife crime legal market wildlife trafficking animal rights ecological impact sustainable use ethical hunting international trade regulations CITES endangered species act biodiversity ecological balance habitat protection wildlife law animal welfare conservation biology environmental policy ecological economics natural resource management legal hunting wild animal trade
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro04a	Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast teaches about health  Children need to learn about how good nutrition keeps them healthy. Providing a school breakfast means that the meal can be an educational experience and have teaching alongside. This education will ensure that when these children grow up they continue to eat healthily with future benefits for the nation’s health. Breakfast health children nutrition school meal education teaching eat healthily grow benefits nation breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching healthy eating future health benefits national health nutrition health education school meals breakfast programs healthy eating habits children's health long-term health benefits dietary education school nutrition policies breakfast and learning breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching nutrition healthy eating future health benefits national health breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching healthy eating future health benefits national health breakfast health education children good nutrition school breakfast educational experience teaching healthy eating future benefits nation's health breakfast nutrition health children education school meals healthy eating future benefits national health Breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching future health national health benefits healthy eating habits mealtime learning dietary education youth nutrition programs healthy lifestyle educational breakfast initiatives breakfast health education children nutrition school meals teaching healthy eating future health benefits national health nutrition health education school breakfast programs children's health dietary habits healthy eating lifelong health benefits school meals nutrition awareness childhood nutrition
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con04a	Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 Pupils will bring unhealthy food with them to schools.  Frequently, a ban- whether or food, alcohol or forms of media- serves only to build interest in the things that has been prohibited. When a ban affects something that is a familiar part of everyday life that is generally regarded as benign, there is a risk that individuals may try to acquire the banned thing through other means.  Having had their perspective in junk food defined partly by attractive, highly persuasive advertising, children are likely to adopt an ambivalent perspective on any attempt to restrict their dietary choices. The extreme contrast between the former popularity of vending machines in schools and the austere approach required by new policies may hamper schools’ attempts to convince pupils of the necessity and rationality of their decision.  Even though schools may be able to coerce and compel their pupils to comply with disciplinary measures, they cannot stop children buying sweets outside of school hours.  When rules at an Orange county school changed, and the cafeteria got rid of its sweets, the demand was still up high, so that the school had to figure out a way to fix the situation. They created a “candy cart” – which now brings them income for sports equipment or other necessities. One of the pupils, Edgar Coker (18-year-old senior) explained that: “If I couldn’t buy it here, I’d bring it from home.” [1]  It is difficult to regulate junk food consumption through unsophisticated measures such as prohibition. A ban my undermine attempts to alter pupil’s mindsets and their perspective on food marketing and their own diets.  [1] Harris G., 'A Federal Effort to Push Junk Food Out of School', New York Times, 2 August 2010  , accessed 09/10/2011 unhealthy food school policies food bans vending machines junk food advertising dietary choices pupil compliance disciplinary measures candy cart food regulation prohibition effectiveness school nutrition student behavior Orange County school Harris G. New York Times junk food consumption food marketing diet perspective school income sports equipment Edgar Coker school cafeteria nutritional policies food environment health education adolescent nutrition dietary restrictions snack availability eating habits food accessibility health promotion school health initiatives policy impact student health food choices ban consequences dietary impact food industry adolescent health school unhealthy food school ban junk food vending machines dietary choices food marketing pupil compliance candy cart food regulation dietary policy sweets Orange county school Edgar Coker New York Times federal effort school cafeteria unhealthy food school ban dietary restrictions vending machines junk food advertising pupil compliance disciplinary measures candy cart junk food consumption food marketing pupil perspective school policy Orange County school Edgar Coker New York Times federal effort school nutrition unhealthy food school ban dietary restrictions vending machines junk food advertising pupil compliance disciplinary measures candy cart junk food consumption food marketing pupil mindset dietary choices school policies Orange County school Edgar Coker New York Times federal effort unhealthy food school ban dietary choices junk food advertising vending machines disciplinary measures junk food consumption prohibition mindset change food marketing candy cart sports equipment pupil compliance external food purchase policy rationality Orange county school Edgar Coker unhealthy food school bans interest in prohibited items everyday life familiarity dietary choices junk food advertising vending machines in schools disciplinary measures out-of-school purchases Orange county school candy cart income generation pupil perspective food marketing diet regulation unsophisticated measures mindset alteration pupils unhealthy food schools ban food alcohol media interest prohibited familiar everyday life benign acquire vending machines policies junk food advertising ambivalent perspective dietary choices popularity austere approach disciplinary measures sweets outside hours Orange county school cafeteria candy cart income sports equipment regulate unsophisticated mindset food marketing diets unhealthy food school ban interest build-up familiar everyday items benign perception junk food advertising ambivalent perspective vending machines disciplinary measures compliance external purchase Orange County school cafeteria changes candy cart income generation sports equipment pupil mindset food marketing diet perspective federal effort junk food regulation New York Times Edgar Coker unhealthy food school ban vending machines junk food advertising dietary restrictions pupil compliance outside food purchases candy cart school revenue junk food regulation dietary mindset food marketing pupil perspectives unhealthy food school ban dietary restrictions vending machines junk food advertising influence pupil compliance disciplinary measures candy cart regulatory challenges food marketing dietary perspective Orange County Edgar Coker New York Times Harris G.
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro03a	Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio evens the playing field against state and corporate broadcasters.  Autocracy has, at its root, the premise that only one perspective, or group of perspectives is legitimate. Certain assumptions are unquestionable, certain rules inviolable and, more often than not, certain voices unchallengeable.  It’s all too easy for that state of affairs to be normalised. Community radio offers another voice. More to the point it offers many.  As well as the value of the messages themselves, the very fact that they are there and broadcast is a powerful statement against autocratic assumptions. The process of establishing and running a community radio station is, in and of itself, a powerful fillip for community cohesion.  Giving voices to communities supports them as groups in their own right; cohesive, engaged and worthy of respect. In doing so it can provide a focus which increases the homogeneity of those communities without requiring the approval of a central structure of control [i] . In addition to well known examples such as Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, radio stations across the Middle East And, especially, Africa have been key movers in the shift to democracy [ii] .  [i] Siddharth. Riding the radio wave; Community radio in South-East Asia. Culture360.org 18 February 2010.  [ii] Buckley, Steve, President, World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters. Community Broadcasting: good practice in policy, law and regulation. UNESCO. 2008. Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives legitimacy assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization multiple voices powerful statement community cohesion engaged communities respect community focus democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa South-East Asia UNESCO policy law regulation community broadcasting World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters Community radio state broadcasters corporate media autocracy democratic communication media pluralism community engagement radio empowerment social cohesion democratic transition Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters media policy broadcasting regulation citizen journalism alternative media voice diversity participatory media South-East Asia cultural expression democratic participation media freedom community development grassroots media local broadcasting media landscape information access public sphere civil society media activism radio impact democratic resistance media democratization community voice broadcasting diversity media rights community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives community voice democracy media diversity community cohesion radio stations Middle East Africa Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty UNESCO policy regulation media freedom broadcasting Siddharth Steve Buckley World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters South-East Asia cultural respect social change media pluralism civic engagement grassroots media citizen journalism democratic participation minority representation independent media public sphere communication rights participatory media alternative media media activism social movements civic tech digital divide information access community development Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy democratic participation diverse perspectives media pluralism community cohesion radio activism democratic transition Middle East Africa UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy regulation Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty South-East Asia civic engagement local voices media freedom broadcasting social change public sphere democratic communication empowerment media diversity independent media grassroots media participatory media community development social inclusion cultural expression media literacy digital divide public service media alternative media media landscape media policy media law non community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy legitimacy perspectives questioning inviolability unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy regulation South-East Asia democracy promotion media diversity civic engagement community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives legitimacy unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices community cohesion engaged communities respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy shift Siddharth Riding the radio wave South-East Asia Steve Buckley World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO policy law regulation community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy single perspective unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization multiple voices powerful statement community cohesion engaged communities respect community focus homogeneity democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa South-East Asia UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy law regulation community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy single perspective unchallengeable voices normalisation community voice diverse voices message value broadcast statement community cohesion group respect community focus homogeneity central control Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy Siddharth Culture360.org Steve Buckley World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters UNESCO policy law regulation good practice Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy perspectives unquestionable assumptions inviolable rules unchallengeable voices normalization alternative voices powerful statement community cohesion engaged communities respect democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Middle East Africa democracy promotion UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy law regulation South-East Asia cultural impact social change media diversity public participation community development Community radio state broadcasters corporate broadcasters autocracy democratic voice community cohesion radio stations Middle East Africa democracy Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty UNESCO World Association for Community Radio Broadcasters policy regulation South-East Asia Siddharth Steve Buckley
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro02a	Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Consumers tend to feel alienated by spreading of their personal information for profit  People experiencing the use of their personal details by companies have largely been found to see the process as extremely invasive and unsettling. Many have felt violated by the exploitation of their personal lives to market them products, often from people to whom they never consented to hand over information. This feeling has been demonstrated through significant public outcry and backlash, as well as empirical results showing these attitudes becoming more and more widespread, particularly in the case of online targeted advertising, which is the most well-known use of personal information. The best example of such backlash is the result of Amazon.com’s “dynamic pricing” system, in which the company varied its offerings and pricings to customers based on information gathered about them from prior uses. The result was a severe backlash that cost Amazon business until it ended the policy. [1] This has led to a blunting of the desired outcome of such marketers who experience declines in uptake rather than increased and more efficient reach of marketing. Furthermore, the targeted marketing that arises from these forms of information storage and sale can tend toward stereotypes, using programmes that favour broad brushstrokes in their marketing, resulting in stereotyped services on the basis of apparent race and gender. When this happens it is all the more alienating.  [1] Taylor, C., “Private Demands and Demands For Privacy: Dynamic Pricing and the Market for Customer Information”, Duke University, September 2002,  p.1 Personal information consumer privacy data exploitation marketing backlash targeted advertising online privacy dynamic pricing Amazon consumer trust data misuse empirical evidence public outcry marketing efficiency stereotype targeting gender bias race bias customer information consumer rights privacy concerns data ethics alienation personal information profit invasive unsettling violated personal lives marketing targeted advertising public outcry backlash empirical results online advertising Amazon dynamic pricing customer information business decline marketer outcomes stereotypes race gender privacy customer data information exploitation consumer alienation personal information data exploitation privacy invasion marketing consent public backlash online targeted advertising Amazon dynamic pricing marketing decline stereotypical marketing race and gender stereotypes customer information privacy consumer alienation personal information exploitation invasive marketing practices public backlash targeted advertising online privacy dynamic pricing Amazon controversy marketing stereotypes gender and race profiling declining marketing effectiveness customer consent information misuse privacy concerns empirical evidence widespread attitudes consumer violation marketing efficiency privacy demands customer information market consumer alienation personal information profit invasive unsettling violated exploitation personal lives marketing products consent personal information misuse public outcry backlash empirical results widespread attitudes online targeted advertising Amazon dynamic pricing severe backlash business loss desired marketing outcomes declines in uptake efficient marketing reach stereotypes broad brushstrokes marketing programs apparent race gender privacy demands customer information market Taylor C Duke University 2002 consumer alienation personal information profit motives privacy invasion marketing exploitation personal data misuse public backlash empirical evidence online targeted advertising Amazon dynamic pricing marketing inefficiency stereotype marketing data privacy concerns customer information privacy demands dynamic pricing controversy market for customer information race and gender stereotypes consumer violation privacy attitudes consumer alienation personal information exploitation invasive marketing practices public backlash online targeted advertising dynamic pricing Amazon controversy marketing inefficiency stereotyping in marketing privacy concerns customer information misuse ethical marketing data privacy laws consumer trust digital marketing ethics consumer privacy personal information exploitation marketing ethics online targeted advertising consumer backlash Amazon dynamic pricing decline in marketing efficacy privacy invasion stereotype marketing data misuse consumer trust information consent public outcry empirical privacy attitudes race and gender stereotypes digital marketing impact customer information policy personal data commerce privacy violation consumer privacy personal information data exploitation marketing ethics targeted advertising public backlash Amazon dynamic pricing privacy invasion consumer rights data consent empirical attitudes online marketing stereotyping gender bias race bias marketing decline customer information privacy demands data usage digital ethics privacy personal information data exploitation consumer rights marketing ethics targeted advertising online privacy data misuse customer consent consumer backlash dynamic pricing Amazon stereotyping data storage marketing stereotypes race gender consumer violation public outcry empirical studies marketing efficiency customer information policy
test-philosophy-elkosmj-con01a	Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. Killing is worse than letting someone die  People die in accidents and by natural cause all of the time. However, it is much rarer for a person to be actively involved in another person’s death. If one chooses to pull the lever and change the course of the train then one is actively participating in the death of the one person. The other option involves no action; it simply allows a set of events to run their course. There is, therefore, a greater responsibility involved in being actively involved in the death of another. ethics morality active-participation passive-action responsibility justification consequences intent trolley-problem decision-making culpability harm-principle philosophical-debate moral-dilemma ethical-theory killing-vs-letting-die moral-responsibility ethical-discrimination action-vs-inaction killing letting die moral responsibility active involvement passive action ethical dilemmas trolley problem choice consequences human life value moral philosophy moral responsibility ethical dilemma active participation passive inaction intentional harm unintended consequences trolley problem jurisprudence philosophy of action culpability moral psychology decision-making ethics human life value intervention ethics non-intervention ethics moral responsibility ethical dilemmas active vs passive euthanasia trolley problem intentional harm consequences of action moral philosophy ethics in decision making passive involvement active participation guilt and responsibility Moral Psychology Utilitarianism Deontological Ethics Killing morally worse letting die non-intervention active participation passive involvement ethical responsibility trolley problem moral philosophy human ethics action vs inaction moral outcomes guilt intentionality consequences ethical dilemmas moral psychology decision-making culpability moral judgments moral responsibility active vs passive ethical decision making trolley problem killing vs letting die moral psychology philosophy of action responsibility in ethics harm principle non-intervention ethics killing letting die moral responsibility active involvement passive inaction trolley problem ethics moral philosophy death by action death by omission human intervention natural causes accidents ethical dilemma moral choice culpability intentionality consequences moral psychology decision making harm principle non-intervention moral judgment active involvement passive inaction moral responsibility intentional harm natural causes accidental death ethical dilemma utilitarian perspective deontological ethics direct causation indirect causation moral culpability humanitarian ethics legal implications philosophical debate trolley problem moral philosophy ethical decision-making human life value intentional killing letting die moral responsibility ethical dilemmas active vs passive harm trolley problem intentional killing accidental death natural causes human intervention moral philosophy ethics in decision making culpability in action passive responsibility active participation consequences of choices moral psychology utilitarian perspective deontological ethics moral agency responsibility in inaction ethical responsibility moral responsibility ethical dilemma active vs passive trolley problem human intervention natural death accidental death deliberate action consequence of actions moral philosophy ethical theories culpability intent versus outcome moral psychology decision-making ethics
test-international-iighbopcc-con02a	Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, Only a non-binding agreement would get the targets necessary  Fully binding treaties with mechanisms for compliance are the gold standard for agreements between nations. But because they are onerous they are the most difficult kind of treaties to get agreed to start with. If the aim were such an agreement it would unfortunately never happen. This has been demonstrated by the years of successive failures in crafting climate agreements. COP 15 is the most notable; expectations were immensely high for a binding international treaty but there was a failure to deliver, largely because governments did not want a binding international solution which is what was being negotiated at Copenhagen. [1]  [1] BBC News, ‘Why did Copenhagen fail to deliver a climate deal?’, 22 December 2009, non-binding agreement fully binding treaties compliance mechanisms climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen international treaty government reluctance binding solutions negotiation challenges environmental policy global cooperation international law climate change mitigation diplomatic failure public expectations treaty ratification environmental governance sustainable development international relations non-binding agreement targets fully binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements nations onerous treaty agreement climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen international treaty government reluctance binding international solution climate deal failure non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance treaty negotiation binding international treaty non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure government reluctance international treaty negotiation climate deal environmental policy diplomatic challenges global cooperation treaty effectiveness legal obligations international law environmental governance climate change mitigation diplomatic processes international relations non-binding agreement targets binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements negotiations climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen government reluctance international solutions treaty failures environmental policy global cooperation diplomatic challenges non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure governmental reluctance binding international treaty successive failures non-binding agreement targets fully binding treaties compliance mechanisms gold standard agreements between nations onerous difficult to agree climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure binding international treaty government reluctance international solution BBC News climate deal non-binding agreement targets binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen climate deal government reluctance international treaty negotiation challenges environmental policy global cooperation diplomatic efforts failed negotiations international relations climate change environmental governance global environmental agreements non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen negotiation failures government reluctance international solutions climate deal BBC News non-binding agreement binding treaties compliance mechanisms international agreements climate agreements COP 15 Copenhagen failure governmental reluctance international solutions treaty negotiations
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con01a	Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. Celebrity involvement can act as a ‘gateway’ to get more people engaged in politics  Celebrity endorsement of a candidate does more than make people vote, drone-like, for the candidate endorsed by their favourite celebrity. Rather, it encourages people who might not otherwise have thought politics was interesting to pay attention to it. Especially in an age of easily accessible information, people can easily access sufficient information about political personalities and policies to cast a meaningful vote.  As a consequence, you have more potential voters, from a wider cross-section of society, note the key role played by personalities like will.i.am in engaging young people during the Obama campaign. Rock the Vote with a large amount of celebrity support registered 2.6million voters in 2008 and it and other celebrity campaigns had been prominent in 2004 as well which was probably a key factor in 2million more 18-29 year olds voting in 2008 compared to 2004 or 6.5million over 2000. [1]  Some of the people thus enthused may go on further with their interest in the political system, some may simply start listening to news shows or reading blogs that they would otherwise have shunned. Either way, celebrity involvement has a beneficial impact on our political system that it would be foolish to discard: the larger and more diverse the voter base, the more politicians are held to account and the more likely we are to reach the best political outcomes.  [1] Brubaker, Jennifer, ‘It doesn’t affect my vote: Third-person effects of Celebrity Endorsements on College Voters in the 2004 and 2008 Presidential Elections’, American Communication Journal, Vol.13 Issue 2, Summer 2011, p.8. celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth participation political interest celebrity endorsement informed voting democratic accountability political outcomes Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign third-person effects college voters political information news consumption political blogs voter registration 2008 election 2004 election 18-29 year olds political system diverse electorate celebrity politics engagement endorsement voting youth influence media campaigns participation democracy impact accountability outcomes information accessibility interest news diversity electorate college presidential elections rock the vote will.i.am obama third-person effects communication journal 2004 2008 2011 celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth participation Rock the Vote celebrity endorsement political awareness informed voting democratic accountability diverse voter base political outcomes will.i.am Obama campaign third-person effects college voters easily accessible information political interest news consumption blog readership 2008 election 2004 election 18-29 year olds political system voter registration celebrity involvement gateway to politics voter engagement celebrity endorsement candidate support political interest accessible information meaningful vote diverse voter base political outcomes will.i.am Obama campaign Rock the Vote young voters 2008 election 2004 election third-person effects college voters political accountability news shows political blogs Brubaker Jennifer American Communication Journal celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth voting celebrity endorsement Rock the Vote political interest information accessibility political accountability best political outcomes voter diversity college voters third-person effects political campaigns will.i.am Obama campaign voter registration political participation social impact democratic process celebrity involvement gateway to politics voter engagement celebrity endorsement political awareness information accessibility voter registration Rock the Vote youth voting political participation voter diversity accountably politics best political outcomes Jennifer Brubaker college voters 2004 presidential election 2008 presidential election third-person effects celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout young voters celebrity endorsement political interest informed voting Rock the Vote will.i.am Obama campaign political participation diverse voter base accountability political outcomes Jennifer Brubaker college voters third-person effects 2004 Presidential Elections 2008 Presidential Elections celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout young voters celebrity endorsement political interest information access democratic participation Rock the Vote 2008 election 2004 election Obama campaign will.i.am third-person effects college voters political outcomes voter base political accountability news consumption political blogs democratic system political system celebrity campaigns voter registration political candidates political policies political personalities voter diversity political accountability best political outcomes celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout young voters political awareness information accessibility rock the vote will.i.am obama campaign third-person effects college voters political outcomes democratic participation voter registration political accountability celebrity involvement political engagement voter turnout youth participation Rock the Vote celebrity endorsement political awareness democratic accountability media influence election campaigns social impact political education voter registration civic engagement political system benefits
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con03a	There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. There is no empirical evidence supporting Creationism, whereas all evidence supports abiogenesis and evolution.  Creationists have never once offered a positive evidence for their claims. When challenged, they respond with vitriolic, and often deliberately false, criticisms of evolution and abiogenesis. They behave as if delegitimizing an alternative theory necessarily gives credence to their own. Unfortunately for Creationism, that is not how science works. Positive claims require positive evidence. Even if the Creationists were able to provide evidence that actually refutes evolution it would do nothing to support a theory that intelligent agency is behind the existence and development of life. For Creationism to be true, there would need to be demonstration of living organisms that are unambiguously designed, and not the product of evolution by means of mutation and natural selection. Proponents of Creationism have consistently failed to do so. When they point to things they claim to be irreducibly complex they are invariably forced to back off as soon as scientists appear on the scene to test their claims. [1] The truth is there are no examples of organisms that could not have evolved. Abiogensis and evolution, on the other hand are thoroughly proven by observation and data. [2] In the case of abiogenesis, self-assembling molecules have been observed that are akin to the first proto-life, and hopes have never been higher that they will be able to observe the development under laboratory conditions of fully-formed new life. Evolution likewise is extensively demonstrated. Speciation, phylogenetic mapping, a more and more complete fossil record, structural atavisms, junk DNA, and embryology provide just some of the proofs of evolution. [3] All of these disciples are in agreement with evolution. In fact, only in light of evolution does anything in biology make any sense at all. Clearly, Creationism has no basis in science and thus no place in the classroom.  [1] Miller, Kenneth. 2004. “The Flagellum Unspun: The Collapse of ‘Irreducible Complexity’” in Ruse, Michael and William Dembski (ed.). Debating Design: From Darwin to DNA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  [2] Lenski, Richard. 2011. “Evolution: Fact and Theory”. Action Bioscience.  [3] Colby, Chris. 1997. “Evidence for Evolution: An Eclectic Survey”. TalkOrigins Archive. creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms false criticisms science positive claims intelligent agency unambiguously designed mutation natural selection irreducibly complex organisms self-assembling molecules proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology classroom Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby empirical evidence creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent design irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby fossil record speciation phylogenetic mapping embryology junk DNA structural atavisms protolife laboratory conditions biology scientific consensus classroom education empirical evidence creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence refutation intelligent design scientific method irreducible complexity self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biological disciplines Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticism false criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent design refuting evolution irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby irreducible complexity Flagellum Unspun Debating Design Darwin to DNA Action Bioscience Evolution: Fact and Theory Evidence for Evolution Eclectic Survey TalkOrigins Archive empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science methodology positive claims intelligent agency unambiguously designed irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby TalkOrigins Archive Debating Design Action Bioscience Creationism empirical evidence abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science positive claims intelligent agency unambiguously designed irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby empirical evidence Creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms false criticisms delegitimizing theory positive claims intelligent agency unambiguous design mutation natural selection irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby empirical evidence creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence vitriolic criticisms deliberate falsehoods scientific method positive claims intelligent agency unambiguous design mutation natural selection irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules proto-life laboratory conditions speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby empirical evidence creationism abiogenesis evolution positive evidence scientific method intelligent design irreducible complexity Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology biological evolution education science classroom pseudoscience Creationism abiogenesis evolution empirical evidence positive evidence vitriolic criticisms science intelligent agency irreducibly complex self-assembling molecules speciation phylogenetic mapping fossil record structural atavisms junk DNA embryology Kenneth Miller Richard Lenski Chris Colby Debating Design Action Bioscience TalkOrigins Archive
test-society-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law state intervention social norms compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage law enforcement weak states corruption child soldiers international criminal court jurisdiction commanders fair justice underdeveloped states conflict Western rule-of-law developing nations isolated communities armed conflict ethnic minorities DRC South Sudan Myanmar immediate authority community norms state-sponsored education legal systems global context Asian law African law legal enforcement UNICEF child protection international law state trust courtroom systems legal accessibility command structures rule of law challenges rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights Indian Child Marriage Restraint Act weak states child soldiers International Criminal Court commanders underdeveloped states conflict jurisdiction Western notions developing nations isolated communities armed conflict DRC South Sudan Myanmar community law state-sponsored education legal systems global context UNICEF Elements of Crimes Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption ICC jurisdiction commanders underdeveloped states conflict Convention of the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities internecine conflicts education legal systems global context UNICEF international criminal court child soldiers global report legal norms tradition command responsibility legal authority state sovereignty justice legal enforcement community law state-made law human rights legal pluralism rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention society's identity compliance with law plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage law enforcement weak states child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility legal certainty government trust court systems armed conflict isolated communities Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities local authority legal norms state-sponsored education child combatants command structure legal void global contexts legal systems Asia Africa Werner Menski UNICEF Coalition rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption underdeveloped states conflict ICC commanders jurisdiction fair law stable government transparent court system developing nations isolation internecine conflicts DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minority UNICEF International Criminal Court Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 Werner Menski Comparative Law in a Global Context rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption International Criminal Court jurisprudence command responsibility legal systems developing nations conflict zones DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal awareness state-sponsored education customary law international law human rights child rights armed conflict commanders legal enforcement Western notions local norms legal pluralism legal vacuum state responsibility community law legal accessibility judicial systems legal certainty legal authority international conventions Rome Stat rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention societal values plural societies India child marriage legal compliance child soldiers weak states corruption international law ICC command responsibility legal authority underdeveloped states conflict zones customary law community norms international justice child rights legal education state sovereignty legal enforcement DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities armed conflict legal awareness human rights legal systems global law legal pluralism legal integration legal coherence legal legitimacy legal trust legal transparency legal accessibility legal education rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention law compliance plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage state weakness child soldiers conflict zones ICC jurisdiction commanders legal principles state corruption poverty armed occupation Western rule-of-law developing nations community laws DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal void state-sponsored education strongest source of law rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage India weak states child soldiers ICC command responsibility underdeveloped states conflict jurisdiction DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities authority legal systems global context UNICEF Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Rome Statute state-sponsored education stable government transparent court system armed conflicts isolated regions community laws international criminal court legal enforcement human rights legal education child protection international law legal compliance rule of law anthropologist Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies India child marriage education incentives deterrence weak states corruption non-existent state child soldiers International Criminal Court commanders jurisdiction certainty accessibility Western notions developing nations isolation conflict DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities community laws state-sponsored education counter-point strongest law effective law stable law immediate environment
test-politics-cpegiepgh-con03a	"Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. Losing the Queen's head on banknotes is NOT a minor issue, it symbolises Britain losing her identity and control over her own economy.  This must not be dismissed as petty nostalgia, desire for outdated British tradition and fear of change. The fact that Britain does not want to lose the national symbol of her Queen on the banknotes is surely a sign that the British want to hold on to their own identity and keep control of their own economy. As explained by Alan Clark, ""The European Commission Press Office chose that moment to release facsimiles of the new euro banknotes in their various denominations. The unfamiliar, but so obviously foreign, appearance made many people uneasy. Polls showed that the electorate, for most of the time indifferent to European squabbling, whose technicalities they could not be bothered to master, disliked the removal of their Sovereign's head from the currency of the realm. The sceptics took fresh heart and the likelihood of the dispute fading …became still more remote.”1 This highlights the depth and strength of anti-Euro sentiment in the British psyche. It is surely unfair for both Britain and those fellow EU Member states that ARE under the Euro to enter the single currency while not entirely convinced by it.  1Alan Clarke, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997, page 435-6. British identity economic control Queen's head banknotes national symbol anti-Euro sentiment British tradition fear of change European Commission euro banknotes British psyche EU member states single currency Alan Clark Tories Conservatives nation state British identity economic control national symbol Queen's head banknotes anti-Euro sentiment British tradition fear of change EU membership single currency British psyche European Commission Alan Clark Tory politics national sovereignty currency symbolism cultural heritage political sentiment economic independence British electorate Losing Queen's head banknotes Britain identity economy Alan Clark European Commission euro banknotes anti-Euro sentiment British psyche single currency EU Member states Tories Conservatives nation state Losing Queen's head banknotes Britain identity economy anti-Euro sentiment British tradition Alan Clark European Commission euro banknotes national symbol control sovereignty pettiness nostalgia change polls electorate European squabbling sceptics single currency EU Member states conviction nationality currency symbolism discomfort unfamiliarity sovereignty identity retention economic control national identity British psyche anti-Euro Euroscepticism national heritage cultural preserve economic symbolism royal image political sentiment public opinion national pride currency design monetary policy British identity economic control Queen's head banknotes Euro national symbol anti-Euro sentiment British tradition Alan Clark European Commission currency sovereignty British psyche EU Member states single currency Euroscepticism Queen's head banknotes British identity economy control anti-Euro sentiment national symbol Alan Clark currency Euro British tradition fear of change electorate opinion European Commission single currency Member states losing Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control anti-Euro sentiment British tradition Euro banknotes national symbol British sovereignty Alan Clark Euroscepticism British psyche EU membership single currency British electorate European Commission currency change national identity economic symbolism political resistance currency tradition British identity economic control Queen's head banknotes anti-Euro sentiment national symbol Alan Clark British tradition fear of change European Commission euro banknotes British psyche scepticism single currency EU Member states Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control anti-Euro sentiment British tradition national symbol European Commission euro banknotes British psyche single currency Euroskepticism Alan Clark Tories nation state currency of the realm political sentiment economic sovereignty cultural heritage monetary policy European integration public opinion electoral indifference Eurosceptic movement cultural identity economic symbolism national currency British monarchy financial autonomy economic nationalism political resistance European Union economic debate national pride currency design royal imagery monetary union economic independence British values Euroscept Queen's head banknotes British identity economic control nostalgia tradition fear of change national symbol Alan Clark European Commission euro banknotes anti-Euro sentiment British psyche single currency EU Member states Tories Conservatives nation state"
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro03a	This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, This offer of amnesty serves as a powerful public statement in favour of free speech and rule of law  In offering amnesty Western governments make an exceptionally powerful public statement in the international arena, an area in which they already hold great sway as norm-setters. It is a statement that shows that they will not simply ignore the abuses of power used by repressive regimes to stifle dissent and the voices of reform. [1] Ultimately, the power of oppressors to act with impunity is the product of democracies’ unwillingness to challenge them. Authoritarian regimes often claim to value freedom of the press, for example article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China guarantees it, [2] and this policy challenges them to make their practice more like what they preach. A policy of amnesty for those threatened with the lash of tyranny serves to actively protect those people while at the same time upholding the avowed principles of justice and fairness the West proclaims. This will show that the West does not play favourites or turn a blind eye to these repressions, but is an active player, willing to step in to shield those who share its dreams of a freer world. The international ridicule these policies can generate will serve to shame regimes into relaxing their policies and to embrace at least a road to reform. Nor should it be assumed that this rhetoric will have no real consequences, many authoritarian regimes encourage investment by companies from democratic countries, such investment is less likely when that company’s home state is publically condemning that state by granting amnesties to dissident bloggers.  [1] Clinton, H. “Conference on Internet Freedom”. U.S. Department of State, 8 December 2011.   [2] Fifth National People’s Congress, “Constitution of the People’s Republic of China”, 4 December 1982, amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international statement norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China protect justice fairness international ridicule regime change reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers Fifth National People’s Congress U.S. Department of State Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of press constitution China justice fairness international ridicule reform investment companies democratic countries dissident bloggers public condemnation Clinton Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State National People’s Congress Constitution of the People’s Republic of China amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect justice fairness international ridicule reform condemnation investment democratic countries dissident bloggers Hillary Clinton Internet Freedom Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international statement norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press policy protect principles of justice international ridicule reform investment democratic countries companies public condemnation dissident bloggers Clinton Internet Freedom Constitution of the People’s Republic of China Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international statement norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China protect justice fairness international ridicule public condemnation investment democratic countries dissident bloggers human rights political asylum global influence authoritarianism democracy international relations policy impact corporate responsibility public diplomacy digital freedom civil liberties political reform global governance international law sovereignty moral authority strategic foreign policy amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform democracies unwillingness to challenge authoritarians freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy tyranny justice fairness international ridicule regimes reform investment condemnation dissident bloggers Clinton U.S. Department of State Constitution Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes stifle dissent voices of reform impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China policy protect principles of justice fairness international ridicule shame reform investment democratic countries condemnation dissident bloggers human rights political庇护 international pressure diplomatic relations global influence moral authority legal protection political asylum civil liberties government accountability international norms press freedom corporate responsibility amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China oppression justice fairness international ridicule reform investment democratic countries dissident bloggers Clinton U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes dissent voices of reform oppressors impunity democracies challenge authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China tyranny justice fairness international ridicule road to reform investment democratic countries public condemnation dissident bloggers Hillary Clinton Conference on Internet Freedom U.S. Department of State Fifth National People’s Congress amnesty free speech rule of law Western governments international arena norm-setters abuses of power repressive regimes silence dissent voices of reform impunity democracies authoritarian regimes freedom of the press Constitution of the People’s Republic of China actively protect principles of justice fairness international ridicule public condemnation investment democratic countries dissident bloggers
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro01a	An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 An individual's BMI is no longer a purely personal matter  The obesity epidemic is taking an enormous toll on global medical costs. In the US alone the health care costs attributable to either direct or indirect consequences of obesity have been estimated at $147bn. [1] Put into context, this amounts to roughly 9% of the health spending in the US. [2]  The figure might seem excessive, but we need to remember that obesity is linked to Type 2 Diabetes, several kinds of cancer, coronary artery disease, stroke, congestive heart failure, asthma, chronic back pain and hypertension, to name just a few.  We also need to realize that many of the diseases on this list are chronic in nature, requiring lifelong pharmacological therapy, which often follows complex and expensive diagnostic procedures, frequent medical specialist consultations, and not infrequent emergency interventions. [3]  Adding to the list is the value of income lost due to decreased productivity, restricted activity, and absenteeism, not to mention the value of future income lost by premature death.  Thus it becomes increasingly clear that due to the substantial cost obesity presents to the society, individual choices that might lead to excessive weight gain, can no longer be considered as solely individual in nature. [4]  Therefore the government is legitimate in its action to introduce a form of a fat tax in order to try to dissuade the population from becoming obese and cover the increasing societal costs the already obese individuals are responsible for.  [1] CDC, Obesity: Economic Consequences, published 3/28/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] RTI international, Obesity Costs U.S. About $147 Billion Annually, Study Finds, published 7/27/2009,  , accessed 9/14/2011  [3] The Council of State Governments, Costs of Chronic Diseases: What Are States Facing?, published in 2006,  , accessed, 9/14/2011  [4] Los Angeles Times, Should there be a 'fat tax'?, published 4/11/2011,  , accessed 9/12/2011 BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare spending Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs fat tax government intervention public health policy obesity-related diseases economic burden healthcare economics obesity prevention health policy chronic disease management obesity-related healthcare costs health disparities health insurance healthcare reform obesity research obesity statistics health education obesity obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care obesity-related diseases chronic conditions pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax public health policy obesity prevention economic impact healthcare expenditure chronic disease management BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs obesity-related diseases chronic conditions pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity prevention public health policy BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions lost productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal cost government intervention fat tax obesity prevention healthcare economics public health policy BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US healthcare costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax public health policy economic impact healthcare economics obesity-related diseases chronic condition management healthcare expenditure obesity prevention health policy fiscal measures public health strategy health economics obesity costs healthcare reform health insurance healthcare system BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care obesity consequences Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke chronic conditions pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions productivity loss absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity prevention BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs individual choices fat tax government action economic consequences chronic disease costs state facing costs public health policy obesity prevention health economics health policy obesity-related diseases healthcare spending obesity impact health interventions obesity control healthcare burden obesity obesity global medical costs US healthcare economic impact chronic diseases Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions lost productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity prevention public health policy economic consequences chronic disease management healthcare spending obesity-related conditions long-term healthcare costs health economics obesity epidemic health policy socioeconomic impact healthcare burden obesity prevention strategies tax measures healthcare finance obesity obesity global medical costs US healthcare spending Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical consultations emergency interventions income loss decreased productivity absenteeism premature death societal costs government intervention fat tax obesity epidemic economic consequences chronic disease management public health policy healthcare economics BMI obesity epidemic global medical costs US health care costs Type 2 Diabetes cancer coronary artery disease stroke congestive heart failure asthma chronic back pain hypertension chronic diseases pharmacological therapy diagnostic procedures medical specialist consultations emergency interventions income lost decreased productivity restricted activity absenteeism premature death societal costs government action fat tax obesity prevention economic consequences chronic disease costs state facing costs public health policy
test-education-usuprmhbu-con03a	"Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action perpetuates prejudice  Affirmative action causes prejudice against minorities in society.  The existence of affirmative action creates a de-facto assumption that anyone of that particular minority must have gotten where they are not on their own merit, but simply because they are that particular minority. This causes people to resent the minority group for getting for “free” what people feel they had to work hard for. People feel as though that minority is getting a “free-ride” and are inherently less worthy of what they achieve.  This is damaging on a societal level because minorities who receive affirmative action are assumed to be less qualified and less valuable than others in society simply because many of them are aided by affirmative action policies. This not only creates damaging stereotypes, but also causes resentment and backlash from others in society who view affirmative action as simply unfair.  This is best demonstrated by the backlash in America in the mid-1990s over the existence of affirmative action policies [1] .  [1] Aka, Philip. ""Affirmative Action and the Black Experience in America."" American Bar Association. 36.4 (2009): Print. Affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit assumption resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair mid-1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair mid-1990s America policies Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit resentment free-ride unfair damaging stereotypes backlash 1990s America ABA Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit resentment fairness stereotypes backlash American Bar Association Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice societal impact minority groups meritocracy discrimination resentment stereotypes backlash fairness policy effects 1990s America ABA Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair America mid-1990s Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minorities societal impact merit resentment free-ride stereotypes backlash unfair 1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minority society merit resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair America mid-1990s Philip Aka American Bar Association affirmative action prejudice minority discrimination societal assumptions merit-based achievements minority resentment free-ride perception damaging stereotypes societal backlash unfair policy perception 1990s American backlash ABA publication Philip Aka affirmative action prejudice minorities society merit resentment free-ride less worthy damaging stereotypes backlash unfair mid-1990s America Philip Aka American Bar Association"
test-international-ghwcitca-con02a	A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, A treaty would benefit larger powers over the small  Any treaty that seeks to ban cyber-attacks would simply be an attempt to cement the position of the most powerful countries at the expense of weaker ones. This is because cyber-attacks are, like terrorism, weapons that can be used by anyone to attack a much bigger target. To launch a cyber-attack there is little need for training, only a small amount of comparatively cheap equipment (to military hardware at any rate), and an internet connection. [1] And it is difficult to defend against. This makes it ideal for poor nations to maintain cyber warfare as a credible threat to their bigger neighbours while their neighbours threaten them conventionally with their bigger militaries. We have seen before arms treaties that are fundamentally biased in favour of a small group of powerful states. Most notable is the Nuclear non-proliferation treaty where there are five recognised nuclear weapons states who are allowed the horrific weapons and everyone else is banned from having them. This discrimination was accepted as a result of the agreement that the nuclear weapons states would eventually disarm. It has not happened so leaving a troubled treaty system that appears to be regularly flouted. [2]  [1] Phillips, Andrew T., ‘Now Hear This – The Asymmetric Nature of Cyber Warfare’, U.S. Naval Institute, Vol.138/10/1316, October 2012,   [2] Miller, Steven E., ‘Nuclear Collisions: Discord, Reform & the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime’, American Academy of Arts & Sciences, 2012, cyber-attacks larger powers small nations terrorism military hardware internet connection cyber warfare arms treaties powerful states Nuclear non-proliferation treaty recognized nuclear weapons states disarmament treaty system nonproliferation regime cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection weapons states Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear disarmament asymmetric warfare international treaties cyber security state power technological imbalance military strategy nonproliferation international relations arms control digital weaponry state sovereignty global security technology access conventional warfare treaty biases power dynamics cyber threat military advantage diplomatic negotiations security studies geopolitical strategies treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection poor nations arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare military imbalance technological disparity global security international relations defense strategy cyber security state power strategic weapons non-proliferation regime international law diplomatic negotiations cyber policy military technology security studies geopolitical power international treaties cybersecurity military ethics global governance international security nuclear disarmament asymmetric threats cyber defense international agreements cyber strategy military balance treaty larger powers smaller nations cyber-attacks weapons terrorism military hardware internet connection cyber warfare credible threat bigger militaries arms treaties powerful states Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarm troubled treaty system flouted asymmetric nature Steven E. Miller Andrew T. Phillips treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military internet weapons nuclear non-proliferation discrimination disarmament asymmetric warfare nuclear weapons states arms control international relations security studies treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection defense poor nations arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament asymmetric warfare international relations security studies treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare weapons terrorism military hardware internet connection defenses poor nations bigger neighbours arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty nuclear weapons states disarmament nonproliferation regime discrimination flouted treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military hardware internet connection defense poor nations arms treaties Nuclear non-proliferation treaty discrimination nuclear weapons states disarmament nonproliferation asymmetric warfare international security cyber security global power dynamics treaty cyber-attacks powerful countries weaker nations cyber warfare military nuclear non-proliferation arms control asymmetric warfare international relations security studies global governance technology policy disarmament state power digital security military strategy political science security studies international law cyber-attacks large powers small nations military hardware internet connection arms treaties nuclear non-proliferation asymmetric warfare powerful states weaker ones disarmament treaty system credible threat conventional threats nuclear weapons states nonproliferation regime cyber warfare technological imbalance international security power dynamics
test-health-hpehwadvoee-con04a	The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). The role of society is to save lives not to assist in suicide  The purpose of society, the health sector and more specifically the doctors is to preserve health, not to be damaging health or even assisting in the ending of a life even if voluntarily. As part of this, death is sometimes something that must be affected. However, it is not in line with the purpose of medical professionals to kill a healthy person. The solution is to focus every possible effort on curing the sick person, but society cannot be complicit in killing a healthy person [1] .  [1] Tremblay, Joe. “Organ Donation Euthanasia: A Growing Epidemic.” Catholic News Agency, (2013). society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick complicit organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntarily death medical professionals kill healthy person curing sick organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damage health end life death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia ethics medical ethics patient care life preservation healthcare policy moral responsibility voluntary euthanasia assisted dying patient rights medical law doctor-patient relationship quality of life end-of-life care palliative care bioethics human rights moral philosophy healthcare ethics medical humanities legal ethics euthanasia debate organ transplantation informed consent healthcare decision-making role of society save lives assist in suicide purpose of society health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending of a life death purpose of medical professionals kill a healthy person cure the sick person society complicit organ donation euthanasia growing epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntary medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick organ donation euthanasia catholic news agency joe tremblay 2013 society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntarily death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick complicit organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013 society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damage health end life voluntarily death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick organ donation euthanasia Tremblay Joe Catholic News Agency 2013 society health doctors preserve health sector suicide life medical professionals curing sick complicit killing healthy organ donation euthanasia epidemic Catholic News Agency Tremblay Joe society save lives assist suicide health sector doctors preserve health damaging health ending life voluntarily death medical professionals kill healthy person cure sick person complicit killing organ donation euthanasia Catholic News Agency Joe Tremblay 2013
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con02a	There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, There is a truce in the diplomatic conflict  There is a truce between Taipei and Beijing on the issue of recognition. Neither is currently aiming to poach countries from the other. China has refused advances from El Salvador and Honduras that have said they wish to change their recognition to the PRC. [1] When Gambia terminated its ties with Taiwan Hong Lei a spokesman for the PRC Foreign Ministry said “We learned the relevant information from the foreign media. Before that, China was not in contact with The Gambia.” [2] The truce has been maintained and Gambia has been left essentially not recognising either China. [3]  [1] Cole, J Michael, ‘Is China and Taiwan’s Diplomatic Truce Over?’, The Diplomat, 18 November 2013,   [2] Enav, Peter, ‘Beijing was in dark about Gambia's broken ties with Taiwan: China official’, The China Post, 16 November 2013,   [3] Atkinson, Joel, ‘Gambia’s Break with Taiwan’, The Diplomat, 2 December 2013, truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries China El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic truce Beijing Gambia recognition China Joel Atkinson The Diplomat Peter Enav The China Post J Michael Cole diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition issue poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic relations truce maintenance Joel Atkinson J Michael Cole Peter Enav The Diplomat The China Post truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign media diplomatic truce broken ties non-recognition diplomatic conflict truce Taipei Beijing recognition countries poaching El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media diplomatic truce Taiwan relations China relations recognition changes diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition issue poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties China Foreign Ministry Hong Lei Gambia外交关系 The Diplomat The China Post Joel Atkinson Peter Enav J Michael Cole truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry diplomatic truce The Gambia non-recognition diplomatic truce Taipei Beijing recognition issue poaching countries El Salvador Honduras PRC recognition Gambia Taiwan ties China Foreign Ministry foreign media The Gambia diplomatic relations China Taiwan The Diplomat The China Post truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign media diplomatic truce Joel Atkinson Peter Enav J Michael Cole The Diplomat The China Post truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan China foreign media diplomatic relations non-recognition truce maintenance international relations Asia diplomatic truce China-Taiwan relations truce diplomatic conflict Taipei Beijing recognition poach countries El Salvador Honduras PRC Gambia Taiwan Hong Lei PRC Foreign Ministry foreign media not recognising China Taiwan Diplomat China Post
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con02a	African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values  Human rights are a concept that take on different conclusions and priorities when applied in different cultural contexts. Protecting the community as a whole, by removing dangerous offenders from circulation, and by a deterrence effect, capital punishment is a manifestation of a form of “African Values” that place more emphasis on the community over the individual than western legal tradition. Capital Punishment has traditionally used for the most serious crimes such as murder as well as some serious religious offenses which it was feared might bring serious consequences for the entire community. [1]  [1] Balogun, Oladele Abiodun, ‘A Philosophical Defence of Punishment in Traditional African Legal Culture: The Yoruba Example’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Vol.3, No.3, September 2009,  , p.47 African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights western legal tradition capital punishment traditional African legal culture serious crimes religious offenses community protection deterrence effect Yoruba example Oladele Abiodun Balogun African values human rights cultural contexts community individual western legal tradition capital punishment serious crimes murder religious offenses traditional African legal culture Yoruba example Oladele Abiodun Balogun philosophical defense punishment legal culture communal values individual rights deterrence dangerous offenders social order moral culpability legal traditions cross-cultural perspectives human dignity justice systems traditional practices modern human rights reconciliation retribution legal philosophy African jurisprudence communal justice societal harm moral responsibility African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights western legal tradition capital punishment traditional African legal culture Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses community protection deterrence effect legal philosophy moral values societal norms punishment practices traditional justice cultural relativism legal ethics human rights theories African jurisprudence communal values individualism collective responsibility traditional beliefs legal systems ethical considerations criminal justice societal impact punitive measures moral accountability cultural practices legal traditions African philosophy communal welfare social order legal customs traditional law African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual vs community capital punishment traditional African legal culture Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses social impact legal traditions western vs African punishment philosophy communal protection deterrence effect African values Human rights Cultural contexts Community emphasis Western legal tradition Capital punishment Serious crimes Religious offenses Traditional African legal culture Yoruba example Punishment philosophy Community protection Deterrence effect Legal traditions Cultural differences Individual vs community Philosophical defense Pan African studies Legal culture Traditional values African values human rights cultural contexts community protection capital punishment African legal tradition individual vs community serious crimes religious offenses Yoruba example traditional punishment legal culture African values human rights cultural contexts community protection dangerous offenders deterrence effect capital punishment African legal tradition individual vs community serious crimes murder religious offenses communal consequences traditional African legal culture Yoruba example African values human rights cultural contexts community protection capital punishment African legal tradition Yoruba example serious crimes religious offenses community over individual traditional African legal culture Oladele Abiodun Balogun African values human rights cultural contexts community emphasis individual rights western legal tradition capital punishment deterrence effect serious crimes religious offenses traditional African legal culture Yoruba example punishment philosophy community protection offender removal African philosophy traditional African law community values individual rights capital punishment Yoruba culture legal traditions human rights cultural relativism moral values punishment practices social control religious offenses communal welfare justice systems African legal systems death penalty serious crimes traditional beliefs ethical considerations
test-sport-ybfgsohbhog-pro04a	Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting has wide-reaching economic benefits  Hosting creates an economic boost. Whilst none of the Olympics of recent times have made an immediate profit, the cost of the regeneration and improved infrastructure means that this is not a big problem as long as the losses are not huge. The Olympics showcases the host nation to the world and most hosts have seen a boost in tourism in the years after the Olympics (Australia estimates it gained£2bn extra tourist revenue in the four years after Sydney 2000). During the games between 60,000 (Paris 2012 estimate) and 135,000 (New York 2012 estimate) jobs are created providing skills and training to local people. Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics regeneration infrastructure tourism host nation tourist revenue job creation skills training local people Olympic impacts financial gains urban development employment opportunities international exposure sustainable benefits long-term economic growth economic benefits economic boost Olympic hosting regeneration infrastructure improvement profit cost tourism post-Olympic extra revenue job creation skills training local employment Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 Olympic legacy long-term economic impact Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics regeneration improved infrastructure tourism extra revenue job creation skills training local employment Paris 2012 New York 2012 Sydney 2000 Hosting economic benefits economic boost Olympics regeneration infrastructure tourism job creation skills training local economy long-term gains international exposure post-Olympics revenue Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 visitor economy urban development legacy benefits global showcase cultural impact sports tourism economic regeneration infrastructure investment job opportunities local workforce development international visitors increased revenue sustainable growth urban revitalization economic legacy sporting events hosting benefits economic impact analysis tourism industry employment creation skill enhancement community development economic benefits hosting Olympics profit regeneration infrastructure tourism job creation skills training local people Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 cost losses showcase host nation tourist revenue employment Olympic games economic impact urban development international exposure legacy hospitality sport events global profile community development investment visitor influx media attention cultural exchange regional growth sustainable development long-term benefits short-term costs economic diversification infrastructure improvement employment opportunities skills development community engagement tourism economic benefits hosting impact Olympic profits infrastructure improvement tourism boost job creation local skills training opportunities post-Olympic revenue economic regeneration economic benefits hosting Olympics regeneration infrastructure tourism job creation skills training local economy post-Olympics tourist revenue Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 Hosting economic benefits Olympics profit regeneration infrastructure tourism revenue jobs skills training local people Sydney 2000 Paris 2012 New York 2012 economic benefits hosting Olympic Games immediate profit regeneration infrastructure tourism boost post-Olympic revenue job creation skills training local employment economic impact Olympic legacy host nation showcase international exposure tourist revenue economic regeneration urban development long-term economic effects short-term costs financial sustainability Olympic venue utilization legacy planning economic growth regional development infrastructure improvements employment opportunities skills development community impact global attention media coverage international recognition cultural exchange national pride sporting legacy recreational facilities public investment urban renewal economic diversification visitor spending business opportunities economic benefits hosting Olympic Games profit regeneration infrastructure tourism boost job creation skills training local economy post-Olympic impact visitor revenue international exposure urban development legacy benefits event hosting sports tourism economic regeneration job opportunities training programs long-term economic effects tourism industry hosting effects Olympic legacy economic growth infrastructure improvements local workforce international visitors economic impact sports events hosting advantages economic contributions Olympic tourism urban transformation economic attractiveness global spotlight sustainable development economic opportunities hosting Olympics visitor spending economic benefits of hosting sports infrastructure
test-education-pshhghwpba0-pro03a	A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, A healthy breakfast improves students concentration  Children are in school to learn. To do this they need to concentrate. To be able to concentrate they need to have a balanced meal – one without too much sugar – that will ensure they are not hungry until lunchtime. A child who is hungry is not going to be concentrating on their studies. A study by the Indian National Institute of Nutrition has shown a regular breakfast to result in a 2% increase in test scores in addition to other health benefits. [1]  [1] Gajre, N.S., Fernandez, S., Balakrishna, N., and Vazir, S., ‘Breakfast Eating Habit and its Influence on Attention-concentration, Immediate Memory and School Achievement’, National Institute of Nutrition, 31 March 2008, healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar hunger lunchtime child concentration studies Indian National Institute of Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast eating habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar not hungry lunchtime child hunger studies Indian National Institute of Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast eating habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime academic performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast benefits test scores attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar hunger prevention lunchtime child hunger studying focus Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habits attention-concentration memory improvement school achievement test scores nutritional benefits healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar not hungry lunchtime child hunger studies concentration Indian National Institute of Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast eating habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast improves concentration children learning balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention academic performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition study breakfast benefits test scores attention memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration child nutrition balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention school performance test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition breakfast habit attention-concentration immediate memory academic achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal no sugar not hungry lunchtime hungry child concentration studies Indian National Institute Nutrition regular breakfast test scores health benefits breakfast eating habit attention-concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal low sugar hunger prevention lunchtime academic performance Indian National Institute of Nutrition study test scores attention concentration immediate memory school achievement healthy breakfast students concentration balanced meal sugar hunger lunchtime school learning attention memory test scores Indian National Institute of Nutrition school achievement breakfast habits child nutrition
test-international-iiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities tourist attacks Kruger National Park animal protection increased animal population human-animal conflict conservation risks wildlife safety tourist safety animal attacks bull elephant car flips fewer human deaths fewer large beasts reduced fatalities Africa endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks animal fatalities tourist safety Kruger National Park bull elephant car flip British tourist tougher protection increased animal numbers risk to human lives animal danger most dangerous animals Ian Withnall rampaging bull elephant human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks tourist safety Kruger National Park animal protection human-wildlife conflict wildlife conservation animal fatalities aggressive species tourist incidents wildlife management animal attacks human safety conservation risks fewer human deaths fewer large beasts endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamus fatalities elephant attacks lion fatalities Kruger National Park bull elephant attack tourist car tougher animal protection increased animal numbers human life risk animal danger most dangerous animals Withnall A. Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephant attacks Lion attacks Kruger National Park Tourist safety Animal protection Human-wildlife conflict Wildlife conservation Dangerous animals Fatalities Animal attacks Africa Human lives Risk Tougher protection Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Deaths in Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Attacks on humans Hippopotamuses Kill humans Elephants Lions Fatalities Animal danger Most dangerous animals Kruger National Park Elephant attack Tourist car Tougher protection Increased animal population Risk to human lives Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephant Lion Human fatalities Animal attacks Kruger National Park Bull elephant Tourist safety Animal protection Human-animal conflict Increased animal population Risk to human lives Dangerous animals Most dangerous animals Rampaging bull elephant British tourist car South Africa human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive attack humans hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities Kruger National Park tourist car attack animal protection increased risk human lives dangerous animals human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities tourist attack Kruger National Park South Africa tougher protection animal population human safety animal danger most dangerous animals rampaging elephant tourist car.flip Human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection increased animal numbers human-animal conflict animal attacks conservation wildlife management human fatalities dangerous animals bull elephant attack
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro03a	Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, Drugs are safer when legal  Currently in the UK, purity of illegal Amphetamine is normally under 5%, and some tablets sold as ecstasy contain no MDMA at all. Instead, drugs are adulterated (“cut”) with substances from chalk and talcum powder to completely different drugs. [1]  At least when drugs are legalised the state can regulate their sale to make sure that they are clean and not cut with other dangerous substances. This will minimise the risk to users.  [1] Drugscope, ‘How Pure Are Street Drugs?’, updated January 2005, drug legalization drug purity illegal drugs Amphetamine ecstasy MDMA drug adulteration drug regulation drug safety harm reduction UK drug policy Drugscope street drugs controlled substances pharmaceutical standards public health substance abuse drug enforcement legal drugs medicinal drugs recreational drugs drug legalization drug regulation street drug purity amphetamine purity ecstasy MDMA content drug adulteration chalk adulterant talcum powder adulterant drug safety controlled drug sale UK drug market drug policy reform harm reduction substance purity standards drug regulation legalisation benefits street drug purity adulterated substances drug safety controlled substance sale minimised user risk UK drug market drug legislation public health policy drug legalization drug regulation drug purity illegal drugs amphetamine purity ecstasy adulteration drug adulteration chalk talcum powder dangerous substances minimising user risk state regulation drug sale control drug safety UK drug purity Drugscope street drugs drug contamination legal drugs controlled substances drug legislation public health drug enforcement drug market recreational drugs substance abuse drug policy harm reduction drugs legalisation safety UK Amphetamine purity ecstasy MDMA adulteration regulation sale clean dangerous substances minimising risk users Drugscope street drugs January 2005 drugs legalisation purity illegal Amphetamine ecstasy MDMA adulterated cut substances chalk talcum powder regulation state sale clean dangerous risk users Drugscope street drugs January 2005 Drugs legalization regulation purity Amphetamine ecstasy MDMA adulteration dangerous substances user safety UK Drugscope street drugs minimising risks drugs safer legal UK Amphetamine purity ecstasy MDMA adulterated cut chalk talcum powder dangerous substances legalised state regulate sale clean risk users Drugscope street drugs January 2005 drug regulation legalisation purity adulteration MDMA ecstasy amphetamine chalk talcum powder safety dangerous substances user risk street drugs drugscope drug legalization drug regulation illegal drug purity amphetamine purity ecstasy purity drug adulteration drug safety controlled substances drug policy reform harm reduction public health substance regulation drug market legal drug control drug purity testing recreational drug use drug contamination drug enforcement pharmaceutical standards drug safety measures
test-economy-fiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats financial crises free market ideologies India microcredit stress microfinance industry crisis debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises intensified debt poverty credit access lending issues microfinance problems India microfinance repayment suicide early mortality microcredit stress microfinance crisis regulation credit distribution default threats Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access repayment pressures suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats financial crises free market ideologies microcredit India Biswas 2010 microfinance industry crisis debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty lending risks microfinance regulation credit access repayment pressure microcredit crisis India microfinance suicide early mortality credit distribution control default threats debt cycles microfinance subprime lending financial instability poverty credit access lending practices microcredit repayment pressure suicide early mortality regulatory need credit distribution default threats financial crises India economic stress market ideologies financial regulation debt intensification Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending regulation microcredit repayment suicide early mortality financial stress India microfinance crisis credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment inability lending issues India microfinance suicide early mortality credit stress microcredit repayment microfinance crisis regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending practices repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit crisis regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit repayment India suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending free market ideologies unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressure suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro04a	Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. Incentive in form of profit benefits society as a whole  The strongest motivational force a human being can feel towards work is a potential reward for their effort, therefore those who work hard and contribute most to society should justly also gain the most in form of increased wealth (e.g. private property). When work is uncoupled from reward or when an artificial safety net provides a high standard of living for those who do not work, society as a whole suffers. If those who work will benefit equally as the ones who do not there will be no reason to work and the overall productivity will be lowered, which is bad for society. Incentives are therefore necessary since it increases the overall standard for the whole society in form of material wealth, the fact that individuals are driven to succeed and earns what is rightfully theirs is thus in all our interest. With an overall higher productivity even the worst off may benefit more than they would have if the productivity had been low e.g. through charities etc.1/2/3/4  1 Rawls, J. (1999). A theory of justice (Rev.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.  2 Bradford, W. (1856). History of Plymouth plantation. Little, Brown and company.  3 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books.  4 Perry, M. J. (1995). Why Socialism Failed. University of Michigan- Flint, Mark J Perry?s personal page. incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property safety net standard of living productivity equality Rawls justice Bradford Plymouth plantation Nozick anarchy state utopia socialism failure Perry University of Michigan-Flint incentive profit benefits society motivational force human work reward effort hard contribute increased wealth private property artificial safety net standard living productivity lowered justice rawls theory bradford plymouth plantation nozick anarchy state utopia socialism failed perry university michigan flint incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property productivity artificial safety net standard of living work ethic productivity material wealth individual success collective interest economic theory justice John Rawls William Bradford Robert Nozick Mark J Perry socialism capitalism ethics philosophy economic systems social contract fairness equality meritocracy Incentive profit benefits society motivational force human work potential reward effort contribute increased wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living productivity lower incentives material wealth succeed drive earn overall worse off benefit charities Rawls A theory of justice Bradford History of Plymouth plantation Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Perry Why Socialism Failed profit benefits society motivational force work potential reward effort increased wealth private property artificial safety net high standard of living non-workers productivity incentives material wealth individual success overall standard higher productivity worst off charities John Rawls A Theory of Justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark Perry Why Socialism Failed incentive profit benefit society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property artificial safety net standard of living productivity equality standard material wealth success rights charity John Rawls William Bradford Robert Nozick Mark Perry theory of justice Plymouth plantation Anarchy State and Utopia socialism failure incentive profit benefits society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property productivity standard of living safety net artificial equality work ethic success individualism collectivism John Rawls A Theory of Justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark Perry Why Socialism Failed capitalism socialism economic systems ethical considerations social contract fairness justice incentive profit benefit society motivation reward effort work contribution wealth private property artificial safety net productivity standard of living equality success individual drive overall standard material wealth John Rawls theory of justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark J Perry Why Socialism Failed incentive profit benefit society motivation reward effort work wealth private property safety net productivity standard of living Rawls justice Bradford Plymouth Nozick Anarchy State Utopia Perry socialism failure charities overall standard material wealth individual success earned rewards social productivity economic theory political philosophy distributive justice work ethic economic incentives social welfare economic growth inequality distributive principles economic motivation social impact historical perspectives theoretical frameworks economic policies social policies economic systems social structures incentive profit societal benefit motivation reward effort contribution wealth private property work-reward coupling artificial safety net productivity economic inequality social justice John Rawls A Theory of Justice William Bradford History of Plymouth Plantation Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Mark J Perry Why Socialism Failed
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con03a	“Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 “Junk food” sales are an important source of funding for schools.  An important issue to consider in this topic is the constellation of incentives that actually got us to the place where we are at today.  With the environment designed to incentivize improving schools’ performance on standardized tests, there is absolutely nothing that would motivate them to invest their very limited resources into non-core programs or subjects, such as PE and sports and other activities. [1]  Ironically, schools turned to soda and snack vending companies in order to increase their discretionary funds. An example cited in the paper is one high school in Beltsville, MD, which made $72,438.53 in the 1999-2000 school year through a contract with a soft drink company and another $26,227.49 through a contract with a snack vending company. The almost $100,000 obtained was used for a variety of activities, including instructional uses such as purchasing computers, as well as extracurricular uses such as the yearbook, clubs and field trips.  Thus it becomes clear that the proposed ban is not only ineffective, but also demonstrably detrimental to schools and by extension their pupils.  [1] Anderson, P. M., 'Reading, Writing and Raisinets: Are School Finances Contributing to Children’s Obesity?', National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2005,  , accessed 9/11/2011 junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports soda vending snack vending school performance discretionary funds extracurricular activities obesity school finances ban effectiveness pupil impact educational resources fundraising nutritional policies health education vending machine contracts public health student welfare junk food school funding standardized tests non-core programs PE sports soda vending snack vending discretionary funds school performance ban children's obesity educational resources extracurricular activities vending contracts Beltsville MD economic research school finance health policies junk food school funding incentives standardized tests non-core programs PE sports vending machines soda snacks discretionary funds school performance obesity ban educational resources extracurricular activities Beltsville MD soft drink contracts snack vending companies instructional uses computers yearbook clubs field trips economic research children's health school finance policies junk food school funding soda and snack vending school performance standardized tests non-core programs PE and sports extracurricular activities vending contracts school resources instructional uses extracurricular uses ban on junk food children's obesity school finances Junk food school funding incentives standardized tests non-core programs PE sports vending machines soda snacks discretionary funds school performance obesity ban educational resources extracurricular activities Beltsville MD soft drink contracts snack vending contracts instructional uses computers yearbook clubs field trips Junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending contracts soda snack extracurricular activities ban children's obesity educational resources discretionary funds school performance non-core programs junk food school funding incentives standardized tests non-core programs PE sports soda snack vending discretionary funds high school Beltsville MD soft drink contract snack vending contract computers yearbook clubs field trips ban children's obesity school finances National Bureau of Economic Research junk food school funding vending machines soda contracts snack sales standardized tests non-core subjects PE sports extracurricular activities resource allocation obesity school finance policy impact educational economics junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending machines soda contracts snack sales extracurricular activities obesity school performance resource allocation educational economics policy impact student health fiscal constraints educational equity nutrient access vending profits junk food school funding incentives standardized tests PE sports vending companies soda snacks discretionary funds extracurricular activities ban children's obesity school finances National Bureau of Economic Research
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council added authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement representatives worldwide foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy positions authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission unique manner Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement representatives worldwide foreign service policy positions true EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union external action policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman external policy coordination EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcome influence common policy positions UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council and Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action EU citizen engagement foreign and security policy High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers shaping agenda influencing outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influence common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro02a	Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Historically Democrats have presided over more economic stability whereas the GOP is the party of boom and Bust  During the past 60 years Democrats have been considerably more likely to preside over a balanced budget than their Republican rivals. Since the OPEC shocks of the mid-70s the average unemployment rate under Republican Presidents has been 6.7 % as opposed to 5.5% under democrats. Even expanding that period out to the whole of the post-war period, unemployment has averaged 4.8% under democrats and 6.3% under democrats [i] .  Republican presidencies have been marked by higher unemployment, bigger deficits and lower wages.  [i] Larry Bartels. “Why the economy fares much better under Democrats.” Christian Science Monitor. October 21st, 2010 . Democrats economic stability GOP boom and bust balanced budget Republican unemployment rate deficits wages post-war period OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget post-war period unemployment rates presidential terms fiscal policy economic performance political economy economic cycles party comparison economic indicators budget deficits wage growth OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor partisan differences economic trends historical analysis economic stability balanced budget unemployment rates fiscal performance political parties economic cycles presidential administrations economic policy economic indicators deficit levels wage growth OPEC shocks post-war period Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget unemployment rates post-war period Republican presidencies Democratic presidencies OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor fiscal policy economic performance political economy economic cycles partisan economic outcomes economic stability balanced budget Republican Democratic presidencies unemployment rate deficits wages post-war period OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget unemployment rate post-war period Republican presidencies Democratic presidencies economic performance fiscal policy economic growth budget deficits wage trends political economy party comparison economic indicators historical analysis economic cycles governance impact budget management unemployment trends fiscal responsibility economic stability balanced budget Republican Democrat unemployment rate deficits wages post-war period OPEC shocks Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability Democrats GOP boom and bust balanced budget Republican unemployment rate OPEC shocks post-war period deficits wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability balanced budget unemployment rate OPEC shocks post-war period Republican presidencies higher unemployment bigger deficits lower wages Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor economic stability budget balance unemployment rates post-war period OPEC shocks Republican presidencies Democratic presidencies economic performance fiscal policy Larry Bartels Christian Science Monitor
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con03a	The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, The EU is a force multiplier  The UK gets more bang for the buck as a result of being a member of the EU. It has representation in more countries as a result of the European External Action Service (equivalent of the Foreign Office) thus extending UK influence to countries where it would not otherwise have representation. For example the EU have representation in Djibouti [1] whereas the UK individually is represented there from neighbouring Ethiopia. [2]  The UK, along with France, and to a lesser extent Germany, leads the EU on foreign policy matters, as illustrated by the first The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy being a Briton, Catherine Ashton. [3] This means the UK essentially gains from the backing of the other 26 member states giving the UK a much more influential voice globally. For example the EU has a role in the Middle East ‘quartet’ of the EU, USA, Russia and United Nations [4] giving the UK a place at the table on the key issue of Israel Palestine where otherwise it would have none.  [1] ‘Délégation en République de Djibouti’, Délégation de l’Union européenne,   [2] ‘British Embassy Addis Ababa’, Gov.uk,   [3] ‘The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy’, Europea Union External Action,   [4] ‘The Quartet’, Office of the Quartet, EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service foreign representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global influence Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine USA Russia United Nations EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation countries influence Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global voice Middle East Quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine EU force multiplier UK bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global influence Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine USA Russia United Nations EU force multiplier UK member benefits European External Action Service foreign representation Djibouti Ethiopia UK influence Catherine Ashton High Representative foreign policy EU backing global influence Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine international relations diplomatic representation member states European Union foreign affairs security policy international politics global politics diplomatic influence strategic partnership collective representation international diplomacy EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative influence Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine EU force multiplier UK bang for the buck European External Action Service Foreign Office Djibouti Ethiopia France Germany foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Middle East Quartet USA Russia United Nations Israel Palestine EU UK force multiplier bang for the buck European External Action Service representation influence Catherine Ashton High Representative foreign policy member states global voice Middle East Quartet Israel-Palestine Djibouti Ethiopia diplomacy international relations EU member benefits foreign affairs security policy Quartet members UN Russia USA EU foreign presence diplomatic representation expanded influence collective backing EU force multiplier UK bang for the buck European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton influence global voice Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine member states diplomacy international relations enlarged presence policy leadership international cooperation strategic partnership external action diplomatic representation enhanced leverage collective strength shared interests foreign affairs security policy international community geopolitical influence collective bargaining diplomatic support strategic alliances extended reach foreign representation international platforms decision-making policy-making global affairs international security peacekeeping EU EU UK influence Foreign Office European External Action Service representation Djibouti Ethiopia foreign policy Catherine Ashton member states global voice Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine USA Russia United Nations EU UK force multiplier representation European External Action Service Djibouti foreign policy Catherine Ashton High Representative member states global influence Middle East Quartet Israel Palestine USA Russia United Nations diplomatic presence Ethiopia British Embassy Addis Ababa
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro03a	Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 Since advertising is pervasive in mediated messages, it has the power to influence social attitudes.  Adverts occupy more public space than ever before in history. Due to technology, public space is global and ads can been seen around the world, in 2009 the UK became the first major economy where advertisers spend more on internet advertising than on television advertising1. Through such dominance, ads contribute to attitudes and values. Due to their power to influence attitudes within a society, serious attention should be paid to the content of advertising. 1 Sweney, Mark, 'Internet overtakes television to become biggest advertising sector in the UK', The Guardian, 30 September 2009 advertising social attitudes public space global internet advertising television advertising content of advertising influence society technology mediated messages adverts UK economy dominance values attitudes power attention sector The Guardian 2009 advertising social attitudes public space global technology internet advertising television advertising UK content of advertising influence values media marketing digital advertising societal impact media consumption advertising expenditure media landscape cultural impact advertising social attitudes public space global reach internet advertising television advertising UK content analysis media influence societal values advertising influence social attitudes pervasive advertising public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising UK advertising trends advertising content societal values media influence technological impact advertising expenditure digital media media consumption patterns cultural impact of advertising media studies advertising ethics consumer behavior media effects advertising social attitudes public space technology global reach internet advertising television advertising UK content analysis media influence societal values advertising sector media consumption digital media advertising trends cultural impact consumer behavior media landscape regulatory attention ethical concerns advertising influence social attitudes public space global ads internet advertising television advertising UK advertising trends advertising content societal values media dominance advertising mediated messages social attitudes public space technology global reach internet advertising television advertising UK advertiser spending content analysis societal influence values attitude formation media studies digital age marketing impact cultural impact consumer behavior advertising social attitudes public space global reach internet advertising television advertising content analysis media influence consumer behavior cultural impact marketing strategies digital advertising media studies societal impact ad exposure psychological effects media consumption advertising impact media trends UK advertising market advertising social attitudes public space global reach internet advertising television advertising content analysis influence societal values media impact technology advertising spend UK market media history digital media consumer behavior marketing communication cultural impact media studies advertising regulation advertising influence social attitudes public space global advertising internet advertising television advertising content analysis media impact consumer behavior advertising spend digital marketing societal values media consumption advertising regulation ethical advertising
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro02a	There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 There is ample precedent in the form of other “sin” taxes  A sin tax is a term often used for fees tacked on to popular vices like drinking, gambling and smoking. Its roots have been traced back to the 16th century Vatican, where Pope Leo X taxed licensed prostitutes. [1]  More recently, and with greater success, US federal cigarette taxes were shown to have reduced consumption by 4% for every 10% increase in the price of cigarettes. [2]  Given the success achieved with uprooting this societal vice, which on a number of counts is similar to the unhealthy food one - immense health costs linked to a choice to consume a product – we should employ this tried and true strategy to combat the obesity epidemic.  In fact, a recent study published in the Archives of Internal Medicine followed 5000 people for 20 years, tracking food consumption and various biological metrics. The report states that “Researchers found that, incremental increases in price of unhealthy foods resulted in incremental decreases in consumption. In other words, when junk food cost more, people ate it less.” [3]  Thus leaning on the successful tradition of existing “sin” taxes and research that points out the potential for success of a similar solution in this arena, it should be concluded that a fat tax is an important part of a sensible and effective solution to the obesity epidemic.  [1] Altman, A., A Brief History Of: Sin Taxes, published 4/2/2009,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] CDC, Steady Increases in Tobacco Taxes Promote Quitting, Discourage Smoking, published 5/27/2009,  , accessed 14/9/2011  [3] O'Callaghan, T., Sin taxes promote healthier food choices, published 3/10/2010,  , accessed 9/12/2011 sin taxes unhealthy food obesity epidemic fat tax cigarette taxes consumption reduction health costs societal vice junk food pricing public health strategy tobacco taxes food policy economic incentives behavioral economics health economics dietary choices taxation policy public health interventions obesity prevention consumer behavior sin taxes unhealthy food obesity epidemic tobacco taxes junk food fat tax consumption reduction health costs societal vice cigarette taxes precedent public health economic policy taxation strategy food pricing dietary habits obesity prevention health economics tax efficacy sinful products sin taxes vice taxes health policy obesity epidemic taxation public health consumption reduction economic incentives fiscal measures unhealthy food junk food cigarette taxes alcohol taxes gambling taxes historical context societal impact health costs consumption behavior policy effectiveness research evidence behavioral economics food pricing dietary choices tax implementation health outcomes intervention strategies regulatory measures economic deterrents obesity prevention health promotion tax reform social behavior economic regulation public finance healthcare economics epidemiology health education policy evaluation behavioral change consumer behavior tax benefits health legislation food policy sin taxes alcohol taxes gambling taxes smoking taxes historical sin taxes Pope Leo X Vatican history cigarette taxes health impacts obesity epidemic junk food pricing unhealthy food consumption fat tax public health policy economic incentives behavioral change tax effectiveness CDC tobacco control public health interventions food economics nutritional policy sin taxes unhealthy food obesity epidemic fat tax tobacco taxes cigarette consumption junk food pricing food consumption health costs societal vices policy solution public health economic incentives dietary choices consumer behavior taxation impact health promotion vice regulation fiscal measures obesity prevention sin taxes precedents unhealthy foods obesity epidemic fat tax consumption reduction public health societal vices tobacco taxes cigarette consumption economic incentives health policy food pricing behavioral economics obesity prevention taxation strategy public health interventions economic measures health costs dietary choices sin taxes precedent vices drinking gambling smoking 16th century Vatican Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes US federal cigarette taxes consumption reduction societal vice unhealthy food health costs obesity epidemic Archives of Internal Medicine food consumption biological metrics price increase junk food fat tax tobacco taxes quitting discouraging smoking healthier food choices obesity solution sin taxes vices drinking gambling smoking Pope Leo X licensed prostitutes US federal cigarette taxes consumption reduction societal vice unhealthy food health costs obesity epidemic Archives of Internal Medicine food consumption biological metrics junk food fat tax obesity solution taxation public health dietary choices economic policy behavioral economics health economics fiscal measures preventative health lifestyle choices consumer behavior taxation impact health policy obesity prevention taxation effectiveness public health intervention economic deterrence health promotion sin tax efficacy obesity research food pricing health-related taxes consumption patterns sin taxes cigarette taxes obesity epidemic fat tax unhealthy food consumption reduction public health economic policy taxation vice products societal impact health costs fiscal measures regulatory strategies behavioral economics nutrition policy alcohol taxes gambling taxes historical context policy effectiveness research evidence health outcomes consumer behavior economic incentives public health interventions obesity prevention food policy health taxation wellness initiatives economic regulation prevention strategies sin tax history sin tax benefits sin tax research sin tax application sin tax examples sin tax impact sin tax legislation sin tax debate sin tax critics sin taxes vices health costs obesity epidemic fat tax cigarette taxes junk food consumption reduction societal vice unhealthy food Pope Leo X prostitution tax Archives of Internal Medicine tobacco taxes CDC food price increase biological metrics public health policy economic incentives behavioral change
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro05a	The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. The argument is about practicality and the balancing of risks.  It would be incredibly disingenuous of the opposition if they did not concede that the dangers are great and that something must be done. Because, deep down, everyone knows that it is simply a balancing of risks – in practice all the government is trying to do is save lives. It is of course, the government’s primary duty to protect citizens but this can only be done with the loss of some civil liberties. These liberties will of course still be completely protected by the courts. When it comes to the issue of life and death, it is the proposition’s hope that a few civil liberties would be only willingly given up by any prudent citizen. practicality risks government life death civil liberties protection courts citizens prudence concession dangers opposition balance duty proposition willingly sacrifice safety freedom public policy ethics moral responsibility societal welfare law rights security legislative priorities civic duty moral philosophy risk assessment public health social contract individualism collectivism democratic principles legal protections constitutional rights governance political theory human rights legislative intent public interest societal norms ethical considerations legal framework civic engagement social responsibility individual freedoms collective action practicality balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen opposition concession save lives policy debate ethical considerations public safety individual rights practicality risk balancing government duty protecting citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen opposition concession great dangers save lives willingly given up practicality balancing risks opposition concession great dangers government duty protect citizens loss of civil liberties courts protection life and death willingly give up prudent citizen practicality balancing risks opposition dangers government duty save lives civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen willingly given up practicality balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen practicality balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen proposition hope opposition concession great dangers action necessity security vs freedom public safety individual rights societal trade-offs legislative priorities ethical considerations policy implications practicality balancing risks disingenuous opposition great dangers save lives government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death willingly give up prudent citizen practicality balancing risks opposition concession great dangers government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen willingly give up practicality balancing risks government duty protect citizens civil liberties courts protection life and death prudent citizen opposition concession great dangers save lives willingly give up
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro02a	Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. Democracies have an obligation to shield these people and to encourage further dissent  The universality of human rights, of the freedom of speech and of due process is all touted as crucial by the world’s democracies. Democratic countries are frequently vocal on the subject of liberty, on the superiority of their system of government that provides for the best protection of human dignity. By offering amnesty to bloggers, the people standing at the forefront of the democratic cause in oppressive regimes, Western countries take a largely low-cost action that provides for the security and safety of some the bravest people in the public arena. The West must stop kowtowing to oppression and make a stand to offer an umbrella of protection to those who need it. That protection is absolutely crucial to the development of more dissent in the blogosphere and on the ground. Only by nurturing dissent can it ever take root and overcome the vast powers of authoritarian government. The promise of protection is hugely powerful because it gives bloggers a safety net to fall back on. Those already active will feel more empowered to speak out against their oppressors, and some currently cowed by fear will have the courage to speak up. The guarantee of amnesty also removes the perceived randomness of such offerings that currently occur, as in the recent case of Cuba in which two bloggers of similar pedigree asked for asylum in the US, but only one received it. [1] Such inconsistency has bred fear in the minds of dissidents. This policy would correct for it and help bolster the cause of justice on all fronts. It is through offering amnesty that democracies can provide the catalyst for the change they avow to be the paramount aim of human civilization.  [1] Fox News Latino. “Cuba: Prominent Blogger-Dissidents Receive Contradictory Results on Visa Petitions”. 31 January 2013. democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world's democracies liberty system of government human dignity amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety low-cost action bravest people public arena kowtowing oppression umbrella of protection development dissent blogosphere ground nurture overcome authoritarian government safety net empowered speak out courage guarantee inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice change human civilization Cuba blogger-dissidents democracy obligation protection dissent human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries human dignity asylum authoritarian government safety net empowerment inconsistency justice change civilization visa petitions Cuba democracies obligation shield people encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies vocal subject liberty superiority government protection human dignity offer amnesty bloggers forefront democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression umbrella protection crucial development dissent blogosphere ground nurturing take root overcome authoritarian government promise powerful safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee inconsistency fear dissidents policy democracy human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers dissidents protection dissent authoritarian regimes safety security asylum catalyze change justice inconsistency courage oppression dignity blogosphere public arena system of government liberty democratic cause Uruguay Cuba visa petitions democracy obligation shield dissent human rights freedom of speech due process universality Western countries amnesty bloggers democratic cause oppressive regimes security safety low-cost action brave individuals public arena kowtowing protection development dissent blogosphere authoritarian government nurturing empowerment courage speak out oppressors safety net inconsistency fear dissidents policy justice catalyst change civilization Cuba blogger-dissidents asylum US visa petitions democracy human rights freedom of speech due process amnesty bloggers dissent authoritarian regimes protection safety courage asylum inconsistency justice change civilization democratic countries oppressive regimes human dignity public arena blogosphere policy visas Cuba Fox News Latino political asylum democratic cause :NO_SENTENCES democracies obligation protect encourage dissent human rights freedom of speech due process asylum bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries security safety kowtowing oppression protection dissenters blogosphere authoritarian government safety net speak out cowed fear guarantee inconsistency justice change civilization Cuba asylum petitions visa Fox News Latino democracies obligation shield encourage dissent universality human rights freedom of speech due process world’s democracies liberty system of government human dignity offer amnesty bloggers forefront democratic cause oppressive regimes Western countries low-cost action security safety bravest people public arena stop kowtowing oppression umbrella protection crucial development dissent blogosphere ground nurturing overcome authoritarian government promise protection safety net empowered speak out oppressors courage guarantee randomness inconsistency fear dissidents policy democracy human rights freedom of speech due process asylum bloggers dissent authoritarian regimes protection amnesty safety empowerment justice catalyst change civilization oppression international relations diplomatic policy advocacy digital activism civil liberties global governance political asylum refugee status human dignity moral obligation political refugees speech rights government accountability democratic values civil society rule of law blogger safety asylum inconsistency dissent encouragement human rights advocacy international support authoritarian control digital freedom safe havens political庇护 民主制度 人权保护 democracies obligation protect dissidents encourage dissent human rights freedom of speech due process universality bloggers oppressive regimes Western countries amnesty security safety kowtowing oppression development blogosphere ground nurturing overcoming authoritarian government safety net empowered courage consistency fear dissidents policy justice change civilization
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con01a	Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy  It is a value of sport in general that it should be outside the sphere of social ills like racial, religious and political tensions. Sport should be based on merit only; those who play best get onto the team.  Racial quotas will lead to any non-white player in a team in a competition where quotas are being employed to being under a suspicion that they are not good enough and were only selected due to their race. As Peter de Villiers, the first black coach of the Springboks, says “Everybody will believe that these players will be picked because people are looking out for them.” [1] The result could be more racial abuse of players, not less.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Meritocracy racial quotas sport social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions team selection performance-based selection racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial diversity quotas effectiveness sport ethics player selection criteria racial suspicion merit-based sports racial equity in sports Meritocracy sport racial quotas non-white players team selection racial tensions Peter de Villiers Springboks racial abuse merit-based selection social ills religious tensions political tensions sportsmanship equality diversity inclusion performance-based selection coach perspective quota system athlete selection sports ethics racial discrimination sports integrity fair play competitive sports racial representation sports coaching athlete development sports policy racial equality sports governance Meritocracy Sport Racial Quotas Social Ills Racial Tensions Religious Tensions Political Tensions Team Selection Racial Abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks Non-white Players Merit-Based Selection Competitiveness Fairness Equality Diversity Inclusion Sport Ethics Coaching Perspectives Meritocracy sport racial quotas merit-based selection racial tensions Peter de Villiers Springboks racial abuse non-white players social ills racial suspicions sports teams coaching quotes BBC Sport Meritocracy Sport Social ills Racial tensions Religious tensions Political tensions Racial quotas Non-white players Team selection Merit-based selection Racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial quotas impact Sport fairness Equality in sport Player performance Coaching perspectives 种族配额 体育公平 球员表现 种族歧视 黑人教练 Meritocracy sport social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions merit-based selection racial quotas non-white players team selection racial suspicion racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial quotas effectiveness racial diversity in sports Meritocracy Sport Social ills Racial tensions Religious tensions Political tensions Performance-based selection Racial quotas Non-white players Suspected incompetence Racial discrimination Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial abuse Diversity policies Sports teams Coaching perspectives BBC Sport Meritocracy sport racial quotas Peter de Villiers Springboks racial tensions social ills merit-based selection racial abuse team selection non-white players coaching sports ethics diversity inclusion meritocracy racial quotas sport social ills racial tensions religious tensions political tensions team selection racial abuse Peter de Villiers Springboks racial diversity equality performance-based selection Meritocracy Sport Racial Quotas Peter de Villiers Springboks Racial Tensions Religious Tensions Political Tensions Team Selection Racial Abuse Equality Fairness Athletic Performance Representation Diversity
test-education-pstrgsehwt-con04a	Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism is a religious, not a scientific, explanation of reality.  Creationism is, by definition, not science. It is not based in any empirical evidence. Rather, Creationists start with a presupposed answer and work back from it. They assume there is a designer, so they look for holes in evolutionary theory and claim only a designer can explain the gaps. When new evidence arises that gives a natural explanation of the phenomenon in question, the Creationists backpedal and start looking for new holes. No amount of evidence could convince a Creationist because his belief is not based on evidence, but rather on a usually religion-driven opposition to evolution on a political and belief level. A science proves itself through experimentation and submitting research for peer review. Creationism fears scrutiny by real scientists. Instead supporters of creationism attempt to further its agenda through politics and courts, where science is not the main goal, but popularity and where expertise is not in science but in law (Dawkins, 2006). Creationism couches itself in the language of science and does its best to look respectable in the eyes of the public. For example, in rebranding as Intelligent Design, Creationists sought to appear less overtly religious. These attempts show the illegitimacy of Creationism. The pseudoscience of Creationism must, for the sake of education, be kept out of the classroom. Creationism Intelligent Design pseudoscience evolution empirical evidence religion science peer review experimentation political agenda courtroom battles education natural explanations gaps in science presuppositions designer backpedal opposition to evolution popularity law rebranding respectability illegitimacy classroom Dawkins 2006 Creationism Intelligent Design pseudoscience religious belief empirical evidence scientific method peer review evolution natural selection empirical proof scientific scrutiny political agenda legal strategy education classroom Dawkins 2006 creationism religious scientific explanation reality empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory gaps new evidence natural explanation belief opposition experimentation peer review scrutiny real scientists politics courts science popularity expertise law pseudoscience education classroom intelligent design respectable public creationism religious explanation not science lacks empirical evidence presupposed answer designer assumption gaps in evolution new evidence Creationist belief religion-driven opposition experimentation peer review fears scrutiny politics courts popularity expertise in law Intelligent Design rebranding pseudoscience education classroom Creationism pseudoscience religious explanation not scientific presupposed answer designer gaps in evolutionary theory backpedal evidence belief-driven opposition to evolution experimentation peer review fear scrutiny politics courts Intelligent Design rebranding education classroom Creationism religious explanation non-scientific empirical evidence presupposed answer designer gaps in evolutionary theory evidence-based belief opposition to evolution scientific experimentation peer review scrutiny by scientists politics courts Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom Creationism religious explanation not scientific empirical evidence presupposed answer designer gaps in evolutionary theory belief-driven opposition to evolution political and belief level science experimentation peer review scrutiny real scientists politics courts popularity expertise in law pseudoscience Intelligent Design less overtly religious education classroom Creationism pseudoscience Intelligent Design empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory gaps natural explanation belief religion opposition to evolution experimentation peer review scrutiny politics courts popularity law education classroom Dawkins 2006 religious scientific empirical evidence presupposed answer designer evolutionary theory natural explanation new evidence belief opposition to evolution experimentation peer review scrutiny politics courts popularity law Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom Creationism religious scientific explanation reality evidence designer evolutionary theory gaps backpedal belief opposition experimentation peer review scrutiny politics courts Intelligent Design pseudoscience education classroom
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro02a	The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. The ICC offers justice to victims of war crimes.  The ICC offers a multilateral means by which international law can be brought to bear on the perpetrators of war crimes. As Amnesty International argues, 'the ICC ensures that those who commit serious human rights violations are held accountable. Justice helps promote lasting peace, enables victims to rebuild their lives and sends a strong message that perpetrators of serious international crimes will not go unpunished'. Furthermore, and for the first time, the ICC has the power to order a criminal to pay reparations to a victim who has suffered as a result of their crimes. Such reparations may include restitution, indemnification and rehabilitation. Judges are able to order such reparations whether the victims have been able to apply for them or not. Though reparations will often not be sufficient on their own for lasting peace, they are a step in the right direction and only made possible by the establishment of the ICC. ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rehabilitation reparations restitution indemnification judges application peace establishment ICC justice war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges lasting peace criminal step forward establishment ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal judges application establishment peace ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuilding lives serious international crimes criminal reparations victim reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application for reparations peace promotion establishment of ICC ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuild lives serious international crimes criminal reparations victim restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application establishment step direction ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal judges application establishment ICC war crimes international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability justice lasting peace victims reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal judges application establishment peace step direction ICC justice victims war crimes multilateral international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuild lives serious international crimes criminal reparations victim restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges lasting peace establishment of ICC ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace reparations restitution indemnification rehabilitation criminal judges establishment peace prosecution global justice legal enforcement humanitarian law crime prevention victim support judicial powers international cooperation legal framework judicial accountability criminal justice system human rights protection conflict resolution legal reform civil society international community legal proceedings peacebuilding transitional justice conflict zones legal sanctions international tribunal judicial mechanism peace process victim empowerment legal aid international norms legal standards ICC war crimes justice victims international law perpetrators Amnesty International human rights violations accountability lasting peace rebuild lives serious international crimes criminal reparations victim restitution indemnification rehabilitation judges application establishment peace
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con02a	The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. The threat of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of rogue states and terrorists increases as more countries possess them  There are many dangerous dictators and tyrants, many of who covet the possession of nuclear weapons not just for the purpose of defence, but also for that of intimidating their neighbours. [1] Such leaders should not possess nuclear weapons, nor should they ever be facilitated in their acquisition. For example, Iran has endeavoured for years on a clandestine nuclear weapons program that, were it recognized as a legitimate pursuit, could be increased in scale and completed with greater speed. The result of such an achievement could well destabilize the Middle East and would represent a major threat to the existence of a number of states within the region, particularly Israel. Furthermore, the risk of nuclear weapons, or at least weapons-grade material, falling into the hands of dissidents and terrorists increases substantially when there are more of them and larger numbers of countries possess them. Additionally, many countries in the developing world lack the capacity to safely secure weapons if they owned them, due to lack of technology, national instability, and government corruption. [2] Recognizing the rights of these countries to hold nuclear weapons vastly increases the risk of their loss or misuse.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4).  [2] Sagan, Scott D. 1993. The Limits of Safety: Organizations, Accidents, and Nuclear Weapons. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization nuclear security weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear safety government corruption nuclear accidents military coercion interstate crises nuclear rights nuclear misuse nuclear loss nuclear safeguards non-proliferation nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists nuclear weapons dangerous dictators tyrants nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East instability threat to Israel nuclear security developing countries nuclear safety government corruption nuclear accidents military coercion interstate crises nuclear rights nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist acquisition dangerous dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization Israel security nuclear materials security developing countries nuclear safety government corruption nuclear accidents military coercion interstate crises organizational safety nuclear weapons policy non-proliferation treaties international security nuclear deterrence global nuclear threats nuclear technology disarmament efforts nuclear arms control regional stability weapons of mass destruction nuclear threat reduction international relations geopolitical tensions nuclear command and control nuclear safeguards nuclear terrorism nuclear material diversion international law nuclear ethics strategic stability nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist groups nuclear weapons dictators tyrants nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East instability Israel security nuclear materials dissidents government corruption nuclear safety developing countries nuclear rights military coercion interstate crises nuclear accidents organizational safety nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons defense intimidation Iran clandestine nuclear program Middle East Israel nuclear security developing countries government corruption weapons-grade material nuclear misuse military coercion interstate crises organizational accidents nuclear safety nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists nuclear security dictators tyrants Iran nuclear program Middle East stability Israel security weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear safety government corruption nuclear accidents international security nuclear weapons control nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence nuclear threats state sponsorship of terrorism nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist acquisition dictator ambitions Iran nuclear program Middle East stability threat to Israel weapons-grade material developing countries nuclear security loss of control misuse risk international safety nuclear rights crisis coercion organizational accidents nuclear accidents state instability government corruption international peace nuclear disarmament non-proliferation treaty global security weapons control nuclear deterrence regional conflicts arms race defensive strategies aggressive intentions international relations state sovereignty nuclear ethics humanitarian impact nuclear fallout environmental concerns international law diplomatic resolutions security studies political science nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorists dangerous dictators nuclear weapons for defense nuclear weapons for intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization Israel security nuclear weapons loss weapons-grade material developing world nuclear security national instability government corruption nuclear weapons misuse military coercion interstate crises organizational accidents nuclear safety nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist organizations dictators nuclear deterrence Middle East stability Iran nuclear program weapons security nuclear disarmament international safety government corruption developing nations nuclear materials non-proliferation treaty nuclear threats regional conflicts defense strategies state security international relations nuclear accidents nuclear proliferation rogue states terrorist groups dangerous dictators nuclear intimidation Iran nuclear program Middle East destabilization nuclear security developing countries nuclear accidents weapons-grade material nuclear misuse international security nuclear non-proliferation nuclear safeguards state instability government corruption nuclear rights nuclear coercion interstate crises organizational safety nuclear accidents risk
test-international-ghwcitca-con01a	It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, It would never work  There are immense challenges to making a treaty seeking to prevent or curtail cyber-attacks work. Even on issues where there are clear security concerns it is unusual for the involved nations to be willing to get along and cooperate. This has proven to be the same with regards to the internet governance with Russia and China wanting greater state control while the US and Western Europe is opposed. [1] Even on issues where lives are being lost there is often no global agreement as can be seen by the deadlock in the UN security council over what to do about the civil war in Syria. [2]  Additionally there is the problem that working out who engaged in a cyber-attack is difficult. Such attacks are often routed through proxy computers to launch their attacks. If attacking a difficult target that may seek to strike back the attack will be through numerous proxies which will be in numerous countries to make tracking back difficult. [3] This means there can be misattribution of attacks creating confusion about which state needs to act domestically to prevent the cyber-attacks – or in the worst case resulting in a response aimed at the wrong country. For example South Korea has blamed its Northern neighbour for an attack on the website of the South Korean Presidency but the hacking is more likely to have been the work of someone in South Korea itself as a South Korean detailed his plans on Twitter before the attack. [4] If it is difficult to attribute who launched the attack then it would clearly be easy to get around any ban.  [1] Nebehay, Stephanie, ‘China, Russia seek greater control of Internet’, Reuters, 7 March 2013,   [2] Black, Ian, ‘UN may struggle to respond to reports of Syrian chemical attacks’, The Guardian, 21 August 2013,   [3] Greenemeier, Larry, ‘Seeking Address: Why Cyber Attacks Are So Difficult to Trace back to Hackers’, Scientific American, 11 June 2011,   [4] Koo, Soo-Kyung, ‘Cyber Security in South Korea: The Threat Within’, The Diplomat, 19 August 2013, cyber-attacks treaty international cooperation internet governance state control security concerns UN security council civil war Syria misattribution proxy servers cyber security South Korea North Korea cyber espionage international agreements digital forensics attribution challenges state-sponsored attacks global cybersecurity policy cyber-attacks treaty international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council civil war in Syria misattribution cyber security proxy computers South Korea North Korea hackers trace back cyber security challenges global agreement security concerns cyber warfare digital forensics international relations cyber policy cyber defense cyber crime cyber terrorism geopolitical tensions cyber espionage cyber law cyber norms cyber diplomacy cyber strategy cyber operations cyber threats cyber attack attribution cyber security frameworks cyber incident response cyber resilience cyber conflict cyber peace cyber ethics cyber cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe state control UN security council civil war Syria attribution proxy computers South Korea North Korea cyber security misattribution cyber warfare hacker tracing international law diplomatic relations cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council civil war in Syria attribution of attacks proxy computers misattribution cyber security South Korea North Korea hacking treaty cyber-attacks international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN Security Council Syria cyber-attack attribution proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hacker tracing diplomatic challenges state control global agreement security concerns civil war international relations cyber warfare technological challenges political opposition governance disputes cyber policy digital forensics international law cybersecurity strategies cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance state control UN security council civil war in Syria attribution of attacks proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hacking cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN security council Syria proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security hackers traceability state control civil war chemical attacks cyber security policy international relations digital forensics cyber warfare diplomatic relations cybersecurity laws global security cyber defense attack attribution digital security international law network security cyber espionage cybercrime digital evidence security protocols international agreements cyber terrorism cyber policy technology governance diplomatic deadlock cyber surveillance cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN security council Syria cyber-attack attribution proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security cyber-attacks treaty challenges international cooperation internet governance Russia China state control US Western Europe UN security council Syria civil war proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security trace back hackers internal threats cyber-attacks treaty international cooperation internet governance Russia China US Western Europe UN security council civil war in Syria proxy computers misattribution South Korea North Korea cyber security
test-health-hdond-con02a	This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. This system will punish people for a past decision they cannot now undo  Most formulations of this policy involve assessing donor status on the basis of whether the patient was a registered organ donor prior to needing an organ. Thus, a sick person could find themselves in the tortuous situation of sincerely regretting their past decision not to donate, but having no means to atone for their past act. To visit such a situation upon citizens not only meaningfully deprives them of the means to continue living, it subjects them to great psychological distress. Indeed, they are not only aware that their past passive decision not to register as a donor has doomed them, but they are constantly told by the state that this is well and just. punish past decision undo donor status registered organ donor patient atone past act sick person tortuous situation meaningfully deprives continue living psychological distress passive decision register doomed state well just punishment past decisions unchangeable choices donor status organ transplantation policy registered organ donor patient care moral distress psychological impact state-enforced justice atonement regret health equity bioethics medical ethics patient rights informed consent organ donation awareness public health policy punishment past decisions organ donation donor status registered donors patient rights psychological distress state policy atonement living means justice healthcare ethics moral obligations registration policies regret medical treatment civic responsibility informed consent public health organ transplantation organ donation policy donor registration punitive healthcare irreversible decisions moral culpability psychological distress state justice healthcare ethics patient rights organ allocation criteria healthcare inequality moral regret societal values public health policy organ donation donor status past decision punishment registered donor psychological distress state policy atonement tortuous situation living means passive decision justice patient rights moral dilemma health equity ethical considerations public policy human rights medical ethics organ transplantation organ donation policy donor registration healthcare ethics patient rights psychological impact moral responsibility state enforcement decision regret justice in healthcare living continuation rights punishment past decision irreversible donor status registered organ donor policy patient atone past act psychological distress state injustice organ donation moral burden healthcare system equitable treatment consent organ transplantation ethical considerations public health policy societal values patient rights donor registry medical ethics quality of life survival chances regret involuntary penalty fairness medical justice bioethics health equity organ allocation donor prioritization moral psychology health policy reform patient autonomy end-of-life decisions medical ethics debate organ donor registration patient welfare healthcare decision-making organ donation policy formulation donor status past decision irreversible choice psychological distress state justification ethical dilemma punishment atonement living continuation health equity moral responsibility societal norms organ donation policy registered donor status patient rights psychological impact punitive healthcare ethical considerations healthcare justice informed consent organ transplant criteria public health ethics patient regret moral responsibility state intervention healthcare inequality medical ethics organ allocation fairness patient autonomy health policy reform organ donation incentives healthcare decision-making organ donation awareness patient advocacy health justice medical law organ donation registration policy impact public trust in healthcare donor registration system patient choice medical ethics debate health governance organ donation legislation patient dignity end-of-life care medical ethics principles healthcare provider responsibilities organ organ donation donor status policy assessment past decisions irreversible choices moral regret atonement psychological distress state-sanctioned punishment healthcare ethics life-saving treatment registration incentives civic responsibility justice in healthcare
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro02a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground Nuclear Storage is Safe  Underground nuclear waste storage means that nuclear waste is stored at least 300m underground. [I1]  The harm of a leak 300m underground is significantly limited, if the area has been chosen correctly then there should be no water sources nearby to contaminate. If this is the case, then a leak’s harm would be limited to the layers of sediment nearby which would be unaffected by radiation. By comparison a leak outside might lead to animals nearby suffering from contamination. Further nuclear waste might reach water sources should there be a leak above ground, if it is raining heavily when the leak happens for example.  Further, the other options available, such as above ground storage present a potentially greater danger, should something go wrong. This is because it is much easier for nuclear waste to leak radiation into the air. This is problematic because even a hint of radiation may well cause people to panic owing to the damaging and heavily publicised consequences of previous nuclear safety crises. As such, underground storage is safer both directly and indirectly. [1]  As well as this, underground storage also prevents nuclear waste or nuclear radiation from reaching other states and as such, results in greater safety across borders. [2]  Further, storing all nuclear waste underground means that countries can concentrate their research and training efforts on responding to subterranean containment failures. Focus and specialisation of this type is much more likely to avert a serious release of nuclear material from an underground facility than the broad and general approach that will be fostered by diverse and distinct above-ground storage solutions.  [1] “Europe eyes underground nuclear waste repositories.” Infowars Ireland. 20/02/2010   [2] “EU Debates Permanent Storage For Nuclear Waste.” 04/11/2010 AboutMyPlanet.   [I1] I am not sure how to replace this section. “Leakage” of radioactive material into the air is a minimal danger. The contributor may be referring to the ejection of irradiated dust and other particulates that has occurred when nuclear power stations have suffered explosive containment failures, but this is not comparable to the types of containment failures that might happen in facilities used to store spent nuclear fuel rods and medical waste.  One of the more substantial risks presented by underground storage is release of nuclear material into a water source. Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management subterranean containment radiation leakage environmental safety water contamination above ground storage nuclear safety public perception nuclear accidents international safety subterranean research containment failures nuclear waste repositories European nuclear policies radioactive materials nuclear power stations spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage explosive containment failures irradiated dust particulate release substantial risks storage solutions nuclear waste安全性 地下储存库 核废料管理 地下含水层 辐射泄漏 环境安全 地表储存 underground nuclear storage nuclear waste subterranean containment radiation leakage water source contamination above ground storage radiation panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean research containment failures irradiated dust explosive containment spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste safety environmental impact water contamination radiation leakage above-ground storage public perception international safety subterranean containment research and training nuclear material release water source risk explosive containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management subterranean containment environmental impact water contamination radiation leaks above ground storage public safety nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean research nuclear waste research containment failures irradiated dust explosive containment spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage Underground nuclear storage safety nuclear waste deep geological repositories water contamination radiation environmental impact above-ground storage public perception nuclear crises international safety subterranean containment research focus specialized training radioactive leakage explosive containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste water source contamination Underground nuclear storage safe nuclear waste 300m underground limited harm leak water sources contamination animals above ground storage greater danger radiation leak air panic nuclear safety crises indirect safety cross-border safety subterranean containment research training radioactive material air leakage irradiated dust particulates explosive containment spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste water contamination risk Underground nuclear waste storage subterranean containment radiation leakage water contamination above-ground storage risks air radiation public panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean research containment failures spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste storage explosive containment failures nuclear material release Underground nuclear storage safety nuclear waste subterranean containment radiation leakage water contamination animal contamination above ground storage nuclear safety radiation panic international safety subterranean research containment failures nuclear material release explosive containment spent nuclear fuel medical waste water source risks underground nuclear storage safety environmental impact water contamination above-ground storage radiation leakage public perception nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment research and training explosive containment failures irradiated dust particulates spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste substantial risks water source contamination underground nuclear storage nuclear waste safety environmental impact water contamination animal contamination above ground storage radiation leak public panic nuclear safety crises cross-border safety subterranean containment research and training explosive containment failures irradiated dust particulates spent nuclear fuel rods medical waste water source contamination
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con01a	The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. The most vulnerable children would be left behind by the scheme  Even if a voucher scheme is used, parents still need to have considerable input in order that their children are able to access the best educational opportunities. Thus, those children who are most vulnerable, i.e. those with inadequate home support structures, will find that they are unable to access the best schools as their parents may lack the desire or knowledge to find out which schools are the best in their area.  Further, this problem will be exacerbated by the subsequent dearth of funding at the worst schools. vulnerable children left behind voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support lack of knowledge school funding worst schools vulnerable children left behind voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support access to best schools desire and knowledge school funding worst schools vulnerable children voucher scheme parental involvement educational opportunities home support structures school funding access to best schools inadequate parental support disadvantaged students educational inequality vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities home support structures school access funding issues educational inequality parent engagement school selection process vulnerable children educational vouchers parental involvement best educational opportunities inadequate home support school funding educational inequality access to education educational policy school choice vulnerable children educational opportunities voucher scheme parental involvement access to best schools inadequate home support funding disparities educational inequality school choice underserved students vulnerable children left behind voucher scheme parent input educational opportunities inadequate home support lacking knowledge best schools funding issues worst schools vulnerable children voucher scheme parental involvement educational opportunities inadequate home support school access funding disparities worst schools educational equity parent knowledge school choice socioeconomic factors educational policy child welfare vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support school access worst schools funding dearth educational inequality policy impact vulnerable children voucher scheme parental input educational opportunities inadequate home support best schools funding deficits disadvantaged students
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro03a	Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition  Some critics of ‘The Spear’ have criticised the artwork on the grounds that it ‘dehumanises’ black people in general [1] and President Zuma in particular and criticises him based upon his personal life rather than policy, using vulgar means to do it. This line of opposition is part of a dog-whistle tactic that the ANC has consistently used against white critics of its government in the past. [2]  ANC criticisms of its white critics, including the opposition Democratic Alliance have made discreet reference to the injustices of the past as a means of creating distrust in the minds of poor, black voters who maintain ANC support as a result. Some politicians within the ANC, most notably the former President of its youth wing Julius Malema, have made incendiary statements that could be seen to stoke up hatred against whites.  It is against this back drop that the double standards over criticism of Murray should be viewed. Murray, a white artist, has been criticised roundly for ‘The Spear’, while black artists have created works that could be seen to denigrate President Zuma in a similar manner to ‘The Spear’. A noticeable example is ‘Ngcono ihlwempu kunesibhanxo sesityebi’ (Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense) by Ayanda Mabulu, that carried a much more graphic depiction of the President and other leading politicians of the past and present with barely a murmur raised. [3]  By bowing to the pressure exerted by the ANC and its followers, the Goodman Gallery and City Press have bowed to pressure, denying criticism of the government and accepting the implied view that White South Africans are unable to criticise the government without seeking to re-assert any forms of superiority that had existed under Apartheid. Whilst there may still be underlying problems of Far-Right activity in South Africa, to smear anyone who criticises the government based on their race does nothing to help move the country on from autocracy and institutionalised racism. The Goodman Gallery and City Press should have stood by displaying the image as it represented the opinion of Brett Murray, free from intimidation or race based slander.  [1] Dana, Simphiwe, ‘The 'Sarah Baartmanisation' of the black body’, Mail & Guardian, 12 June 2012,   [2] Hlongwane, Sipho, ‘The ANC's best friend: Brett Murray & The Spear’, Amandla,   [3] Ndlovu, Andile, ‘'Spear' sparks hot Twitter debate’, Times Live, 23 May 2012, Racialised Opposition The Spear Dehumanisation Black People President Zuma Personal Life Policy Vulgar Means Dog-Whistle Tactics ANC White Critics Government Democratic Alliance Injustices of the Past Poor Black Voters Julius Malema Incendiary Statements Hatred Against Whites Double Standards Murray Criticism Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press Pressure Criticism of Government Race Based Slander Apartheid Far-Right Activity Autocracy Institutionalised Racism Free Speech Intimidation Racialised Opposition Critics The Spear Dehumanises Black People President Zuma Personal Life Policy Vulgar Dog-whistle ANC White Critics Government Democratic Alliance Injustices Past Distrust Poor Black Voters Julius Malema Incendiary Hatred Whites Double Standards Murray White Artist Black Artists Ayanda Mabulu Graphic Depiction Leading Politicians Goodman Gallery City Press Criticism Government Autocracy Institutionalised Racism Free Speech Intimidation Race-based Slander Racialised opposition dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life policy vulgar dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government injustices past distrust poor black voters ANC support Julius Malema incendiary statements hatred whites double standards criticism Murray white artist black artists Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press pressure criticism denial White South Africans Apartheid Far-Right activity autocracy institutionalised racism free expression intimidation race-based slander Racialised opposition The Spear dehumanisation President Zuma ANC dog-whistle tactic white critics Democratic Alliance Julius Malema Murray Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press criticism government Apartheid free speech intimidation race-based slander Far-Right activity autocracy institutionalised racism Racialised opposition The Spear Brett Murray ANC white critics dog-whistle tactics Julius Malema incendiary statements double standards Ayanda Mabulu Freedom of expression racial criticism political art South African politics art censorship racial tensions apartheid legacy institutionalised racism governmental criticism race-based slander Racialised opposition The Spear dehumanisation President Zuma personal life criticism vulgar means dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government injustices past poor black voters ANC support Julius Malema hatred against whites double standards Murray criticism black artists Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kenesibhanxo sesityebi Goodman Gallery City Press White South Africans criticism government Apartheid Far-Right activity autocracy institutionalised racism Brett Murray free speech intimidation race-based slander Racialised opposition dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices past poor black voters ANC support Julius Malema incendiary statements hatred against whites double standards criticism Murray white artist The Spear black artists Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kenesibhanxo sesityebi Better a fool than a rich man’s nonsense Goodman Gallery City Press pressure criticism of government White South Africans criticism superiority A Racialised opposition The Spear Dehumanisation Black people President Zuma Personal life Policy Vulgar means Dog-whistle tactic ANC White critics Government Injustices of the past Poor black voters Julius Malema Incendiary statements Hatred against whites Double standards Murray White artist Black artists Ayanda Mabulu Ngcono ihlwempu kenesibhanxo sesityebi Goodman Gallery City Press Pressure Criticism Government Autocracy Institutionalised racism Brent Murray Free speech Intimidation Racialised opposition The Spear Brett Murray ANC white critics dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life policy dog-whistle tactic Julius Malema incendiary statements racial hatred double standards Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press freedom of expression race-based slander institutionalised racism South Africa autocracy apartheid Far-Right activity Sarah Baartmanisation Mail & Guardian Amandla Times Live Sipho Hlongwane Andile Ndlovu Simphiwe Dana Racialised opposition The Spear dehumanisation black people President Zuma personal life dog-whistle tactic ANC white critics government Democratic Alliance injustices of the past poor black voters Julius Malema hatred against whites double standards Murray white artist black artists Ayanda Mabulu Goodman Gallery City Press Far-Right activity South Africa Apartheid autocracy institutionalised racism free speech intimidation race-based slander
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con02a	"The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. The New START treaty helps Russia more than the US  Not only does New START leave in place Russia’s extant tactical nuclear advantage but it has further loopholes for Russian weapons. As Mitt Romney argued in 2010: ""Does the treaty provide gaping loopholes that Russia could use to escape nuclear weapon limits entirely? Yes. For example, multiple warhead missile bombers are counted under the treaty as only one warhead. While we currently have more bombers than the Russians, they have embarked on new programs for long-range bombers and for air-launched nuclear cruise missiles. Thus, it is no surprise that Russia is happy to undercount missiles on bombers."" [1]  New START also fails to limit rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), which Russia could potentially make use of. The definition of rail-mobile ICBM launchers was established in the expired START as “an erector-launcher mechanism for launching ICBMs and the railcar or flatcar on which it is mounted.” [2] This and associated restrictions and limitations in START, are not in the New START. This makes it possible for Russia to claim that any new Rail Mobile ICBMs are not subject to New START limitations. [3] Mitt Romney worries that Russia is already working to take advantage of these omissions: “As drafted, it lets Russia escape the limit on its number of strategic nuclear warheads. Loopholes and lapses -- presumably carefully crafted by Moscow -- provide a path to entirely avoid the advertised warhead-reduction targets. …. These omissions would be consistent with Russia's plans for a new heavy bomber and reports of growing interest in rail-mobile ICBMs."" [4]  This means that under the treaty limits, the United States is the only country that must reduce its launchers and strategic nuclear weapons. Russia has managed to negotiate the treaty limits so that they simply restrict it to reductions it was already planning to do. As a result the United States is making what are effectively unilateral reductions. [5] Therefore, New START is an unequal treaty as it offers more to Russia than to the US. This is bad for the balance of power and thus bad for world peace, and so New START should be opposed.  [1] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [2] ‘Terms and Definitions’, The Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms And Associated Documents, 1991,   [3] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [4] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010.   [5] Romney, Mitt. ""Stop START."" Boston.com. 3 December 2010. New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney 2010 multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs erector-launcher mechanism START treaty strategic nuclear warheads reductions unilateral reductions balance of power world peace opposition to New START New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty flaws strategic offensive arms nuclear warheads missile bombers erector-launcher mechanism flatcar nuclear limits treaty negotiations strategic arms reduction defense policy international security nuclear disarmament arms control political analysis military strategy US-Russia relations New START Russia tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers warhead long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty erector-launcher mechanism flatcar launchers strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty limitations US strategic offensive arms peace security arms control defense policy international relations nuclear disarmament global security nuclear arsenal military strategy political analysis criticism treaty flaws nuclear strategy diplomatic negotiations strategic New START treaty Russia United States tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney nuclear weapon limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICMBs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads warhead-reduction targets heavy bomber balance of power world peace unilateral reductions treaty flaws nuclear arms control international security strategic stability nuclear deterrence treaty negotiations defense policy military strategy US-Russia relations nuclear arsenal strategic forces missile defense non-proliferation arms New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear weapons unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty flaws nuclear weapon limits erector-launcher mechanism railcar flatcar heavy bomber strategic offensive arms treaty negotiations nuclear warheads advertised warhead-reduction targets treaty opposition New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads nuclear weapon limits heavy bomber unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty flaws strategic offensive arms nuclear arms control international relations security studies disarmament nuclear policy military strategy defense analysis political science diplomacy non-proliferation treaty negotiations strategic stability arms control agreements nuclear deterrence New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage warhead limitation Mitt Romney rail-mobile ICBMs strategic nuclear weapons bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles balance of power world peace treaty flaws nuclear disarmament international security strategic stability missile bombers bilateral relations nuclear weapons reduction treaty compliance nuclear strategy arms control uneven treaty terms unilateral reductions missile launchers warhead counting rules long-range bombers erector-launcher mechanism flatcar nuclear policy strategic offense Cold War legacy treaty negotiations international agreements nuclear arsenal defense strategy New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney warhead limits multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads missile launchers unilateral reductions unequal treaty balance of power world peace New START treaty Russia US tactical nuclear advantage loopholes Russian weapons Mitt Romney multiple warhead missile bombers long-range bombers air-launched nuclear cruise missiles rail-mobile intercontinental ballistic missiles ICBMs START treaty strategic nuclear warheads unilateral reductions balance of power world peace treaty limitations negotiated reductions New START Russia US tactical nuclear advantage strategic nuclear weapons missile bombers warhead limitations rail-mobile ICBMs launched nuclear cruise missiles treaty loopholes unequal treaty world peace Mitt Romney Boston.com Heritage Foundation The Foundry START Treaty nuclear arms reduction balance of power unilateral reductions defense policy international relations strategic offense warhead reduction targets long-range bombers erector-launcher mechanism nuclear weapon limits missile launchers strategic stability nuclear deterrence Treaty Between The United States Of America And The Union Of Soviet Socialist Republics On The Reduction And"
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook information point opportunities life improvement stay connected world job opportunities social events efficient platform users communication tool companies event planners customers Google Toyota hiring policy discount music festival football tournament community social networks conventional means TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities social media YouTube views Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion population online cheap equivalent info point Facebook information point opportunity connection social network event promotion free advertising Kony 2012 social media campaign TV commercials radio commercials billboards online marketing community engagement job opportunities sporting events social events user platform company promotion event planning efficient communication worldwide reach social media impact conventional advertising cost-effective promotion information dissemination community informer user interaction viral campaign social awareness global issues Uganda media studies marketing strategy audience reach social media effectiveness public information digital marketing social platform marketing tool campaign analysis Facebook information point opportunities life improvement stay connected job opportunities social events efficient platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda Youtube social media TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion inform population online cheap info point social media case study Facebook information point life improvement opportunity awareness job opportunities sporting competitions social events community connection user platform company tool event planning customer engagement Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festivals football tournaments social media efficiency TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities Youtube views social media reach TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion costs online info point social media marketing community engagement event promotion free advertising Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform users companies event planners customers Google Toyota music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda Youtube Facebook posts TV ads radio commercials billboards promote event online cheap info point social media Kyle Willis Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study Facebook information point improve life take advantage opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform users get in touch tool companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players inform community social networks TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities social media Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards price promote event online cheap efficient info Facebook information point opportunity life improvement stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament social networks efficiency TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities Youtube views Facebook posts TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion population social media online cheap info point Kyle Willis Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google Toyota music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda YouTube Facebook posts Apple iPad TV ads radio commercials billboards social media info point Kyle Willis Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study Facebook information point life improvement opportunities staying connected job opportunities sporting events social events platform users communication companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festivals football tournaments community social networks efficiency TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities YouTube Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion costs social media online cheap information dissemination Facebook information point life improvement opportunity stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events community social networks efficiency TV commercials Kony 2012 social media Youtube Apple TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion event population online cheap info point
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro02a	Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, Prohibition does not work; instead, it glamorizes drugs  Those who want to use drugs will take them whether they are legal or not – and more are doing so than ever before. In 1970 there was something like 1,000 problematic drug users in the UK, now there are over 250,000. [1] Legalization will also remove the glamour which surrounds an underground activity and so make drug use less attractive to impressionable teenagers. For example, statistics suggest that cannabis use in the UK declined after its classification was lowered from ‘B’ to ‘C’. [2]  [1] Home Affairs Select Committee, ‘The Government’s Drug Policy: Is It Working?’, parliament.uk, 22 May 2002,   [2] Travis, Alan, ‘Cannabis use down since legal change’, The Guardian, 26th October 2007, prohibition glamorizes drugs drug users legalization glamour underground activity impressionable teenagers cannabis use classification change statistics drug policy effectiveness harm reduction drug laws societal impact public health criminalization regulation substance abuse treatment prohibition drug policies legalization drug use statistics UK drug users problematic drug use glamorization of drugs impact of drug classification cannabis use trends legal change effects drug policy effectiveness Home Affairs Select Committee Alan Travis drug law reform teenagers and drugs drug attractiveness underground drug activity drug legislation impact UK drug legislation history drug use prevention strategies Prohibition drug policy legalization drug use glamorization problematic users UK statistics cannabis classification teenagers impressionable youth underground activity drug attractiveness Home Affairs Select Committee The Guardian Travis Alan 1970 2002 2007 prohibition ineffectiveness glamorizing drugs drug legalization drug users increase problematic drug users UK drug statistics drug classification impact cannabis use decline legal change effects impressionable teenagers underground activity glamour drug policy effectiveness Prohibition drug policy legalization drug use glamorization problematic drug users UK cannabis classification teenagers statutory change impact assessment public health social behavior crime reduction drug enforcement substance abuse policy evaluation legislative amendments prohibition drug glamorization illegal drug use legalization benefits drug policy UK drug users cannabis classification cannabis use statistics drug attractiveness teenager drug use Home Affairs Select Committee Travis Alan The Guardian drug legalization effects problematic drug users prohibition drug policy glamorization legalization drug users UK statistics cannabis classification Home Affairs Select Committee Travis Alan The Guardian prohibition glamorizes drugs legalization drug use legal illegal problematic users UK statistics cannabis classification decline teenagers impressionable attractive underground activity Prohibition drug glamorization drug legalization problematic drug users UK drug statistics cannabis use decline drug policy effectiveness underground activity glamour impressionable teenagers drug classification change Travis Alan Home Affairs Select Committee prohibition drug glamorization legality impact drug users statistics UK substance abuse cannabis classification change legalization benefits teen drug attraction policy effectiveness Home Affairs Select Committee Travis report drug policy analysis
test-politics-oeplhbuwhmi-con04a	Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, Leaving the EU will mean the UK will have less regional influence  Like it or not the UK is a part of Europe geographically and as such the countries that are most important to UK foreign policy are also in Europe. Leaving the EU will damage relations with those powers that are currently a part of the EU, and potentially also those who are used to dealing with the UK as part of the EU. The United States has noted it “benefits from a strong UK being part of the European Union” [1] in much the same way as the UK does. If this is the UK's strongest ally's view what would be the view of the powers from whom out would mean divorce? The UK will be outside the group trying to influence it rather than on the inside. The EU states will no longer need to listen to the UK on a wide range of issues where it has previously been a key voice.  [1] Earnest, Josh, ‘Press Briefing by the Press Secretary Josh Earnest’, White House, 14 March 2016, EU exit UK influence regional dynamics European integration foreign policy diplomatic relations US perspective EU membership political leverage international alliances Brexit impact European cooperation geopolitical role post-Brexit relations European Union UK-EU ties strategic importance European powers alliance dynamics Leaving EU UK regional influence Europe foreign policy EU relations USA UK-EU divorce outside influence key voice European Union international relations Brexit impacts geopolitical influence ally perspectives European states UK-EU dynamics post-Brexit relations US-UK-EU Josh Earnest White House briefing EU UK regional influence foreign policy Europe EU relations United States ally EU membership influence divorce key voice international relations Brexit European Union geopolitical impact diplomatic relations Josh Earnest White House press briefing Leaving EU UK regional influence UK-Europe geographical connection UK foreign policy EU relations damage UK-US alliance European Union strength UK outside influence EU decision-making power UK-European states interaction EU UK regional influence foreign policy international relations United States alliance European Union member states diplomatic relations geopolitical impact Brexit consequences policy influence international cooperation trade relations political clout strategic importance global affairs ally perspective European powers decision-making process diplomatic leverage separation effects external influence internal dynamics European community international partnerships geopolitical landscape global strategy regional stability economic ties political alignment strategic partnership international community European integration sovereignty independence diplomatic engagement global governance international law cooperative frameworks transatlantic relations European solidarity Brexit UK-EU relations European influence regional relations foreign policy EU membership benefits UK diplomatic impact US-UK alliance international relations European Union impact post-Brexit challenges geopolitical influence European countries UK-EU divorce global alliances diplomatic leverage international cooperation EU-UK negotiations European integration UK international standing Leaving EU UK regional influence UK-EU relations UK foreign policy UK-European powers US-UK alliance EU membership benefits UK influence post-Brexit European Union dynamics UK diplomatic leverage Leaving EU UK regional influence UK-Europe geographical connection UK foreign policy EU member relations UK-US alliance Josh Earnest statement UK-EU divorce UK influence outside EU EU member listening dynamics UK key voice loss EU UK regional influence foreign policy European powers US-UK relations EU membership international relations political alliance diplomatic influence European Union Brexit ally perspective geopolitical impact policy influence Josh Earnest White House briefing March 2016 EU UK regional influence foreign policy European powers US alliance diplomatic relations Brexit impact international influence Europe geography political divorce EU membership key voice policy issues international listening
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro03a	Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats focus on increasing wages, creating better consumers.  Quality customers can only be created by paying people enough to allow them to purchase goods and services. You can create as many jobs as you like but if they’re created at a level where consumers can’t even afford to survive it does absolutely nothing to stimulate the economy. Instead Democrats believe in working with labour to ensure that wages are set at levels that both respect the worker and have a positive effect on the economy. [i]  [i] Mark Pash, CFP_ wi8th Brad Parker. “Progressive Economic Principles: Creating a Quality Economy.” Democrats wages consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulus labor worker respect progressive economics quality economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Democrats wages consumers quality customers purchasing power job creation economic stimulation labor wage levels worker respect economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services survive stimulate economy labour respect worker positive effect economy Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people enough purchase goods and services creating jobs consumer affordability survive stimulate economy working with labour wage levels respect workers positive economic effect Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats wages consumers quality customers living wages economic stimulation job creation worker respect progressive economics Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services afford to survive stimulate economy working with labour respect the worker positive effect economy Mark Pash CFP Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people afford to survive stimulate economy working with labour respect the worker positive effect Progressive Economic Principles Mark Pash Brad Parker quality economy economic growth labor rights fair wages consumer spending economic stimulation job creation economic policy progressive economics workers' rights income levels economic prosperity consumer base economic health wage growth labor standards economic development job quality economic stability financial security economic impact labor market economic benefits worker welfare economic environment economic conditions economic activities economic strategies Democrats increasing wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services stimulate economy jobs consumer affordability survival economy stimulation labour cooperation wage levels worker respect positive economic effect Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services afford to survive stimulate economy labour positive effect economy Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy Democrats wages better consumers quality customers paying people purchase goods services affordable living stimulate economy job creation worker respect economic effect Mark Pash Brad Parker Progressive Economic Principles Quality Economy
test-free-speech-debate-magghbcrg-pro01a	Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. Community radio gives voices to the people rather than imposing those of the powerful.  The events of the Arab Spring (and previous events such as the revolutions of 1989) have shown that effective means of communicating are vital. In a country where people have heard only one perspective, anything that can break the monopoly is to be welcomed. As Orwell put it, ‎'In an age of universal deceit, to tell the truth is a subversive act'.  Community radio can both encourage an initial outpouring of democracy and, just as importantly, ensure that a diversity of opinions means that one autocratic regime is not just replaced by another.  In almost all other forms of mass communication, genuinely democratic voices are easily swamped by those with either the power or the money to drown out the competition [i] . As the focus of community radio is public service, rather than profit, responsible to – and frequently produced by – their listener base there do not have commercial advertisers’ aversion to upsetting authority – either political or cultural. As a result they are free to eschew the bland lowest common denominator approach that is so typical of commercial radio.  [i] AMARC (World Association of Community Radio) booklet. What is Community Radio? 1998. community radio democratic voices Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication means breaking monopoly Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act democracy diversity of opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices power money public service profit listener base commercial advertisers aversion to upsetting authority bland lowest common denominator commercial radio AMARC World Association of Community Radio 1998 community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices profit public service listener base commercial advertisers authority cultural lowest common denominator commercial radio AMARC World Association of Community Radio Community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service profit listener base authority political cultural AMARC World Association of Community Radio 1998 community radio voices to the people Arab Spring revolutions 1989 effective communication breaking monopoly telling the truth subversive act initial outpouring of democracy diversity of opinions autocratic regime mass communication democratic voices commercial advertisers upsetting authority public service listener base commercial radio AMARC World Association of Community Radio What is Community Radio Community radio democracy Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication media monopoly diverse opinions autocracy Orwell truth subversive act mass communication commercial radio public service listener base non-profit cultural authority political authority AMARC lowest common denominator commercial advertisers community radio voices people powerful Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service profit listener base authority cultural lowest common denominator AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio democracy Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication media monopoly diversity of opinions autocratic regime Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication public service profit commercial radio listener base authority cultural lowest common denominator AMARC World Association of Community Radio Community radio democracy Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication diversity opinions autocracy Orwell universal deceit truth subversive mass communication public service profit listener base commercial advertisers authority political cultural bland lowest common denominator AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio democracy Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication diverse opinions autocratic regimes Orwell universal deceit truth subversive mass communication commercial radio public service listener base authority cultural AMARC World Association of Community Radio community radio Arab Spring revolutions 1989 communication democracy diversity of opinions autocratic regimes Orwell universal deceit truth subversive act mass communication democratic voices commercial radio public service AMARC World Association of Community Radio listener base commercial advertisers political authority cultural authority lowest common denominator
test-law-cplgpshwdp-con01a	The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 The motion completely undermines the assumption of innocence which accompanies a fair trial.  By projecting past convictions on to a new case, this disclosure greatly weakens the presumption of innocence which is the defendant’s right [1] . It is the jury’s duty to form a verdict based on the relevant case, and it should not be dependent on events from the defendant’s past life which may be completely irrelevant to the case in hand. Many people who mistakenly committed a crime at one point in their life realise that it was a mistake and do not go on to re-offend, particularly if they have received help or treatment from the state [2] . Even if the defendant has repeatedly committed crimes in their past, it does not necessarily follow that they are guilty of the particular offence which has gone to trial.  [1] Criminal Defense Department’ Every person is PRESUMED INNOCENT until Proven Guilty Beyond a Reasonable Doubt’, Parkes Law Group, 6 May 2011  [2] Public Safety Canada, ‘Treatment for sex offenders’, 28 December 2007 presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty irrelevant past criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment for offenders re-offense prevention legal rights defendant's rights criminal justice system legal proceedings trial fairness legal presumptions criminal psychology crime prevention judicial process legal reform evidence admissibility presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury verdict irrelevant evidence rehabilitation repeated offenses criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment for offenders motion undermines assumption innocence fair trial past convictions disclosure weakens presumption defendant's right jury's duty verdict relevant case dependent past life irrelevant mistakenly committed crime realise mistake re-offend received help treatment state repeatedly committed crimes guilty offence trial Criminal Defense Department Parkes Law Group Public Safety Canada treatment sex offenders presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevance of evidence rehabiltation repeat offenders criminal defense legal rights verdict formation treatment programs sex offenders reasonable doubt presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence repeated offenses rehabilitation treatment programs criminal defense reasonable doubt legal rights defendant's past irrelevant information verdict formation presumption of innocence right to fair trial relevance of past convictions jury's duty verdict based on current evidence irrelevance of past life rehabilitation and treatment repeat offenders criminal defense principles reasonable doubt legal rights of defendants impact of disclosure on trial fairness presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence rehabilitation re-offense criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment programs sex offenders legal rights judicial process legal principles defendant's rights criminal justice system proof of guilt legal standards admissibility of evidence prior criminal history public safety legal ethics verdict formation judicial fairness legal accountability criminal behavior societal reintegration legal protections crime prevention legal reform judicial reform legal advocacy criminal law judicial decision-making legal representation legal doctrine legal precedent judicial transparency legal fairness presumption of innocence fair trial jury duty past convictions disclosure defendant's rights irrelevant past criminal re-offense treatment public safety sex offenders legal defense reasonable doubt criminal justice system legal principles trial fairness offender rehabilitation legal ethics judicial process evidence admissibility presumption of innocence defendant's rights jury duty fair trial past convictions irrelevant evidence criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment for offenders re-offense prevention presumption of innocence fair trial past convictions jury duty relevant evidence re-offending criminal defense reasonable doubt treatment programs sex offenders
test-law-sdiflhrdffe-pro01a	These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. These people are under serious threat for their pursuit of justice  The internet has become the paramount means of voicing dissent within repressive regimes. As the technology regimes have to keep control of their people increases, with access to high-tech surveillance technology adding to their already formidable arsenals of physical oppression, the internet has become the only platform to express meaningful dissent. The Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia, for example, wherein people mobilized to overthrow their dictator has even been dubbed the Twitter Revolution. [1] Bloggers have become a major voice of dissent in other repressive regimes, including Cuba and China. Yet the blog platform is far from safe. Governments have sought to crack down on bloggers’ ability to dissent, using draconian methods like imprisonment to cow them into silence. In China the arrests of bloggers like Zhai Xiaobing, who was arrested and detained for simply posting a joke about Communist Party, have served to frighten many into silence. [2] So long as information is denied to the public, governments are able to maintain their repression. Only external help from democratic, or at least more liberal, states can provide the safe haven for people who have rubbed their governments the wrong way in their pursuit of reform and justice.  [1] Zuckerman, E. “The First Twitter Revolution?”. Foreign Policy. 14 January 2011.   [2] Wong, G. “Zhai Xiaobing, Chinese Blogger, Arrested for Twitter Joke About China’s Government”. Huffington Post. 21 November 2012. threat pursuit justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China crackdown imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing external help democratic states reform threat pursuit of justice internet voicing dissent repressive regimes technology surveillance oppression platform meaningful dissent Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China crackdown imprisonment silence Zhai Xiaobing posting joke Communist Party information repression external help democratic states liberal states safe haven government criticism pursuit of reform dissent repressive regimes internet Twitter Revolution bloggers censorship human rights surveillance oppression China Tunisia Jasmine Revolution Zhai Xiaobing democracy freedom of expression activism political prisoners digital activism social media online activism government control information freedom external support reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers China Cuba imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing information control external help democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment censorship information control external support democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance technology physical oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing information control external help democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance physical oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing arrest public information external help democratic states reform justice internet dissent repressive regimes technology surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China arrests Zhai Xiaobing imprisonment information control external help democratic states reform justice threat justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing external help democratic states reform information denial threat justice internet dissent repressive regimes surveillance oppression Jasmine Revolution Tunisia Twitter Revolution bloggers Cuba China crackdown imprisonment Zhai Xiaobing public information repression external help democratic states reform
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro04a	"Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 Policies should be established which ban the promotion of sexist attitudes in advertising.  Norway and Denmark have already developed policies to restrict sexist advertising1. In 2008, the UN Committee to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women calls upon states to taken action and in particular the United Kingdom government to address this issue.2 In May of 2011 Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 's Committee on Equal Opportunity for Women made a case for sexist advertising as a barrier to gender equality. In that report standards were presented and methods to cope with sexist advertising were suggested.3In Australia a government advisory board has developed a list of principles to guide both advertising and the fashion industry.4 1 Holmes, Stefanie. ""Scandinavian split on sexist ads."" BBC news. 2008/April 25 accessed 2011/08/25 2 Object.com. ""Women are not Sex Objects."" 3 Parliamentary Assembly of 26 May 2011, The Council of Europe. 4 Kennedy, Jean. ""Fashion Industry asked to adopt body image code."" ABCNews. 2010/June 27 sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination of Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code principles restrictions sexist attitudes action guidelines standards methods coping strategies report women's rights discrimination equality media regulation advertising ethics gender bias social norms cultural impact public policy international standards legislative measures awareness consumer protection body positivity representation advocacy reform legal frameworks human rights societal change empowerment equality legislation feminist sexist advertising policies ban Norway Denmark UN Committee Women Discrimination United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination of Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board advertising standards fashion industry body image code Policies ban sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Committee Equal Opportunity Women sexist advertising gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory board principles fashion industry body image code Policies sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination of Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women gender equality Australia government advisory board fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee Elimination of Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board body image code fashion industry principles guidelines restrictive measures advertising standards women's rights gender discrimination media regulation public policy legislative action international standards gender equity advertising ethics commercial advertising feminist issues societal impact cultural norms gender representation media influence regulatory frameworks policy development advocacy social change awareness consumer protection commercial practices legal frameworks ethical guidelines self-regulation Policies ban sexist attitudes advertising Norway Denmark UN Committee Eliminate Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Committee on Equal Opportunity gender equality standards methods sexist advertising Australia government advisory board principles fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policy development Norway Denmark UN Committee Discrimination Against Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board advertising standards fashion industry body image code sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee eliminate discrimination women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality Australia government advisory board body image code fashion industry principles guidelines restrictions sexist attitudes promotion advocacy international standards coping methods women's rights media regulation advertising standards gender issues equality legislation regulatory measures public policy campaign awareness social change advocacy groups media reform cultural norms ethical advertising consumer protection human rights feminist theory societal impact corporate responsibility regulatory frameworks legal reforms gender-based sexist advertising policies Norway Denmark UN Committee discrimination Women United Kingdom Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe gender equality standards methods Australia government advisory fashion industry body image code"
test-economy-thhghwhwift-pro03a	A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 A fat tax levels out the playing field for healthier food  An important reason why people continuously turn to unhealthy, fat, sugar and salt laden food, is the simple fact that it’s often cheaper than a more wholesome meal comprised at least in part of fresh produce.  A study done at the University of Washington found that “when they compared the prices of 370 foods… junk foods not only cost less… but junk food prices are also less likely to rise as a result of inflation.” [1]  A similar conclusion was reached by a group of Australian researchers, who found that the prices of healthy food have risen 20 per cent above inflation, while the harmful counterpart have actually dropped below inflation – as much as 20 per cent below. [2]  Noting that obesity is more prevalent in groups of lower socioeconomic status, we find that the price of food is a substantial incentive for consumption.  Thus it is only reasonable to levy a tax against unhealthy, fatty food in order to give healthy food a fighting chance.  [1] Parker-Pope, T., A High Price for Healthy Food, published 12/5/2007,  , accessed 9/12/2011  [2] Burns, C., The rising cost of healthy foods, published 10/16/2008,  , accessed 9/12/2011 fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food harmful food obesity socioeconomic status price of food consumption tax unhealthy fatty food fat tax healthy food socioeconomic status obesity junk food inflation food prices unhealthy food nutrition fiscal policy public health food subsidies food policy healthy eating dietary habits economic incentives food economics food cost wholesome meal fresh produce fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food dropped below inflation obesity lower socioeconomic status price of food consumption unhealthy fatty food tax high price cost socioeconomic factors food economics junk food pricing healthy food pricing food affordability nutritional economics food policy public health diet nutrition socioeconomic impact food choices inflation rates food price trends economic incentives health economics food cost analysis obesity rates socioeconomic disparities public health interventions fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk food prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food prices harmful food lower socioeconomic status obesity price of food consumption unhealthy fatty food tax healthy food fighting chance fat tax unhealthy food healthy food price comparison inflation socioeconomic status obesity junk food fresh produce taxation food prices economic incentives nutrition public health policy study University of Washington Australian researchers healthy eating diet cost of living fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheaper wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food harmful counterpart obesity lower socioeconomic status price incentive levy tax unhealthy fatty food high price healthy food economic disparity food affordability nutrition economics public health policy fiscal measures dietary choices socioeconomic factors food pricing trends inflation impact consumer behavior obesity prevention food policy health economics food costs nutritional value food security diet quality health equity economic barriers food accessibility policy intervention taxation on fat tax playing field healthier food unhealthy food cheap wholesome meal fresh produce University of Washington junk foods prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food obesity lower socioeconomic status price of food consumption unhealthy fatty food tax fighting chance fat tax healthy food price comparison socioeconomic status obesity junk food inflation food prices University of Washington Australian researchers unhealthy food nutritional economics food affordability consumption incentives public health policy fat tax healthier food unhealthy food cost comparison junk food prices inflation socioeconomic status obesity price incentive food consumption tax levy healthy food prices fresh produce costs food economics nutritional economics food affordability obesity rates income level food policy public health dietary choices economic factors food pricing trends inflation impact Australian study University of Washington study food cost analysis health disparities food accessibility economic incentives health taxes food industry nutritional value consumer behavior food pricing strategies economic research health equity food security nutritional inequality fat tax healthier food unhealthy food cheaper fresh produce University of Washington junk food prices inflation Australian researchers healthy food prices obesity lower socioeconomic status tax on unhealthy food fighting chance socioeconomic factors food pricing nutritional inequality health economics public health policy food affordability
test-education-usuprmhbu-con01a	Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy is the only fair system by which society should be ordered  Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their merit is one that is unjust to those not in the group that is “preferred” and therefore benefitted by it.  Meritocracy is the only fair system to run a society on. Any system that does not reward individuals on the basis of their skill and effort is one that is unjust. The use of any criteria other than merit to select or benefit an individual is the definition of discrimination itself. Simply putting the word “positive” in front of it does not make it a beneficial or just system. For every act of “positive” discrimination enacted, an act of “negative” discrimination occurs against the individual that was denied a position or achievement they earned on their own merit for the person that received the “positive” end of the discrimination.  Affirmative action is simply reversing the discrimination in society so injustice is enacted in the opposite direction. This is not a just system of distribution; it’s simply unjust against a different group. The only truly fair system to use is one that has no criteria other than merit to determine who receives what. Meritocracy justice fairness societal order reward system individual merit skill-based rewards effort-based rewards discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action reverse discrimination just distribution fair system merit-based selection non-merit criteria societal inequality preferential treatment meritocracy fairness societal order reward skill effort justice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination just system societal distribution merit-based selection meritocracy fairness societal order individual reward skill effort justice discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination system of distribution societal distribution merit-based selection non-merit criteria societal benefaction unfairness preferred group societal justice reverse discrimination meritocracy fairness social order reward individual merit skill effort injustice non-merit criteria discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action reversed discrimination just distribution fairness criteria meritocracy fairness society reward merit unjust skill effort discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action injustice system of distribution fairness criteria Meritocracy fairness society reward merit skill effort injustice discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action just system distribution criteria Meritocracy fairness justice skill effort discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action societal order system of distribution earned merit unfair advantage reverse discrimination equality impartiality reward system ethical governance social equity merit-based selection meritocracy fairness society reward skill effort unjust discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination just system distribution criteria merit social order preference injustice fairness debate equal opportunity societal values ethical systems moral philosophy merit-based selection anti-discrimination policy ethics social justice equity meritocratic principles fairness in society ethical governance just distribution societal norms merit-based rewards anti-meritocracy arguments moral reasoning ethical fairness meritocracy critique social engineering societal benefits meritocratic society fair treatment reward system meritocracy fairness societal order reward individual merit unjust systems skills effort discrimination positive discrimination negative discrimination affirmative action injustice societal distribution fair criteria meritocracy fairness justice skill effort discrimination affirmative action positive discrimination negative discrimination societal distribution equality opportunity reward merit-based selection unjust systems reverse discrimination ethical governance moral philosophy social equity
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con02a	IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules  Racial quotas are a breach of the views of the world governing body of Rugby Union, the International Rugby Board [1] . If this were found to be the case then it would have a large negative impact on South African rugby.  An IRB intervention would lead to at least interference by the governing body, which would be highly embarrassing for the SARU (as well as difficult for a sport which has had major political rows before), or even worse, some form of sanction or expulsion – things that could lead to long term instability in the sport, which should be avoided.  [1] SARugbymag.co.za, ‘Saru quotas ‘breach IRP rules’’, 3 December 2013, IRB rules racial quotas breach views world governing body Rugby Union International Rugby Board negative impact South African rugby intervention governing body embarrassment SARU political rows sanction expulsion instability sport avoidance SARugbymag.co.za Saru quotas IRP rules IRB Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU Intervention Governing body Sanction Expulsion Political issues Sports stability IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board Rugby Union South African rugby negative impact SARU political rows intervention governing body embarrassment sanction expulsion long term instability sport SARugbymag.co.za December 2013 IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board South African rugby negative impact SARU political rows intervention interference governing body sanction expulsion instability sport avoidance IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU intervention governing body sanctions expulsion instability political rows SARugbymag.co.za December 2013 IRB rules racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU governance sport political issues intervention sanctions expulsion instability quota controversy rugby governance international sports regulations racial policies sports management rugby sanctions rugby governance controversies IRB rules racial quotas breach International Rugby Board Rugby Union South African rugby IRB intervention SARU political issues sanctions expulsion sport stability rugby governance racial policies international regulations rugby sanctions SARugbymag.co.za December 2013 IRB rules racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU intervention governing body political rows sanctions expulsion instability sports governance rugby regulations quota system breach of rules international sports sports politics rugby union regulations South Africa sports policy IRB rules racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU governing body intervention sanctions expulsion political issues sport stability IRB Racial quotas Rugby Union International Rugby Board South African rugby SARU Interference Sanction Expulsion Political rows Long term instability Sport governance Rugby rules Quotas breach SARugbymag.co.za
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro03a	The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International The deterrent effect of the Court ensures wide-spread and equal adherence to international law.  Upon signing the Rome Statute in 1996, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan stated that 'the establishment of the Court is still a gift of hope to future generations, and a giant step forward in the march towards universal human rights and the rule of law'1. Such statements demonstrate the impact the Court could potentially have, as a body that simultaneously cherishes sovereignty and protects national courts whilst offering a means by which criminals in states unable or unwilling to prosecute will still be brought to justice. As the natural and permanent heir to the process started at Nuremberg in the wake of World War II2, the ICC ensures that the reach of law is now universal; war criminals, either in national or international courts, will be forced to trial as a result of the principle of universal jurisdiction1. The deterrent effect of such a court is obvious and a warning to those who felt they were operating in anarchic legal environments.  1 Amnesty International. (2007, September). Fact Sheet: International Criminal Court. Retrieved May 11, 2011  2 Crossland, D. (2005, November 23). Nuremberg Trials a Tough Act to Follow. Retrieved May 11, 2011, from Spiegel International deterrent effect international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts international justice war criminals universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials International Criminal Court Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan international human rights rule of law ICC sovereignty national courts war criminals universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials Amnesty International Spiegel International deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals ICC Nuremberg Trials universal jurisdiction Amnesty International Spiegel International .crossland deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan hope future generations human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts criminals prosecution universal jurisdiction war criminals Nuremberg Trials World War II ICC anarchy legal environments deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts prosecutors war criminals Nuremberg Trials World War II ICC universal jurisdiction legal environments Amnesty International Spiegel International Crossland deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice war criminals universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials ICC legal environments deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals international justice universal jurisdiction Nuremberg Trials ICC legal environments Amnesty International Crossland Spiegel International deterrent effect international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan hope human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts justice war criminals Nuremberg Trials universal jurisdiction Amnesty International Spiegel International ICC international Criminal Court legal environments prosecution criminals states trials peace accountability genocide crimes against humanity judicial reform legal reform global governance international justice legal accountability war crime trials transitional justice Nuremberg principles international prosecution judicial capacity legal authority legal deterrence international legal system universal legal system deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan hope human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts criminals prosecution ICC universal jurisdiction war criminals Nuremberg Trials legal environments Amnesty International Fact Sheet Spiegel International Crossland deterrent effect Court international law Rome Statute Kofi Annan international human rights rule of law sovereignty national courts war criminals ICC Nuremberg Trials universal jurisdiction legal environments Amnesty International Spiegel International
test-education-egtuscpih-pro05a	Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. Online courses encourage sharing of academic information  One of the technical features of MOOCs is that content of courses can easily be shared between universities and learners (as content is freely downloadable). This is useful in two ways. First, people who are not earning credit from the course can have full access to educational materials, which expands knowledge of those not enrolled in the university. Second, less prestigious universities can benefit by learning how to design courses better, so they can offer better services. MOOCs even offer opportunities for universities to cooperate together to offer shared courses that would decrease duplication and increase quality of education [16], which would be of even greater benefit to financially stressed institutions. Shared educational resources would expand access to education even further and drive educational standards higher through university cooperation. online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials university cooperation course content sharing less prestigious universities educational standards shared courses financial stress access to education course design credit earning non-enrolled learners online courses academic information sharing MOOCs content sharing universities learners educational materials knowledge expansion non-enrolled individuals less prestigious universities course design improvement educational services university cooperation shared courses decrease duplication education quality financial stress educational standards shared educational resources access to education online courses academic information sharing MOOCs educational materials free downloadable content university cooperation course design shared courses educational standards financial stress educational resources access to education less prestigious universities credit earning knowledge expansion quality of education duplication reduction educational services higher education open access collaborative learning institutional benefits educational innovation online courses academic information sharing MOOCs content sharing universities learners free downloadable content educational materials non-credit learners knowledge expansion less prestigious universities course design improvement shared courses university cooperation educational standards financial stress educational resources access to education online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials university cooperation course content sharing educational resources expanded knowledge less prestigious universities course design improvement shared courses decreased duplication increased education quality financially stressed institutions higher educational standards online courses academic information sharing MOOCs content sharing educational materials knowledge expansion course design improvement university cooperation shared courses educational standards financial benefits less prestigious universities credit earners non-credit learners educational resources quality education duplication reduction financial stress relief educational access online courses MOOCs academic information sharing educational materials university learners non-credit learners knowledge expansion less prestigious universities course design improvement shared courses educational cooperation decreased duplication increased education quality financial stress shared educational resources expanded education access higher educational standards university collaboration online courses MOOCs academic information sharing course content sharing educational materials access knowledge expansion non-university learners university cooperation course design improvement educational quality financial benefits shared courses reduced duplication educational standards open access higher education learning resources educational innovation collaborative learning institutional support online courses academic information sharing MOOCs shared content university cooperation educational materials course design shared courses educational standards financial stress expanded access educational quality online courses MOOCs academic information sharing freely downloadable content expanded knowledge access educational materials university cooperation course design improvement shared courses reduced duplication increased education quality financial benefits educational standards open access education collaborative learning higher education innovation
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START treaty US deterrence nuclear arms reduction global zero proliferation nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers US-Russia bond Iran's nuclear program China North Korea US defense capabilities international security strategic stability arms control New START treaty nuclear deterrence global disarmament US defense policy nuclear proliferation international security strategic arms reduction US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations nuclear non-proliferation treaty rogue states rising powers US national security Russian diplomatic influence nuclear arms control strategic attack defense bilateral treaties multilateral disarmament efforts nuclear weapons states international relations strategic stability military balance global security architecture US leadership in disarmament nuclear policy adaptation post-Cold War dynamics arms control negotiations strategic interests geopolitical shifts nuclear reduction impact international New START treaty deterrence US nuclear weapons disarmament global zero proliferation nuclear powers reduction arsenal leadership non-proliferation Security Council strategic attack allies rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea diplomacy international relations defense capabilities nuclear policy security world stability arms control diplomacy international security non-proliferation treaty strategic arms reduction nuclear deterrence military strategy global security bilateral relations nuclear disarmament security policy international politics strategic balance national security foreign policy international treaties New START treaty US deterrence global nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation US security international relations nuclear policy rogue states rising powers Iran nuclear program Russia-US relations China-US relations North Korea nuclear arms control Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack defense US defense capabilities international security nuclear disarmament incentives global zero US leadership nuclear treaty flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs international diplomacy nuclear arms reduction US interests nuclear club US drawdown nuclear deterrence changing world order US decline international efforts Iran's nuclear ambitions Russia New START treaty US deterrence nuclear disarmament nuclear proliferation global zero nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea US defense capabilities international security strategic arms reduction US Foreign Policy New START nuclear deterrence global arms race US military strength international security nuclear proliferation disarmament policies strategic defense rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations US national interests Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs nuclear non-proliferation treaty strategic attack protection US allies bilateral treaties global zero initiative nuclear weapons states international diplomacy defense capabilities international bonds strategic stability global security architecture US leadership in disarmament nuclear policy reform New START nuclear deterrence US defense policy arms control nuclear proliferation international security Russia Iran China nuclear disarmament global zero nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations diplomatic strategy strategic attack defense Cold War legacy international relations military strategy non-proliferation geopolitical stability defense capabilities US interests strategic alliances nuclear security international treaties diplomatic incentives nuclear policy bilateral agreements military deterrence strategic balance global arms race US military strategy nuclear disarmament negotiations international diplomacy New START treaty US deterrence global arms race nuclear proliferation international security strategic stability disarmament nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea diplomatic relations defense capabilities Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA international relations arms control strategic attack US allies military strategy nuclear policy geopolitical strategy global zero New START nuclear deterrence global disarmament US security international relations nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction treaty flaws Russia Iran China North Korea nuclear policy rogue states rising powers Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US-Russia relations US defense capabilities international security strategic attacks nuclear ambitions diplomatic pressures disarmament incentives security alliance strategic balance global zero nuclear arms control military preparedness international cooperation US leadership global stability military strategy nuclear threat international diplomacy non-proliferation efforts nuclear disarmament strategic defense national New START treaty deterrence US changing world arming non-disarming nuclear weapons global zero proliferation decline rise of new powers rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA strategic attack defense diplomacy disadvantage international relations non-proliferation treaties leadership reduction arsenals Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty disarmament security interests foreign policy strategic stability balance of power international security arms control military strategy nuclear policy geopolitical incentives"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con03a	Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention becomes impossible in states that possess nuclear weapons  It has often proven to be necessary for the UN, the United States, and various international coalitions to stage humanitarian interventions into states fighting civil wars, committing genocide, or otherwise abusing the human rights of their citizens. [1] An example of such an intervention is the recent contributions by many states to the rebels in Libya. Were all countries permitted to possess nuclear weapons, such interventions would become next to impossible. Were, for example, countries to try and contribute to the Libyan rebels, they would find themselves the targets of Libyan nuclear warheads. The cost of intervention thus becomes too high for virtually any country to tolerate, in terms of both human and political costs. The world would be a worse place if tyrants were allowed to perpetrate whatever crimes they saw fit upon their people, while the international community could do nothing for fear of nuclear retaliation.  [1] Slantchev, Branislav. 2005. “Military Coercion in Interstate Crises”. American Political Science Review 99(4). Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya rebels nuclear deterrence military intervention political costs human costs international community tyrants crimes nuclear retaliation Branislav Slantchev Military Coercion in Interstate Crises American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear warheads intervention costs political costs tyrants crimes international community nuclear retaliation military coercion interstate crises Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs tyrants international community nuclear retaliation Branislav Slantchev Military Coercion in Interstate Crises American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs tyrants international community nuclear retaliation military coercion interstate crises Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya nuclear deterrence political costs military coercion interstate crises nuclear retaliation Branislav Slantchev military intervention global security non-proliferation nuclear states arms control international law sovereignty ethical warfare conflict resolution peacekeeping state sovereignty intervention ethics nuclear arms race regional stability international relations security studies crisis management nuclear proliferation human security state violence tyrannical regimes international community global governance diplomatic relations disarm Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya rebels nuclear deterrence military coercion interstate crises Branislav Slantchev political costs human costs nuclear retaliation international community tyrants nuclear proliferation Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons state possession UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs nuclear retaliation tyrants crimes international community Branislav Slantchev military coercion interstate crises Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons states UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights Libya rebels nuclear warheads intervention costs human costs political costs tyrants crimes international community nuclear retaliation Branislav Slantchev Military Coercion Interstate Crises American Political Science Review Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear warheads military coercion interstate crises Branislav Slantchev political costs human costs nuclear retaliation tyrants international community Humanitarian intervention nuclear weapons UN United States international coalitions civil wars genocide human rights abuses Libya nuclear warheads political costs military coercion interstate crises
test-science-eassgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights animal testing speciesism human-animal similarities pain perception emotional response ethical treatment animal cognition moral consideration anti-cruelty compassion sentient beings non-human rights species equality ethical dilemma humanitarianism biological continuum evolutionary closeness empathy ethical philosophy animal welfare humanitarian ethics moral psychology cognitive ethology evolutionary ethics anthropomorphism inter-species justice animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception animal cognition human-animal similarity moral consideration anti-cruelty animal testing ethical veganism sentient beings compassion justice for animals non-human rights animal welfare cruelty-free empathy moral philosophy ethical dilemma species equality animal rights ethics speciesism pain suffering cognition sentience morality physiological similarities behavior empathy compassion welfare testing exploitation discrimination equality veganism activism conservation legislation cruelty humane treatment animal rights ethical treatment speciesism human-animal similarity pain perception animal cognition moral consideration anti-cruelty non-human rights animal testing ethical veganism compassion equality sentient beings humane laws animal welfare physiological resemblance behavioral indicators empathy moral obligations animal rights harm ethics moral consideration speciesism suffering anatomy physiology behavior pain fear pleasure pets dogs testing racism sexism compassion sentience human-animal similarity ethical treatment non-human animals animal welfare anti-cruelty empathy ethical responsibilities sentient beings moral status humane treatment animal testing species discrimination moral philosophy ethical dilemmas animal consciousness cognitive similarities animal rights ethical treatment speciesism pain perception emotional intelligence physiological resemblance behavioral observation moral consideration non-human suffering rights advocacy ethical dilemmas animal testing species equality compassion empathy cognitive similarities moral philosophy ethical responsibility humane treatment anti-cruelty sentient beings animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception fear expression pleasure indication anatomical similarity physiological resemblance behavioural parallels moral consideration anti-cruelty non-human sentience empathy ethical testing anti-racism anti-sexism animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception emotional intelligence animal cognition physiological similarities moral status sentience non-human animals ethical consideration comparative anatomy behaviorism psychological pain moral obligations animal welfare anthropomorphism interspecies ethics evolutionary psychology conservation ethics animal rights animal testing speciesism ethical treatment sentience moral consideration pain perception non-human animals physiological similarities behavioral indicators ethical responsibility anti-cruelty human-animal relationship empathy animal welfare philosophical ethics rights-based arguments utilitarianism moral status equality animal rights ethical treatment speciesism animal experimentation pain perception cognitive similarities moral consideration non-human animals physiological parallels behavioral science compassionate ethics sentient beings anti-cruelty philosophical inquiry humane alternatives interspecies empathy moral obligations animal welfare ethical philosophy rights-based ethics
test-health-hdond-con03a	Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. Denying organs to non-donors is unduly coercive.  For the state to make organ donation mandatory is rightly seen as beyond the pale of what society would tolerate. This is because the right to the integrity of one’s body, including what is done with its component parts after death, must be held in the highest respect {UNDHR – Article 3 re security of person}. One’s body is one’s most foundational possession. Creating a system that effectively threatens death to anyone who refuses to donate part of their body is only marginally different from making it outright mandatory. The state’s goal is in effect the same: to compel citizens to give up their organs for a purpose the government has deemed socially worthwhile. This is a gross violation of body rights. organ donation non-donors coercion mandatory donation bodily integrity rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights state intervention social policy ethical concerns voluntary donation post-mortem rights citizen autonomy government role medical ethics organ procurement legal limitations human rights bodily sovereignty social contract moral obligation public health organ scarcity legislative constraints personal freedom end-of-life decisions forced donation ethical dilemmas human dignity legal ethics medical law organ allocation donor registration informed consent autonomy violation public opinion social norms cultural organ donation mandatory organ donation body rights unduly coercive state intervention personal integrity right to life UNDHR Article 3 bodily autonomy ethical considerations public policy organ allocation donor incentives voluntary donation medical ethics government overreach human rights organ transplantation health policy social justice moral philosophy legal ethics patient rights informed consent organ procurement bioethics health law medical jurisprudence coerced donation death penalty societal norms organ donor registry medical professionalism public health healthcare ethics organ scarcity donor registration end-of-life organ donation bodily integrity coerced donation mandatory organ donation body rights state coercion ethical concerns voluntary donation patient rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person social ethics medical ethics government overreach personal autonomy organ procurement legal mandates health policy moral philosophy human dignity organ donation non-donors coercive practices state mandate body integrity right to security personal autonomy ethical considerations social welfare government interference body rights voluntary donation UNDHR Article 3 penalizing non-donors mandatory organ donation violation of rights bodily autonomy death threat social purpose government compulsion organ donation non-donors coercion state mandate body integrity human rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights voluntary donation ethical considerations social contract government intervention body rights organ donation mandatory donation state interference bodily integrity UNDHR Article 3 coercion ethical boundaries social policy death threats citizen rights government compulsion body ownership medical ethics legal mandate personal autonomy human dignity organ allocation voluntary donation coercive systems organ donation non-donors coercive policies state mandate body integrity UNDHR Article 3 security of person bodily autonomy ethical concerns government intervention social ethics organ procurement voluntary donation human rights legal limits moral coercion death threats social justice healthcare policy bioethics organ donation non-donors coercive policies state-mandated donation body integrity personal autonomy UNDHR Article 3 security of person body rights ethical concerns mandatory organ donation social coerciveness voluntary donation human rights violations bodily autonomy government overreach moral objections personal choice ethical dilemmas legal implications public tolerance organ transplantation health policy bioethics medical ethics consent paternalism social responsibility end-of-life decisions organ allocation tissue donation healthcare systems patient rights informed consent medical humanitarianism legal frameworks organ coercion organ donation mandatory donation body rights UNDHR Article 3 security of person bodily integrity state compulsion social ethics voluntary donation moral obligation human rights medical ethics public policy individual autonomy legal mandates health care systems organ shortage transplant ethics donor registration informed consent death medical intervention societal norms government intervention personal choice medical necessity ethical dilemmas health justice policy analysis bioethics legal ethics human dignity health law civil liberties medical law public health organ procurement donor incentives voluntary organ donation non-donors coercion state intervention mandatory donation body integrity UNDHR Article 3 personal rights body rights social ethics government overreach voluntary donation moral philosophy bioethics public policy human dignity autonomy medical ethics organ procurement legal ethics societal norms compassion health policy individual freedom organ allocation donor incentives health care systems patient rights medical law ethical dilemmas human rights bodily autonomy end-of-life decisions organ transplantation medical governance social coercion health equity medical ethics committees legislative frameworks public
test-free-speech-debate-radhbsshr-pro02a	Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, Pluralism and Political Interference  The removal of ‘The Spear’ from the Goodman Gallery and the City Press also hints at a threat to pluralism, especially when one considers the political nature of the campaign to have such images removed.  While Jacob Zuma attempted to have the image banned in a personal capacity, the intensive campaigning by both the ANC and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) against both the Goodman Gallery and City Press [1] hints at a dangerously political action taken by those with close access to power over the South African state.  This should be cause to worry. Chapter Two of the Constitution of South Africa, in place since 1997, protects freedoms such as Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Association. [2] The intimidation of Art Galleries and Newspapers threatens the free exchange of ideas that occurs in these areas, as well sending an implicit image by its supports that criticism of the Government cannot be tolerated.  If neither the Gallery nor City Press removed the image of ‘The Spear’ from public view, then a clear message would have been sent that the principles of Free Speech, Free Association and Freedom of Intimidation outlined in the Constitution is to be upheld at all times, regardless of who may take offence at what is being said. It is important in the South African context to protect the right to criticise the government and voice opinions that vary from the ideals of the majority. It is worrying what kind of message is sent by those close to the South African Government that intimidation seems to be the appropriate response to criticism such as this rather than asking why such criticism is there in the first place.  [1] Mthembu, Jackson, ‘ANC calls on all South Africans to boycott buying City Press Newspaper and to join the protest match to the Goodman Gallery’, African National Congress, 24 May 2012,   [2] ‘Constitution of the Republic of South Africa’, Statutes of the Republic of South Africa, 4 February 1997, pluralism political interference removal The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation Art Galleries Newspapers Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation government criticism majority ideals South African Government protest boycott Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African State Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Intimidation Art Galleries Newspapers Free Exchange of Ideas Criticism of Government Protection of Rights South African Context Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation Government Criticism Protest Boycott Jackson Mthembu 1997 Constitution pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas criticism of government Free Association Freedom of Intimidation South African context boycott protest march Jackson Mthembu 1997 Constitution Statutes of the Republic of South Africa Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African Constitution Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Art Censorship Government Criticism Intimidation Free Exchange of Ideas Constitutional Rights Political Campaign Public Protest Media Boycott Art Gallery Boycott Free Speech Free Association Freedom from Intimidation South African State Political Power Constitutional Protections Criticism of Government Political Response to Criticism South African Context Freedom of Expression Art and Politics Media Freedom Government Intimidation pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African state Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas government criticism Jackson Mthembu boycott protest freedom of expression intimidation public opinion South African politics constitutional rights artistic freedom press freedom political power state influence social movements government accountability pluralism political interference removal The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas criticism of government protection of rights South African context boycott protest governmental response to criticism Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU South African State Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Free Exchange of Ideas Intimidation Art Galleries Newspapers Free Speech Free Association Freedom of Intimidation Right to Criticize Government Protection of Rights Jackson Mthembu Boycott Protest Match Criticism Government Response South African Context Constitutional Rights Public Debate Democratic Principles Political Pressure Media Freedom Artistic Expression Political Campaign South pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers free exchange of ideas criticism of government protection of rights South African context boycott protest response to criticism Pluralism Political Interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association Art Censorship Government Criticism Intimidation South African Politics Free Exchange of Ideas Constitutional Rights Freedom of Expression Cultural Sensitivity Political Influence Media Freedom Art and Politics Social Commentary Censorship Legal Protections Public Protest Minority Rights Democratic Values State Power Civil Liberties Human Rights Artistic Freedom Political Campaigning Public Discourse Criticism and Response pluralism political interference The Spear Goodman Gallery City Press Jacob Zuma ANC COSATU Constitution of South Africa Freedom of Speech Freedom of Association intimidation art galleries newspapers criticism of government free exchange of ideas South African context protection of rights public protest boycott constitutional principles freedom of expression political power state influence artistic freedom media freedom social criticism political campaigning legal protection democratic values public opinion government response censorship public debate constitutional rights political action freedom from intimidation state pressure artistic expression media integrity
test-international-appghblsba-con03a	It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, It is not in the interest of South Africa to annex a poor, underdeveloped country  It is not in South Africa’s interests to annex Lesotho. Lesotho would be a burden; it is poor, might cause instability, and has no resources as compensation. On a simple cost-benefit analysis made by the SA government they would clearly see they would have more responsibility towards the Basotho population but new resources to fulfil those responsibilities. South Africa has its own problems that it should be focusing on first. Poverty is officially at 52.3% [1] and unemployment is a great problem for South Africans; a quarter of the majority black workforce is unemployed. [2] Moreover, Only 40.2% of black infants live in a home with a flush toilet, a convenience enjoyed by almost all their white and Indian counterparts showing the inequality that still exists in the ‘rainbow nation’. [3] Why add more people under your protection when you can’t take care of your own?  [1] ‘Statement by Minister in The Presidency for Performance Monitoring and Evaluation, Collins Chabane, on the occasion of the launch of the Development Indicators 2012 Report’, thepresidency.gov.za, 20 August 2013,   [2] Mcgroarty, Patrick, ‘Poverty Still Plagues South Africa's Black Majority’, The Wall Street Journal, 8 December 2013,   [3] Kielburger, Craig & Marc, ‘Why South Africa is Still Dealing With Segregation and Poverty’, Huffington Post, 18 December 2013, South Africa Lesotho annexation poor underdeveloped instability resources cost-benefit analysis government Basotho population poverty unemployment black workforce inequality flush toilet Rainbow Nation protection segregation economic burden social issues political responsibility development indicators black majority segregation Kielburger Mcgroarty Collins Chabane South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdeveloped instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic issues unemployment inequality black workforce infrastructure sanitation racial disparity economic challenges social problems national priorities international relations regional stability development indicators performance monitoring policy evaluation economic segregation social integration minority rights human development economic growth poverty alleviation unemployment statistics racial equality societal issues government focus national problems international obligations annexation implications political decision-making economic burden demographic challenges public services South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdevelopment instability resource scarcity cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic issues unemployment inequality black majority racial segregation socioeconomic challenges infrastructure public services national priorities international relations regional dynamics economic burden political stability human development social welfare governance policy-making fiscal capacity demographic pressures economic disparities development indicators national statistics public policy socioeconomic indicators economic planning strategic priorities international aid regional cooperation poverty alleviation economic growth social integration economic reforms fiscal policy South Africa annexation Lesotho burden instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population internal problems poverty unemployment inequality black majority segregation infrastructure flush toilet economic challenges social issues rainbow nation protection population management development indicators performance monitoring evaluation ministry Collins Chabane Patrick Mcgroarty Craig Kielburger Marc Kielburger The Wall Street Journal Huffington Post Development Indicators 2012 Report South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population internal problems unemployment racial inequality flush toilet access black majority segregation economic challenges social issues national priorities burden assessment development indicators performance monitoring policy evaluation public services infrastructure economic development social cohesion national integration public health sanitation economic disparity political stability regional dynamics international relations strategic interests human rights social welfare economic policy governance demographic challenges economic growth poverty reduction unemployment rates racial South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population unemployment inequality rainbow nation black majority social issues resource allocation economic challenges infrastructure public services socio-economic disparities national priorities developmental indicators performance monitoring evaluation workforce flush toilet statistics segregation Patrick McGroarty Craig Kielburger Marc Kielburger The Wall Street Journal Huffington Post The Presidency Collins Chabane Development Indicators 2012 Report South Africa annexation Lesotho poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibility Basotho population domestic problems unemployment inequality black workforce flush toilet racial disparity rainbow nation protection socioeconomic challenges development indicators black majority segregation Kielburger Mcgroarty Collins Chabane The Wall Street Journal Huffington Post thepresidency.gov.za South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibilities Basotho population domestic issues unemployment racial inequality infrastructure sanitation economic challenges social problems national priorities population management burden economic burden political burden social services public health economic development poverty alleviation unemployment reduction racial equality social justice economic policy government policy international relations regional stability African politics development indicators economic indicators social indicators national development government performance poverty statistics unemployment statistics racial demographics socioeconomic status South Africa Lesotho annexation poverty underdevelopment instability resources cost-benefit analysis government responsibility Basotho population internal problems unemployment inequality black majority infrastructure flush toilet racial disparity protection societal issues economic challenges development indicators WSJ Huffington Post segregation rainbow nation Collins Chabane Patrick McGroarty Craig Kielburger Marc Kielburger South Africa annexation Lesotho underdeveloped poor instability resources cost-benefit government responsibilities Basotho population problems poverty unemployment inequality rainbow nation protection black majority segregation statistics development indicators performance monitoring economy social issues political analysis international relations African affairs governance public policy economic development social development demographics human rights quality of life infrastructure sanitation public health economic growth national priorities strategic planning fiscal responsibility resource management regional stability cross-border issues sovereignty territorial integrity
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con02a	Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. Only well-off families will benefit from increased freedom of choice  Under the current system, many schools that are “failing” are struggling as a result of factors such as deprivation in their area, or high levels of children for whom English is not their native tongue.  There will be no incentive for companies to set up schools in such areas: the voucher scheme dictates that each child gets the same amount of funding, and thus in schools where a lot of extra facilities (like extra teachers, specialist language tutors etc.) are needed the potential profit to be made will be lower. On the other hand, children in well-to-do middle class areas will be highly profitable (it is not difficult to make children with a wealth of parental support do well in their exams). Thus rich children will have a range of subsidised schools from which to choose, whilst the poorest in society are still failed. well-off families increased freedom education choice failing schools school deprivation non-native English children companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist tutors potential profit schools middle class parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest society education inequality well-off families increased freedom school choice failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-do middle class subsidised schools parental support exam success poorest society educational inequality socioeconomic factors school funding profit margins educational choice public school system private education educational opportunities economic disparity educational reform school vouchers educational outcomes academic achievement school performance educational support language barriers cultural diversity educational policy school improvement educational resources community impact economic background student well-off families benefit increased freedom current system failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English children companies set up schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit schools well-to-do middle class parental support exams subsidised schools poorest society failed well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers companies schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-to-do middle class areas rich children subsidised schools poorest in society well-off families increased freedom current system failing schools deprivation high levels children English native tongue companies set up schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities teachers specialist language tutors potential profit schools extra support wealthy parents exam success subsidised schools poorest society failed well-off families benefit increased freedom current system failing schools deprivation high levels non-native English children companies set up schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit well-to-do middle class areas profit parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest society failed well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers lack of incentive companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit middle class areas parental support exam performance rich children subsidised schools poorest society educational inequality well-off families benefit increased freedom failing schools deprivation non-native English incentive companies schools voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit middle class areas profitable parental support exam success subsidised schools choice poorest society failed well-off families freedom of choice failing schools deprivation English as second language voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors profit middle class areas parental support exam performance subsidised schools societal inequality well-off families increased freedom of choice failing schools deprivation non-native English speakers companies school setup voucher scheme funding extra facilities specialist language tutors potential profit middle class areas parental support exam success rich children subsidised schools poorest in society educational inequality
test-society-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem confidence friendship social networks globalized world communication shared interests social support youth engagement online interaction self-control positive self-views experimental study peer relationships mental health digital communication network size chat conversations shared photos status updates social media impact psychological well-being Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence social networks globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell positive self-views self-control online social networks experimental investigation Journal of Consumer Research Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-appreciation happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell online social networks self-control positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialization child development self-esteem confidence global friendship social networks peer interaction long-distance friendships shared interests online communication mental health positive self-views social media impact youth social engagement Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence friend circles globalized world social networks teenagers physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world friend circles social networks teenagers staying in touch shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-appreciation happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates social networks happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell self-views experimental investigation online social networks self-control positive self-views Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Journal of Consumer Research Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell positive self-views social networks online social networks self-control peer interaction emotional support social engagement youth teenagers social media benefits mental health social bonds communication tools digital friendships peer relationships psychological well-being Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates online social networks self-control experimental investigation positive self-views Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world social networks circle of friends physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Journal of Consumer Research Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell positive self-views
test-international-iiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher deterrence illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers non-native hunters close calls sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition poaching opportunities alternative livelihood West Africa illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks sociological analysis poaching incentives economic factors wildlife conservation human-wildlife conflict heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations illegal hunting tougher responses deter poachers thrill illegal-status close-calls challenges independence protection game-reserves necessity rhinoceros-horn bush-meat nutrition opportunities africans licit-work alternative-livelihood extinction west-africa al-shabaab terrorist-attacks sociological-analysis skills ivory-trade funding terrorism poaching motivations heavy-handed approaches tougher responses illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges independence protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition Africans alternative livelihood sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher recognition illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers non-native hunters illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity-based poaching economic motivation rhinoceros horn value bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihood African poachers illegal ivory trade terrorist funding West African lions extinction threats heavy-handed motivations poaching tougher responses deter illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges independence protection game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood extinction West Africa terrorism ivory trade al-shabaab heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers non-native hunters poaching thrill illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poachers rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition source poaching opportunities alternative livelihood licit work West Africa lion extinction terrorist funding al-shabaab ivory trade heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers native poachers Africa ivory trade terrorist funding rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihoods socioeconomic factors poaching deterrents illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence game reserves protection measures sociological analysis economic opportunities West Africa lions extinction risk poacher economics livelihood strategies conservation policies community involvement sustainable alternatives heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poachers economic incentives rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihood socioeconomic factors illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa conservation strategies community involvement legal alternatives heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seekers illegal status close calls challenges independence game reserves necessity poachers rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition Africans alternative livelihood illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lions West Africa extinction poaching motivations illegal hunting tough responses poacher psychology thrill seeking economic necessity rhinoceros horn trade bush meat alternative livelihoods poaching sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa game reserve protection
test-law-tahglcphsld-pro01a	People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. People should be free to take drugs  Individuals are sovereign over their own bodies, and should be free to make choices which affect them and not other individuals. Since the pleasure gained from drugs and the extent to which this weighs against potential risks is fundamentally subjective, it is not up to the state to legislate in this area. Rather than pouring wasted resources into attempting to suppress drug use, the state would be better off running information campaigns to educate people about the risks and consequences of taking different types of drugs. freedom personal choice bodily autonomy self-sovereignty drug legalization pleasure risk assessment subjective experience state intervention resource allocation education drug awareness public health harm reduction individual rights government role personal responsibility drug policy substance use informed decision-making drug legalization personal autonomy self-sovereignty individual rights drug policy reform harm reduction drug education government intervention personal choice substance use freedom public health approach drug decriminalization informed consent libertarian views on drugs risk assessment pleasure pursuit subjective well-being legislative alternatives resource allocation drug awareness campaigns drug policy personal freedom individual sovereignty bodily autonomy subjective pleasure state intervention harm reduction drug education public health legal reform controlled substances personal choice government regulation risk awareness substance abuse drug awareness campaigns legislative alternatives non-enforcement strategies public safety individual rights drug legalization personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention harm reduction drug education personal responsibility subjective well-being public health approach law enforcement costs drug legalization personal autonomy individual sovereignty subjective pleasure state interference harm reduction education campaigns drug policy reform personal choice risk awareness drug legalization personal freedom individual sovereignty subjective pleasure risk assessment state intervention drug education public health campaigns harm reduction policy alternatives drug regulation informed choice government role civil liberties personal responsibility substance use legislative reform drug control health information societal impact drug policy personal freedom self-ownership individual rights harm reduction pleasure vs risk state intervention drug education public health legislative reform moral autonomy substance use informed consent regulatory efficiency social responsibility posium on drugs controlled substances recreational drugs public policy ethical governance drug legalization personal autonomy pleasure vs risk state non-intervention drug education resource allocation harm reduction individual rights self-ownership subjective well-being public health approach drug policy reform drug policy individual sovereignty personal freedom self-ownership subjective experience pleasure risk assessment state intervention resource allocation drug education harm reduction informed choice public health legislation voluntary action autonomy moral responsibility drug laws societal impact ethical considerations drug legalization personal autonomy government intervention drug education harm reduction individual rights state regulation substance abuse public health legal reform personal freedom drug policy voluntary risk informed decision making
test-politics-dhwem-con03a	PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs violate human rights and International agreements in pursuit of profit or power.  Some PMCs may abuse the power they wield. Simon Mann, founder of PMCs EO and Sandline International, in a recent plot to oust President Obiang in Equatorial Guinea (BBC News, 2008) shows that even mercenary organisations considered legitimate by the British Government remain staffed by corrupt opportunists. It is highly morally questionable whether organisations with such a profound disrespect for the sovereignty of other nation states should be involved with the training of our armed forces, let alone fighting alongside them. PMCs human rights violations International agreements profit motives power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup attempt mercenary organizations British Government moral implications sovereignty armed forces training combat roles PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit-driven power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea coup attempt President Obiang mercenary organizations British Government moral disputes sovereignty armed forces training combat roles PMCs human rights International agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News mercenary organisations British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training fighting alongside armed forces PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit-driven power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang mercenary organizations British Government moral questions sovereignty armed forces training combat roles PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions PMCs human rights violations International agreements profit power abuse of power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government moral questions sovereignty armed forces training fighting alongside armed forces PMCs human rights violations International agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions combat roles PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang mercenary organizations British Government sovereignty armed forces training moral questions conflict zones private military companies ethical concerns state sovereignty international law mercenary activities profit-driven motives security contractors military ethics diplomatic relations international security corporate responsibility human rights abuses private soldiers government contracts international relations military operations legal accountability unethical behavior private security military support security services corporate governance international community defense industry PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power abuse Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News mercenary organizations British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training fighting alongside moral questioning PMCs human rights violations international agreements profit power Simon Mann EO Sandline International Equatorial Guinea President Obiang BBC News 2008 mercenary organisations British Government corrupt opportunists sovereignty nation states armed forces training moral questions
test-international-ehbfe-con03a	The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ The concept of federalism lacks political support  Euroscepticism is highest in Latvia, the United Kingdom, and Hungary, with only 25%–32% viewing membership as a good thing. Belief that the citizen's country has benefited from EU membership is lowest (below 50%) in the UK, Hungary, Latvia, Italy, Austria, Sweden and Bulgaria. A significant minority (36%) do not tend to trust the European Parliament. The European Parliament does not command the same sense of respect as national Parliaments, nor the connection with ordinary people. [1]  [1] Directorate-General for Communication, ‘EUROBAROMETER 71 Public opinion in the European Union’ federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Union Eurobarometer European Parliament trust national Parliaments citizen benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership citizen benefit European Parliament trust national Parliaments public opinion Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments citizen benefits Eurobarometer European Union political trust public perception federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership citizen benefits European Parliament trust public opinion Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership belief benefits Italy Austria Sweden Bulgaria European Parliament trust national Parliaments connection ordinary people EUROBAROMETER 71 public opinion European Union federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits European Parliament trust national Parliaments public opinion Eurobarometer federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits European Parliament trust national Parliaments public opinion Eurobarometer European Union federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments Eurobarometer 71 Directorate-General for Communication federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments ordinary people Eurobarometer 71 Directorate-General for Communication beneficiary countries EU benefits political trust parliamentary respect European Union public perception federalism political support Euroscepticism Latvia United Kingdom Hungary EU membership benefits public opinion European Parliament trust national Parliaments ordinary people Eurobarometer Directorate-General for Communication
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con03a	Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas can drive players away.  Policies of racial quotas can have the effect of driving players abroad. Such policies have had similar affects in cricket. Kevin Pietersen stated that racial quotas in domestic competition, requiring four non-white players per team, were a key reason for his decision to leave South Africa and move to England. Eligible due to playing in England for four years and an English parent, he successfully had an England career. In rugby union, Brian Mujati left South Africa to play in England as he did not want to be selected to fill a racial quota [1] .  [1] Foy, Chris, ‘Last orders at the bar for master brewer – prop Mujati calls time on Saints career’, MailOnline, 19 April 2013, Quotas racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England non-white players team composition player migration sports policies athlete decisions racial policies sports diversity athlete selection domestic competition international career eligibility rules sports administration player development racial quotas sports policies player migration cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England domestic competition non-white players selection criteria sporting careers athlete mobility ethnic quotas sports governance team composition diversity in sports athlete nationality sports performance policy impact Quotas racial quotas players drive away abroad cricket Kevin Pietersen non-white players South Africa England rugby union Brian Mujati selection ethnic quotas sports policies talent migration team composition player recruitment competitive balance racial quotas players abroad cricket policies Kevin Pietersen South Africa England career rugby union Brian Mujati selection criteria domestic competition non-white players sports migration policy impact athlete decisions sports governance racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England non-white players domestic competition player migration sports policy quota effects athlete decisions eligibility rules sports management racial diversity team composition sports governance player development international sportsmovement racial quotas driving players abroad cricket policies Kevin Pietersen South Africa England career rugby union Brian Mujati selection quotas sports migration non-white players domestic competition quotas racial quotas cricket rugby union players driving players away Kevin Pietersen South Africa England non-white players Brian Mujati selection policy affects sports migration eligibility English parent domestic competition Quotas racial quotas players abroad cricket Kevin Pietersen non-white players South Africa England rugby union Brian Mujati selection policies sports migration ethnic quotas athletic talent drain domestic competition international career sports policies racial diversity racial quotas cricket rugby union Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England domestic competition non-white players selection policies sports migration player departure eligibility rules sports governance racial diversity in sports racial quotas cricket rugby union player migration Kevin Pietersen Brian Mujati South Africa England sports policies non-white players team composition athletic careers international transfer sports diversity quota impact player selection sports administration racial diversity in sports professional sports cricket diversity rugby diversity
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro03a	Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries already benefit from extremely liberal laws.  The USA is at present far better than most countries in their respect and regard for civil liberties. New security measures do not greatly compromise this liberty, and the US measures are at the very least comparable with similar measures already in effect in other democratic developed countries, e.g. Spain and the UK, which have had to cope with domestic terrorism for far longer than the USA. The facts speak for themselves – the USA enjoys a healthy western-liberalism the likes of which most of the world’s people cannot even conceive of. The issue of the erosion of a few minor liberties of (states like the US’s) citizens should be overlooked in favour of the much greater issue of protecting the very existence of that state. [1]  [1] Zetter, Kim, ‘The Patriot Act Is Your Friend’, Wired, 24 February 2004,  , accessed 9 September 2011 Western countries liberal laws civil liberties USA security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties protection of state Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired 2004 Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism erosion of liberties state protection Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired magazine Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism healthy western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state existence Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures liberty democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism healthy western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism healthy western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state existence Patriot Act Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism USA citizenship western-liberalism Patriot Act civil rights national security legal measures terrorism response democratic values liberty protection state existence minor liberties major threats government policies public safety constitutional rights legislative acts political freedoms societal protection security vs. privacy legal safeguards democratic principles international comparisons terrorism impact societal freedoms governmental measures citizen rights legal protections security policies civil liberties preservation legislative responses democratic states safety measures freedom balance civil liberties security measures democratic countries terrorism Patriot Act US laws liberalism individual freedoms state protection domestic terrorism Spain UK legal comparisons Western countries liberty erosion national security democratic principles legal measures terrorist threats US democracy civil rights Western countries liberal laws USA civil liberties security measures democratic developed countries Spain UK domestic terrorism US measures western-liberalism erosion of liberties protecting state Patriot Act Kim Zetter Wired 2004 USA civil liberties security measures democratic countries Spain UK domestic terrorism western-liberalism Patriot Act state protection liberty erosion global context legal measures terrorism response civil rights international comparison liberal laws democratic values state security citizen rights
test-philosophy-elhbrd-pro01a	Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. Suicide is a rational choice in many situations.  When confronted with chronic pain or with diseases that steadily remove our sense of self – or at least the self of whom we are aware – death has proven to be a sensible option taken by sensible people [i] . It is a simple fact that we all die, our objections to it tend to be based on the idea that it can happen at the hands of others or at a time, or in a manner, not of our choosing.  Neither of these issues arise with either assisted suicide or voluntary euthanasia. Proposition has no difficulty at all with the suggestion that both procedures should be regulated and take place in safe, medically supported, environments.  However, if an individual accepts that death is their preferred option in such a scenario, it is difficult to comprehend of reasons why they should not be allowed to proceed. Our social rejection of murder does not, ultimately relate to death itself but to the denial of choice. With murder someone is denying that person all their future potential so denying their freedom of choice, and this remains the case even if the murder was completely painless. Here, reason tells us, the virtuous act is death and the reservation of that choice.  The determining element of humanity is that we are rational beings; a blanket ban – legal and social – on choosing the time and manner of our deaths reflects our primeval fear of a death that comes, unwanted, in the dark of the night, not the mature judgement of modern, thinking (and long-lived) humans.  [i] Andy Bloxham. Husband films assisted suicide of wife to prove it was not murder. The Daily Telegraph. 10 March 2011. suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self death sensible option assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported social rejection murder denial of choice future potential freedom of choice virtuous act rational beings blanket ban legal social primeval fear mature judgement modern humans suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness self-awareness death assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported personal choice murder future potential freedom rational beings legal ban social rejection modern thinking humane death dignity quality of life end-of-life decisions palliative care ethical considerations human rights autonomy chronic disease incurable conditions suffering pain management physician-assisted suicide dignity in dying euthanasia laws patient rights moral philosophy ethical dilemmas humane exit compassionate care end-of-life options death with suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness loss of self voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide regulated environments medical support right to die individual autonomy social rejection murder denial of choice rational beings legal bans social taboos mature judgement human rights end-of-life decisions dignity in dying ethical considerations palliative care mental health informed consent humane death quality of life compassionate choice personal freedom bioethics moral philosophy death with dignity legislative reform suicide prevention healthcare ethics patient rights terminal care physician-assisted death suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supervised choice freedom murder denial of choice future potential rational beings legal ban social taboo mature judgement modern humans Andy Bloxham assisted suicide film not murder suicide rational choice chronic pain terminal illness self-awareness death assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medical support personal choice murder freedom human rights rational beings legal issues social norms fear of death modern society ethical considerations rational suicide assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia chronic pain terminal illness right to die personal autonomy death with dignity medical support legal regulation ethical considerations rational choice denial of choice murder vs. euthanasia human rights end-of-life decisions painless death freedom of choice mature judgement social acceptance humane death quality of life moral debate legal debate personal dignity physician-assisted death compassionate care terminal sedation palliative care ethical dilemmas patient rights medical ethics humane ending rational beings social rejection blanket ban suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self death sensible option assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported environments social rejection murder denial of choice future potential freedom rational beings blanket ban legal social primeval fear mature judgement modern humans Andy Bloxham The Daily Telegraph 10 March 2011 suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported social rejection murder denial of choice future potential rational beings blanket ban legal social mature judgement modern humans Andy Bloxham The Daily Telegraph suicide rational choice chronic pain loss of self death voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide regulation safe environments freedom of choice murder future potential denial of choice rational beings blanket ban legal issues social issues modern thinking terminal illness humane death personal autonomy ethical considerations quality of life end-of-life decisions dignity in dying medical ethics palliative care pain management terminal sedation legalizing euthanasia physician-assisted suicide right to die moral philosophy ethical dilemmas compassionate care patient rights end-stage disease incur suicide rational choice chronic pain diseases sense of self assisted suicide voluntary euthanasia regulation medically supported death preference social rejection murder denial of choice future potential painless virtuous act rational beings legal ban social ban primeval fear mature judgement long-lived humans
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market transparency leader health succession planning economic parameters leader quality business environment investment decisions economic growth leadership impact market rumour bureaucratic influence energy prices transport availability political stability market confidence economic growth leadership quality transparency succession planning investment uncertainty business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership impact national leadership post-war growth leader change market reaction rumour control policy continuity political stability market transparency leader health succession security investment uncertainty economic parameters tax policy subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth national leadership post-war development political stability business environment leader's health succession planning market transparency investment decisions economic parameters leader quality growth impact national leadership post-leadership change economic growth business taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links market rumor economic uncertainty political stability market transparency economic leadership succession planning investment uncertainty business environment tax policy subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth leadership impact national leadership post-war economics political stability transparency leader's health succession security market predictions investment decisions leader's impact economic parameters tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leadership quality economic growth leadership change Benjamins F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken national leadership post-war economic growth political stability market transparency leadership health succession planning economic growth leader quality business environment investment decisions political environment leadership change economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links national leadership post WWII growth stability business markets political stability leader illness transparency succession investment decisions economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport leader quality economic growth leadership change national leadership World War II political stability market confidence leadership quality economic growth investment decisions transparency succession rumour business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leader impact leadership change national leadership post-war economics political stability leader illness transparency market confidence succession planning economic parameters leader quality growth impact business environment investment decisions bureaucracy energy prices transport availability national leadership post-war growth leadership impact market outcomes stability damage rumor spread economic growth
test-education-egtuscpih-pro04a	Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. Online courses would allow universities to use more resources on teaching and research  Traditional Universities are forced to spend a lot on administration and facilities, such as renting and maintaining buildings and parking lots, providing student support for accommodation, renting student halls, subsiding transports costs and meals, supervising university areas and so on. Across 72 US public universities the average administrative cost was about 8% of spending with the highest, at the University of Connecticut at 17% [15]. All these costs can be cut or abandoned all together if universities move to online teaching. There would be no need for lecture halls and student accommodation as students would just work from home, and even professors could mostly work from home. Even if some of administrative costs remain, that would still substantially increase the amount of resources to be spent entirely on teaching and research. This allows universities to improve their academic credentials and their academic output, which benefits the students and the society. online courses universities resources teaching research traditional universities administration costs facilities buildings parking lots student support accommodation student halls transport costs meals university areas US public universities administrative cost lecture halls student accommodation professors academic credentials academic output students society online courses university resources teaching research traditional universities administrative costs facilities lecture halls student accommodation online teaching academic credentials academic output student benefits societal benefits cost reduction university administration educational technology remote learning campus expenses faculty resources online courses university resources teaching research traditional universities administrative costs facilities lecture halls student accommodation professors working from home academic credentials academic output student benefits societal benefits Online courses university resources teaching and research traditional universities administrative costs facilities maintenance student support accommodation costs transportation costs meal subsidies university supervision lecture halls academic credentials academic output societal benefits remote learning cost reduction higher education virtual classrooms educational efficiency resource reallocation academic improvement student welfare public universities administrative expenses teaching quality research funding educational innovation digital education campus costs online teaching professor mobility student accommodation societal impact educational transformation administrative overhead research enhancement teaching enhancement cost-effective education university budget educational technology learning outcomes online courses resource allocation teaching efficiency research enhancement cost reduction administrative expenses facility maintenance student accommodation lecture halls professor productivity academic credentials societal benefit public universities University of Connecticut administrative costs teaching improvement academic output online courses university resources teaching research traditional universities administration costs facilities lecture halls student accommodation professor work home-based learning academic credentials academic output societal benefits cost reduction public universities administrative spending University of Connecticut resource reallocation educational improvement online courses resource allocation teaching improvement research enhancement administrative costs facility maintenance student accommodation lecture halls professor work from home academic credentials societal benefits university expenses cost reduction public universities administrative spending teaching resources research resources online teaching student support transportation costs meal subsidies university supervision lecture venues academic output student benefits societal impact online courses resource allocation teaching research traditional universities administrative costs facilities maintenance student accommodation lecture halls professor work-from-home academic credentials academic output societal benefits cost reduction university expenses public universities administrative spending student support transportation costs meal subsidies university supervision online teaching resource efficiency educational improvement research enhancement educational innovation remote learning academic excellence public higher education cost savings educational quality academic research student experience institutional resources higher education reform administrative efficiency educational technology virtual classrooms distance learning academic performance research productivity educational access online courses resource allocation teaching efficiency research enhancement administrative costs facility maintenance student accommodation transportation costs meal provision university administration public universities academic credentials academic output societal benefit cost reduction lecture halls professor work-from-home student work-from-home educational technology remote learning higher education reform online courses universities teaching research traditional universities administration costs facilities buildings parking lots student support accommodation transport costs meals supervising university areas administrative cost lecture halls student accommodation academic credentials academic output societal benefits
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy state by state united front collaboration debate common values European unity Gulf War Mark Eyskens Craig R Whitney economic giant political dwarf military worm EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State-by-State Representation Change Foreign Policy Approach United Front Collaboration Debate Identity Commitment Common Values European Unity Gulf War Craig R Whitney Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus State-by-State United Voice Decision-Making Significance Foreign Policy Change Collaboration Debate United Front Common Values European Unity Identity Formation Commitment Gulf War European Unity Shattered Political Dwarf Military Worm Trade Policy Environmental Policy Craig R Whitney Mark Eyskens Belgium EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy EU foreign policy consultation and consensus state by state consultation united front European identity common values political unity military capability economic power environmental policy Mark Eyskens Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy united front collaboration debate European unity Gulf War Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm common values identity formation state by state consultation bold step exemplary trade environmental policy Craig R Whitney EU consultation consensus High Representative foreign policy security state by state united front collaboration debate values economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity EU consultation consensus High Representative foreign policy security policy unified voice state by state consultation mechanism significant change united front collaboration debate new identities common values Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity trade policy environmental policy Mark Eyskens political dwarf military worm EU Representative High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State by State Agreement United Front Collaboration Debate Common Values Identity Commitment Exemplary Trade Policy Environmental Policy Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney War in the Gulf Europeans' Unity Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Front Collaboration Debate Identity Values Mark Eyskens Europe Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Voice State by State Foreign Minister Mark Eyskens Economic Giant Political Dwarf Military Worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity Common Values Identity Formation Collaboration Debate Decision Making Policy Formation
test-culture-thbcsbptwhht-con03a	"No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. No feasible system of which grounds of compensation can occur because of the fluidity of culture and cultural identity  How a person identifies themselves aligns with the culture they are a part of. Szewczak and Snodgrass argue this is as the values of an individual “are influenced and modified by membership of other professional, organisational, ethnic, religious, and various other social groups, each of which has its own specialized culture and value set. Thus, individuals vary greatly in the degree in which they espouse, if at all, values by a single cultural group, such as their national culture” [1]. As a result, people can identify with several different cultures often at one time. This creates difficulties in allowing one person to seek compensation from another purely on the basis of identity politics – individuals at least partially define their own culture and it may only be one among multiple cultures they identify with.  Culture itself has a complex nature; it adapts, borrows and evolves. It also influences lives in different ways and to different extents. No culture is fully homogenous. Because of this, any model for the extent of compensation would almost be impossible. Somebody with a long distant relative of which they haven't met, could potentially gain compensation for something that doesn’t directly affect them. They may even identify with the majority culture that is doing the compensating. Conversely some who identify with the culture being compensated may not be eligible for compensation even if they are directly affected.  [1] Snodgrass, Coral R., & Szweczak, Edward J. ""The Substitutability of Strategic Control Choices: An Empirical Study"". The Journal of Management Studies. Vol. 25. 1990. compensation culture cultural identity fluidity values social groups national culture identity politics cultural adaptation homogeneity eligibility direct effect strategic control empirical study management compensation models cultural influence individual variation multiple cultures identity politics cultural identity fluidity of culture compensation models cultural values social groups ethnic identity religious identity individual culture national culture homogenous culture culture evolution culture adaptation strategic control management studies compensation eligibility cultural overlap direct cultural impact cultural relativity identity-based compensation compensation cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics multiple cultural identities cultural evolution cultural influence individual values Snodgrass Szewczak strategic control ethnic groups social groups national culture homogenous culture eligibility for compensation direct effects indirect effects long-distance relatives majority culture cultural compensation cultural substitutability empirical study management studies cultural fluidity identity politics compensation models cultural identity multiple cultural affiliations cultural evolution individual cultural values cultural homogeneity compensation eligibility cultural influence variability Snodgrass and Szewczak strategic control choices cultural substitutability national culture social group culture compensation cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics multiple cultures cultural values cultural membership ethnic groups religious groups social groups specialized culture cultural adaptation cultural borrowing cultural evolution homogeneity strategic control empirical study eligibility for compensation direct impact compensation models compensation cultural identity fluidity of culture identity politics multiple cultural identities cultural values Snodgrass Szewczak cultural homogeneity strategic control empirical study cultural evolution cultural adaptation compensatory models ethnic groups organizational culture religious groups social groups national culture individual values cultural influence cultural membership cultural variation cultural borrowing cultural change cultural complexity cultural impact compensatory justice cultural affiliation cultural representation cultural eligibility cultural compensation cultural influence extent cultural specificity cultural diversity cultural dynamics cultural heterogeneity cultural relativity cultural intersection culture cultural identity compensation fluidity values social groups ethnic religious national culture identity politics homogenous adapt borrow evolve strategic control empirical study management organizations compensation models cultural diversity individual values multi-cultural identity direct impact eligibility relative distant majority culture compensating culture influenced modified specialized culture value set varying degree espouse national professional organizational ethnic religious social groups compensation difficulties cultural fluidity cultural influence cultural evolution cultural adaptation cultural borrowing cultural complexity cultural homogeneity culture identity compensation fluidity values social groups ethnicity religion nationality identity politics cultural adaptation homogeneity influence complexity eligibility direct effect indirect effect substitutability strategic control empirical study cultural identity compensation fluidity of culture identity politics cultural values Snodgrass Szweczak multiple cultures individual values cultural evolution cultural influence homogenous culture compensation model distant relatives majority culture direct impact eligibility for compensation identity politics cultural identity compensation models culture evolution individual values social groups ethnic groups religious groups organizational culture national culture culture heterogeneity compensation eligibility direct impact indirect impact cultural borrowing cultural adaptation cultural influence individual culture definition multiple cultural identities"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con04a	Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Possessing nuclear weapons will be counter to the peaceful interests of states  Most states will not benefit at all from possessing nuclear weapons. Developing a nuclear deterrent is seen in the international community as a sign of belligerence and a warlike character. Such an image does not suit the vast majority of states who would be better suited focusing on diplomacy, trade, and economic interdependence. [1] The loss of such diplomatic and economic relations in favour of force can seriously harm the citizens of would-be nuclear powers, as has occurred to the North Koreans, who have been isolated in international relations by their government’s decision to develop nuclear weapons. If the right to nuclear weapons were recognized for all states, only those states that currently want them for strategic reasons will develop them, and they will do so more brazenly and with greater speed. These countries might try to develop them even if proliferation is outlawed, but giving them license increases the likelihood that they will succeed. Furthermore, when countries develop nuclear weapons, their neighbours may feel more vulnerable and thus be compelled by necessity to develop their own weapons. This will lead to arms races in some cases, and generally harm diplomacy.  [1] Sartori, Anne. 2005. Deterrence By Diplomacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. nuclear disarmament international relations economic sanctions diplomatic isolation arms race proliferation strategic deterrence global security non-proliferation treaty peaceful cooperation state diplomacy economic interdependence nuclear-free zones international community belligerence warlike character nuclear deterrence nuclear powers North Korea sanctions strategic reasons regional stability nuclear license security studies political science international security arms control nuclear disarmament diplomatic relations international trade economic interdependence nuclear proliferation arms race strategic interests belligerence nuclear deterrence diplomatic isolation North Korea sanctions global security non-proliferation treaties international community perception state sovereignty peaceful state interests proactive diplomacy economic sanctions regional stability mutual assured destruction nuclear disarmament international relations diplomatic isolation economic sanctions arms race proliferation strategic deterrence global security non-proliferation peaceful coexistence international diplomacy economic interdependence nuclear deterrence state belligerence nuclear policy regional stability North Korea sanctions diplomatic leverage nuclear strategy international community response nuclear weapons peaceful interests states diplomatic relations economic interdependence international community belligerence warlike character nuclear deterrent harm citizens North Korea isolation international relations nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races diplomacy security global stability nuclear disarmament diplomatic relations economic sanctions international isolation arms race proliferation strategic interests global security peace non-proliferation treaty regional stability belligerence warlike character nuclear deterrent diplomatic interdependence economic interdependence North Korea retaliatory strike mutually assured destruction security dilemma nuclear weapons peaceful interests state benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic relations North Korea international isolation nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races regional security Sartori Deterrence By Diplomacy nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic relations force North Korea isolation international relations nuclear weapons development strategic reasons proliferation arms races vulnerability diplomacy harm Sartori Deterrence By Diplomacy Princeton University Press nuclear weapons peaceful interests state benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic harm North Korea international isolation nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races regional security nuclear disarmament global stability nuclear weapons peaceful interests states benefits nuclear deterrent international community belligerence warlike character diplomacy trade economic interdependence diplomatic relations economic relations North Korea isolation international relations nuclear proliferation strategic reasons arms races vulnerability security Sartori Deterrence By Diplomacy nuclear non-proliferation international diplomacy economic sanctions regional security arms control deterrence theory strategic stability diplomatic isolation nuclear disarmament global security dynamics proliferation incentives economic interdependence peaceful state relations security studies international relations theory
test-education-xeegshwfeu-con03a	The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. The state retain control of schools - freedom, in this context, is illusory  The state funds education using taxes taken from everyone in society, not just those who have children. Therefore the state has a duty to benefit the whole of society, not just parents and children, when funding education. It is therefore entirely legitimate for the state to use schools to fulfil other societal purposes. A good example of this is the question of teaching citizenship in schools: it does not necessarily help children to pass exams, and so schools do not have a strong incentive to insure that children are taught it. However, it fulfils government goals of helping to ensure that people become functioning members of our democracy.  When schools are privatised it becomes increasingly difficult for the government to ensure that such agendas are followed in schools. state control schools freedom illusion state funding education taxes societal benefit parents children citizenship education exams government goals democracy privatisation agendas state control schools freedom societal benefit education funding taxes public education citizenship education privatisation government agenda democratic participation school incentives societal purposes education policy state control school funding tax contribution societal benefit parental responsibility education purpose citizenship education exam focus government agenda privatization impact state control school freedom education funding societal duty public taxation citizenship education privatized schools government agendas democratic participation educational incentives state control schools freedom education funding taxes societal benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas state control school funding societal benefit citizenship education government goals privatised schools public education tax-funded education democratic participation educational responsibility state control education funding societal benefit public taxation citizen education privatization challenges government agendas school privatization democratic participation citizenship teaching state control education funding societal benefit citizenship education government goals privatised schools public education tax revenue democratic participation schooling agendas state control schools freedom societal benefit tax funding education citizenship teaching privatisation government agendas state control schools freedom public funding education taxes societal benefit citizenship education privatisation government agendas
test-politics-gvhwhnerse-con01a	Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, Some kind of election is more likely to lead to real democracy than no election  The acceptance by most autocrats that there need to be elections shows the idea that legitimacy derives from the people is generally accepted. Meaning that these states are already part way to having a genuine democracy. Having regular elections, even if the outcome is preordained, means that the electorate becomes used to voting and the idea of voting to make their voice heard. In such circumstances eventually they are going to want their vote to really count. If there is a creeping process of reform eventually this will result in free and fair elections.  Having any kind of elections means that there are people who are recognised as an opposition. This means that there is a viable alternative to the ruling party which can be turned to in a crisis, or can take on the leadership role when the regime is finally toppled. For example in Philippines the opposition was able to create a united opposition party in 1984 and coalesce around Corazon Aquino in the snap elections of 1985. [1] This meant that Aquino was in a position to swiftly set up a government following the people power revolution and flight of Marcos. [2]  [1] Kline, William E., ‘The Fall of Marcos: A Problem in U.S. Foreign Policymaking’, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, 1992,  Pp.4, 10  [2] Reaves, Joseph A., ‘Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules’, Chicago Tribune, 26 February 1986, elections democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections electorate voting real count reform free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis leadership regime change Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune elections democracy autocrats legitimacy people free and fair elections opposition regime change Philippines Corazon Aquino Marcos people power revolution united opposition party foreign policy U.S. intervention political reform voter participation democratic transition electoral processes election democracy legitimacy autocrats electorate voting free and fair elections opposition regime change Philippines Corazon Aquino people power revolution Marcos election democracy autocrats legitimacy regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections opposition ruling party reform Philippines Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos government U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy legitimacy people regular elections voting voice creeping process reform free and fair elections opposition alternative ruling party crisis leadership regime Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos government U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy autocrats legitimacy regular elections electorate voting free and fair elections opposition viable alternative ruling party crisis leadership Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos foreign policy Chicago Tribune election democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections voting voice reform free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis leadership regime Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections voting electorate reform free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis leadership regime Philippines opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune election democracy autocrats legitimacy people regular elections voting opposition crisis regime change Philippines Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos foreign policy U.S. involvement government transition political reform free and fair elections election democracy legitimacy autocrats regular elections voting electorate reform free and fair elections opposition ruling party crisis regime Philippines united opposition party Corazon Aquino snap elections people power revolution Marcos U.S. Foreign Policymaking Chicago Tribune
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro03a	In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. In any other situation involving minors a precautionary principle would be applied  Any risk needs to be justified against some benefit. In the absence of any demonstrable benefit then there is no need to tolerate any risk, particularly in the case of a newborn baby who cannot express his opinion one way or another and will not be able to do so for years to come.  The risks of circumcision have been repeatedly demonstrated. Though they may be rare, they run from septicemia through to blood hemorrhage and heart attacks. There is little research conducted on the long term effects of the procedure; however there is a growing body of evidence that a surgical complication rate is about 1 in 500 and the post-surgical rate of attrition is believed by many to be higher [i] .  [i] Paul M. Fleiss, MD. “The Case Against Circumcision”. Mothering: The Magazine of Natural Family Living, Winter 1997, pp. 36--45. precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss The Case Against Circumcision Mothering Magazine precautionary principle minors risk justification newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss The Case Against Circumcision Mothering Magazine precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit analysis newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision debate child consent medical ethics precautionary principle minors risk justification newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision debate natural family living medical ethics pediatric surgery informed consent child rights non-therapeutic circumcision circumcision alternatives circumcision history circumcision statistics circumcision complications circumcision benefits circumcision controversy circumcision research circumcision policy circumcision legislation circumcision debate articles circumcision in newborns circumcision risks and benefits circumcision decision-making circumcision and human rights circumcision and ethics circumcision precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit newborn infant consent circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision debate medical ethics informed consent pediatric surgery neonatal health circumcision statistics surgical safety child welfare medical procedures infant rights parental decision-making precautionary principle minors risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss case against circumcision precautionary principle minors risk justification benefit newborn baby circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss The Case Against Circumcision Mothering Magazine precautionary principle minors risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss case against circumcision Mothering magazine precautionary principle minors risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn baby expressed opinion circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long term effects surgical complication rate post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss The Case Against Circumcision Mothering Magazine precautionary principle risk justification demonstrable benefit newborn safety circumcision risks septicemia blood hemorrhage heart attacks long-term effects surgical complications post-surgical attrition Paul M. Fleiss circumcision debate infant rights medical ethics
test-economy-egppphbcb-pro01a	"The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. The market should determine the price of products and services  A free market gives the power to the people to choose and decide what products and services should be offered to them. If many people want the same thing the demand will be higher and it will be profitable to offer them on the market since it will sell, therefore the people are in command of what products are being offered to them through their own want. The market is thus decided upon what people need and therefore there will be no excess products or services offered e.g. let us presume that many people want to see high quality basketball, a person like Michael Jordan who has a talent for basketball and has honed his basketball skills would in this case be much in demand. People are ready to pay for the service he offers (excellent basketball) and consequently his high wage will be justified. On the other hand a mediocre basketball player would not be paid at all since there is no demand to see mediocre basketball, his service does not have an attraction on the market and will thus be eliminated1/2. This is all part of what could be called a ""dynamic capitalist system"" which values individuality (honing your basketball skills), rewards ability (having basketball skills) and risk-taking (risking that you will succeed with it).  1 Adam Smith. (n.d.). The concise Encyclopedia of Economics. Retrieved June 20, 2011  2 Nozick, R. (1974). Anarchy State and Utopia (pp. 54-56, 137-42). Basic Books. free market demand supply consumer choice product offering market dynamics economic value individual skills capitalism price determination market efficiency consumer sovereignty talent valuation labor market economic theory Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics dynamic capitalist system risk-taking ability economic reward market competition service demand product demand excess production market command basketball skills high-quality basketball mediocre basketball market attractiveness wage justification market elimination economic individuality market rewards market risk economic ability economic competition market market price products services free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer power excess products high quality talent Michael Jordan basketball skills wages mediocrity market demand dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Anarchy State and Utopia Robert Nozick market price determination free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer command product demand service demand excess products excess services market dynamics talent skill individuality ability risk-taking dynamic capitalist system Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theories microeconomics macroeconomics capitalism labor market wage determination meritocracy competition economic efficiency consumer sovereignty market equilibrium scarcity value creation economic incentives market forces economic philosophy political economy economic freedom economic agents market mechanisms economic models free market price determination consumer choice demand and supply product offering market dynamics excess products Michael Jordan high-quality basketball mediocre performance market valuation dynamic capitalism individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theory capitalism principles market efficiency consumer demand economic incentives service value market competition economic rewards talent recognition market-driven economy supply-side economics economic philosophy free market economics capitalist system consumer power market-based pricing economic theory application market forces economic outcomes value creation economic market price products services free market consumer choice demand profitability supply consumer command market dynamics surplus demand elasticity Michael Jordan talent skill value labor market mediocrity service quality dynamic capitalism individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith economic theories Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia free market demand and supply price determination consumer choice market dynamics capitalism individual talent economic rewards risk-taking Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economic theories market efficiency product offerings service valuation economic incentives market-commanded prices talent economy market price free market consumer choice demand supply profitability consumer command product selection service selection market needs excess products excess services Michael Jordan basketball skills high wage mediocre player market elimination dynamic capitalist system individuality ability risk-taking Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia economics philosophy competition value creation incentive structures labor market skill valuation market dynamics economic theory individual rewards market efficiency consumer preferences economic incentives labor supply market forces economic freedom capitalist principles economic philosophy market determination price setting free market consumer choice demand and supply product offering service demand market command consumer power high demand profitability Michael Jordan talent valuation skill honing market justification wage justification service value market elimination dynamic capitalism individuality valuation ability reward risk-taking Adam Smith Nozick economic theory free market economics free market price determination consumer choice supply and demand economic efficiency individual talent market demand labor value capitalism economic incentives risk-taking Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Concise Encyclopedia of Economics dynamic capitalist system value creation market forces price mechanism economic theory laissez-faire economics market competition consumer sovereignty economic agents market equilibrium product offering service demand market dynamics economic philosophy capitalist principles market-based pricing demand-driven economy supply-side economics economic agents market-responsive pricing capitalist incentives economic rewards free market demand supply consumer choice profitability dynamic capitalism individuality ability risk-taking Michael Jordan basketball market dynamics economic theory Adam Smith Robert Nozick Anarchy State and Utopia Concise Encyclopedia of Economics"
test-politics-dhwem-con02a	PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs are untrustworthy  The possibility of mercenaries pulling out will always remain a risk. PMCs are not fighting for their own country so they can never be threatened with a charge of desertion. PMCs are motivated by money and do not have the interests of their employer at heart. Loyalty is given to the highest bidder and is therefore delicately balanced. “The fact is, they have no other attraction or reason for keeping the field than a trifle of stipend, which is not sufficient to make them willing to die for you. They are ready enough to be your soldiers whilst you do not make war, but if war comes they take themselves off or run from the foe.”(Machiavelli, 1515) Machiavelli considered that it was mercenaries that ruined Italy much as they are now doing in Iraq and Afghanistan. PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out desertion motivation money interests employer loyalty highest bidder delicately balanced stipend war run foe Machiavelli 1515 Italy Iraq Afghanistan ruined conflict private military companies international security combat effectiveness soldier morale military strategy historical perspectives modern warfare security contractors civilian oversight ethical considerations military ethics troop reliability combat zone behavior strategic outcomes force loyalty military alliances operational risks peacekeeping conflict resolution political stability international relations PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy loyalty risk desertion motivation money interests employer highest bidder delicately balanced stipend war foe Machiavelli 1515 ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out desertion loyalty highest bidder money employer interests Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan stipend war soldiers foe ruin PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out not fighting for country no charge of desertion motivated by money lack of loyalty loyalty for highest bidder Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan stipend unwilling to die take off in war run from foe hired soldiers conflict of interest military contractors private military companies security contractors operational reliability strategic risk ethical concerns historical perspective contemporary issues military ethics contractor loyalty soldier motivation private military forces international security military operations contractor performance mission critical reputational risk contractual PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk desertion financial motivation loyalty highest bidder attrition stipend war conflict employment interests employer Italy Iraq Afghanistan Machiavelli historical perspective military contractors private military companies criticism effectiveness reliability soldier service loyalty issues contractor reliability combat reliability private forces mercenary ethics armed conflict military service operational stability combat motivation military loyalty private security conflict zones contractor performance private military security contractors military effectiveness mercenary reliability military deployment contractor trust PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out not fighting for country no desertion charge motivated by money loyalty for sale highest bidder delicately balanced no attraction trifle of stipend unwilling to die war comes take themselves off run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs untrustworthy mercenaries pulling out risk not fighting for country no charge of desertion motivated by money employer interests loyalty for highest bidder delicately balanced trifle of stipend not willing to die war take themselves off run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan PMCs mercenaries untrustworthy risk pulling out not fighting for own country no desertion charges motivated by money loyalty for sale highest bidder delicately balanced loyalty Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan stipend unwilling to die war run from foe PMCs mercenaries desertion loyalty money employer stipend war Machiavelli Italy Iraq Afghanistan risk untrustworthy trifle fighting country highest bidder ruin PMCs untrustworthy mercenaries risk pulling out not fighting for country no charge of desertion motivated by money loyalty to highest bidder delicately balanced loyalty stipend unwilling to die war comes run from foe Machiavelli ruined Italy Iraq Afghanistan
test-education-tuhwastua-pro01a	Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests are arbitrary  Standardized tests are inherently arbitrary. They reduce an applicant’s entire academic career to a single one-day session. The result is an inherently unrepresentative test which fails to paint an accurate picture. What if a student has a bad day? What if they do poorly on the specific test questions? In the SAT’s there is an error of measurement of about 30 points either way out of 800, this is the potential difference between where the student really is and what his or her score on the day was. [1] By contrast, looking at their entire academic record ensures that admissions officers will get a far more comprehensive picture of their actual ability. The law of averages means that bad days and tests will be balanced out with good ones, with the result that their academic record, the result of years of work, will reflect their true performance.  [1] Cloud, John, ‘What’s Good about the New SAT Test’, Time, 1 September 2006, Standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement academic record comprehensive picture law of averages true performance admissions officers John Cloud Time 2006 standardized tests arbitrariness academic career single-day assessment unrepresentative results bad day performance specific test questions SAT error margin comprehensive academic record law of averages true performance college admissions test fairness educational assessment student evaluation standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance John Cloud Time Magazine 2006 standardized tests academic career single day performance unrepresentative results bad day test questions SAT error measurement error academic record comprehensive picture true performance law of averages balanced performance years of work admissions process test fairness educational assessment Standardized tests arbitrary academic career single day unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance admissions officers Time magazine John Cloud Standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative accuracy student performance test day specific questions SAT error of measurement academic record comprehensive picture admissions true performance law of averages good days bad days years of work time magazine John Cloud Standardized tests arbitrary academic career single day unrepresentative accurate picture bad day poor performance SAT error measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance admissions John Cloud Time 2006 standardized tests arbitrary academic career single-day session unrepresentative inaccurate picture bad day poor performance SAT error of measurement comprehensive picture academic record law of averages true performance admissions criteria test reliability educational assessment college admissions standardized testing criticism arbitrary unrepresentative one-day session academic career bad day error of measurement comprehensive picture law of averages true performance SAT standardized testing admissions process academic record test questions potential difference student ability Time magazine John Cloud New SAT Test standardized tests arbitrary academic career one-day session unrepresentative bad day test questions SAT error of measurement academic record comprehensive picture law of averages true performance John Cloud Time 2006
test-economy-eptpghdtre-pro01a	Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush squandered an extraordinary economic legacy on tax cuts for the wealthy and too expensive and unnecessary wars.  The Clinton legacy was one of extraordinary economic health including an enormous $4,000 billion surplus. This could have been used to improve services and create jobs. Instead the Bush administration squandered this, mostly on tax cuts for the wealthy and two expensive wars. He turned the surplus on its head, leaving a budget deficit of $482 billion in 2009 with, frankly, not a lot to show for it [i] .  [i] Andrew Taylor. “Bush Leaving Next President Record Federal Deficit”. Huffington Post. 28 July 2008. Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit Andrew Taylor federal deficit next president 2008 Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy unnecessary wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit 2009 Andrew Taylor Huffington Post federal deficit next president Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health budget surplus improve services create jobs administration squandered budget deficit federal deficit Huffington Post Andrew Taylor Bush administration tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton legacy economic health budget surplus services improvement job creation federal deficit 2009 budget Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus services job creation budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush Clinton economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars surplus budget deficit federal deficit jobs services Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health budget surplus improve services create jobs federal deficit 2009 Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush economic legacy tax cuts wealthy expensive wars Clinton economic health surplus improve services create jobs budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post Bush Clinton economic legacy tax cuts wealthy wars surplus budget deficit federal deficit Andrew Taylor Huffington Post
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground member states cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy EU role world politics unity solidarity harmony European ideals symbols Europa.eu High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground Member states cooperation consultation common foreign and security policy EU role world politics stability international system unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu Symbols EU High Representative Vice President Commission HRVP decision making foreign policy common ground stability international system cooperation consultation unity solidarity harmony Europe symbols Europa.eu High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU foreign policy decision making process common ground significant role common foreign and security policy stable international system cooperation consultation unity solidarity harmony European ideals EU symbols 12 stars Europa.eu High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy defense policy member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President Commission HRVP EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation common foreign and security policy EU foreign policy stable international system unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground significant role common foreign and security policy EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation international system unity solidarity harmony European Union symbols Europa.eu EU High Representative Vice President Commission HRVP foreign policy decision making EU level member states common ground common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation international system unity solidarity harmony Europe Europa.eu symbols 12 stars circle High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU decision making foreign policy defense policy member states common ground common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation stable international system EU foreign policy world politics unity solidarity harmony European ideals Europa.eu symbols 12 stars Europe political integration diplomatic representation strategic autonomy multilateralism institutional reform European Council global governance international relations European values legislative process executive functions Treaty of Lisbon European External Action Service EEAS institutional architecture policy coordination crisis management defense cooperation
test-politics-dhwem-con04a	The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. The role of PMCs has had a negative effect on traditional militaries and their operations.  Soldiers trained at high expense by the state may leave for the greater income of private employment, reducing the power of the state’s military and bolstering the attraction of PMCs. PMCs also have a much more relaxed, business-like attitude to conflict. Being unregulated gives them a freedom to work outside of the law to an extent, using illicit practices such as torture and bribery which goes unnoticed. However, these practices strengthen the morale and line the purses of “the enemy”, such as warlords or the Taliban in Afghanistan, putting the militaries they are fighting alongside in danger. PMCs private military companies traditional militaries military operations soldier training state funding private employment military power state security business attitude conflict unregulated illegal practices torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan military danger morale enemy strength PMCs private military companies negative impact traditional militaries operations soldier recruitment state military power business-like attitude conflict unregulated illicit practices torture bribery morale enemy warlords Taliban Afghanistan danger military effectiveness ethical concerns international law private security contractors combat zones military experience financial incentives state security operational integrity strategic challenges private sector public sector military personnel war economy conflict zones security services military oversight legal frameworks human rights armed conflict geopolitical implications military-industrial complex defense industry security policy military PMCs private military companies traditional militaries military operations soldier recruitment state-trained soldiers private employment military power state security business-like attitude conflict unregulated illegal practices torture bribery warlords Taliban Afghanistan military allies combat effectiveness morale corruption private military companies PMCs traditional militaries military operations soldier recruitment state military power PMC attraction business-like conflict approach unregulated PMCs illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban military morale enemy funding combat effectiveness state security PMC impact military challenges PMCs traditional militaries soldier recruitment state military power private military employment military operations conflict attitude unregulated PMCs illicit practices torture bribery enemy morale warlords Taliban Afghanistan military dangers soldier training state expense private income military effectiveness conflict dynamics security studies international relations military ethics law of armed conflict PMCs negative effect traditional militaries operations high expense state-trained soldiers private employment income military power attraction relaxed attitude conflict unregulated freedom outside the law illicit practices torture bribery unnoticed morale enemy warlords Taliban Afghanistan danger militaries fighting alongside PMCs traditional militaries negative impact soldier retention state military power private military employment business-like conflict approach unregulated operations illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban military dangers morale boosting financial incentives PMCs traditional militaries negative effects Soldier retention state military power business-like attitude conflict unregulated illicit practices torture bribery morale enemy warlords Taliban Afghanistan military operations private employment income disparity state-trained soldiers military strength operational danger lawlessness ethical concerns international security private military companies combat effectiveness strategic implications security studies military sociology armed conflict private sector in warfare public-private military dynamics military ethics war economics defense policy soldier recruitment PMC expansion military disadvantages operational synergy PMC practices state security PMCs private military companies traditional militaries military operations soldier recruitment state military power business-like conflict attitude unregulated PMCs illicit practices torture bribery warlords Taliban military morale military danger PMCs negative impact traditional militaries soldier recruitment state military power business-like conflict approach unregulated operations illicit practices torture bribery enemy morale military dangers warlords Taliban Afghanistan
test-international-ehbfe-con04a	Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity will deal with regional identities’ problem  Federalism and subsidiarity, that things should be dealt with at the lowest, most local, level possible, [1] can allow for regional identities in a way national states cannot. For example for Northern Ireland, Corsica, Basque Region, Lombardy. In a Federal Europe such peoples would not feel under threat from a dominant culture and long-running conflicts could be resolved, as issues of sovereignty become less relevant within the new political structures.  [1] Europa, ‘Subsidiarity’ Subsidiarity Federalism Regional Identities Local Governance National States Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Cultural Diversity Conflict Resolution Sovereignty Political Structures Europa Subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance National states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa Subsidiarity Federalism Regional identities Local governance National states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe Cultural preservation Conflict resolution Sovereignty Political structures Europa Subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural preservation conflict resolution European Union political structures sovereignty dominant culture national states Subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Europa subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy Federal Europe cultural preservation conflict resolution political structures sovereignty Europa subsidiarity principle subsidiarity regional identities federalism local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural autonomy political structures sovereignty conflict resolution European federalism dominant culture decentralization federalism regional identities subsidiarity local governance national states Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Federal Europe Europa subsidiarity principle subsidiarity federalism regional identities local governance Northern Ireland Corsica Basque Region Lombardy cultural preservation conflict resolution sovereignty political structures Europa
test-politics-cdfsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 diplomacy transparency health leaders negotiations personal individual Nixon Mao China United States historic alignment public reliability decision-making Zhou Enlai repudiate undermine deals diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations public knowledge political reliability historical diplomacy Nixon Mao Zhou Enlai China United States diplomatic alignment deal-making personal diplomacy health secrecy political Advisers repudiation undermining deals diplomacy transparency health leadership negotiations deals public knowledge Mao Nixon China United States Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignments reliability decision-making repudiation undermining historical change Diplomacy transparency leader's health impact Nixon-Mao meeting Mao's illness diplomatic negotiations transparency risks Nixon's China visit diplomatic reliability health secrecy political advisers influence deal repudiation diplomatic alignment change public knowledge effects Zhou Enlai role historical diplomacy analysis diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Mao Nixon China United States public knowledge reliability decision-making historical alignment Zhou Enlai repudiation undermining diplomatic alliances personal initiative political influence secrecy international relations health impacts diplomatic success public perception trust historical context leadership health negotiation integrity diplomatic outcomes political stability health secrecy diplomatic effectiveness public awareness historical diplomacy leader's health diplomatic negotiations political reliability health transparency diplomatic achievements political advisors health conditions international diplomacy historical figures political deliberations diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon Mao China public knowledge diplomatic initiatives personal involvement health secrecy deal reliability political stability historical context Nixon-Mao meeting diplomatic alignment health impact on diplomacy repudiation of deals political advisers Zhou Enlai deal undermining public opinion international relations health and leadership diplomatic negotiations historical diplomacy secrecy in diplomacy diplomacy transparency leadership negotiations health political deals public knowledge reliability decision-making historical diplomacy Nixon Mao China USA diplomatic alignments personal diplomacy political reliability public opinion international relations Zhou Enlai repudiation undermining historical context Seize the Hour Margaret Macmillan John Murray London 2006 p.76 diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Mao Nixon China United States diplomatic alignments historical changes public knowledge reliability of deals repudiation undermining advisers Zhou Enlai political stability secrecy international relations historical context decision-making process leadership influence health secrecy diplomatic success public perception political leverage international agreements health impact on diplomacy strategic secrecy diplomatic personalism leadership legitimacy historical diplomatic cases Nixon Mao transparency health diplomatic negotiations public knowledge reliability political influence historical context diplomatic alignments Zhou Enlai leadership decision-making China United States Cold War international relations secrecy personal diplomacy trust repudiation undermining deals diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Mao Nixon China United States Zhou Enlai public knowledge deal reliability political advisers historical diplomacy international relations
test-philosophy-pphbclsbs-pro04a	It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 It is with the popular support of the public that security measures are taken.  Let us not forget that is with the consent of the public that these security measures are taken, CCTV for example was a populist measure that has often been considered a threat to civil liberties [1] . It is in line with democratic ideals; the majority of the country wants greater security [2] . For example in 2005 59% of Americans wanted the Patriot Act extended. [3] And because democracy embodies all those values we are fighting for – freedom and equality included- we must adhere to a democratic spirit when deciding on how to organise ourselves or else risk falling into the same mind-set as those terrorists themselves.  [1] Norris, Clive, McCahill, Mike and Wood, David, ‘Editorial. The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space’, Surveillance & Society, 2(2/4):110-135, 2004,  (2)/editorial.pdf, accessed 9 September 2011  [2] Law Council of Australia, ‘Politics and Populism win out at anti-terror summit’, 30 September 2005,   [3] Langer, Gary, ‘Poll: Support Seen for Patriot Act’, ABCnews, 9 June 2005,  , accessed 9 public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism surveillance public space anti-terror populism law politics society surveillance society international diffusion video surveillance public opinion policy security policy democratic values terror summit public safety privacy human rights government legislation social control technology ethics public trust security ethics democratic governance privacy laws security laws public debate civil rights national security democratic practices political ideology social impact technology impact public consent public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror surveillance populism terrorism video surveillance public space international diffusion political populism anti-terror summit opinion poll national security civil rights democratic values public opinion legislative support security policy democratic process technological surveillance privacy concerns government policy public safety public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority country greater security Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror terrorism surveillance public safety privacy populist measure political decision-making public support security measures democratic ideals CCTV civil liberties Patriot Act terrorism surveillance populism anti-terror summit majority opinion freedom equality public consent video surveillance democratic spirit international diffusion political polls law council security policy public opinion democratic values terrorist mindset human rights societal safety government accountability public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism video surveillance public safety privacy populist measures anti-terror summit political decisions surveillance expansion public opinion law enforcement societal values civil rights governmental authority security vs. privacy democratic spirit policy-making public debate ethical considerations international diffusion accessible space anti-terrorism political populism public support security measures democratic ideals CCTV civil liberties Patriot Act terrorism freedom equality populism surveillance video surveillance public opinion anti-terror democratic spirit threat privacy security vs privacy public consent democratic values international diffusion public safety legislative support democratic processes terror summit political support government measures civil rights majority opinion public policy societal security populist measures democratic governance security legislation public trust state surveillance democratic principles freedom of information security technology public safety measures political consent democratic decision-making security policies political public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism populism surveillance public safety legislative approval social contract citizen rights government accountability public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality anti-terror surveillance video surveillance populist measure terrorism democratic spirit Law Council of Australia poll Gary Langer ABCnews public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism surveillance anti-terror populism public opinion privacy government policy national security democratic values public support security measures consent CCTV civil liberties democratic ideals majority Patriot Act democracy freedom equality terrorism video surveillance populism anti-terror political decisions public opinion surveillance technology privacy concerns national security democratic values legislative support public policy civil rights security vs privacy democratic spirit terrorist mindset public consent democraticorganisation populist measures security legislation democratic principles public safety law enforcement democratic governance security policies public trust privacy rights democratic accountability surveillance policies civil liberties erosion security enhancements democratic oversight public approval
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con01a	The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. The House of Lords allows a number of experts to influence government policy.  While the members of the House of Lords may represent a small section of society, they also include expert peers including lawyers, scientists, businesspeople, academics, doctors and civil servants that can balance out the sometimes short term, political opportunism present in the House of Commons. Election does not guarantee these expertise and knowledge, so having a second chamber that is appointed rather than elected improves the quality of the governance of the country. House of Lords government policy expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge appointed second chamber governance quality of governance representation society political balance non-elected officials advisory role legislative process democratic systems UK politics institutional design public policy decision-making bicameral system parliamentary democracy constitutional arrangements expert influence political science governance structures legislative chambers appointment process elected officials expertise in governance professional expertise political representation democratic principles legislative effectiveness policy-making House of Lords government policy expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge appointed second chamber quality of governance country democracy political representation legislative process bicameral system House of Lords experts government policy influence members small section society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed quality governance country House of Lords expert peers government policy House of Commons political opportunism appointed chamber elected chamber governance quality expertise knowledge House of Lords experts government policy members society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected governance quality country House of Lords expert peers government policy members small section society lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected governance quality improvement House of Lords government policy expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants political opportunism House of Commons appointed elected governance quality House of Lords experts government policy representation expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected governance quality improvement democracy legislative process consultation specialized knowledge public interest deliberation scrutiny policy-making institutional design political science UK politics constitutional reform legislative efficiency expert advice non-partisan bicameral system parliamentary system legislative balance checks and balances legislative expertise political representation democratic legitimacy governance House of Lords experts government policy representation society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected governance quality country House of Lords experts government policy members society expert peers lawyers scientists businesspeople academics doctors civil servants balance short term political opportunism House of Commons election expertise knowledge second chamber appointed elected quality governance country
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-con04a	Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Racial quotas don’t develop new players  The quota system could lead to moving players from the regional teams who generally have less non-white players pilfering them from other unions, rather “Home growing” them [1] .  Former Springboks coach Peter de Villiers, the first non-white person in that role, has described quotas as a “waste of time [2] ”.  Depending on the exact phraseology of the rules, this could even allow black players from outside South Africa (from, for example, England) to be used to fill the quota.  [1] McGregor, Liz, ‘New Year, new model for SA Rugby? Here’s hoping’, Books Live, 30 December 2013,   [2] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa England rugby union quota system sports policy diversity in sports racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers South Africa rugby racial diversity sports quotas player recruitment international players quota system effectiveness rugby union sports policy racial integration South African sports coach perspectives racial representation sports management player mobility Racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers Springboks coach waste of time South African rugby black players foreign players quota system rugby union diversity sports policy racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players outside South Africa quota system South African rugby rugby diversity sports policy racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers Springboks coach waste of time black players South Africa rugby policy diversity sports management quota system international players England rule phrasing Liz McGregor James Peacock BBC Sport Books Live racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering players home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa England quota rules SA Rugby New Year new model Liz McGregor James Peacock BBC Sport Books Live racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players home growing Peter de Villiers Springboks coach waste of time black players South Africa rugby quotas international players quota system impact Racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa England quota rules SA Rugby New Year new model Books Live BBC Sport racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering unions home growing players Peter de Villiers non-white coach quota system black players South Africa England rule phraseology SA Rugby sports policy racial diversity rugby union talent nurturing sports administration ethical sports practices racial quotas player development regional teams non-white players pilfering home growing Peter de Villiers waste of time black players South Africa rugby quotas effects player recruitment international players rule phraseology
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con01a	Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. Protections offered in a court must be absolute in order for the court to be just.  A just adversarial court system is premised on absolutes: that the defence has certain absolute rights which check it against government corruption, and which ensure fair trials even at the expense of conviction. Indeed, it is for this reason that we say it is better to let ten guilty men go free than to punish one innocent man. The protections in place that ensure fair trials must always be upheld, or else the guarantee of fairness no longer exists. If the government can sometimes remove this right, even in clearly delineated circumstances, then the right is no longer absolute, and the presumption in favour of the defence is far weaker, undermining the justness of the entire system. court justice adversarial system absolute rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent guilty protections legal rights due process presumption of innocence judicial integrity constitutional rights legal safeguards trial fairness judicial checks and balances rule of law protections court absolute just adversarial rights government corruption fair trials conviction guilty innocent upheld guarantee remove circumstances presumption defence weaker system court protections absolute rights just adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction innocent man fair trial protections government removal of rights presumption in favor of defense system justness absolute protections court justice adversarial system defence rights government corruption fair trials innocent man guilty men upholding protections fair guarantee government intervention justice system legal rights trial fairness absolute rights legal absolutes judicial integrity judicial fairness legal safeguards fair process legal principles trial protections legal presumption defence presumption judicial rights legal guarantees protections court justice adversarial absolutes defence rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent guilty upheld guarantee presumption weaker undermining system protections court just adversarial absolutes defence rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent upheld guarantee fairness remove circumstances presumption weaker system protections court absolute just adversarial rights government corruption fair trials conviction innocent guarantees remove circumstances presumption defence system justice legal equality impartiality integrity rule of law due process human rights judicial principles enforceable safeguard freedoms trial error morality societal values accountability transparency legitimacy oversight power abuse checks balances democracy ethical standards procedural fairness equity jurisprudence adjudication innocence guilt evidence standards proof adjudicators court protections absolute rights just adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction expense innocent man upheld protections fairness guarantee right removal presumption weakness system justness court protections absolute rights just adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction expense innocent man guilty men upholding protections government removal right absoluteness presumption defence system justness court protections absolute rights just adversarial system government corruption fair trials conviction expense innocent man trial protections right removal presumption defense system justness
test-education-egtuscpih-pro03a	Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. Online courses are a way to higher academic excellence  Relocating to the best universities is a budgetary concern, but also family and social relations concern for many people, which prevents all the best people from even applying to universities that would suit them the best. Online courses can recruit students from anywhere in the world much easier than traditional universities can because students don't need to travel far away for the best education. This then ensures that universities have better access to the brightest people. For instance, Stanford University's online course on Artificial Intelligence enabled people from 190 countries to join, and none of students receiving a score of 100 percent where from Stanford [14]. Improving the pool of students would automatically result in better academics, professionals and science, which would benefit the society better. online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concern family concerns social relations best universities recruitment global students traditional universities travel education access brightest people stanford university artificial intelligence course student pool academics professionals science societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations best universities recruitment global students traditional universities travel education Stanford University Artificial Intelligence student pool academics professionals science societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations university applications global recruitment student travel best education access to talent Stanford University artificial intelligence student performance improved student pool academic benefits societal benefits online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations recruiting students global access best education Stanford University artificial intelligence student diversity academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations best universities student recruitment global access education quality Stanford University artificial intelligence diverse student pool academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family concerns social relations best universities student recruitment global access education quality Stanford University Artificial Intelligence diverse student pool academic improvement societal benefit online courses academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations university application recruitment global access education travel best students Stanford University artificial intelligence course participation academic improvement professional development societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family relations social relations access to education global recruitment best universities student diversity Stanford University Artificial Intelligence educational improvement academic performance societal benefit online courses higher academic excellence budgetary concerns family concerns social relations applying to universities best people recruiting students traditional universities travel best education Stanford University Artificial Intelligence 190 countries student performance improving student pool better academics professionals science societal benefits online learning distance education academic excellence budget constraints family concerns social relations university admissions global education student recruitment top universities educational access artificial intelligence online courses educational benefits societal impact academic improvement professional development scientific advancement Stanford University global student pool
test-politics-oglilpdwhsn-con01a	"The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. The New START treaty harms US nuclear capabilities  As David Ganz, the president of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), argues: ""This treaty would restrain the development and deployment of new nuclear weapons, missile defense systems, and missile delivery systems."" [1] The atrophying U.S. nuclear arsenal and weapons enterprise make reductions in the U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal even more dangerous. The new START treaty allows nuclear modernization but while the US capacity to modernize nuclear weapons is limited and either congress or the president is likely to prevent modernization on cost grounds. The Russians have a large, if unknown, advantage over the United States in terms of nonstrategic, particularly tactical, and nuclear weapons. The New START treaty however ignores these weapons entirely as it is focused on strategic arms. This therefore leaves the Russians with an advantage and potentially reduces the potential for deterrence in areas beyond the US. [2]  New START also restricts US missile defence options. The Obama Administration insists the treaty doesn’t affect it, but the Kremlin’s takes a different view: ""[START] can operate and be viable only if the United States of America refrains from developing its missile-defense capabilities quantitatively or qualitatively."" [3] New START imposes restrictions on U.S. missile defence options in at least four areas. First the preamble recognizes “the interrelationship between strategic offensive arms and strategic defensive arms” it seeks to make sure defensive arms “do not undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the parties” so defensive arms must be reduced to allow offensive arms to remain effective. [4] Russia also issued a unilateral statement on April 7, 2010, Russia reinforced this restriction by issuing a unilateral statement asserting that it considers the “extraordinary events” that give “the right to withdraw from this treaty” to include a buildup of missile defense. [5] Second, Article V states “Each Party shall not convert and shall not use ICBM launchers and SLBM launchers for placement of missile defense interceptors” and vice versa. [6] There are also restrictions on some types of missiles and launchers that are used in the testing of missile defense. And Finally, article X established the Bilateral Consultative Commission (BCC), the treaty’s implementing body, with oversight over the implementation of the treaty which may impose additional restrictions on the U.S. missile defense program. [7]  [1] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [4] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [5] Bureau of Verification, Compliance, and Implementation, ‘New START Treaty Fact Sheet: Unilateral Statements’, U.S. Department of State, 13 May 2010,   [6] Obama, Barak, and Medvedev, Dmitri, ‘Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms’, U.S. Department of State,   [7] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization atrophying nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense strategic arms US missile defense options missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC treaty implementation missile defense restrictions US-Russia nuclear relations nuclear deterrence strategic offensive arms treaty withdrawal conditions missile defense launchers ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense testing Barack Obama Dmitri Medvedev US Department of State Heritage Foundation The Hill The Atlantic New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty implementation US missile defense program nuclear deterrence strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors treaty restrictions unilateral statements treaty withdrawal missile defense testing US Congress US President cost grounds Russian advantage strategic arms reduction offensive and defensive arms relationship New START flaws Baker Spring Peter Brookes New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear weapons missile defense systems missile delivery systems US nuclear arsenal weapons enterprise strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons strategic arms missile defense treaty restrictions ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC treaty implementation strategic offensive arms offensive arms effectiveness missile defense capabilities treaty withdrawal unilateral statement treaty flaws US defense options nuclear deterrence US strategic options Russia nuclear advantage US Congress New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA US strategic nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization US Congress US President cost grounds nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission US missile defense program Elizabeth Weingarten The Atlantic Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Peter Brookes The Hill Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev U.S. Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance and Implementation unilateral statements New START Treaty Fact New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons missile defense Kremlin Treaty preamble ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty restrictions US missile defense program nuclear deterrence strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms treaty implementation unilateral statement missile defense capabilities treaty withdrawal international arms control US-Russia relations New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons missile defense systems Kremlin missile defense capabilities ICBM launchers SLBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms unilateral statement strategic offensive arms defensive arms withdrawal from treaty missile defense interceptors treaty restrictions US missile defense program strategic arms reduction nuclear deterrence Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA US nuclear arsenal nuclear modernization Russian nuclear advantage nonstrategic nuclear weapons tactical nuclear weapons strategic arms missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin missile defense capabilities Article V SLBM launchers ICBM launchers Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC strategic offensive arms unilateral statement Treaty Between The United States of America And The Russian Federation On Measures For The Further Reduction And Limitation Of Strategic Offensive Arms US Department of State Bureau of Verification Compliance and Implementation New START Treaty Fact Sheet New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russian advantage missile defense Obama Administration Kremlin strategic offensive arms missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission treaty restrictions US missile defense options unilateral statement treaty implementation nuclear deterrence ICBM launchers SLBM launchers testing restrictions withdrawal rights strategic arms reduction offensive arms effectiveness nuclear arsenal atrophy weapons enterprise cost grounds congressional restrictions presidential restrictions missile-defense capabilities quantitative restrictions qualitative restrictions defense nuclear capabilities missile defense strategic arms nonstrategic weapons tactical nuclear weapons modernization U.S. strategic nuclear arsenal Bilateral Consultative Commission ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors treaty restrictions Russian advantage deterrence New START treaty defense systems offensive arms unilateral statement interrelationship New START flaws Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs treaty implementation U.S. missile defense program Russia-U.S. relations Barak Obama Dmitri Medvedev strategic offensive arms reduction missile defense capabilities defense interceptors treaty oversight New START treaty US nuclear capabilities David Ganz JINSA nuclear modernization missile defense systems US strategic nuclear arsenal nonstrategic nuclear weapons Russian advantage deterrence missile defense restrictions Kremlin ICBM launchers SLBM launchers missile defense interceptors Bilateral Consultative Commission BCC strategic offensive arms strategic defensive arms unilateral statement extraordinary events withdrawal treaty flaws US Congress cost grounds Obama Administration New START impacts New START concerns New START implications"
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con05a	The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. The threat of a state developing nuclear weapons could instigate pre-emptive strikes from its neighbours and rivals to prevent the acquisition of such weapons  The threat represented by potential nuclear powers will instigate pre-emptive strikes by countries fearing the future behaviour of the budding nuclear powers. Until a state develops a nuclear capacity that its rivals believe they cannot destroy in a first strike, nuclear weapons increase the risk of war. For example, Israel will have a very real incentive to attack Iran before it can complete its development of nuclear weapons, lest it become an existential threat to Israel’s survival. The United States military even considered attempting to destroy the USSR’s capability before they had second strike capability General Orvil Anderson publicly declared: “Give me the order to do it and I can break up Russia’s five A-bomb nests in a week…And when I went up to Christ—I think I could explain to Him that I had saved civilization.” [1] The development of nuclear weapons can thus destabilize regions before they are ever operational, as it is in no country’s interest that its rivals become capable of using nuclear force against it. Clearly, it is best that such states do not develop nuclear weapons in the first place so as to prevent such instability and conflict.  [1] Stevens, Austin “General Removed over War Speech,” New York Times, September 2, 1950, p. 8  improve this  COUNTERPOINT  If a country is surrounded by hostile neighbours that are likely to attempt a pre-emptive strike upon it, then nuclear weapons are all the more desirable. With nuclear weapons a country cannot be pushed around by regional bullies. It seems perfectly fair that Iran would covet the ability to resist Israeli might in the Middle East and defend itself from aggression by it or the United States. nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional instability existential threats nuclear weapons state security international relations Israel Iran United States USSR second strike capability regional bullies nuclear defense Middle East military strategy nuclear capacity first strike nuclear conflict international security nuclear arms race nuclear threat global stability nuclear policy preemptive military action nuclear capabilities nuclear defense strategy nuclear stability nuclear rivalry nuclear aggression nuclear security nuclear power nuclear safeguards nuclear disarmament nuclear development nuclear arms control nuclear restraint nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes state security nuclear deterrence regional stability nuclear arms race international conflict nuclear capacity military strategy existential threats first strike capability second strike capability nuclear policy defense posture strategic stability nuclear disarmament nuclear non-proliferation security dilemmas international relations military doctrine nuclear threats nuclear powers nuclear defense regional powers nuclear weapons security strategy military intervention nuclear stability international security nuclear capabilities military capabilities nuclear strategy regional security nuclear threats military readiness nuclear war nuclear arsenal nuclear tensions nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability nuclear capacity existential threat second strike capability nuclear warfare international security arms race non-proliferation treaty geopolitical tensions defensive strategy strategic balance military intervention nuclear disarmament security dilemma nuclear conflict preventive war global security nuclear policy international relations state sovereignty weapons of mass destruction military strategy nuclear arms control state security nuclear threat regional powers international peace nuclear technology nuclear weapons development preventive attacks nuclear stability strategic stability nuclear risk international conflict foreign policy nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability nuclear weapons development existential threats Israel-Iran conflict US-USSR nuclear strategy nuclear first strike second strike capability nuclear disarmament Middle East tensions self-defense nuclear security international relations arms control non-proliferation nuclear threats diplomatic tensions military strategy nuclear arms race state security preventive war nuclear capability strategic stability nuclear powers regional security nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional instability existential threat nuclear capacity second strike capability Israeli-Iran conflict US-USSR tension nuclear disarmament regional security nuclear weapons development international relations strategic stability defense policy military strategy nuclear policy nuclear arms race nuclear threat global security nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes regional stability nuclear deterrence existential threats nuclear weapons state security international conflict Iran Israel United States USSR second strike capability military strategy nuclear capacity defense policy regional powers global security nuclear disarmament arms race strategic balance international relations security studies military history nuclear policy first strike capability nuclear threats international stability regional tensions nuclear development strategic deterrence nuclear arms geopolitical tensions defense strategy nuclear diplomacy nuclear arsenal military deterrence international peace non-proliferation nuclear nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability existential threats Israel-Iran conflict second-strike capability nuclear disarmament security dilemmas deterrence theory nuclear security military strategy international relations Cold War history arms race nuclear policy regional powers defense mechanisms strategic defense nuclear capabilities international conflict state survival nuclear weapons global security military intervention nuclear threats state sovereignty defensive postures strategic stability nuclear balance nuclear arsenal security policies nuclear non-proliferation state security nuclear weapons development military capabilities strategic nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes regional stability nuclear deterrence existential threat second strike capability international security nuclear weapons development strategic instability defensive capabilities regional bullies nuclear arms race military intervention prevention of nuclear conflict state survival ideological conflict Iran nuclear program Israel nuclear policy US nuclear strategy USSR nuclear history deterrence theory nuclear non-proliferation global peace security dilemma arms control nuclear threats strategic balance international relations defense policy nuclear capabilities regional power dynamics nuclear diplomacy conflict prevention security assurance nuclear safety military doctrine nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional instability nuclear development international conflict nuclear weapons state security nuclear capacity existential threat military strategy nuclear policy disarmament regional balance of power nuclear arms race defensive capability state survival international relations nuclear threats regional rivals security dilemma nuclear stability nuclear force nuclear restraint strategic stability nuclear exclusion nuclear safeguards preventive war nuclear latency nuclear coercion nuclear prevention nuclear peace nuclear negotiations non-proliferation nuclear bargaining nuclear possession nuclear disarmament nuclear resurgence nuclear instability nuclear proliferation pre-emptive strikes nuclear deterrence regional stability existential threats nuclear capacity first strike capability second strike capability nuclear instability nuclear conflict nuclear defense regional bullies nuclear resistance nuclear aggression international security arms race nuclear policy nuclear competition nuclear safeguards non-proliferation treaty
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro02a	There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] There is always a risk associated with surgery and taking such a risk for no particular reason is irresponsible  A report by the Royal Dutch Medical Association noted that there was not a single medical body in the world that could point, categorically to a medical need for circumcision of infants. It further concluded that “The fact that this practice is not medically necessary and entails a genuine risk of complications means that extra-stringent requirements must be established with regard to this type of information and advice.” Yet this is a practice that is performed around the world by people with little or no medical training and accepted by parents as an instruction from God.  Studies from the US suggest that around 230 baby boys die in America every year as a direct result of hemorrhaging following circumcision [i] .  [i] risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications hemorrhaging death Royal Dutch Medical Association religious practice parental consent non-medical training ethics infant rights health policy medical ethics patient safety informed consent risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications hemorrhaging infant mortality religious practice medical training Royal Dutch Medical Association parental consent ethical concerns non-therapeutic circumcision global medical opinion health policy pediatric health informed consent cultural practices health risks risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications mortality religious practices medical training parental consent ethical considerations Royal Dutch Medical Association health policy informed consent non-therapeutic circumcision pediatric surgery hemorrhaging post-operative care global medical standards cultural practices risk surgery circumcision infants Royal Dutch Medical Association medical need complications uninformed consent religious practice mortality hemorrhaging non-medical practitioners parental decisions ethical concerns global perspectives infant health circumcision risks medical ethics religious justification unnecessary surgery risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications Royal Dutch Medical Association religious practice parental consent mortality hemorrhaging medical training health policy bioethics informed consent surgery risks circumcision risks infant circumcision medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association circumcision complications non-medical circumcision religious circumcision circumcision mortality hemorrhage deaths surgery risk medical necessity infant circumcision Royal Dutch Medical Association non-medical practice complications parental decision religious belief medical training circumcision deaths hemorrhaging complications surgery risk infant circumcision medical necessity Royal Dutch Medical Association medical ethics complications parental responsibility religious practice hemorrhaging infant mortality non-medical circumcision informed consent cultural tradition health policy pediatric surgery male genitalia surgical consent medical association stance circumcision controversy global medical opinion risk surgery circumcision infants medical necessity complications fatalities religious practices parental consent medical training Royal Dutch Medical Association hemorrhaging postoperative care infant health ethical considerations cultural norms global medical consensus surgical consent medical advice neonatal procedures risk surgery circumcision infants medical need Royal Dutch Medical Association complications religious practice parent consent medical training hemorrhaging US studies infant mortality
test-health-hdond-con01a	The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. The right to access healthcare is absolute  Healthcare is a primary means by which individuals actualize their right to be protected against an untimely death. The ability to access healthcare, to not have the government actively intervene against one receiving it, is of fundamental importance for living a long and worthwhile life, and is hence entrenched in the constitutions of many liberal democracies and much of international human rights literature {WHO - Health and Human Rights}. While some rights, such as the right to mobility, can be taken away as a matter of desert in almost all societies, absolutely fundamental rights, such as the right to a fair trial, are actually inalienable and ought to never be violated. What this means in practice is that one’s access to healthcare should not be continent. The government should set no standards on who deserves life-saving treatment and who doesn’t. To do so would be to assign a dangerous power of life and death over the government. right to healthcare healthcare access government intervention healthcare constitution international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights fundamental rights inalienable rights fair trial healthcare standards right to life government power life-saving treatment healthcare ethics healthcare policy human dignity medical rights patient rights health equity social justice healthcare reform public health law bioethics health and human rights healthcare entitlement healthcare legislation healthcare justice health inequality healthcare access barriers healthcare delivery healthcare system health policy health law medical ethics health rights health protection health security health governance right to healthcare access to healthcare healthcare as a human right government role in healthcare healthcare and human rights WHO inalienable rights right to life fair trial healthcare accessibility healthcare standards government intervention in healthcare healthcare and constitutional rights international human rights healthcare ethics healthcare policy health equity health justice healthcare rights medical ethics public health human dignity health and well-being health security healthcare reform healthcare inequality health disparities healthcare prioritization medical treatment healthcare entitlement healthcare legislation health governance health law health rights health protection health systems health right to healthcare access to healthcare government intervention healthcare and longevity constitutional rights international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights fundamental rights inalienable rights fair trial standards for treatment power of life and death healthcare ethics public health policy healthcare equity human dignity medical ethics social justice healthcare law healthcare disparities healthcare access barriers healthcare system reform healthcare rights advocacy healthcare governance patient rights healthcare as a moral imperative healthcare and societal values healthcare and governance healthcare and citizenship rights healthcare and human dignity healthcare and social responsibility healthcare and democratic principles healthcare right to access healthcare fundamental human rights healthcare as a means to protect life government non-intervention healthcare in constitutions international human rights WHO health and human rights inalienable rights right to fair trial government role in healthcare ethical healthcare provision life-saving treatment power of life and death healthcare standards healthcare equity healthcare access healthcare as a basic right healthcare in liberal democracies healthcare ethics government responsibility in healthcare healthcare and human dignity healthcare and social justice healthcare and constitutional rights healthcare and international law healthcare and moral philosophy healthcare and public policy healthcare and human right to access healthcare absolute right protection against untimely death government non-intervention fundamental importance constitutional rights international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights fair trial life-saving treatment government power life and death decisions healthcare access standards moral rights healthcare ethics public health policy human dignity right to access healthcare absolute right healthcare protection untimely death government non-intervention fundamental importance constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO health and human rights inalienable rights fair trial dangerous power life and death healthcare standards life-saving treatment ethical governance human dignity healthcare entitlement universal healthcare public health policy medical ethics health equity social justice constitutional rights human rights law healthcare access barriers government responsibility health policy healthcare equality medical ethics healthcare rights health security health justice healthcare reform health system health legislation healthcare access government intervention right to life constitutional rights international human rights WHO fundamental rights inalienable rights right to fair trial healthcare standards life-saving treatment government power right to mobility societal values human dignity public health ethical governance medical ethics patient rights health equity right to access healthcare absolute right healthcare as human right protection against untimely death government non-intervention fundamental importance liberal democracies international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights right to fair trial dangerous power over life and death no standards for treatment healthcare as inalienable governmental role in healthcare ethical implications of healthcare denial healthcare and constitutional rights healthcare and societal values healthcare and moral obligations healthcare and government responsibility healthcare access for all healthcare as a basic need healthcare and individual dignity healthcare and human dignity healthcare and quality of life access healthcare absolute right government intervention fundamental importance constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO health and human rights right to mobility right to fair trial inalienable rights life-saving treatment power of life and death healthcare standards healthcare equity moral obligations public health policy constitutional rights healthcare access nondiscrimination health equity human dignity right to health healthcare justice government role healthcare ethics societal values legal protections health disparities quality of life healthcare legislation human rights protections health security healthcare reform health system health law ethical right to access healthcare absolute right protected against untimely death government non-intervention fundamental importance constitutions liberal democracies international human rights WHO Health and Human Rights inalienable rights fair trial no standards for treatment dangerous power of life and death government role in healthcare ethical considerations in healthcare healthcare ethics human rights law healthcare access healthcare equity healthcare justice healthcare policy healthcare rights government healthcare responsibilities healthcare as a human right healthcare and ethics healthcare and law healthcare and morality healthcare and social justice healthcare and public policy healthcare and government intervention
test-education-tuhwastua-pro02a	Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests are skewed in favour of the wealthy  Standardized tests are inherently skewed in favour of high-income students. Tutoring is and industry unto itself and the resulting rise in scores among high income students skews the scale against students whose families cannot afford it. By contrast, even if the money is available, the impact that tutoring can have on a student’s academic performance is limited. A tutor cannot write papers or take tests for them, and nor can they answer questions in class, or participate in sports or other extracurricular activities. As a consequence, eliminating easily tutored standardized tests helps even the playing field between richer and poorer students. Standardized Tests Wealthy Students High-Income Tutoring Industry Score Increase High-Income Students Score Skew Affordability Academic Performance Tutor Limitations Paper Writing Test Taking Class Participation Extracurricular Activities Playing Field Richer Students Poorer Students Test Elimination Standardized Tests Wealthy Students High-Income Students Tutoring Industry Score Inflation Educational Equity Socioeconomic Disparities Test Preparation Academic Performance Extracurricular Activities Test Elimination Educational Reform Standardized tests high-income students tutoring industry score inflation academic performance limited impact extracurricular activities playing field economic disparity test elimination education equity Standardized tests wealth bias high-income students tutoring industry score inflation economic disparity academic performance limited tutoring impact extracurricular activities test elimination educational equity Standardized tests wealth high-income tutoring industry score inflation socioeconomic disparity academic performance extracurricular activities test fairness educational equity eliminating standardized tests playing field richer students poorer students standardized tests skewed results wealthy students high-income advantage tutoring industry score inflation economic disparity educational inequality academic performance limited tutoring impact paper writing test taking class participation extracurricular activities playing field richer students poorer students test elimination Standardized tests wealth high-income students tutoring industry score inflation academic performance extracurricular activities test elimination educational equity income inequality test fairness tutoring impact socioeconomic status educational opportunities standardized test bias financial barriers academic achievement test preparation tutoring affordability Standardized tests wealth inequality high-income students tutoring industry score inflation academic performance limited tutor impact extracurricular activities test elimination educational equity socioeconomic disparities college admissions test preparation academic advantage financial resources educational opportunity standardized testing reform income-based achievement gap wealth income tutoring standardized tests high-income students low-income students academic performance test scores educational inequality access to resources extracurricular activities test preparation socioeconomic status educational equity Standardized tests wealth inequality high-income students tutoring industry score inflation academic performance extracurricular activities test fairness educational equity socioeconomic status test preparation standardized testing bias economic barriers academic achievement gap tutoring impact test validity educational reform fairness in education financial resources student success factors
test-education-udfakusma-pro04a	Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. Students would be able to benefit from being able to use resources at other universities  Having paid for access to universities and the materials they provide for research students have a right to expect that they will have all the necessary materials available. Unfortunately this is not always the case. University libraries are unable to afford all the university journals they wish to have access to or need for their courses. Therefore any student who wants to go into areas not anticipated by the course they are enrolled with will find that they do not have access to the materials they require. They then face the cost of getting individual access to an online journal article which can be up to $42, despite there being almost zero marginal cost to the publisher. [1] This even affects the biggest and best resourced university libraries. Robert Darnton the director of Harvard University’s library which pays $3.5million per year for journal articles says “The system is absurd” and “academically restrictive” instead “the answer will be open-access journal publishing”. [2]  [1] Sciverse, “Pay-per-view”, Elsevier,   [2] Sample, Ian, “Harvard University says it can’t afford journal publishers’ prices”, The Guardian, 24 April 2012. students benefit resources other universities paid access necessary materials university libraries afford journals research courses individual access online journal article cost publisher marginal cost biggest universities best resourced Harvard University library journal articles Robert Darnton system absurd academically restrictive open-access journal publishing Elsevier pay-per-view Ian Sample The Guardian journal publishers prices university resources student access academic journals research materials library access open-access publishing journal costs university libraries research limitations academicrestrictions pay-per-view publishing costs Harvard University journal subscriptions academic resources student rights information access higher education scholarly communication academic publishing students universities resources research materials university libraries journals access courses individual access online journal article cost publisher marginal cost university library Harvard University journal articles pay-per-view Elsevier open-access journal publishing academic restriction Robert Darnton Ian Sample The Guardian students benefit resources other universities paid access research materials university libraries journal articles cost open-access publishing academic restrictions Harvard University journal prices pay-per-view Elsevier marginal cost publishers Ian Sample The Guardian students resources universities research materials university libraries access journals courses articles cost publisher open-access publishing academics Harvard University pay-per-view Elsevier Ian Sample The Guardian university resources access to journals student research library funding academic publishing open-access journals journal costs higher education scholarly communication academic libraries research materials educational equity journal affordability academic restrictions publishing industry Harvard University pay-per-view Elsevier Ian Sample The Guardian students resources universities research materials university libraries journals courses access cost online journal article publisher marginal cost university libraries Harvard University journal articles Robert Darnton open-access journal publishing academic restriction pay-per-view Elsevier The Guardian journal publishers prices university resources inter-university access academic research library funding open-access publishing journal costs student rights research materials university libraries academic restrictions publishing costs Harvard University journal articles pay-per-view Elsevier The Guardian academic journals research access university funding academic publishing students university resources access libraries research materials journal articles cost open-access publishing academic restrictions Harvard University Elsevier pay-per-view university resources inter-university collaboration academic journals open access publishing student access library funding research materials pay-per-view academic restrictions journal costs higher education information accessibility university libraries scholarly communication academic publishing open access affordable education research support educational equity intellectual property
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con01a	"The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. The concept of ""foetal rights"" is an attack on the autonomy of women  The culture of foetal rights reflects a dangerous litigious trend in American society, and implies a view of pregnant women as being nothing more than baby-carrying machines whose independence and autonomy should be restricted and whose motivations should be questioned at every turn. If this has implications for the abortion debate, then those implications are profoundly damaging to women in general. In any case, the mother of a wanted baby has entirely different responsibilities toward the unborn foetus from the mother of an unwanted baby - that’s why our society allows both abortions and antenatal classes. foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence motivations abortion debate damaging implications women's rights antenatal care wanted baby unwanted baby responsibilities societal norms reproductive rights legal implications gender issues maternity care fetal personhood bioethics health policy reproductive justice foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate damaging implications women's rights antenatal care wanted pregnancy unwanted pregnancy maternal responsibilities foetus societal norms reproductive rights legal implications gender issues foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence abortion debate unwanted baby wanted baby antenatal classes reproductive rights fetal personhood maternal rights legal implications societal norms gender equality health policy ethical considerations foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence restriction motivations questioned abortion debate damaging implications women's rights wanted baby unwanted baby societal norms antenatal care reproductive choices foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women independence abortion debate unwanted pregnancy antenatal care societal implications gender rights legal restrictions maternal health reproductive rights foetal rights women's autonomy abortion debate pregnant women's rights litigious trend antenatal care unwanted pregnancy maternal responsibilities women's independence societal implications foetal autonomy mother's rights legal restrictions reproductive freedom foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate damaging implications women's rights antenatal care wanted pregnancy unwanted pregnancy maternal responsibilities societal norms reproductive rights gender equality legal implications ethical considerations foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate mother responsibilities wanted baby unwanted baby societal implications antenatal care reproductive rights gender equality legal restrictions prenatal health maternal rights fetal personhood abortion laws women's health gender issues reproductive justice legal ethics moral disputes public policy healthcare rights human rights women's rights feminist theory bioethics medical ethics societal norms cultural values legal framework pregnancy rights antenatal services maternal welfare fetal welfare foetal rights women's autonomy litigious trend American society pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence autonomy abortion debate women's rights antenatal care unwanted pregnancy wanted baby fetal rights maternal responsibilities legal implications reproductive rights gender equality societal norms health policies foetal rights women's autonomy American litigious culture pregnant women baby-carrying machines independence restriction abortion debate wanted vs unwanted baby societal implications antenatal care"
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro01a	The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration  The Solemn Declaration did not just highlight the goal but also that it would be achieved through three techniques: by 1, addressing the causes of conflicts – economic and social disparities, strengthening judicial systems to ensure accountability, and reaffirming collective responsibility, 2, preventing emerging sources of conflict such as piracy getting a foothold, and 3, engaging in conflict prevention. [1]  Africa has been building the African Peace and Security Architecture to address these causes of conflict. It has created the Peace and Security Council that facilitates the AU’s response to crises; it can engage in actions from humanitarian assistance to military intervention if there are particularly grave circumstances such as genocide. [2] When it does authorise action, this action is coordinated by the AU commission. When it comes to peaceful resolution of conflict, the AU has a ‘Panel of the Wise’ made up of former presidents and others with lots of influence and moral authority who use preventative diplomacy to try to resolve conflicts. [3]  [1] African Union, 2013, p.5  [2] Williams, Paul D., ‘The African Union’s Conflict Management Capabilities’, Council on Foreign Relations, October 2011,  , p.7  [3] Ibid, p.12 The Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response crises humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission peaceful resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict resolution economic disparities social disparities judicial accountability collective responsibility piracy prevention conflict prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy African Union conflict management Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union crisis response humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide conflict resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict resolution former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union humanitarian assistance military intervention AU Commission peaceful resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict management Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations Solemn Declaration conflict resolution economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy conflict prevention African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council African Union humanitarian assistance military intervention Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority conflict management AU commission grave circumstances genocide Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission peaceful conflict resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority Solemn Declaration conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Architecture Peace and Security Council AU response crises humanitarian assistance military intervention AU commission peaceful resolution Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy conflict management African Union Paul D. Williams Council on Foreign Relations African Union Peace and Security Architecture conflict prevention economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy African Peace and Security Council humanitarian assistance military intervention genocide AU commission Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy former presidents moral authority conflict resolution peace security Africa governance international relations policy diplomacy crisis management regional cooperation legal frameworks social justice economic justice peaceful resolution conflict management security studies political science human rights international security international organizations global governance peacebuilding mediation conflict transformation international law international African Union peace and security architecture Peace and Security Council conflict prevention humanitarian assistance military intervention Panel of the Wise preventative diplomacy economic disparities social disparities judicial systems accountability collective responsibility piracy conflict resolution AU commission crisis response moral authority former presidents influence grave circumstances genocide
test-culture-mthbah-con04a	Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. Advertising is only as annoying as you want it to be.  No-one is forced to put advertising on their property - for many companies it is an important part of their income. Football teams would have much less money if they were not sponsored. Manchester United's shirt sponsorship deal with Aon is worth £80 million. For the small annoyance of having to have a logo on the shirt, the football club can afford to buy new players and hopefully win more games. And no-one is forced to look at advertising - you can turn the TV off between shows, or just flick past adverts in newspapers. If you don't want to see the adverts, then just ignore them. advertising annoyance property income companies football teams sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt deal money players games TV adverts newspapers ignore Advertising annoyance property income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon deal money players games TV newspapers ignore adverts advertising annoyance property income companies football teams sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt deal money players games TV adverts newspapers ignore Advertising annoyances property rights company income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon deal player acquisition game wins TV ads newspaper adverts ad avoidance consumer choice commercial benefits marketing presence Advertising property income football sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt players games TV newspapers adverts ignore advertising benefits sponsorship importance football team funding Manchester United Aon deal advertisement choice ignoring ads ad revenue necessity sports sponsorship deals commercial partnerships brand visibility impact advertising annoyance property income companies football teams sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt deal money players games TV newspapers ignore adverts Advertising annoyance property income football teams money sponsored Manchester United shirt sponsorship Aon deal players games TV newspapers adverts ignore advertising benefits sponsorship importance company income football team funding Manchester United sponsorship Aon deal advert annoyance ignoring advertisements TV ads newspaper ads advertising annoyance property company income football teams sponsorship Manchester United Aon shirt sponsorship money players games TV newspapers adverts ignore
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con02a	Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. Existing checks and balances  Proposition have made out so far that single-party Government has few checks upon it, allowing for overbearing ideological government. This however is not true as there a many external checks upon a single-party government that can prevent this.  Firstly, the checks and balances put in place by the Constitution means that the executive is unable to do much without the consent of Congress, meaning that the President would need the support of his/her party in the legislature to do what (s)he wants in government.  Within Congress, the governing party would still face oversight from Departmental Committees that scrutinises its work and unless the governing party can get a filibuster-proof majority of 60 Senators in the Upper House, then a degree of negotiation would be required.  Finally, the nominally non-partisan Supreme Court can strike down laws seen to violate the terms of the Constitution. Together these bodies are able to constrain single-party government to prevent it from abusing its power. checks and balances Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senators Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain single-party government power abuse checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints executive power congressional oversight Departmental Committees legislative negotiation Senate filibuster Supreme Court judicial review non-partisan judiciary government accountability power distribution political oversight constitutional limits legislative process governmental constraints ideological moderation democratic checks rule of law checks and balances Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senators Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain single-party government power abuse checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints executive power legislative oversight departmental committees filibuster-proof majority Supreme Court judicial review non-partisan oversight government accountability power abuse prevention checks and balances single-party government constitutional constraints congressional oversight departmental committees legislative negotiation filibuster supreme court review non-partisan judiciary constitutional limitations executive constraints legislative checks judicial oversight government accountability power distribution political checks institutional constraints legislative process judicial review government restraint checks and balances Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senate Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain power abuse checks and balances Constitution executive consent of Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain single-party government abuse power Constitution executive Congress President party legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster Senators Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan laws Constitution power abuse checks balances single-party government ideological overbearing checks and balances single-party government constitution congress executive legislative support departmental committees oversight filibuster supreme court non-partisan law constitution violation power abuse checks and balances Constitution executive Congress President party support legislature Departmental Committees oversight filibuster-proof majority Senators Upper House negotiation Supreme Court non-partisan strike down laws Constitution terms constrain single-party government power abuse
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con02a	Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform would make the House of Lords simply a mirror of the House of Commons  An elected House, even one elected every ten years, would still think about policies that are popular in the short term rather than the long-term welfare of the country, making it closer to the House of Commons in its interest and reducing its role as a balance. By subjecting the second chamber to election there would be two outcomes: if elected at the same time the House of Lords would simply become a mirror-image of the House of Commons rendering it pointless, if elected mid-term the composition of the House of Lords would reflect the tendency for a government to be unpopular mid-term, thus creating gridlock and making the system unworkable. Reform of the House of Lords is impractical and undesirable. Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance second chamber election mirror-image government mid-term gridlock impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare interest balance second chamber election outcomes mid-term unpopularity gridlock impractical undesirable House of Lords reform elected House of Commons mirror short-term long-term welfare balance gridlock impractical undesirable mid-term composition policies popular government unworkable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected chamber short-term policies long-term welfare balance second chamber election timing mirror-image mid-term government unpopularity gridlock impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance second chamber election mirror-image government unpopular mid-term gridlock impractical undesirable reform House of Lords mirror House of Commons elected short-term long-term welfare balance subjecting election outcomes mid-term government unpopular gridlock unworkable impractical undesirable Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance mirror-image gridlock impractical undesirable mid-term government unworkable House of Lords reform mirror of House of Commons elected chamber short-term policies long-term welfare balance second chamber election gridlock impractical undesirable mid-term government unpopularity mirror-image unworkable legislative process bicameral system democratic legitimacy policy-making institutional design political science governance UK parliament constitutional reform legislative effectiveness political stability representation electoral cycles public policy institutional balance legislative checks bicameral dysfunction government accountability political reform institutional inertia democratic principles legislative efficiency political dynamics systemic impact institutional House of Lords elected chamber House of Commons long-term welfare short-term policies second chamber election impact government gridlock parliamentary reform impractical reform undesirable change Reform House of Lords House of Commons elected policies short term long-term welfare balance subjecting second chamber election mirror-image pointlessness mid-term unpopularity gridlock impractical undesirable
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation inherent rights creators artistic works idea development finished art creative process business aspect energy investment time commitment talent artistic creation principle of rights profit theft creative commons public domain artist consent property rights erosion human experience copyright intellectual property legal defense artistic value Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation property right inherent creators idea unfinished sketch artistic works time talent investment energy principle rights profit theft ethereal work hard work machine creative commons license public sphere consent erosion property sector productive life human experience devalue contribution copyright intellectual property Greenberg John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals ideas unfinished art investment energy time effort principle rights profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent erosion copyright intellectual property human experience devaluation art artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creation individual idea unfinished sketch art blooming artist obsession time raw talent business investment energy principle rights profit theft machine creative commons license public sphere consent robbing universal protection erosion right to property productive life human experience devalue contribution copyright intellectual property greenberg john marshall review defense copyright's growing pains Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations property right artists creators ideas unfinished sketches artistic works artist's rights investment energy time effort principle profit theft machine work creative commons license public sphere artist's consent property rights meaning universal protection human experience copyright intellectual property legal defense creative rights art valuation productive life devaluation creative sector artistic endeavor legal protection ownership creativity intellectual contribution Artists property right creative output music film sculpture painting artistic works creators idea unfinished sketch art artist time talent creation business investment energy self-evident principle sacrifice profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent universal protection policy erosion copyright intellectual property human experience devalue contribution artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation property right idea unfinished sketch art artist time talent creation business energy investment basic principle self-evident rights profit theft machine work creative commons license public sphere artist consent property rights meaning universal protection erosion productive life human experience devalue contribution Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals ideation unfinished artistic works creators business investment energy time effort principle profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent erosion copyright intellectual property human experience devaluation Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creation intellectual property idea development artistic creation business investment energy time effort fundamental principle profit rights theft creative commons public domain artistic endeavor universal protection copyright human experience devaluation fundamental property right creative output artistic works property right creators ideas unfinished sketch art artists raw talent business investment energy time effort principle profit theft creative commons public sphere artist's consent universal protection erosion property rights devalue human experience
test-education-egtuscpih-pro02a	Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. Online courses broadens access to education  Online courses can expand access to university education. University education is based on the idea of merit - that the brightest people should be enabled to learn - however in real life many different circumstances play a role in one's ability to attend university. The result is that lots of stellar people from less-affluent backgrounds do not even apply to the best universities due to costs and anxiety involved in leaving home. In the United States the bottom 50 percent of the income distribution comprise just 14 percent of the undergraduates at top universities [10]. Online courses allow more bright people to go to a university by definitely removing accommodation and travel costs, and, as some predict, even by lowering or dropping tuition fees [11]. This argument is made even stronger by inherent flexibility of online courses, which means that people can combine studies with work and family obligations better. This improves access to education for the poor within the country and in particularly for those in less developed countries, which then improves meritocracy of the university system. online courses education access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds university costs travel costs accommodation costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance education poverty less developed countries educational equity remote learning digital education academic opportunity socioeconomic barriers educational barriers higher education access global education online learning benefits educational inclusion virtual classroom distance education education inequality merit-based education educational diversity academic accessibility cost-effective education lifelong learning e-learning academic achievement educational resources technology in education higher learning academic success educational advancement student opportunities educational improvement online education expanded university access meritocracy in education educational equity cost barriers to education remote learning benefits flexible study options higher education inequality digital learning platforms global education access affordable university options non-traditional students educational opportunity socioeconomic barriers online learning impact university diversity educational accessibility remote higher education tuition reduction virtual classrooms online courses access to education university education merit less-affluent backgrounds cost barriers travel costs accommodation costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations education for the poor less developed countries meritocracy university system Online courses expand access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds top universities accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance education for the poor less developed countries improve meritocracy online courses education access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations poor countries less developed countries educational equity online courses education access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds tuition fees accommodation costs travel costs flexibility work-life balance family obligations poor students less developed countries education equity top universities income distribution application barriers educational opportunity remote learning cost-effective education online courses access to education university education merit less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations poor less developed countries meritocracy education equity online courses expanded access university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds application barriers top universities income distribution accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations educational equity less developed countries global education improved meritocracy online courses access to education university education meritocracy less-affluent backgrounds top universities income distribution accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility work-life balance family obligations education for the poor less developed countries improving meritocracy online courses access to education university education merit bright people less-affluent backgrounds costs anxiety top universities income distribution undergraduates accommodation costs travel costs tuition fees flexibility studies work family obligations education for the poor less developed countries meritocracy university system
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con02a	Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Religious symbols are personal, therefore, they should not matter to others.  At the end of the day, the wearing of religious symbols is the choice of the individual. Many have considered intervention in the practice of religion and symbolism as an intrusion into privacy and individuality. The recent bans on the full Muslim veil, particularly in Belgium, have been criticised for causing those who feel they have an obligation to wear it to be ostracised and forced to be confined within their own home.1  1 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality full Muslim veil Belgium ban religious practice intrusion ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe religious freedom cultural sensitivity human rights religious symbols personal choice privacy individuality intervention practice of religion symbolism ban on full Muslim veil Belgium ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe religious symbols personal choice privacy individuality intervention Muslim veil ban Belgium ostracisation confinement religious practice symbolism criticism obligation freedom of religion human rights cultural sensitivity public policy women's rights identity religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy individuality intrusion full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracised confined home religious freedom symbolism practice of religion government intervention human rights cultural sensitivity freedom of expression public policy ethical considerations religious symbols personal individual choice privacy individuality intervention religion symbolism full Muslim veil bans Belgium ostracised confined home BBC News Europe Religious freedom personal choice privacy rights individuality religious symbols Muslim veil full Muslim veil ban Belgium religious practice cultural sensitivity freedom of expression societal norms religious attire public policy human rights religious discrimination cultural identity religious obligations social inclusion religious symbolism religious symbols personal choice privacy individuality full Muslim veil ban Belgium ostracisation confinement religious practice intrusion freedom of religion human rights cultural sensitivity public policy societal norms religious attire modesty identity expression religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy intervention religious practice full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement criticism human rights cultural sensitivity freedom of expression religious freedom societal norms public space legislation discrimination tolerance religious symbols personal choice individuality privacy full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation religious freedom intrusion symbolism public policy cultural sensitivity human rights religious practice societal norms legal restrictions women's rights international perspectives freedom of expression religious symbols personal choice individual rights privacy symbolism intervention religious freedom full Muslim veil Belgium ban ostracisation confinement BBC News Europe 23rd July 2011
test-economy-thsptr-pro01a	Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: Those able to pay more should pay more into the tax system  The wealthy have more disposable income and are more financially secure than are the poor and economically tenuous. For this reason, a progressive system of taxation puts the tax burden more heavily on the wealthy which has the wherewithal to pay. Progressive taxes make everyone sacrifice equally, since true equality of taxation means equality of sacrifice. [1] It is ludicrous to expect the poor and less well-off to pay the same proportional amount in taxes as the wealthy since they have to spend most of their income on essential goods like food and shelter; it is unjust to gain all state revenues from regressive taxes like VAT, since the wealthy have excess resources they can do without while not overly influencing their standard of living. [2] Progressive taxation serves to help the poor and worst off while not leaving the wealthier worse off, since they still have more money. Clearly, progressive taxation is just in terms of burdens on individual taxpayers.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Shapiro, Robert. “Flat Wrong: New Tax Schemes Can’t Top Old Progressive Wrongs”. Washington Post. 1996. Available: progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financial security poor economically tenuous equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods food shelter standard of living just individual taxpayers flat tax economic fairness social welfare income distribution progressive taxation equity economic fairness tax burden disposable income financial security regressive taxes VAT equal sacrifice wealth distribution social justice tax policy fiscal responsibility economic inequality tax reform public finance income tax proportional taxation tax equity tax fairness Progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financial security poor economically tenuous equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods food shelter standard of living just taxation individual taxpayers flat tax income distribution social equity fiscal policy tax fairness economic justice tax reform public finance tax incidence marginal utility of income tax progressivity economic inequality tax equity proportional taxation tax policy fiscal justice tax system economic burden taxation principles equitable taxation tax contribution fiscal responsibility tax relief tax structure tax distribution economic sacrifice progressive taxation tax burden wealthy individuals financial security disposable income economic inequality fiscal policy regressive taxes essential goods tax justice income distribution proportional taxation tax equity state revenues VAT economic sacrifice taxpayer fairness poverty alleviation fair taxation public finance economic policy taxation principles fiscal equity tax reform economic welfare economic stability tax progression tax system financial capability social welfare economic support tax structure tax policy fiscal responsibility wealth distribution economic burden tax fairness economic justice tax distribution progressive tax rates tax incidence economic contribution progressive taxation tax burden disposable income financial security economic inequality proportional taxation regressive taxes VAT equality of sacrifice essential goods standard of living fiscal policy tax equity economic justice income distribution social welfare government revenue tax fairness tax reform economic efficiency public finance progressive taxation economic justice income distribution tax burden disposable income financial security proportional taxation regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living equal sacrifice tax fairness wealth inequality taxpayer burden fiscal policy economic policy tax reform social equity public finance progressive taxation wealth distribution economic fairness tax burden disposable income financial security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living state revenues economic justice tax equity proportional taxation 张家界溇水大桥 tax policy fiscal policy social welfare income distribution economic inequality progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financial security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living just taxation flat tax economic fairness income distribution fiscal policy public finance tax equity economic inequality social welfare tax reform redistribution economic justice fair taxation tax fairness economic policy taxation principles tax system individual taxpayers tax rates proportional taxation tax equity theory economic sacrifice tax incidence tax structure economic efficiency tax justice tax progressivity social equity economic well-being tax policy tax philosophy tax progressive taxation tax burden disposable income financial security equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living social justice economic fairness tax equity fiscal policy income distribution wealth distribution public finance tax reform economic inequality taxpayer burden tax fairness proportional taxation flat tax poverty alleviation economic policy tax system tax rates wealthier individuals less well-off progressive tax structure tax justice fiscal equity economic philosophy tax legislations tax theories tax principles economic models fiscal responsibility economic impact tax implications social welfare progressive taxation tax burden wealthy disposable income financial security poor economically tenuous equality of sacrifice regressive taxes VAT essential goods standard of living tax schemes flat tax fiscal justice economic fairness public revenue income distribution social welfare
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con03a	Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org Survival of the fittest  It is natural for human beings to farm, kill, and eat other species. In the wild there is a brutal struggle for existence as is shown by Darwin’s On the Origin of the Species. [1] The fact that we humans have succeeded in that struggle by exploiting our natural environment means that we have a natural right over lower species. The concept of survival of the fittest may seem outdated but it is still the defining order of nature. In fact farming animals is much less brutal than the pain and hardship that animals inflict on each other naturally in the wild.  [1] Darwin, Charles, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life., Literature.org survival of the fittest natural right human exploitation environmental dominance Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection animal farming wild struggle species interaction ethical farming natural order biological competition evolutionary theory human-nature relationship species ethics wildlife brutality domesticated animals natural rights ecological balance survival of the fittest natural right human exploitation environmental dominance species competition Darwin's theory natural selection animal farming wild animal cruelty evolutionary advantage nature's order favoured races struggle for existence biological competition human-animal relationship ethical farming natural world hierarchy evolutionary survival species dominance ecological balance predatory behavior natural resource management biodiversity wildlife conservation human impact on nature natural law biological adaptation species coexistence ethical considerations in farming natural predation animal welfare ecological roles evolutionary biology human rights in nature species interdependence natural world Survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation of nature Darwin's On the Origin of Species natural right over species animal farming wild animal struggles brutal nature ecological balance evolutionary theory species dominance natural hierarchy environmental ethics animal welfare farming ethics evolutionary biology human-animal relationships natural resource management conservation ethics Survival of the fittest natural right human exploitation environmental dominance Darwin's theory On the Origin of Species natural selection farming animals animal suffering wild brutality ethical farming species hierarchy natural order human-animal relationship evolutionary advantage ecological balance moral implications conservation ethics predator-prey dynamics natural versus artificial environments Survival of the fittest natural right human exploitation environmental dominance Darwin On the Origin of Species natural selection species competition animal farming wild struggle brute nature species hierarchy ethical farming natural order survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation of nature farming animals brute struggle for existence Darwin's Origin of Species natural right over lower species animal suffering in the wild environmental exploitation evolutionary theory human-animal relationship natural order ethical farming wildlife brutality ecological dominance species hierarchy evolutionary ethics natural vs artificial selection human impact on environment animal welfare survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation environmental dominance natural right lower species Darwin On the Origin of Species brute struggle animal farming wild animal suffering ecological hierarchy evolutionary ethics human-nature interaction survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation environmental dominance animal farming natural right species hierarchy brutal struggle Darwin's theory Origin of Species natural order animal hardship wild nature farming ethics evolutionary advantage human-animal relationship ecological impact biological competition predatory behavior natural resources species coexistence Survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation environmental dominance natural right lower species Darwin On the Origin of Species animal farming wild struggle brutal nature pain and hardship species interaction ecological balance ethical farming animal welfare natural order evolutionary biology human impact ecological footprint survival of the fittest natural selection human exploitation of nature animal farming Darwin's On the Origin of Species brutal struggle for existence natural right over animals animal suffering in nature ethical implications of farming evolution and human behavior moral aspects of natural selection ecological balance and human impact philosophical perspectives on survival anthropocentrism in ethics biodiversity and human domination environmental ethics and Darwinism human-animal relationships evolutionary ethics natural law and morality
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con03a	Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. Reparations unfairly target the taxpayers of former colonial powers who had nothing to do with the deeds committed under colonisation.  It is unclear who exactly is being punished under this mechanism. Ordering reparations rather than, for example, a public apology from a monarch or government, only serves to harm tax-paying citizens whose money would be used to pay such reparations. There is a huge disconnection between the people who actually committed wrongs and the people who are now forced to literally pay for them. This is likely to lead to an increase in hostility from the taxpayers who do not understand why they are being punished, towards the people of former colonies. It is no longer a case where reparations could ever be paid from the direct profits of exploitation as any profit from that must have been spent long ago. It is wrong to impose undue guilt and obligation of payment on to people who are entirely disconnected from that history. reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs forced payment hostility taxpayers people of former colonies direct profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment disconnected history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial wrongs punishment public apology monarch government tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongdoers hostility taxpayers' misunderstanding direct profits exploitation undue guilt historical obligation payment responsibility intergenerational responsibility reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility people of former colonies direct profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility former colonies profits exploitation guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial wrongs punishment public apology monarch government tax-paying citizens historical responsibility disconnection exploitation direct profits undue guilt obligation payment historical justice intergenerational justice reparative justice collective responsibility public perception hostility former colonies social equity moral obligation economic impact policy fairness legal mechanisms historical accountability reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial deeds punishment mechanism public apology monarch government tax-paying citizens financial responsibility disconnection historical wrongs hostility taxpayers' frustration direct profits exploitation undue guilt obligation of payment historical disconnection reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility taxpayers people of former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers colonial wrongs unfair targeting public apology monarch government financial burden tax-paying citizens disconnection historical guilt undue obligation increased hostility reparations funding colonial exploitation profit distribution modern society historical responsibility intergenerational justice reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment mechanism public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility understanding people of former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history reparations taxpayers former colonial powers deeds colonisation punishment public apology monarch government harm tax-paying citizens disconnection wrongs hostility people of former colonies profits exploitation undue guilt obligation payment history
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro01a	A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. A teacher-student relationship is not one between friends or equals.  According to Carol Shakeshaft an expert in sexual misconduct by teachers: “[e]ducators who use social media for personal and intimate conversations and contact are not much different from those who spend their time hanging out with students at the beach. You have to ask why a teacher would do this. The honest answer is that it rarely has anything to do with student learning. [1] ” Interacting with one’s teachers the same way as with one’s friends, sharing personal information, can only erode the respect and distance that a teacher needs in order to be an authority figure and a mentor for her young charges. Even if such ‘friendships’ were entirely innocent, they would still cast enough suspicion on the teacher-student relationship to put considerable strain on the teacher’s role as educator and their ability to do the job.  [1] Shakeshaft, Carol. “Using Social Media to Teach: Keep it Transparent, Open and Safe.” The New York Times. 19 December 2011. teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations professional boundaries authority figure mentor student learning respect sexual misconduct educators intimacy friendship suspicion education role strain transparency safety Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations intimate contact student learning authority figure mentor suspicion educator's role sexual misconduct teacher ethics professional boundaries student-teacher interaction digital communication educational environment inappropriate relationships professional conduct teacher responsibilities student respect educational integrity teacher-student relationship friends equals Carol Shakeshaft sexual misconduct social media personal conversations intimate contact student learning respect authority figure mentor suspicion educator job strain transparency safety professional boundaries teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations educator authority professional boundaries student learning teacher misconduct Carol Shakeshaft transparency educational role professional distance mentorship suspicion student respect inappropriate contact digital communication teacher's role authority figure educational environment teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure mentor student learning respect distance suspicion educator sexual misconduct Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times transparency safety innocence strain professional boundaries teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations intimate contact authority figure mentor student learning respect professional distance suspicion educator role sexual misconduct innocence strain teaching transparency safety professionalism boundaries teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations educator authority mentorship professional boundaries sexual misconduct student learning respect transparency safety suspicion Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times privacy intimacy teacher role educational integrity teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations authority figure mentor sexual misconduct educators respect distance transparency innocence suspicion professional boundaries student learning Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations educator authority mentorship sexual misconduct professional boundaries student learning respect teacher roles transparency safety innocence suspicion education integrity teacher-student relationship social media personal conversations educator authority mentorship professional boundaries student learning sexual misconduct teacher ethics respect professional distance Carol Shakeshaft The New York Times social media guidelines educational integrity
test-science-eassgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research ethics experimentation on animals experimentation on disabled humans ethical dilemmas pain in research compassionate research practices animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain in research moral philosophy bioethics research ethics medical ethics animal testing human testing ethical dilemmas suffering measurement non-human animals vulnerable populations ethical treatment moral principles experimentation ethics healthcare ethics compassionate research ethical considerations moral disputes sentient beings non-sentient beings moral status ethical guidelines animal welfare human welfare ethical research practices moral implications suffering comparison ethical debates moral reasoning animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in research animal rights human rights moral philosophy bioethics medical ethics research ethics compassionate research practices ethical dilemmas suffering measurement ethical considerations in research non-consistent morality pain thresholds vulnerability in research ethical standards humane research alternatives research subject protection animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled persons vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation ethical dilemmas pain research animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation ethical dilemmas pain medical ethics moral philosophy suffering comparison research subjects ethical treatment vulnerability moral obligations sentient beings non-sentient beings animal suffering human suffering vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency animal experimentation human experimentation medical research ethics disabled individuals pain ethical dilemmas bioethics research ethics moral philosophy animal rights human rights cognitive impairment medical ethics animal welfare human experimentation ethics pain threshold moral equivalence research subjects ethical treatment suffering assessment ethical research practices animals suffering people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research disabled ethics experimentation pain humanity rights compassion justice animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain threshold moral philosophy bioethics research subjects ethical dilemmas animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in research moral philosophy bioethics animal rights human rights moral consistency animal experimentation human experimentation disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical dilemmas medical research ethics animal rights human rights suffering pain research subjects moral philosophy bioethics
test-international-ipecfiepg-con03a	A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, A Greek default would have a negative domino-effect on other Eurozone countries.  A Greek default will leave tremendous shockwaves across the Eurozone. Investors will instantly become wary of default in Portugal, Spain, Italy or Ireland, particularly given the sudden nature of the Greek default. Consequently, huge volumes of capital will flow out of these countries and into other more secure ones like Germany and the Netherlands. [1] This will, in turn, heighten speculation about the danger of default of other Eurozone nations. Speculation of default is particularly dangerous because it drives demand for government bonds down. This leads to the interest payments on government bonds rising which in turn raises the interest rates governments need to pay on their outstanding debt. The new, higher payments governments must make on their debt increases their budget deficit % GDP ratio, thus making it more likely that the country will actually default. We thus see how increased fears about the future of Italy, Portugal, Spain and Ireland that will arise from a Greek default, will cause big problems and will put even more strain on the ECB and primarily Germany in providing financial support.  [1] Kapoor, Sony, “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greek default Eurozone negative domino-effect shockwaves investors wary default risk Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation danger of default government bonds interest payments interest rates budget deficit GDP financial support ECB Germany Sony Kapoor BBC News Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investor reaction Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Greece euro exit Greek default Eurozone Portugal Spain Italy Ireland Germany Netherlands capital outflow speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investor wariness Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default danger government bonds interest payments budget deficit GDP ratio ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves investors wary default Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation danger default government bonds interest payments interest rates budget deficit GDP strain ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone impact domino-effect investor reaction capital flight government bonds interest rates budget deficit default speculation ECB support Germany role economic strain Portugal Spain Italy Ireland Greek default Eurozone domino-effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Greece exits euro Greek default Eurozone domino-effect Portugal Spain Italy Ireland Germany Netherlands capital outflow speculation government bonds interest payments budget deficit ECB financial support Sony Kapoor BBC News Euro exit Greek default Eurozone domino-effect financial stability Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital flight Germany Netherlands speculation default risk government bonds interest rates budget deficit GDP ECB financial support economic crisis Sony Kapoor BBC News Greek default Eurozone countries domino-effect shockwaves Portugal Spain Italy Ireland capital outflow Germany Netherlands speculation government bonds interest rates budget deficit ECB financial support
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con03a	As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 As a business, Google shouldn’t interfere with domestic politics  Business is business and politics is politics – and the two shouldn’t mingle. When a company wants to operate in a foreign country, it should respect the government and its regulations. We require the same when a company wants to operate within our territory: suppose a big Chinese company came to our home country and suddenly started criticizing our domestic policies – these are the policies of the sovereign state whose territory it is, and outsiders have no place to tell it how to run itself. [1]  [1] Nicholas Deleon, TechChrunch, ‘China has every right to be upset with Google right now’, March 23, 2010. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 business politics separation foreign operations government respect regulations sovereignty domestic policies external interference Chinese company criticism territorial rights Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch Google China upset rights operation territory policies state outsiders run 2010 2011 Google domestic politics business politics mingle foreign country government regulations respect sovereign state territory Chinese company domestic policies criticize operate interfere Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch China upset rights 2010 2011 Google business ethics domestic politics corporate responsibility foreign operations government regulations sovereignty foreign policy corporate interference international business Conduct political neutrality business-politics separation Chinese companies foreign market entry policy criticism state sovereignty territorial integrity tech companies international relations business and state relations Google domestic politics business ethics corporate responsibility foreign operations government relations regulatory compliance sovereignty policy criticism international business conduct Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch China corporate interference political neutrality business-politics separation foreign policy state sovereignty territorial integrity business operations international relations corporate governance Google domestic politics business ethics foreign companies government regulations sovereign state territorial integrity Chinese company domestic policies criticism operation rights tech industry international business political neutrality corporate responsibility state sovereignty foreign intervention technological influence policy criticism business operations international relations corporate governance market entry political interference regulatory compliance tech policy sovereign rights international norms business-politics separation corporate citizenship global operations national policies external criticism operational territories corporate conduct foreign markets state policies business-respect business politics separation foreign operations government regulations sovereignty domestic policies Chinese company Google criticism interference TechCrunch Nicholas Deleon Google domestic politics business ethics corporate responsibility foreign operations government regulations sovereignty policy criticism Chinese company territorial rights business-politics separation Nicholas Deleon TechCrunch China Google controversy operational boundaries foreign policies corporate interference state sovereignty business conduct international operations business politics separation Google domestic policies foreign company respect government regulations sovereignty criticism operation territory Chinese company TechCrunch Nicholas Deleon Google domestic politics business ethics foreign operations company regulations sovereign state territorial integrity Chinese company criticism domestic policies TechCrunch Nicholas Deleon corporate responsibility political interference business-politics separation Google domestic politics business ethics politics separation foreign company regulations sovereign rights Chinese company criticism tech company influence international business operations government policy respect
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro04a	The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 The High Representative will be a catalyst and a facilitator for decision-making.  The High Representative will not only act as a spokesman for EU nations when they agree on foreign policies, but will act as a catalyst around which external policy will increasingly become coordinated. By chairing meetings of EU foreign ministers, he or she will be able to shape the agenda and influence the outcomes of meetings, encouraging member states increasingly to think in terms of common foreign policy positions. They will have added authority from their ability to speak for the EU in the UN Security Council. The High Representative will also direct the EU’s new External Action Service, which brings together policy specialists from both the Council and Commission in a unique manner (ranging from the Arctic region to nuclear safety and enlargement) 1. With representatives all over the world the EU will develop a foreign service capable of creating and articulating policy positions in a manner that few national governments can match. Over time this will promote the evolution of a true EU foreign and security policy, and will contribute significantly to increased European consciousness among EU citizens and further moves to political unity.  1. European Union External Action, Policies, accessed 1/8/11 High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making facilitator coordinator spokesman EU nations external policy foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common positions UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement world representatives foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making spokesman catalyst facilitator coordination external policy chairing agenda setting influence member states common positions UN Security Council authority External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies EU High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies external policy coordination chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda setting influence common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordinator external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes influencing common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst EU External Action Service European consciousness political unity UN Security Council common foreign policy foreign ministers meetings policy coordination EU foreign service Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement EU nations spokesman policy shaping agenda influence member states coordination unique policy integration High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping influence outcomes common foreign policy authority UN Security Council EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making catalyst facilitator spokesman foreign ministers agenda shaping policy coordination UN Security Council External Action Service policy specialists Council and Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions European consciousness political unity European Union External Action Policies High Representative catalyst facilitator decision-making spokesman EU nations foreign policies coordination external policy chairing meetings EU foreign ministers agenda shaping outcomes common foreign policy UN Security Council authority EU External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign policy security policy European consciousness political unity High Representative EU foreign policy decision-making facilitator spokesman external policy coordination meetings foreign ministers agenda influence outcomes common positions UN Security Council authority External Action Service policy specialists Council Commission Arctic region nuclear safety enlargement foreign service policy positions national governments EU foreign and security policy European consciousness political unity
test-society-epiasghbf-pro02a	The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. The effects of unemployment  Unemployment has been linked to several health and wellbeing effects. Firstly, the psychological impact of unemployment involve a range of issues - from confidence to mental well-being. Issues of mental health problems - such as depression, suicide, anxiety, and substance abuse, need recognition in Africa. The impact of mental health may not only be on the individual, but dispersed within families and across generations. Secondly, unemployment may result in a loss of social networks and networking skills. The power of social capital, or networks, in reducing vulnerability has been widely noted. Therefore encouraging women to participate within the labour market ensures new networks are built and retained through the vital communication skills used. Finally. unemployment may affect physical health status.  Unemployment may place individuals in a downward spiral, making it harder to re-enter the job market. unemployment mental health psychological impact depression suicide anxiety substance abuse social networks social capital physical health re-entry into job market women's participation labor market communication skills generational impact family impact vulnerability reduction Africa unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family generations social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women labor market physical health re-entry job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labor market physical health downward spiral job re-entry unemployment health effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability women participation labor market physical health re-enter job market unemployment health effects psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labor market physical health re-entry barriers unemployment health effects psychological impact mental well-being depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labour market physical health re-enter job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact confidence mental well-being mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks networking skills social capital women labour market physical health re-entry job market unemployment health wellbeing psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa family impact generational effects social networks networking skills social capital vulnerability reduction women's participation labor market physical health downward spiral re-entry difficulties unemployment psychological impact mental health depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labour market physical health job re-entry vulnerability communication skills generations wellbeing job market re-entry psychological impact mental well-being mental health problems depression suicide anxiety substance abuse Africa social networks social capital women participation labor market physical health re-entry challenges
test-society-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contribution public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perception urban development political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poor population living standards basic goods sanitation productive urban residents tax contributions public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy migration restrictions urban economics social benefits urban poverty access to basic goods city infrastructure tax contribution public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition sanitation urban business environment employment opportunities social exclusion urban crime economic decline managed migration urban development rural-urban migration sub-saharan africa urban food security political economy migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poor people living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contributions public money humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban food security political economy sub-saharan africa migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban poverty basic goods public services humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development urbanization rural-to-urban migration Sub-Saharan Africa urban food security political economy migration urban development economic impact social impact city resources humanitarian issues public services rural-to-urban migration unemployment crime tax contribution urban food security sub-saharan africa economic growth social exclusion infrastructure strain population pressure sustainable development policy recommendations resource allocation migration restrictions urban economics social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods public services taxation economic productivity humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people taxation public funding humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban food security sub-Saharan Africa political economy migration restrictions urban development economic benefits social benefits city appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contribution public funds humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy migration cities economic benefits social benefits poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people taxes public money humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst medication business environment unemployment crime economic erosion rural areas development political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro04a	The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 The principle behind attorney-client privilege is declining in relevance  One of the principles behind allowing communications between a solicitor and their client to be privileged is that a solicitor is independent of their client and so will not breach laws themselves in order to attain their clients objectives. However, after the recession of 2008 and the Legal Services Act 2007 the position of in house lawyer is more prevalent [1] . In house lawyers are not financially independent. They are in fact employees of their 'client'. This eradicates the principle behind client-attorney privilege and therefore the privilege itself is now irrelevant and should be eradicated.  [1] In-house counsel on the rise, New Law Journal, 28 April 2010,  accessed 18/05/11 attorney-client privilege relevance decline solicitor-client communication privilege principles solicitor independence legal service act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence employee status privilege irrelevance client-attorney privilege in-house counsel legal profession changes post-2008 recession impact attorney-client privilege legal ethics solicitor-client communication privilege principles legal services act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence client objectives legal profession changes recession impact legal privilege relevance employee solicitors in-house counsel new law journal attorney-client privilege legal services act 2007 in-house lawyer financial independence client-attorney privilege new law journal 2008 recession legal ethics solicitor-client communication legal profession changes in-house counsel privilege relevance legal reforms corporate legal practice legal independence attorney-client privilege legal ethics in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 2008 recession solicitor independence client-attorney privilege relevance legal privilege erosion in-house counsel prevalence legal profession changes corporate legal departments lawyer-client relationship evolution legal confidentiality professional legal standards legal service delivery models legal industry trends law firm economics legal profession regulation legal ethics reform legal confidentiality principles attorney-client privilege legal services act 2007 in-house lawyers financial independence client-attorney privilege legal ethics solicitor-client communication legal profession trends law firm structure 2008 recession impact legal privilege erosion corporate legal departments legal service regulation professional legal ethics legal counsel roles client confidentiality legal industry changes UK legal landscape lawyer-client relationship in-house counsel prevalence attorney-client privilege relevance decline solicitor independence client communications Legal Services Act 2007 2008 recession in-house lawyers financial dependence client-attorney privilege privilege irrelevance New Law Journal in-house counsel legal ethics professional independence legal reforms corporate counsel legal privilege erosion legal profession changes solicitor-client relationship legal service providers attorney-client privilege communication confidentiality solicitor independence legal ethics client-objective alignment 2008 recession Legal Services Act 2007 in-house lawyers financial dependence employee status privilege erosion legal relevance privilege abolition New Law Journal in-house counsel trends attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client-attorney privilege recession 2008 New Law Journal solicitor independence privilege relevance legal principles erosion attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client-attorney privilege relevance solicitor-client communication 2008 recession New Law Journal in-house counsel prevalence privilege erosion employee status legal ethics professional independence attorney-client privilege in-house lawyers Legal Services Act 2007 financial independence client-attorney privilege in-house counsel 2008 recession legal communication privilege solicitor-client relationship relevance of legal principles
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con03a	"Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research is necessary for the development of truly novel substances  Undoubtedly then, the most beneficial research to mankind is the development of truly novel drugs. Even according to the proposition this represents about a quarter of all new drugs released, which could be seen as significant given the great potential to relieve the suffering beyond our current capacity that such drugs promise.  After the effects, side effects and more complex interactions of a drug have been confirmed using animal and non-animal testing, it will usually pass to what is called a phase I clinical trial - tests on human volunteers to confirm how the drug will interact with human physiology and what dosages it should be administered in. The risk of a human volunteer involved in a phase I trial being harmed is extremely small, but only because animal tests, along with non-animal screening methods are a highly effective way of ensuring that dangerous novel drugs are not administered to humans. In the United Kingdom, over the past twenty years or more, there have been no human deaths as a result of phase I clinical trials.  Novel compounds (as opposed to so-called ""me-too"" drugs, that make slight changes to an existing treatment) are the substances that hold the most promise for improving human lives and treating previously incurable conditions. However, their novelty is also the reason why it is difficult for scientists to predict whether they may cause harm to humans.  Research into novel compounds would not be possible without either animal testing, or tremendous risk to human subjects, with inevitable suffering and death on the part of the trial volunteers on some occasions. It is difficult to believe that in such circumstances anyone would volunteer, and that even if they did, pharmaceutical companies would be willing to risk the potential legal consequences of administering a substance to them they knew relatively little about. In short, development of novel drugs requires animal experimentation, and would be impossible under the proposition's policy. Animal research drug development novel substances beneficial research mankind new drugs suffering relief clinical trials human volunteers drug interactions animal testing non-animal testing phase I trials human physiology dosages risk animal tests non-animal screening United Kingdom clinical trial deaths novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction human harm pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation policy implications Animal research novel substances beneficial research mankind novel drugs drug development animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trials human volunteers human physiology dosages risk animal tests non-animal screening human deaths novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction harm human subjects volunteer suffering legal consequences pharmaceutical companies drug experimentation proposition policy Animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research human volunteers phase I clinical trials animal testing non-animal testing drug interactions human physiology novel compounds me-too drugs human lives incurable conditions scientific prediction human subjects legal consequences animal experimentation pharmaceutical companies Animal research novel substances beneficial research novel drugs new drugs suffering relief drug testing animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trial human volunteers human physiology drug dosages risk animal tests non-animal screening human deaths novel compounds me-too drugs human lives incurable conditions scientists harm prediction research pharmaceutical companies legal consequences drug development animal experimentation proposition policy Animal research drug development novel substances beneficial research human suffering phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal testing clinical trials novel compounds me-too drugs human physiology scientific prediction pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation ethical considerations human risk drug interactions side effects medical advancements treatment innovation research ethics volunteer safety drug approval process human trials animal models medical research drug efficacy clinical research pharmaceutical development safety testing novel drug discovery human health medical ethics clinical pharmacology drug safety animal welfare research methods Animal research novel substances beneficial research mankind novel drugs new drugs drug development suffering relief human physiology phase I clinical trial human volunteers animal testing non-animal testing drug interactions human deaths novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction human harm pharmaceutical companies legal consequences animal experimentation drug testing research necessity human subjects trial volunteers drug safety pharmaceutical development medical advancement ethical considerations drug efficacy clinical research pharmaceutical innovation drug discovery medical research humane testing animal welfare human welfare scientific progress regulatory compliance research ethics drug Animal research novel substances drug development beneficial research new drugs human suffering drug testing phase I clinical trials human volunteers UK novel compounds me-too drugs human lives treating conditions scientific prediction animal testing human subjects legal consequences pharmaceutical companies animal experimentation research policy animal research novel substances drug development phase I clinical trials human volunteers animal testing non-animal testing novel compounds me-too drugs human physiology legal consequences pharmaceutical companies drug interactions side effects human suffering animal experimentation scientific prediction human trials risk management medical advancement drug safety animal welfare human health pharmaceutical innovation clinical research preclinical testing drug approval regulatory requirements ethical considerations medical ethics public health scientific research drug discovery clinical pharmacology therapeutic benefits human subjects drug efficacy pharmaceutical development research methods drug toxicity clinical animal research novel substances beneficial research mankind novel drugs new drugs suffering relief drug development animal testing non-animal testing phase I clinical trial human volunteers human physiology dosages risk safety United Kingdom clinical trials novel compounds me-too drugs human lives incurable conditions scientific prediction harm animal experimentation legal consequences pharmaceutical companies human subjects volunteer safety animal research novel substances drug development human volunteers phase I trials non-animal testing drug interactions human physiology novel compounds me-too drugs scientific prediction legal consequences animal experimentation pharmaceutical companies drug safety human suffering ethical considerations"
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con02a	An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, An ICC enforcement arm would be unduly expensive  In a climate where the ICC’s budget is determined exclusively by contentious negotiation between states (at a time where the ICC itself has threatened to close down investigations due to a lack of funds [1] ), many of whom are undergoing austerity, an enforcement arm is not the best use of scarce funds when its role can be taken by the state parties. The ICC is already expensive enough – it cost over €100M in 2009.  [1] Nzau Musau, “Kenya: ICC Threatens to Drop cases for Lack of Funds”, The Star (Kenya), 2013, ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations funds state parties expenses cost 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases The Star Nzau Musau ICC enforcement arm expensive budget negotiation states austerity investigations funds state parties cost 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop Cases Lack Nzau Musau The Star ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties cost expenses financial constraints international criminal court funding resources budget allocation state cooperation financial management austerity measures fiscal responsibility cost-effectiveness operational efficiency financial sustainability funding models resource allocation budgetary constraints fiscal policy international law judicial budget financial oversight cost-benefit analysis budget debates fiscal challenges financial support international justice institutional funding budgetary impact funding alternatives financial implications budgetary considerations fiscal planning financial viability budgetary decisions ICC enforcement arm budget constraints state negotiations austerity measures ICC investigations closure funding shortages state parties role ICC expenses financial limitations international criminal court cost implications budgetary issues fiscal challenges financial management resource allocation state responsibilities economic pressures budgetary negotiations fiscal constraints ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations funds state parties expenses €100M 2009 Kenya Nzau Musau The Star 2013 ICC enforcement arm budget constraints state negotiations austerity measures cost efficiency state party responsibilities ICC funding budget determination financial limitations investigative closures cost implications fiscal management international criminal court financial sustainability resource allocation ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties expenses cost 2009 Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases The Star Nzau Musau ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties cost expenses 2009 €100M Kenya ICC Threatens Drop cases ICC enforcement arm budget state negotiations austerity funds investigations state parties cost expenses financial constraints international law criminal justice funding challenges Kenyan cases ICC budget 2009 ICC enforcement arm budget contentious negotiation states austerity investigations lack of funds state parties cost expenses funding 2009 Kenya ICC threats drop cases The Star Nzau Musau
test-education-udfakusma-pro03a	Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. Openness benefits research and the economy  Open access can be immensely beneficial for research. It increases the speed of access to publications and opens research up to a wider audience. [1] Some of the most important research has been made much more accessible due to open access. The Human Genome Project would have been an immense success either way but it is doubtful that its economic impact of $796billion would have been realised without open access.  The rest of the economy benefits too. It has been estimated that switching to open access would generate £100million of economic activity in the United Kingdom as a result of reduced research costs for business and shorter development as a result of being able to access a much broader range of research. [2]  [1] Anon., “Open access research advantages”, University of Leicester,   [2] Carr, Dave, and Kiley, Robert, “Open access to science helps us all”, New Statesman, 13 April 2012. open access research benefits economy impact Human Genome Project economic activity United Kingdom reduced research costs business development broader research access open access advantages University of Leicester New Statesman Dave Carr Robert Kiley open access research benefits economy impact publication access wider audience human genome project economic activity reduced research costs business development scientific transparency academic publishing intellectual property innovation acceleration public funding scientific collaboration open access research benefits economic impact accessibility publications wider audience Human Genome Project economic activity United Kingdom reduced research costs business development broader research access open access research benefits economic impact Human Genome Project reduced research costs increased accessibility broader audience scientific progress economic activity United Kingdom business development faster innovation public access scientific publications research transparency knowledge sharing academic collaboration economic growth policy support open science intellectual property research funding societal benefit technology transfer global research educational impact research efficiency scientific discovery innovation acceleration cost savings research dissemination /access benefits open data scholarly communication open science movement research impact economic benefits access barriers research visibility research utilisations development speed business open access research benefits economic impact faster access wider audience Human Genome Project reduced research costs increased economic activity UK economy business development broader research access open access research benefits economic impact speed of access wider audience human genome project economic activity reduced research costs business development broader research access open access research benefits economic impact enhanced accessibility broader audience Human Genome Project reduced costs business research shortened development time economic activity United Kingdom scientific progress public access knowledge dissemination innovation research efficiency financial gains information sharing academic publishing open science open access research benefits economic impact faster publication access wider audience Human Genome Project reduced research costs business development economic activity United Kingdom open science public access scientific progress innovation knowledge dissemination open access research benefits economic impact faster access wider audience human genome project reduced research costs business development uk economy science accessibility open access research economy benefits publications audience Human Genome Project economic impact open access research reduced costs business development New Statesman University of Leicester
test-international-apwhbaucmip-pro02a	Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Progress in ending conflict in Africa  Conflict in Africa is slowly being ended. In 1992 there were 18 conflicts in Africa; by 2009 this had been halved to 9. [1] But a decline in the number of conflicts is not the only positive trend in African conflicts: there has also been a decline in the size of wars. They have changed from wars between two organised armies to being small scale insurgencies. In 1984 the conflicts were on average causing more than 20,000 battle deaths per year, but by 2008 only around 1,000. Even the number of incidents of genocide and mass killing has been going down from 9 in the 1980s to five in the 2000s. [2] Ending war might therefore be considered to be ambitious but it is not against the trend and not inconceivable.  [1] Straus, 2012, pp.183-184  [2] Straus, 2012, pp.189-191 Africa conflict resolution peacekeeping war reduction insurgency battle deaths genocide mass killing historical trends Straus 2012 conflict data African peace processes military conflicts small scale conflicts organized armies decline in violence peace trends conflict management African security studies conflict reduction Africa peace trends war decline battle deaths insurgencies genocide decrease peacebuilding African conflicts post-conflict recovery international intervention regional stability security improvement violence reduction peace processes conflict resolution peace processes African Union regional security peacekeeping missions international intervention ceasefire agreements post-conflict reconstruction reduced battle deaths genocide prevention security sector reform community reconciliation economic development political stability conflict trends analysis war statistics peacebuilding efforts humanitarian interventions disarmament demobilization and reintegration (DDR) programs non-violent conflict resolution peace education governance improvement rule of law civil society strengthening cross-border cooperation early warning systems diplomatic negotiations trauma healing social cohesion economic sanctions international law justice and accountability transitional justice economic sanctions conflict reduction African peace processes decline in battle deaths insurgencies in Africa genocide reduction trends in African conflicts peace in Africa ending African wars African conflict statistics progress in African peace African conflicts conflict reduction war trends battle deaths decline insurgencies genocide reduction peace trends conflict resolution African peace processes Straus 2012 conflict reduction peace trends African wars insurgency decrease battle deaths decline genocide reduction peace achievements war scale reduction conflict resolution progress peacebuilding successes African peace processes conflict resolution strategies reduction in battle deaths decline in insurgencies peacebuilding initiatives post-conflict reconstruction international interventions regional stability genocide prevention ceasefire agreements peace treaties security sector reform community reconciliation economic development in post-conflict zones humanitarian aid political stability democratization cross-border cooperation conflict early warning systems disarmament demobilization reintegration programs Africa conflict reduction peace trends war decline insurgencies battle deaths genocide decrease Straus 2012 peacebuilding conflict resolution African peace small scale conflicts organized armies mass killings peace progress conflict statistics African wars peace efforts conflict dynamics war trends African peace processes conflict resolution war reduction peacebuilding efforts decline in battle deaths insurgency trends genocide reduction African stability peace in Africa conflict management strategies African conflicts conflict resolution peace processes insurgency battle deaths genocide mass killings regional stability conflict trends post-conflict reconstruction peacekeeping international intervention disarmament demobilization reintegration political reconciliation economic recovery social healing trauma support conflict prevention early warning systems mediation negotiation ceasefire agreements peace agreements transitional justice human rights war crimes child soldiers refugee rehabilitation sustainable peace community engagement rule of law governance reforms security sector reform development aid humanitarian assistance UN missions African Union regional organizations civil society peacebuilding
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro02a	A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 A bargaining chip  In much the same way that material investment in countries can be used as a bargaining chip to secure improvements in areas of legislation, so cultural investment can be used to secure rights associated with related fields of endeavour. Free speech is merely the most obvious. It is reasonable for a western university to insist that its graduates will need to have access to the fruits of a free press and democratic speculation of experts and the wider public [i] .  The cases of the lecturer, Chia Thye Poh who is arguably the world’s longest serving prisoner of conscience or the political opposition leader, Vincent Cheng who was barred from addressing a talk organised the History Society of NUS at the national library [ii] both give examples of how Singaporean government actions impact directly on university life and academic freedoms. In the light of this, it seems the height of reasonableness for Western universities to say that they will only operate in areas that offer the same academic freedoms they would expect in their home country. If the Singaporean government wants that benefits that Yale graduates can bring, they should be prepared to accept such a change.  [i] Stateuniversity.Com. western Europe – Educational roots, reform in the twentieth century, contemporary reform trends, future challenges.  [ii] Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng barred from speaking in history seminar, The Online Citizen, 28 May 2010 bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational reforms democratic societies academic censorship international education partnerships freedom of expression university autonomy government-university relations legislative improvements cultural diplomacy human rights advocacy educational standards academic research political rights civil liberties educational exchange institutional integrity academic discourse public debate intellectual freedom higher education policy international relations academic governance educational ethics academic community political activism educational leadership academic publishing scholarly communication free press democratic bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition university life Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng history seminar The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng Chia Thye Poh History Society of NUS national library democratic speculation free press university life Western Europe operational conditions benefits change expectations home country impacts reasonableness bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng Singaporean government Yale graduates educational roots democratic speculation university life political opposition reform trends future challenges prisoner of conscience history society national library legislative improvements related fields of endeavor free press western universities home country benefits operation conditions reasonableness expert speculation wider public impacts educational reforms contemporary trends seminar ex-detainee speaking ban academic rights legislative areas investment leverage academic environment democratic bargaining chip material investment cultural investment academic freedoms free speech western university Singaporean government political opposition prisoner of conscience academic rights democratic speculation Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges lecturer Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng History Society of NUS national library university life western Europe educational reforms academic standards international education partnerships freedom of expression democratic values academic integrity university operations government-university relations political repression academic censorship higher education global academic cooperation educational policy academic liberty student rights academic environment bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms Western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends future challenges Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng NUS national library democratic speculation free press wider public university life operational conditions benefits reasonableness impact changes home country bargaining chip material investment countries legislation improvements cultural investment rights free speech western university graduates free press democratic speculation experts wider public Chia Thye Poh prisoner of conscience Vincent Cheng political opposition leader History Society of NUS national library Singaporean government university life academic freedoms Yale graduates benefits change educational roots reform twentieth century contemporary trends future challenges ex-detainee history seminar The Online Citizen bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government Yale graduates Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng prisoner of conscience political opposition academic freedom democratic speculation free press educational roots reform trends future challenges history seminar Ex-detainee The Online Citizen stateuniversity.com western Europe twentieth century contemporary reform university life operational conditions benefit expectations bargaining chip material investment cultural investment rights free speech western university academic freedoms Singaporean government prisoner of conscience Chia Thye Poh political opposition Vincent Cheng NUS Yale benefits graduates change democratic speculation free press legislative improvements educational roots reform twentieth century contemporary trends future challenges history seminar Ex-detainee Vincent Cheng The Online Citizen 28 May 2010 bargaining chip material investment cultural investment free speech academic freedoms western universities Singaporean government prisoner of conscience political opposition Yale graduates educational roots reform trends democratic speculation academic rights legislative improvements university operations Western Europe free press public discourse Chia Thye Poh Vincent Cheng NUS national library educational standards international influence academic integrity political freedoms higher education societal impact comparative legislation cultural exchange intellectual property academic governance legal frameworks human rights civic liberties educational partnerships government-university relations academic autonomy intellectual
test-culture-mthbah-con03a	Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements promote healthy products and lifestyles.  Advertising is used to promote healthy activities, products and lifestyles and is further regulated to ensure that unhealthy products are not promoted. The School Food Trust in Britain, for example, used celebrities in advertisements to promote healthy eating in 20071. Furthermore, adverts which promote seriously unhealthy things are becoming very rare. Cigarette advertising is all but extinct, and alcohol adverts are being more restricted. With adverts such as fast food we see as well that companies are changing their message to promote healthier options. This is because it is bad for businesses to be viewed as harming children. Public pressure and successful regulation will always bring any advertising problems back under control.  1 Schools Food Trust uses celebs to promote healthy eating. Campaign Live. Advertisements healthy products healthy lifestyles promotion regulation unhealthy products celebrities School Food Trust Britain healthy eating 2007 cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food healthier options businesses children public pressure advertising problems control Campaign Live healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements School Food Trust Britain healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation public pressure advertising control health promotion regulatory measures child health marketing ethics healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements School Food Trust Britain healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation children's health public pressure advertising control healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsement School Food Trust Britain healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation public pressure advertising control healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust Britain celebrity endorsements healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food business reputation public pressure regulation advertising problems children's health campaign live Healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements healthy eating School Food Trust Britain cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation public pressure advertising problems regulation control Advertisements healthy products lifestyles regulation unhealthy products celebrities School Food Trust Britain healthy eating 2007 cigarette advertising alcohol adverts restrictions fast food healthier options businesses harming children public pressure regulation advertising problems control healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products School Food Trust Britain celebrities healthy eating cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food healthier options business reputation children's health public pressure advertising problems regulation control healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements healthy eating School Food Trust Britain cigarette advertising alcohol advertising fast food healthier options business image public pressure regulation effectiveness Healthy products healthy lifestyles advertising regulation unhealthy products celebrity endorsements healthy eating School Food Trust Britain cigarette advertising alcohol adverts fast food business reputation public pressure advertising control
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con01a	Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. Proper democratic checks and balance are the only way to real problem-solving  There is a fine line between enough authority to fight corruption and enough authority to oppress a population. Many corrupt, authoritarian leaders have risen to power through the promise of social reform and of wiping out drug cartels and gangsters. A society living in fear and believing that all their problems will be solved by a powerful leader will never be able to overcome its problems. Empowering individuals and accepting risk is ultimately the only true solution to such problems. Even if Putin were completely pure himself, centralising power so completely gives great influence to those advisers and ministers around him and makes corruption in government inevitable. Only by building in proper democratic checks and balances, including criticism from a free media and legal system, can accountability be created and corruption or incompetence tackled. democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals risk Putin centralisation of power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters powerful leader fear empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals risk Putin centralised power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balances problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power influence advisers ministers corruption government free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers corruption in government free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals accepting risk Putin centralised power advisers ministers influence free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers free media legal system accountability incompetence democratic checks balance authority fight corruption oppress social reform drug cartels gangsters fear powerful leader empower individuals accept risk Putin centralise power advisers ministers corruption government free media legal system accountability tackle corruption incompetence democratic checks balance problem-solving authority corruption oppression social reform drug cartels gangsters fear empowering individuals risk Putin centralising power advisers ministers corruption in government free media legal system accountability incompetence
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists control public space public funding expression creator's rights reinterpretation public sphere copyright justice artist's legacy creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards intellectual property artistic integrity legal protection creative rights public domain cultural heritage Artists rights public space public funding expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent issue artist experiences treated reasonable justice control copyright maximum protection works creators contract uses rights legacies future protection state Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance meaning strict adulteration policy world impoverished want rights work balance aegis free-for-all creative commons license artistic rights public funding creator's control public space reinterpretation external appreciation artistic expression personal meaning alternative experiences artist's consent artist justice copyright protection creator's legacy creative commons Samuel Beckett performance standards artistic integrity copyright laws theater rights Artists control public space public funding expression understanding world reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue special meaning justice copyright maximum protection creators contract rights terms legacies artistic works state protection Samuel Beckett performance standards plays meaning strict performance adulteration reinterpretation policy impoverished rights creative commons free-for-all balance aegis theatre Catron 2003 Artists public space public funding artistic expression creator's rights copyright control reinterpretation legacy Samuel Beckett theater performance copyright laws creative commons Justice intellectual property artistic integrity contract protection state support reproduction distribution moral rights legal framework creative control artistic vision public domain cultural value artistic autonomy ethical considerations creative rights artistic identity artistic work legal protection artistic freedom cultural heritage artistic standards performance rights art appreciation artistic interpretation legal mechanisms artistic legacy public interest artistic responsibility artistic sovereignty cultural artists retain right control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation override work used released public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent issue treated reasonable justice permitted control maximum protection creators contract uses rights terms care legacies future artistic works state copyright protection unwashed users creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performed meaning art demands artists rights public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent alternative experiences control reasonable justice copyright protection creators contract uses rights legacies artistic works state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays performance meaning strict adulteration policy impoverished balance aegis free-for-all Artists control public space publicly funded expression understanding world meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent alternative experiences copyright protection creators contract uses rights legacy future protection state creative commons Samuel Beckett plays performance standards meaning appreciation strict adulteration policy impoverished rights balance aegis free-for-all license Artists rights control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent issue artist experiences piece treated reasonable justice control desire conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights state legacy future works protection unwashed users creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays meaning appreciation strict performance adulteration policy impoverished free-for-all license artists control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent issue artist justice copyright protection creators contract rights legacy future works state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards performance meaning strict adulteration policy impoverished balance aegis free-for-all license
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con01a	Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 Effect on democratic participation  Divided Government undermines the democratic will of the people as it prevents a clear policy choice from being enacted by those elected to represent them.  The compromise necessary will result in policy platforms enthusiastically chosen by voters being watered down in order for it to be even partly enacted. It is notable that the majority of legislation originates from Congress when government is divided rather than from the President. This is despite the president being the one with the nationwide mandate. [1]  Single Party Government counters this by ensuring that policies clearly presented to and chosen by the electorate are enacted without having to countenance the opinions of an opposition whose policies have just been discredited by the electorate, Thus ensuring that government is responsive to the aims and wishes of the people.  [1] Jones, Charles O., The Presidency in a Separated System, The Brookings Institution, 1994, p.222 democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will prevents clear policy voter choice compromise policy platforms legislation congress president nationwide mandate single party government ensures policy enactment voter approval opposition government responsiveness electorate aims people's wishes Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution democratic participation divided government undermining democratic will clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms voter enthusiasm legislation Congress presidency nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate aims political accountability representative democracy policy enactment opposition influence electoral mandate governance effectiveness political responsiveness legislative process institutional separation political systems government effectiveness policy implementation political representation democratic responsiveness political compromise governmental responsiveness voter representation legislative enactment political mandates democratic governance institutional dynamics political representation governance structures policy integrity legislative power executive power government mandate democratic legitimacy democratic participation divided government policy enactment clear policy choice compromise policy platforms voter choice legislation origin Congress President nationwide mandate single party government policy implementation electorate representation government responsiveness public mandate political compromise legislative process executive influence electoral mandate political system democratic will policy dilution political opposition government effectiveness democratic theory political science American politics governance structure institutional dynamics political representation policy formation democratic governance political accountability legislative power executive branch legislative branch political alignment democratic responsiveness policy consistency electoral outcomes government performance political democratic participation divided government policy choice clear mandate compromised policies voter enthusiasm legislative origins congressional dominance presidential mandate single party government electoral mandates government responsiveness electorate wishes political opposition policy enactment democratic will governance systems representative governance political compromise electoral discreditation democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms voter enthusiasm watered down legislation Congress government divided President nationwide mandate single party government ensure policies presented electorate chosen opposition discredited government responsiveness aims wishes people Charles O. Jones Presidency Separated System Brookings Institution democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will prevents clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms voter enthusiasm watered-down policies legislation from Congress nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate choices opposition discredited government responsiveness Charles O. Jones presidency separated system democratic participation divided government undermines democratic will clear policy choice elected representatives compromise policy platforms voter enthusiasm legislation Congress President nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate policy enactment opposition discredited policies government responsiveness Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution 1994 Democratic participation Divided Government Undermines democratic will Prevents clear policy enactment Compromise necessary Policy platforms diluted Legislation originates Congress President nationwide mandate Single Party Government Ensures policy enactment Responsive to electorate Electorate aims and wishes democratic participation divided government policy choice enacted clear mandate compromise policy platforms watered down legislation Congress President nationwide mandate single party government responsive government electorate aims wishes Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution 1994 p.222 divided government democratic participation policy enactment compromise voter choice legislation congress president nationwide mandate single party government electoral mandate government responsiveness policy platforms electorate wishes political opposition Charles O. Jones The Presidency in a Separated System Brookings Institution
test-education-egtuscpih-pro01a	Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. Online courses are more convenient for students than traditional university  The vast popularity of MOOCs can be explained by the fact that people are finding it easier to learn this way. The best feature of online learning that it can be done in the privacy of one's home, which is more convenient than having to move cities or even countries for a university degree. Moreover, online courses are inherently more flexible. Lectures can be watched and tests taken at any time a person desires (within the deadlines), unlike with scheduled lectures and tests at the traditional university. Not only this means a more personal approach to studying, it also provides people with more flexibility to manage their other commitments, such as work and childcare. Such personal and flexible approach to learning will overtake the rigidity of the traditional university. convenience online courses traditional university MOOCs privacy flexibility personal approach work-life balance childcare scheduled lectures rigidity remote learning higher education digital learning online education self-paced learning accessibility adaptability student preferences educational trends online education MOOCs flexible learning remote education university courses traditional learning home learning educational flexibility personal learning study convenience work-life balance childcare and study educational trends learning methods academic flexibility remote study education accessibility online lectures self-paced learning study commitments learning environments modern education flexible study options educational innovation distance learning higher education alternatives online university academic convenience learning styles education technology student convenience academic schedules educational resources online learning benefits university alternatives learning flexibility education convenience remote learning benefits academic personalization study flexibility online courses MOOCs convenience traditional university flexibility privacy home learning scheduled lectures personal approach work-life balance childcare rigidity educational trends e-learning distance education asynchronous learning student preferences higher education academic flexibility technological advancement in education online courses convenience students traditional university MOOCs popularity learn privacy home move cities countries flexible lectures tests deadlines personal approach studying commitments work childcare rigidity overtake convenience flexibility MOOCs online learning privacy personal approach schedule management work-life balance childcare university degree traditional education rigidity accessibility remote learning self-paced study online courses MOOCs convenience privacy flexibility personal approach manage commitments work childcare traditional university scheduled lectures tests rigidity online courses convenience students traditional university MOOCs popularity ease of learning privacy home learning flexibility scheduled lectures personal approach study commitments work childcare rigidity traditional education online courses convenience MOOCs home learning flexibility personal approach work-life balance childcare scheduled lectures traditional university rigidity educational trends remote education self-paced learning online courses MOOCs convenience flexibility privacy at-home learning scheduled lectures tests personal approach studying commitments work childcare rigidity traditional university university degree move cities countries online courses MOOCs convenience privacy flexibility personal approach manage commitments work childcare rigidity traditional university
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con03a	Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) Democracy should not be the end-point aspiration of government.  One should not assume that the lack of democracy is wholly negative; do the majority of people know what is best for the country? Or do industry experts? Could the public reach a consensus on important governing decisions? Government can see the bigger picture and balance the needs of different interest groups to produce the best outcome for all: ‘true’ democracy is simply unworkable and can too easily lead to the ‘tyranny of the majority’ as described by Fareed Zakaria. [1] Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is to look at the two champions of democracy: France and America. France overturned its monarchy and government in the name of liberty, yet quickly descended into mob-rule and violence; ‘democracy’ had a bloody birth. [2] Similarly one only has to look at the appalling levels of inequality within the United States of America to question the nature and worth of ‘democracy’. [3] So if the nature of government is not simply to fulfil notions of ‘democracy’ but to ensure good governance then the House of Lords is still an important institution.  [1] Zakaria, Fareed, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy Home and Abroad (New York, 2003)  [2] Doyle, William, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2001)  [3] American Political Science Association Task Force, ‘American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality’, Perspectives on Politics, 2 (2004) democracy government end-point aspiration majority people industry experts consensus governing decisions true democracy tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria France America inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution mob-rule violence American Democracy rising inequality political science governance institutions political theory liberal democracy illiberal democracy political participation civic engagement public opinion decision-making political stability social justice political representation republicanism constitutionalism political reform democratic theory political philosophy governance models political systems democratic governance policy-making political democracy government end-point aspiration assumptions lack negative majority knowledge country industry experts public consensus important decisions sees bigger picture balance interests groups outcome true unworkable tyranny majority Fareed Zakaria France America monarchy liberty mob-rule violence birth inequality United States notions ensure good governance House Lords institution Fareed Zakaria The Future of Freedom Illiberal Democracy New York William Doyle The French Revolution Very Short Introduction democracy governance tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria true democracy France American inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution American democracy political science mob rule inequality institutions liberalism political theory representative government direct democracy consensus public opinion expert rule government effectiveness political stability citizen participation political elitism majority rule minority rights institutional legitimacy political representation civic engagement political reform democratic deficits governance models constitutional design political philosophy political participation democratic theory democratic practices political systems governmental structures political equality political decision-making Democracy governance Fareed Zakaria tyranny of the majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords political science government institutions public consensus industry experts good governance French Revolution mob rule liberty bloodshed political inequality institutional importance representative governance democracy governance Fareed Zakaria tyranny of majority France French Revolution United States inequality House of Lords American Democracy political science good governance mob-rule illiberal democracy institutional importance balancing interests consensus public opinion industry experts majority rule minority rights political institutions legislative effectiveness representative government direct democracy governance outcomes political stability social contract civic education political participation democratic deficits constitutional design political reform public policy social justice political legitimacy institutional legitimacy political philosophy liberal democracy illiberalism political theory democratic Democracy government end-point aspiration majority rule industry experts consensus true democracy tyranny of the majority Fareed Zakaria France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution American Political Science Association Perspectives on Politics democracy governance majority rule Fareed Zakaria tyranny of the majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords good governance French Revolution William Doyle American Political Science Association democracy government governance Fareed Zakaria tyranny of majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords French Revolution William Doyle American Political Science Association liberty mob-rule consensus industry experts true democracy unworkable interest groups best outcome democracy governance majority minority rights tyranny of majority Fareed Zakaria French Revolution American inequality House of Lords good governance illiberal democracy political science government institutions public consensus expert rule representative democracy direct democracy political theory constitutional law civil rights social contract political participation voter education democratic institutions political reform government accountability transparency political stability effective governance public policy societal welfare collective decision-making interest group representation government oversight political equality democratic values civic engagement political representation constitutional design democratic processes political systems democracy governance Fareed Zakaria tyranny of the majority France American democracy inequality House of Lords government institutions public consensus expert rule mob rule French Revolution liberty political science APSA perspectives on politics illiberal democracy good governance representative democracy direct democracy political institutions interest groups consensus majority rule minority rights political theory constitutional government legislative bodies checks and balances political reform democratic ideals historical context contemporary politics societal needs institutional roles democratic processes political participation civic engagement statecraft political leadership policy
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con03a	If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 If you ban one thing, you have to ban lots of things.  Every religious symbol should be treated equally so as not to cause discrimination. It's just not viable to ban one symbol. If you ban something, for example, as sacred and religious as the Muslim veil, people will then start rallying cries for other things to be banned. At the end of the day, if the Government feels that it is in the best interests of society not to ban the veil, then we have to believe them. Really if one thing is banned then the uproar that would happen would have significantly worse consequences than before the ban. There have been worries about the banning of the Sikh Kirpan because outsiders regard it as a possible weapon and a danger to people in public places.1 However, in the Sikh perspective, the Kirpan is a sacred symbol very similar to other religions' symbols.  1 'Timeline: The Quebec kirpan case', CBC News Online, 2nd March 2006, accessed on 25th July 2011 ban religious symbols discrimination Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan government policy societal interests uproar consequences public safety religious freedom equality secularism cultural sensitivity legal implications community reaction religious practices symbolic representation legislative impact public opinion religious symbols equality discrimination bans societal impact government decision Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety sacred objects cultural respect religious freedom legal precedents community reaction symbolic significance legislative considerations moral implications public perception religious practices religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal best interest Sikh Kirpan sacred symbols public safety banning consequences religious freedom cultural sensitivity legal precedent community reaction symbolic importance religious attire public policy legislative impact religious practices interfaith relations religious symbols equal treatment discrimination avoidance social consequence government interest public safety cultural sensitivity Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil societal impact banning repercussions religious freedom legislative consideration public opinion multiculturalism symbolic importance legal precedent societal harmony religious practices community reaction religion symbols ban discrimination equality government society consequences Sikh Kirpan Muslim veil public safety sacred Outsiders weapon CBC Quebec case timeline 2006 2011 religious symbols equal treatment discrimination Muslim veil government decision societal interests Sikh Kirpan public safety sacred items cultural sensitivity banning consequences public uproar religious freedom symbolic equality legal precedent community reaction policy impact religious practices OutOfBounds religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban consequences government decision Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety religious freedom societal interests cultural sensitivity legal precedents community reaction religious practices symbolic importance public perception weapon concerns religious equality legal challenges cultural symbols religious symbols equal treatment discrimination ban consequences societal interests Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural respect government decision societal harmony religious freedom symbol significance weapon perception community reaction religious symbols equality discrimination ban Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan societal interests public safety religious freedom government authority community reaction sacred items cultural sensitivity legal precedent religious attire symbolic equality faith representation public perception weapon concern religious practice religious symbols equality discrimination government decision societal impact Muslim veil Sikh Kirpan public safety cultural sensitivity freedom of religion bans consequences community reaction external perception legal precedent religious freedom societal harmony kirpan case Quebec CBC News
test-law-ilppppghb-pro04a	"Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", Self-determination offers a way to resolve otherwise intractable disputes.  Many modern nation states are the product of historical accident or hurried decolonisation processes that did not properly take account of ethnic or religious differences between peoples in the states that resulted. Examples can be seen all over the world but especially in Asia, Africa and the former Soviet Union, where postcolonial or post-Cold War boundaries separate people from their kin against their wills. Other territories may be disputed between one or more nation.  Allowing ethnic or religious groups self-determination may help to reverse the harmful effect of artificial, poorly-drawn borders. If self-determination is universally accepted (and applied) by the international community as a key principle in such disputes, they may in future be easier to resolve.  Two examples; Kashmir, which straddles the line of partition drawn up by the British when granting independence to India and Pakistan in 19471; and the Falkland Islands, which are the object of dispute between the UK and Argentina, including a brief war in 19822. History, law geography all offer competing and incompatible views of who should rightfully own these territories. If we recognise the principle of self-determination as key, however, it is clear that it is the view of the inhabitants that should decide its future. Indeed, if this principle is ignored, such disputes will rumble on for many years to come.  1 ""Kashmir: Run-up to Partition"", Globalsecurity.org 2 ""Falklands/Malvinas War"",Globalsecurity.org For the Falkland Islanders' view of self-determination, see Falkland Island Government website, ""Falklands call on UN Committee to uphold right to self-determination"", self-determination disputes nation-states historical accidents decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences artificial borders postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War boundaries Asia Africa former Soviet Union Kashmir Falkland Islands UK Argentina partition independence international community key principle competing views inhabitants' rights UN Committee self-determination principle territorial claims dispute resolution historical context legal perspectives geography ethnic groups religious groups political boundaries artificial divisions human rights national identity sovereignty jurisdiction international law colonial legacy decolonization impacts ethnic conflicts self-determination disputes nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War artificial borders ethnic groups religious groups international community key principle Kashmir British partition India Pakistan 1947 Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war inhabitants' view Falkland Islanders UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination disputes nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War artificial borders Kashmir Falkland Islands partition British India Pakistan UK Argentina international community principle inhabitants Falkland Islanders UN Committee right to self-determination history law geography competing views rightful ownership resolution conflicts ethnic groups religious groups territorial claims political geography sovereignty self-governance human rights international law peaceful resolution political science international relations colonial legacy post self-determination resolve disputes nation states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War artificial borders Kashmir Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war self-determination principle international community dispute resolution inhabitants' view UN Committee Falkland Islanders right to self-determination self-determination dispute resolution nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial post-Cold War artificial borders Kashmir India Pakistan 1947 partition Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war international community self-determination principle territorial disputes Falkland Islanders UN Committee self-determination right self-determination intractable disputes nation states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War artificial borders Kashmir Falkland Islands UK Argentina independence partition 1947 1982 international community competing views inhabitants UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination resolve disputes nation-states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences Asia Africa former Soviet Union postcolonial post-Cold War artificial borders poorly-drawn borders ethnic groups religious groups international community key principle Kashmir partition British India Pakistan independence Falkland Islands UK Argentina war history law geography competing views incompatible views inhabitants' view Falkland Islanders UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination dispute resolution nation-states historical accidents decolonization ethnic differences religious differences artificial borders poorly-drawn borders postcolonial post-Cold War Asia Africa former Soviet Union ethnic groups religious groups international community Kashmir India Pakistan 1947 partition Falkland Islands UK Argentina 1982 war Globalsecurity.org Falkland Island Government UN Committee right to self-determination self-determination disputes nation-states historical-accident decolonisation ethnic-differences religious-differences postcolonial post-Cold-War artificial-borders Kashmir Falkland-Islands UK Argentina Partition Globalsecurity.org Falkland-Islanders UN-Committee self-determination-principle territorial-disputes international-law geography rightful-ownership inhabitants-rights self-determination ethnic groups religious groups nation states historical accident decolonisation ethnic differences religious differences artificial borders postcolonial boundaries post-Cold War boundaries disputed territories Kashmir Falkland Islands India Pakistan UK Argentina international community self-determination principle territorial disputes UN Committee right to self-determination"
test-international-epdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU unifying fronts step direction common military framework UK France leading pooling European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy 3-4000 troops permanent standby multilateral battlegroups immediate deployment incremental steps ignored Union security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs Winter/Spring 200 EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups permanent standby troops security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France leadership European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy permanent standby troops multilateral battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK leadership France leadership European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy permanent standby troops multilateral battlegroups immediate deployment incremental steps security strategy international peace justice development U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Rockwell Schnabel Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro01a	In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives In the event of an imminent attack it is only reasonable to use force to find information  If authorities have good reason to believe that there is a realistic threat of a nuclear explosion in downtown Manhattan or Tel Aviv then it is vital that as much information as possible can be gathered as quickly as possible.  If that requires pain to be inflicted on an individual to save the lives of millions then it is simply practical to do so. The harm represented by the pain caused to a single individual is outweighed by the possibility that information gathered from a forceful interrogation might save thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick information pain infliction individual interrogation save lives practical action harm assessment single individual thousands of lives forceful interrogation ethical dilemma national security emergency measures exceptional circumstances moral justification torture debate preventive action public safety critical situation life-saving measures human rights crisis management coerced information security protocols immediate danger threat assessment emergency response legal implications societal values moral reasoning situational ethics extraordinary measures rapid response interrog imminent threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv forceful interrogation save lives practical measures information gathering harm minimization terror attack security personnel ethical considerations torture debate emergency response public safety counter-terrorism urgent situation coercion life-saving actions legal implications moral justification imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm single individual thousands lives forceful interrogation ethical considerations torture public safety national security human rights moral dilemma emergency response legal implications suspicion prevention interrogation methods severe measures justifiable means catastrophic events urban safety crisis management life-saving measures interrogator detainee extreme situations utility consequence-based ethics deontological ethics utilitarian imminent attack reasonable force information gathering nuclear threat downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick action forceful interrogation saving lives practical measures individual pain widespread harm ethical justification imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick information pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm single individual thousands of lives forceful interrogation ethical consideration moral dilemma public safety national security human rights torture emergency response crisis management legal implications ethical justification life-saving measures sacrifice greater good individual rights collective safety urgency decision-making crisis situation non-lethal methods intelligence gathering preventive measures legal framework moral psychology utilitarianism imminent attack use force find information authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv gather information pain inflicted save lives millions practical harm single individual forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering authorities realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual save lives millions practical action harm single individual thousands of lives forceful interrogation ethical justification public safety preventative measures imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quickly gathered pain inflicted individual interrogation save lives millions harm outweighed single individual forceful interrogation thousands of lives imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information quick gathering pain infliction individual interrogation save lives millions at risk harm minimization practical necessity forceful questioning potential lives saved imminent attack reasonable force information gathering realistic threat nuclear explosion downtown Manhattan Tel Aviv vital information save lives pain infliction single individual millions lives harm outweighed forceful interrogation thousands lives
test-science-eassgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 government policy animal abuse ethical treatment legal exemptions cruelty prevention animal rights regulatory consistency moral standards scientific research animal protection laws animal welfare cruelty prevention legal protections animal testing regulations government policy ethical concerns animal rights scientific research laws legislative contradictions public messaging animal abuse laws UK animal legislation animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures legal regulations government policy ethical treatment animal rights legislative inconsistency cruelty prevention laws animal welfare laws animal cruelty prevention scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government stance on animal abuse inconsistencies in animal protection laws ethical treatment of animals legal loopholes in animal rights public perception of animal cruelty legislative measures for animal ethics animal welfare cruelty prevention legal frameworks animal testing scientific procedures regulatory inconsistency government policy ethical standards animal rights legislative loopholes public message crime definition abusive practices regulatory enforcement animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures legal exceptions government policies animal abuse ethical standards legislative inconsistencies public perception animal welfare cruelty prevention scientific procedures animal testing legal exemptions government policies ethical concerns animal abuse regulatory contradictions public perception consistency in law humane treatment research ethics veterinary practices animal rights legal protection enforcement issues moral disputes scientific necessity policy coherence animal welfare animal cruelty legal framework animal testing scientific procedures government policy animal rights ethical concerns legal exceptions animal abuse legislative contradictions public messaging moral inconsistency humane treatment research ethics animal protection laws regulatory gap cruelty prevention scientific justification animal ethics legal standards enforcement issues societal values animal experimentation legislative reform animal advocacy government accountability animal rights animal ethics laboratory animals animal testing regulations cruelty to animals government policy animal welfare legislation scientific animal use animal protection laws ethical treatment of animals animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures act animal testing regulations government policy animal abuse prevention legislative contradictions ethical treatment of animals
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con04a	The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 The very payment of reparations exerts a neo-colonial power over former colonies.  The recognition that many former colonies are in desperate economic need only adds to the sense that former colonial powers desire to hold sway over them. Giving reparations induces dependency and can weaken the appearance of government in the former colonies, and may allow the donor government to exert influence over policy areas within the recipient country [1] . Far from giving the recipient country the means to develop itself as an independent nation, this motion simply recalls the old power structure which existed during colonisation.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 neo-colonialism economic dependency reparations former colonies colonial powers policy influence government weakening development independence historical power structures reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic need dependency government influence policy control independent nation colonial power structure neo-colonialism reparations economic dependency government influence policy control colonial power structure recipient country development donor government sway former colonies desperate economic need weaken government appearance independent nation development old power structure recall neo-colonial power economic need dependency government influence policy control independent development historical power structure colonial legacy reparations impact donorrecipient dynamics reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic need dependency government appearance donor influence recipient country independent nation colonial power structure reparations neo-colonial power former colonies economic need dependency government influence policy control independent development old power structure colonial influence reparations neo-colonialism former colonies economic need dependency government influence policy control independent development colonial power structure reparations neo-colonialism economic dependency policy influence recipient country donor government colonial power structure economic need former colonies development independence neo-colonialism economic dependency reparations former colonies colonial powers government influence policy control development independence historical power structures reparations neo-colonialism economic dependency former colonies colonial powers policy influence government weakening self-development historical power structures donor-recipient dynamics
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro03a	Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. Legal coca cultivation would enhance economic growth in developing states  Millions of people in South America chew coca leaves, so this practice cannot simply be wished away. [1] Moreover, it currently acts as a vital income source in many impoverished areas of the Andes. Pasquale Quispe, 53, owner of a 7.4-acre Bolivian coca farm, explained to the New York Times in 2006: “Coca is our daily bread, what gives us work, what gives us our livelihood.” [2] Previous attempts to eradicate coca cultivation in Bolivia harmed the poorest farmers there and led to significant social unrest. [3] When it is allowed, however, coca cultivation can actually have economic benefits. Peasant cultivators in the Andes have indicated their belief that coca chewing helps increase production in agriculture, fisheries and mining. [4] The legalization of coca cultivation globally would allow for the expansion of these economic benefits. The coca leaf may have uses as a stimulant and flavouring agent in drinks (in which it is currently used to a limited extent in the West), but also in the expansion of the many domestic products currently in use in the Andes, including syrups, teas, shampoo and toothpaste. It may also have a use as a general anaesthetic. [5] Only the legalization of its cultivation globally will allow these product and economic potentials to be fully realized and allow humanity to reap the full rewards of the coca plant, rather than simply being limited by the fear and stigma surrounding its illegal use in cocaine.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [3] Forero, Juan. “Bolivia's Knot: No to Cocaine, but Yes to Coca”. New York Times. February 12, 2006.   [4] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [5] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006. legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states coca leaves South America income source Andes peasant cultivators Bolivia social unrest economic benefits stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potentials cocaine stigma coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes Bolivian coca farm livelihood eradication efforts social unrest peasant cultivators agricultural production fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potential cocaine stigma Legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves Andes income source impoverished areas Bolivian coca farm eradication social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine fear stigma legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes impoverished areas Bolivia coca farm livelihood eradication attempts social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining globalization economic benefits stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potentials cocaine fear stigma illegal use legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states coca leaves South America income source Andes Bolivian coca farm livelihood eradication attempts social unrest economic benefits peasant cultivators coca chewing agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potential fear stigma illegal cocaine use Legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivian coca farm New York Times eradication attempts social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent drinks syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potentials cocaine stigma Transnational Institute coca yes cocaine no legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivian coca farm eradication attempts social unrest economic benefits peasant cultivators coca chewing agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavouring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine fear stigma coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes poverty Bolivian coca farm eradication attempts social unrest peasant cultivators agricultural production fisheries mining globalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic cocaine stigma legal cultivation economic benefits Transnational Institute Evo Morales New York Times Johan Forero illegal use legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states South America coca leaves income source Andes Bolivian coca farm livelihood eradication attempts social unrest economic benefits peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining global legalization economic potential domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potential cocaine stigma Transnational Institute coca regulation stimulant flavoring agent legal coca cultivation economic growth developing states coca leaves South America Andes income source impoverished areas Pasquale Quispe Bolivian coca farm eradication attempts social unrest peasant cultivators agriculture fisheries mining global legalization stimulant flavoring agent domestic products syrups teas shampoo toothpaste general anaesthetic product potentials cocaine stigma
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro03a	The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 The creation of the post of a High Representative marked an important change in the EU.  The creation of a post of High Representative and Vice President of the Commission (HRVP) marks an important change in the decision making process at the EU level with regards to foreign policy. Agreement on the post showed a clear commitment to the pursuit of a common EU foreign policy and to developing a unique cooperative model for foreign and defense policy decision making that goes beyond the nation state. Member states should now deliver on that commitment by seeking as much common ground as possible to ensure that the High Representative’s role is truly significant. The goal of a common foreign and security policy should thus be supported not only as a mechanism to streamline EU’s position and role in world politics, but also to reinforce notions of cooperation and consultation essential for maintaining a stable international system, in line with the stated goals of the EU. (The 12 stars in a circle is meant to symbolize the ideals of unity, solidarity and harmony among the peoples of Europe)1.  1 Europa.eu, 'Symbols',accessed 1/8/11 High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground member states cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy EU role world politics unity solidarity harmony European ideals symbols Europa.eu High Representative Vice President Commission EU decision making foreign policy common ground member states EU foreign and security policy international cooperation world politics EU symbols unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU foreign policy decision making process common ground member states common foreign and security policy international system cooperation consultation unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu symbols 12 stars Europe EU High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP decision making foreign policy common ground member states common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation international system stability unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu Symbols 12 stars European ideals High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground security policy international system cooperation consultation stability unity solidarity harmony Europa.eu symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy common EU foreign policy cooperative model defense policy member states commitment common ground significant role common foreign and security policy streamline EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system EU goals unity solidarity harmony 12 stars symbol Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President of the Commission HRVP EU foreign policy decision making process common EU foreign policy cooperative model foreign and defense policy nation state member states common ground significant role common foreign and security policy streamline EU position world politics cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony peoples of Europe Europa.eu Symbols High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground significant role common foreign and security policy cooperation consultation stable international system unity solidarity harmony European Union Symbols Europa.eu High Representative Vice President Commission EU foreign policy decision making common ground cooperation consultation stability international system common foreign and security policy European unity solidarity harmony High Representative Vice President of the Commission EU decision making foreign policy defense policy common ground member states common foreign and security policy EU role in world politics cooperation consultation international system unity solidarity harmony European symbols 12 stars Europa.eu
test-international-ipecfiepg-con04a	Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 Leaving the Eurozone would be detrimental for Greece in the long-run.  Even if the proposition are correct in claiming defaulting and leaving the Eurozone would stimulate growth in the Greek economy, such benefits are transitory whereas the benefits of remaining in the Eurozone are permanent. [1] Having the Euro provides stability for the Greek economy – investors know that the currency will not collapse, making their invested capital worthless. The gravity of the outcomes of a Greek default cannot be known for sure, however some economists have even suggested that hyperinflation could occur – leading to disastrous consequences for Greece. [2] Moreover, in the long term, a single currency makes investment and transactions with other Eurozone members much more efficient and profitable. This is particularly important given that the vast majority of Greek trade is carried out with other European members. In light of these benefits, a short term cost that comes with the austerity measures enforced under the status quo, would be worthwhile in the long term.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012 eurozone greece long-term effects economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency trade efficiency austerity measures eurozone crisis greek economy economic growth short-term costs long-term benefits currency collapse transitory benefits permanent benefits investment stability european trade economic propositions economic outcomes euro benefits greek default economic consequences eurozone members greek trade greek investment eurozone membership economic efficiency eurozone exit economic stimulus greek default risks eurozone stability greek financial stability european economic integration greek economic eurozone exit greek economy long-term stability short-term benefits currency collapse investor confidence hyperinflation single currency advantages trade efficiency austerity measures economic growth eurozone membership financial consequences european trade economic forecasts greek default barrell ray ruparel raoul persson mats open europe the guardian Economic stability Investor confidence Currency collapse Hyperinflation Long-term benefits Short-term costs Austerity measures Eurozone membership Trade efficiency Greek economy Single currency Economic growth Transitory benefits Permanent advantages Eurozone crisis Greek default Investment security Transaction costs European trade Economic efficiency Financial stability Eurozone exit Economic consequences Economic policy Fiscal stability Economic integration European Union Economic sanctions Fiscal austerity Greek financial crisis Economic recovery Euro adoption Economic forecasts Economic analysis Economic research Economic impacts Economic discussions Economic arguments Economic evidence Economic eurozone greece long-term benefits economic stability investor confidence hyperinflation single currency trade efficiency austerity measures eurozone crisis greek economy short-term costs economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits european trade currency collapse economic outcomes european members financial stability economic efficiency eurozone membership default consequences economic research greek default greek trade european investment european transactions economic analysis economic policy financial crisis european union monetary union economic integration financial markets economic forecasts policy recommendations economic development european economics financial economic stability currency collapse investor confidence hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures Eurozone membership trade efficiency investment attractiveness economic growth transitory benefits permanent advantages single currency European trade financial crisis economic sanctions political stability international relations market volatility credit ratings debt sustainability fiscal policies economic forecasts risk management economic recovery structural reforms economic integration regional cooperation economic sanctions financial support fiscal discipline public debt economic resilience Economic stability currency confidence investor trust hyperinflation risk long-term benefits trade efficiency European integration austerity measures fiscal discipline economic growth monetary union advantages short-term costs long-term gains Eurozone membership benefits Greek economy European trade financial market stability economic policy international investment economic sanctions currency devaluation economic sanctions political stability economic recovery financial crisis management economic forecasting economic analysis economic research economic impact economic strategy economic resilience economic performance economic growth stimulation economic reform economic challenges economic opportunities economic development economic trends economic Eurozone Greece economic stability long-term benefits short-term costs default currency collapse hyperinflation investment transactions European trade austerity measures single currency economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits investor confidence economic efficiency Eurozone crisis Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe The Guardian Greece Eurozone economic stability investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs austerity measures economic growth transitory benefits permanent benefits single currency investment efficiency transaction efficiency trade European members economic outcomes default Barrell Ray Ruparel Raoul Persson Mats Open Europe Eurozone crisis Economic stability investor confidence currency collapse hyperinflation long-term benefits short-term costs Eurozone membership trade efficiency austerity measures economic growth Greek economy European trade single currency economic consequences default risks economic recovery financial stability economic policy international trade currency stability economic integration eurozone greece economy default growth benefits stability investors hyperinflation single currency investment transactions eurozone members trade european austerity measures long-term short-term cost ray barrell raoul ruparel mats persson open europe guardian crisis options inside outside euro single currency benefits greek trade european members eurozone stability greek economy stability investment efficiency transaction efficiency austerity eurozone membership greek financial stability greek economic growth eurozone economic impact greek default
test-society-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural-urban migration urban economy rural investment urban resources national decision making urban-rural divide urban privilege special economic zones rural workforce balanced workforce rural community development urban infrastructure rural modernization urban-rural cultural difference China urbanization urban-rural investment disparity political economy urban food security social change China 21st century urban-urban migration economic zones rural investment workforce distribution urban-rural divide rural development urban privilege infrastructure investment social integration urbanization impact rural economy city resources national policy sub-Saharan Africa China urbanization social change rural communities urban food security balanced workforce decision makers rural development urban-rural divide urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce distribution investment attraction social change urban-rural relations China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security rural communities balanced workforce investor interest economic zones urban modernization rural backwardness social division urbanites rural areas cities national policy decision makers urban reliance rural investment workforce preservation resource sustainability economic balance rural improvement urban-rural balance rural workforce urban workforce rural economy urban economy regional rural-urban migration economic growth urban privilege special economic zones urban infrastructure rural investment workforce distribution social change urban-rural divide China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy urban food security balanced workforce investor attraction rural community development urban modernization rural backwardness national decision-making resource allocation urban reliance cultural divisions rural areas cities economic zones infrastructure investment modernization urbanites rural inhabitants investment reasons resource preservation rural development urban migration economic zones rural investment workforce distribution urban-rural divide social inequality rural modernization urban infrastructure national economic policy China urbanization Sub-Saharan Africa food security social change urban privilege balanced workforce rural areas investment city economic growth resource allocation rural community improvement Restrictions rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource allocation national decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment urban modernization rural workforce social divisions urban-rural divide investment opportunities balanced workforce political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social change China 21st century rural-urban migration economic growth urban areas rural areas national level decision makers urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure modernisation cultural divisions urbanites backward civilised workforce investment balanced workforce political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social change China 21st century rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource allocation national policy urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural division workforce retention rural investment balanced workforce urban food security sub-Saharan Africa China social change urban-rural divide rural development urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural divisions workforce retention balanced workforce investor attraction political economy urban food security social change China Sub-Saharan Africa rural development urbanization impacts economic zones workforce migration rural investment urban-rural divide China's urban privilege rural modernization balanced workforce urban food security social change sub-saharan africa policy prioritization national development strategies
test-society-epiasghbf-pro03a	Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See Labour participation and rights  Labour participation enables an awareness, and acquirement, of equal gender rights. Firstly, labour participation is challenging cultural ideologies and norms of which see the woman’s responsibility as limited to the reproductive sphere. Entering the productive sphere brings women equal work rights and the right to enter public space. By such a change gender norms of the male breadwinner are challenged. Secondly, labour force participation by women has resulted in the emergence of community lawyers and organisations to represent them. The Declaration of the African Regional Domestic Workers Network is a case in point. [1] With the rising number of female domestic workers, the network is working to change conditions - upholding Conferences, sharing information, and taking action.  [1] See labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies norms reproductive sphere productive sphere equal work rights public space male breadwinner gender norms community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies female empowerment public sphere gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies norms reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies norms reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions conferences information sharing action labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies female workforce equal work rights public space gender norms community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action initiatives labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibility productive sphere gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organisations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers working conditions conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's work rights public space gender equality male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions improvement conferences information sharing action taking labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's roles productive sphere gender norms female domestic workers community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network equal work rights public space male breadwinner reproductive sphere social change legal representation conferences information sharing action initiatives labour participation gender rights cultural norms women's empowerment economic roles gender equality community lawyers African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers legal representation social change public space gender norms male breadwinner model reproductive sphere productive sphere work rights equal rights organizational support labor force domestic labor legal conferences information sharing advocacy action taking declaration regional network worker representation employment rights gender ideology social ideologies labor market female labor economic participation social participation human rights civil rights legal empowerment occupational rights labor legislation labor law Labour participation gender rights cultural ideologies women's responsibilities productive sphere work rights public space gender norms male breadwinner community lawyers organizations African Regional Domestic Workers Network female domestic workers conditions conferences information sharing action
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con04a	"Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research is only used where other research methods are not suitable  Developed countries, including the US and all members of the EU (since EU Directive 2010/63/EU) have created laws and professional regulations that prevent scientists from using animals for research if other, non-animal research methods would produce equally clear and detailed results.  The principle described above is also enshrined in the ""3Rs"" doctrine, which states that researchers and their employers have a duty to identify ways to refine experiments conducted on animals, so that yield better results and cause less suffering; replace animals used in research the non-animal alternatives where possible; and reduce the number of animals used in research. Not only does the 3Rs doctrine represent a practical way to reconcile the necessity of animal research with the universal human desire not to cause suffering, it also drives scientists to increase the overall quality of the research that they conduct. Governments and academic institutions take the 3Rs doctrine very seriously. In EU countries scientists are required to show that they have considered other methods of research before being granted a license for an animal experiment.  There are a huge number of ways of learning about our physiology and the pathologies which affect it, including to computer models, cell cultures, animal models, human microdosing and population studies. These methods are used to complement one another, for example animal models may well produce data that creates a computer model. Nonetheless, there is some research which cannot be done any other way. It is difficult to understand the interaction of specific sets of genes without being able to change only these genes – something possible through genetically modified animals.  Finally, as noted above, given the high cost of conducting animal research relative to other methods, there is a financial incentive for institutions to adopt non-animal methods where they produce as useful and accurate results. Animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies gene interaction genetically modified animals financial incentive non-animal alternatives research quality animal welfare scientific regulation research licensing physiological studies pathology research research ethics animal testing alternative research methods scientific experimentation animal models research funding humane research scientific innovation regulatory compliance research methodology animal experimentation ethical research practices scientific advancement research impact animal Animal research alternative methods developed countries EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use reconcile necessity human desire prevent suffering increase research quality government regulations academic institutions license requirements physiological studies pathology research computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification cost-effectiveness financial incentives non-animal methods useful results accurate results. animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine refining experiments replacement reduction refinement animal welfare scientific quality regulatory requirements EU Directive 2010/63/EU computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification cost-effectiveness institutional incentives research ethics physiological studies pathology research gene interaction experimental validation scientific methodology animal experimentation research licensing ethical considerations humane science research integrity scientific advancement regulatory compliance alternative testing biomedical research animal models data integration research complementarity animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive research quality animal welfare scientific regulation research license physiological studies pathology research gene interaction animal experimentation animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentives research quality animal experimentation research licensing animal welfare scientific regulation physiology pathologies gene interaction research efficiency ethical research practices alternative research methods regulatory compliance scientific innovation research methodology animal models research cost accuracy scientific outcomes humane research experimental design research ethics animal testing scientific advancements research protocols animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU refined experiments reduce suffering increase research quality computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentives research costs scientific regulations professional regulations animal welfare ethical research practices research alternatives complementary methods gene interaction studies licensing requirements institutional policies physiological studies pathology research scientific methodologies research ethics animal experimentation non-animal alternatives scientific advancements regulatory compliance research methodology scientific responsibility animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use human desire suffering prevention research quality government regulations academic institutions research license computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetic modification financial incentives institutional adoption research necessity methodology complementarity gene interaction physiological study pathology study genetically modified animals cost-effective research experimental accuracy Animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU scientific regulations computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive research quality animal welfare ethical considerations experimental refinement reduction replacement scientific licensing physiological studies gene interaction pathologies research efficacy institutional practices regulatory compliance professional standards scientific methodology animal experimentation alternative research methods research innovation scientific responsibility public trust humane research scientific advancement cost-effectiveness research outcomes scientific integrity animal models Animal research non-animal methods 3Rs doctrine EU Directive 2010/63/EU refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive research quality legal regulations professional standards animal suffering physiological studies pathology research gene interaction scientific licensing animal research non-animal methods EU Directive 2010/63/EU 3Rs doctrine refine experiments replace animals reduce animal use computer models cell cultures human microdosing population studies genetically modified animals financial incentive research quality ethical considerations animal welfare regulatory requirements scientific methods physiological studies pathology research gene interaction research efficiency"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro03a	Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. Maintaining the value of the degree  Employers and others expect certain degrees to mean certain things; they are more than just an expensive badge. In the case of elite western universities part of what that means is a critical approach to the world and the willingness to challenge ideas, regardless of the authority that holds them. Part of their exclusivity derives from their admission standards, partly from the academic rigour of their scholars and partly from the simple fact that there are only a relatively small number of graduates.  In other areas universities are all too aware of selling their reputation – impartiality, avoiding plagiarism and so forth – the same should be true here. If a degree from a western university does not mean that it recognises issues such as creativity and free thinking then it devalues the degree itself.  As a result the very governments that are so keen to acquire the creative, critical skills offered by graduates of western-style education will end up undermining the very thing that they seek. This impacts not only the graduates from Asian campuses of western universities but also their peers at the home institution [i] .  [i] US-China Today. Jasmine Ako. Unraveling Plagiarism in China. 28 March 2011. degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic standards university reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking western education asian campuses us-china education academic integrity graduate skills educational impact institutional reputation international education academic rigor student value global education standards degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic integrity university reputation creativity free thinking educational standards plagiarism western education Asian campuses US-China education graduate skills academic devaluation government impact educational impact degree value employer expectations academic rigor critical thinking university reputation graduate skills western universities educational standards plagiarism creativity free thinking academic integrity international education Asian campuses US-China education academic standards critical skills educational value university exclusivity admission standards educational impact government role educational devaluation academic challenges reputation management educational quality western-style education academic performance scholarly standards educational philosophy academic environment university graduates academic achievement educational credential academic excellence higher education academic community academic freedom academic tradition academic innovation educational partnership academic leadership value of degree employer expectations critical thinking academic integrity university reputation exclusivity admission standards academic rigor small number of graduates selling reputation impartiality avoiding plagiarism creativity free thinking government impact western-style education Asian campuses home institution US-China Today Jasmine Ako plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic standards exclusivity reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking government policies education quality western universities Asian campuses peer impact US-China education academic integrity degree value employer expectations academic standards critical thinking creativity free thinking university reputation academic integrity plagiarism western universities elite institutions admission standards academic rigor graduate quality education value government role Asian campuses US-China education higher education impact degree recognition education degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic standards exclusivity reputation plagiarism creativity free thinking government influence western education Asian campuses US-China relations academic integrity degree value employer expectations academic integrity critical thinking educational standards university reputation academic rigor graduate skills western universities asian campuses plagiarism creativity free thinking government influence educational impact US-China relations higher education quality international education academic standards degree devaluation degree value employer expectations critical thinking academic standards university reputation plagiarism creative skills western education asian campuses academic integrity critical approach exclusivity academic rigor devaluation government influence home institution US-China relations Jasmine Ako Unraveling Plagiarism in China degree value employer expectations elite universities critical thinking academic rigor exclusivity reputation impartiality plagiarism creativity free thinking government influence Asian campuses US-China relations educational standards
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro05a	Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. Attorney client privilege need not be sacrosanct in all situations  Most obviously it seems unnecessary for there to be attorney client privilege when the defendant’s interests cannot be adversely affected. For example when the confidential information just does not incriminate the client himself but it might clear somebody else, or when the client is dead. Few people will be discouraged from being candid with their lawyers if there is merely the possibility that the communications may be disclosed after their death.  In addition there are situations where the client’s interest may indeed be hurt but where this should be outweighed by some other very important public interest. In other words perhaps there should be ‘necessity’ or ‘public interest’ or ‘in the interests of justice’ balancing exceptions to the privilege. This would be the case when public safety is at risk, for example if the client holds some very vital information but is not willing to disclose it to anyone other than his lawyer. In such cases the courts should weigh up and balance the client’s interests against society’s and make the decision accordingly rather than rigidly sticking to attorney-client privilege. attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate client deceased public interest necessity justice public safety vital information court discretion balancing interests societal benefit legal confidentiality disclosure post-death communication third party exoneration rigid application flexible exceptions Attorney-client privilege sacrosanct exceptions public interest justice necessity confidentiality incrimination disclosure posthumous public safety balancing test societal interests legal ethics client candor professional responsibility Attorney-client privilege sacrosanct exceptions public interest necessity justice client confidentiality defendant's interests incrimination post-mortem disclosure public safety vital information legal ethics court discretion balancing test societal interest rigid rules flexible application communication disclosure confidentiality discouragement legal representation ethical considerations professional responsibility client-lawyer relationship evidentiary rules judicial oversight privilege limitations legal reform public policy confidentiality exceptions client protection societal protection legal principles ethical dilemmas legal standards client trust lawyer-client communication privilege exceptions public welfare attorney-client privilege sacrosanct unnecessary defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear somebody else client dead discouraged candor lawyers possibility disclosed death client's interest hurt public interest balancing exceptions public safety vital information disclose courts weigh balance society rigid justice attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear somebody else client is dead discouraged candor lawyers client's interest public interest necessity justice balancing exceptions public safety vital information disclose courts society's interests rigidly sticking attorney-client privilege sacrosanct defendant's interests confidential information incriminate clear somebody else client dead discouraged candor lawyers client's interest public interest necessity justice public safety vital information courts society rigid privilege attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity in the interests of justice public safety confidentiality posthumous disclosure client candor lawyer-client communication judicial balancing rigid application incrimination third-party exoneration legal ethics testimonial privilege disclosure criteria client-interests societal-interests legal framework attorney-client privilege balancing exceptions public interest necessity in the interests of justice public safety confidential information client's interests society's interests posthumous disclosure non-incriminating information third-party exoneration rigid application judicial discretion Attorney-client privilege sacrosanct unnecessary defendant's interests adverse effect confidential information incriminate clear someone else client dead discouraged candid lawyers possibility disclosed death client's interest hurt public interest necessity justice balancing exceptions public safety vital information disclose courts weigh society rigid stick attorney-client privilege exceptions public interest necessity client confidentiality disclosure posthumous disclosure public safety balancing interests legal ethics
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con01a	An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. An ICC enforcement arm is unnecessary  To create an enforcement arm for the ICC would be to accept that state parties are incapable of enforcing decisions themselves, that is not necessarily the case. State parties have supplied the ICC with many of the defendants that it desires to face trial, including Bemba and the Gbagbos. Some, such as Uhuru Kenyatta have appeared voluntarily. The current system is working in many cases. While it does not in all, there are some that will be extremely difficult to capture by anyone. ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness international law criminal justice state cooperation arrests prosecution sovereignty voluntary compliance judicial enforcement international cooperation ICC enforcement arm state parties enforce decisions defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system working capture challenges ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness international law prosecution cooperation judicial processes legal enforcement state sovereignty arrest warrants compliance voluntary surrender international cooperation judicial support non-compliance cases ICC enforcement arm state parties capability voluntary appearances current system effectiveness Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta defendants supplied enforcement challenges ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system capture international law judicial efficiency state cooperation criminal justice international prosecution voluntary compliance legal enforcement judicial outcomes state sovereignty international tribunal legal reforms prosecution challenges judicial effectiveness international cooperation legal mechanisms state responsibility judicial process international relations legal enforcement strategies judicial limitations state capabilities legal support judicial success legal obstacles state involvement international trials judicial achievements legal support structures state authority international justice legal assistance judicial ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system working capture difficulty ICC enforcement arm state parties self-enforcement defendants trials Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance system effectiveness capture difficulties ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system working capture difficulties ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants trials voluntary appearances current system effectiveness challenges international law prosecution cooperation extradition judicial support compliance legal frameworks human rights peace justice ICC enforcement arm state parties defendants Bemba Gbagbos Uhuru Kenyatta voluntary appearance current system effectiveness challenges capture international cooperation judicial enforcement state capability legal compliance voluntary compliance international law prosecution crime prevention human rights accountability sovereignty judicial reform legal mechanisms diplomatic pressure international support regional organizations peacekeeping security justice rule of law international community intervention non-interference state responsibility legal enforcement judicial independence prosecutorial discretion international tribunals legal frameworks state cooperation legal obligations
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con01a	Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. Humans can choose their own nutrition plan  Humans are omnivores – we are meant to eat both meat and plants. Like our early ancestors we have sharp canine teeth for tearing animal flesh and digestive systems adapted to eating meat and fish as well as vegetables. Our stomachs are also adapted to eating both meat and vegetable matter. All of this means that eating meat is part of being human. Only in a few western countries are people self-indulgent enough to deny their nature and get upset about a normal human diet. We were made to eat both meat and vegetables - cutting out half of this diet will inevitably mean we lose that natural balance. Eating meat is entirely natural. Like many other species, human beings were once hunters. In the wild animals kill and are killed, often very brutally and with no idea of “rights”. As mankind has progressed over thousands of years we have largely stopped hunting wild animals. Instead we have found kinder and less wasteful ways of getting the meat in our diets through domestication. Farm animals today are descended from the animals we once hunted in the wild. humans omnivores nutrition meat plants teeth digestion ancestors stomach meat-eating nature western self-indulgence diet natural balance vegetables hunting domestication farm animals ethics rights wild brutally wasteful progress omnivores nutrition plan early ancestors sharp canine teeth digestive systems meat fish vegetables natural balance human diet western countries self-indulgence hunters domestication farm animals hunting wild animals meat consumption dietary adaptation natural diet ethical eating animal rights human evolution food choices protein sources carnivorous traits plant-based diets dietary diversity sustainable eating animal welfare nutritional anthropology humans omnivores nutrition meat plants early ancestors canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural diet western countries self-indulgent human nature normal diet natural balance eating meat hunters animals kill rights mankind hunting domestication farm animals wild animals less wasteful kinder methods humans omnivores nutrition meat plants early ancestors canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural diet western countries self-indulgence human nature balance eating meat natural hunters animals killing rights mankind progress hunting domestication farm animals wild animals meat diets less wasteful kinder methods meat plants omnivores canine teeth digestive systems stomachs human diet natural balance hunters domestication farm animals wild animals hunting meat consumption human nature ethical eating nutritional needs ancestral diet balanced diet animal rights nutrition plan omnivores meat and plants canine teeth digestive systems eating meat natural balance human diet hunting domestication farm animals humans omnivores meat plants nutrition ancestors canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural diet western countries self-indulgence natural balance hunting domestication farm animals wild animals progress rights brutal waste meat plants omnivores human diet canine teeth digestive systems hunting domestication natural balance animal rights western countries self-indulgence human nature farm animals wild animals protein sources health benefits ethical eating historical diets nutritional adaptability omnivores meat plants canine teeth digestive systems stomachs natural balance hunting domestication farm animals wild animals diet nutrition progress mankind ethics self-indulgence western countries dietary habits species evolution food sources animal rights omnivore nutrition diet meat plants canine teeth digestive system ancestors hunting domestication natural balance ethical eating animal rights human evolution food history dietary practices carnivorous herbivorous dietary adaptation sustainable farming
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con02a	"Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia does not have true democracy  The status quo in Russia is highly controversial. On the one hand it is considered a democracy – it has all the structures and norms of a democracy. On the other hand there are many attacks and proof that the Russian governance is far from democratic: The joint observer team for the Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised the Russian elections as ""not fair and failed to meet many OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections,"" with ""abuse of administrative resources, media coverage strongly in favour of the ruling party"". The polls ""took place in an atmosphere which seriously limited political competition"" meaning ""there was not a level political playing field"". The 2007 parliamentary election resulted in United Russia gaining 64.1% of the vote. (3)  Furthermore not only there isn’t election freedom, there is not academic freedom either – “The European University at St Petersburg has been forced to suspend teaching after officials claimed its historic buildings were a fire risk. This forced all academic work to cease. The University had been running a program that advised Russian political parties, including how to ensure elections are not being rigged. The project they are involved in called Interregional Electoral Chains of Support was to develop and raise the effectiveness of electoral monitoring in Russia's regions. The university has also been attacked for having close ties to the west, particularly US and UK universities” (4)  There are cases of murdered journalists, who were “inconvenient” to the authorities. This also raises the question whether a strong leadership is better for the people.  Basic freedoms are denied to the Russian population. In the 21st century this is simply unjust. Therefore strong leadership creates more wrong than it does good. Russia democracy status quo controversial democratic structures governance attacks proof Council of Europe Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe elections not fair failed OSCE commitments standards administrative resources media coverage ruling party level playing field 2007 parliamentary election United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg fire risk teaching suspension Russian political parties election rigging Interregional Electoral Chains of Support electoral monitoring close ties West US UK universities murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century unjust Russia democracy elections Council of Europe OSCE United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg media bias political competition murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms governance political rights election fairness administrative resources Western ties electoral monitoring political suppression democratic commitments human rights violations political opposition civil liberties Russia democracy controversy elections OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring journalists strong leadership basic freedoms political opposition human rights corruption media bias governance political competition rule of law civic liberties public administration electoral fairness international observation political repression authoritarianism civil society political rights state control electoral fraud media freedom political pluralism political stability political participation electoral systems democratic institutions government accountability political transparency political repression freedom of speech freedom of assembly political prisoners political Russia democracy status quo controversial structures norms governance attacks proof democratic Council of Europe Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised elections not fair failed OSCE commitments standards abuse administrative resources media coverage ruling party political competition level playing field 2007 parliamentary election United Russia election freedom academic freedom European University at St Petersburg fire risk advise Russian political parties elections rigged Interregional Electoral Chains of Support electoral monitoring attacked ties West US UK universities murdered journalists strong Russia democracy status quo Council of Europe Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe elections fairness democratic standards abuse of administrative resources media bias United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms 21st century unjust Russia democracy election fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg political competition media bias administrative resources election rigging electoral monitoring murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms population rights governance controversy political parties western ties 21st century politics Russia democracy status quo controversial structures norms governance attacks proof non-democratic Council of Europe Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticised elections not fair failed standards commitments abuse administrative resources media coverage ruling party political competition level playing field 2007 parliamentary election United Russia 64.1% election freedom academic freedom European University at St Petersburg fire risk teaching suspension Russian political parties election rigging Interregional Electoral Chains of Support electoral monitoring close ties west US universities democracy Russia election fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg media bias political competition election rigging murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms political rights civil liberties governance authoritarianism electoral monitoring political oppression democracy Russia electoral fairness OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg media bias political competition murdered journalists strong leadership basic freedoms governance political rights human rights election rigging administrative resources political opposition electoral monitoring regional elections international standards democratic norms political stability authoritarianism political repression press freedom political violence civil liberties political participation democratic institutions political transparency political accountability Russia democracy elections OSCE Council of Europe United Russia academic freedom European University at St Petersburg journalist murders strong leadership basic freedoms political competition administrative resources media bias electoral monitoring western ties political parties election rigging democratic standards governance controversy authoritarianism human rights political repression civil liberties media freedom political opposition electoral fairness democratic norms political stability governance quality rule of law political participation public opinion political transparency political accountability government integrity political corruption political violence political dissidence political resistance political climate"
test-education-udfakusma-pro02a	Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. Most universities are publically funded so should have to be open with their materials.  The United States University system is famously expensive and as a result it is probably the system in a developed country that has least public funding yet $346.8billion was spent, mostly by the states, on higher education in 2008-9. [1] In Europe almost 85% of universities funding came from government sources. [2] Considering the huge amounts of money spent on universities by taxpayers they should be able to demand access to the academic work those institutions produce.  Even in countries where there are tuition fees that make up some of the funding for the university it is right that the public should have access to these materials as the tuition fees are being paid for the personal teaching time provided by the lecturers not for the academics’ publications. Moreover those who have paid for a university course would benefit by the materials still being available to access after they have finished university  [1] Caplan, Bruan, “Correction: Total Government Spending on Higher Education”, Library of Economics and Liberty, 16 November 2012,   [2] Vught, F., et al., “Funding Higher Education: A View Across Europe”, Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente, 2010. universities public funding academic materials access United States Europe higher education government funding taxpayer money tuition fees personal teaching academic publications post-graduation access public funding higher education university system United States Europe taxpayer money academic work access tuition fees personal teaching time academic publications post-graduation access public funding university transparency academic materials access United States higher education tuition fees European university funding taxpayer contribution academic publications post-graduation access higher education finance public funding university transparency academic materials access higher education costs taxpayer rights university funding sources European university funding tuition fees academic publications access post-graduation material access university funding public funding academic access higher education costs state funding taxpayer contribution tuition fees academic publications post-graduation access European university funding government support higher education policy economic implications academic transparency public funding university materials access United States Europe higher education taxpayer money academic work tuition fees personal teaching post-graduation access public funding universities academic materials United States university system tuition fees government funding Europe taxpayer money access academic work publications personal teaching course completion higher education funding sources Caplan Bruan Vught F Ben Jongbloed Center policy studies University of Twente public funding universities academic materials accessibility United States higher education taxpayer money Europe government funding tuition fees personal teaching academic publications post-graduation access Vught F. Ben Jongbloed Center for Higher Education Policy Studies University of Twente Caplan Bruan Library of Economics and Liberty 2012 2010 public funding university materials academic transparency higher education costs taxpayer contribution access to research tuition fees post-graduation resources academic publications government expenditure European university funding public education policy public funding university transparency academic materials access higher education funding taxpayer access university publications tuition fees post-graduation access European funding models U.S. higher education spending
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro01a	"Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec needs to be independent to retain its distinct language and culture.  The only way to ensure that Quebecers get to retain their distinct culture is to gain independence as a country and remove themselves from the Canadian federation.  A very big issue for certain Quebecers is the threat that an overwhelmingly English-speaking country has on their pocket of distinct French-Quebecois culture [1] . The unrestricted immigration of English-speaking Canadians to Quebec has diluted the culture of the Quebecois and has set off the process of cultural-loss and the highly feared loss of their language [2] . Moreover, whenever Quebec has tried to put in place provisions to protect their culture and language, such as with Bill 101 [3] , Quebec is called racist and Canadian Federal Courts try to strike down their laws to stop their “discrimination” against English-speaking Canadians in their province [4] .  The only way that Quebec can protect its language and culture is to be able to stop the unrestricted flow of English-speaking immigration into its territory and gain complete control over its own law and cultural policy. The only way to do this is to gain independence from Canada.  [1] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""Only Quebec independence can protect French language: PQ strategist."" CBS News Canada 26 Nov 2007, n. pag. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  .  [4] ""Bill 101."" The Canadian Encyclopedia. Web. 1 Dec 2011. <  . Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 Canadian federation discrimination Canadian Federal Courts law cultural policy protect distinct pocket restrict flow territory control Canada Quebecois provisions racism fear Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking Canada federation immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 Canadian Federal Courts discrimination Quebecois law cultural policy protection separatism nationality identity regionalism minority rights linguistic rights autonomy Quebec independence French-Quebecois culture language protection Bill 101 cultural dilution English-speaking immigration Canadian federation linguistic policy cultural policy Quebec sovereignty Canadian Federal Courts linguistic discrimination Quebec independence retain distinct culture protect French language cultural preservation Bill 101 Quebec nationalism English-speaking immigration Canadian federation cultural dilution language protection Quebec sovereignty legal autonomy cultural policy Quebecois identity federal intervention cultural loss linguistic rights provincial laws discrimination claims Quebec separatism Quebec independence French language protection cultural preservation Bill 101 Canadian federation English-speaking immigration cultural dilution legal autonomy racial discrimination Canadian Federal Courts Quebec independence language culture Canadian federation English-speaking French-Quebecois immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 racism Canadian Federal Courts discrimination territorial control law cultural policy Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking Canadian federation cultural loss Bill 101 discrimination immigration law policy Canadian Federal Courts Quebecois linguistic protection cultural dilution sovereignty separatism Quebec independence French language protection cultural preservation Bill 101 English-speaking immigration Canadian federation Quebecois culture cultural dilution language laws Canadian Federal Courts discrimination claims sovereign control provincial rights national identity separatism debate ethnic minority protection linguistic policies autonomy self-determination heritage preservation Quebec independence language culture French-Quebecois English-speaking Canada federation immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 racism discrimination Canadian Federal Courts law cultural policy sovereignty separatism protection distinctiveness national identity linguistic rights provincial autonomy Quebec independence language culture Canadian federation English-speaking French-Quebecois immigration cultural-loss Bill 101 racism Canadian Federal Courts discrimination law policy protection sovereignty francophone identity separatism"
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro01a	It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. It makes it more likely that attorneys will lie for their clients  If communications between an attorney and their client are confidential, then it allows for lies to be put forward to the court in order to defend someone who is guilty. In the case of a criminal matter, it could mean that even though a defendant has stated they are guilty to their attorney, they will not be found to be guilty. Every attorney wants to win their case, and if they are likely to conceal the confession of their client if it means their client will be released. As the communication is confidential, such confession will not be informed to the court and the attorney would not be exposed for their lies. The confidential nature of the communications between attorney and client open the possibility for a system of justice based upon lies. This is not just and so the Attorney-Client Privilege should be abolished. attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality legal profession court procedures justice system client confession professional responsibility legal misconduct privilege abolition criminal defense legal transparency judicial integrity client-attorney communication legal accountability professional conduct justice reform legal principles client rights attorney duties attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality client confession judicial integrity legal system justice attorney misconduct client-attorney relationship legal reforms court deception criminal defense guilty clients legal transparency professional responsibility abolish attorney-client privilege Attorney-Client Privilege Confidential Communications Legal Ethics Client Confidentiality Justice System Truth in Court Attorney Honesty Criminal Defense Legal Responsibility Professional Conduct Client Guilt Legal Ethics Violations Confidentiality Abolition Justice Integrity Court Deception attorney-client privilege confidentiality issues legal ethics justice system integrity truthful representation client confession attorney responsibility legal misconduct criminal defense guilty verdict legal system reform client-attorney communication professional conduct judicial fairness legal transparency attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality justice system lies in court guilty clients criminal defense attorney responsibility legal integrity abolishing attorney-client privilege legal reform truth in court proceedings client confession court honesty legal professionalism confidential communications legal justice legal system improvement ethical legal practices attorney-client relationship attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics justice system client confession attorney liability criminal defense legal reform courtroom honesty guilty clients legal confidentiality justice integrity attorney-client communication legal profession standards ethical conduct in law truth in trials abolishing attorney-client privilege impact on justice legal system transparency attorney-client privilege legal ethics professional responsibility confidentiality legal system justice truth court proceedings criminal defense guilty clients legal confessions lawyer-client communication abolish attorney-client privilege defending the guilty legal integrity judicial trust fair trial patient-physician privilege clergy-penitent privilege testimonial privilege attorney misconduct attorney-client privilege legal ethics confidentiality justice system lying in court criminal defense guilty clients legal confidentiality attorney misconduct fair trial legal reform client confession attorney duty truth in court abolition of privilege attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics courtroom deception criminal defense guilty clients attorney misconduct legal system integrity judicial justice client-attorney communication privilege abolition legal responsibility professional conduct ethical dilemmas legal standards justice system reform defense strategies legal confidentiality implications attorney-client relationship legal transparency attorney-client privilege confidentiality legal ethics judicial integrity client confession courtroom deception legal system reform justice system attorney responsibility criminal defense legal transparency attorney-client communication professional conduct legal ethics violation legal principles legal standards legal accountability legal justice attorney-client relationship legal confidentiality issues
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artistic output profit control copyright incentive creation ownership investment time installation art job duplication originality laziness creativity protection intellectual property market new ideas artistic disincentive copyright system primordial urge artistic work marginal cases re-tread adapt break ground galvanized shield drive interesting fields artistic laziness creative urges artistically inclined artistic output profit control copyright disincentive ownership investment creation installation art job duplicate originality creativity intellectual property artistic laziness market protection economic incentive creative industries artistic production legal protection artist rights cultural production economic factors creative work artistic creation copyright law economic motivation creative economy legal framework artistic expression cultural economics intellectual property rights creative process artistic labor cultural policy legal safeguards artistic value economic benefits creative commons artistic freedom cultural heritage intellectual property protection artistic innovation cultural exchange artistic output profit motive copyright protections creative incentives intellectual property artistic creation investment in art ownership rights marginal artists installation art original works artistic laziness creative urges new ideas legal protections artist motivation economic factors creative process artistic value market adaptation artistic control profit from art disincentive to artistic output copyright protections ownership of artistic work incentive to create investment in artistic pursuits marginal artistic cases duplication of existing works original artistic creation artistic laziness creative urges intellectual property law copyright's growing pains artistic output profit copyright ownership investment creation disincentive artistic work copyright protections marginal cases installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property legal protections artistic laziness market adaptation creative urges artistic output profit control copyright incentive creation investment ownership disincentive artistic laziness originality creativity protections intellectual property legal safeguards economic factors artistic decision-making market adaptability installation art creative investment artistic output profit control copyright disincentive ownership investment creation installation art marginal cases duplication originality creativity intellectual property artistic laziness legal protection economic factors creative incentive cultural production marketplace of ideas artistic expression legal rights economic rewards creative industries copyright law artistic freedom creative process artistic motivation market dynamics intellectual property rights legal framework creative output artistic works economic incentives creative endeavors legal safeguards artistic creation cultural contribution economic value artistic property legal security creative autonomy cultural innovation artistic investment copyright artistic output profit control ownership incentive investment creation copyright protections disincentive creative urges originality artistic laziness installation art intellectual property creative industries legal protections economic factors artistic motivation market adaptation artistic output profit control copyright ownership investment incentive creation installation art job duplication originality creativity artistic laziness intellectual property legal protections economic factors creative industries cultural production legal incentives disincentive primordial urge marginal cases market adaptation new ideas creative urges Existing works artistic work time investment product of labours strong copyright system galvanized break ground ever more interesting fields shield drive artistically inclined growing pains reason madness defense John Marshall Review Intellectual Property Law 2 copyright artistic incentives profit artistic output ownership creation investment copyright protections marginal cases installation art duplication originality creative urges intellectual property artistic laziness market adaptation
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro01a	"Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" Sexist advertising is harmful to society, especially women.  Sexist advertising harms women through objectification and diminishing of self-image. The United Nations Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) links stereotypes about women to prejudice based on gender.1 Through visual and verbal messages women are portrayed as subservient to men. Women are seen increasingly as sex objects and these ads legitimize violence against women.2 Sexist advertising also harms women's self-image by portraying an ideal stylized body.3 The implied message is that consumers should seek to acquire these images even if they are contrary to the reality of body types and features. Eating disorders and obsessive beauty products consumption results in order to attain ideal beauty images presented in the media.4 Sexist ads also harm men through stereotyped images of masculinity.5 1 Object.Org. ""Women not Sex Objects."" 2011/ August 24 2 Newswise.com. ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2011/08/10 3 Kilbourne, Jean. ""Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising "" sexist advertising harm to society women objectification self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes visual messages verbal messages subservient sex objects legitimizing violence self-image harm ideal body eating disorders beauty products masculinity stereotypes Jean Kilbourne sexualized images women's rights gender equality media influence body image consumer behavior gender roles advertising ethics harmful stereotypes sexual objectification gender discrimination women's health mental health societal norms advertising impact gender studies feminist theory cultural criticism media studies public policy legal frameworks advertising sexism advertising harm society women objectification self-image CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservience sex objects violence idealized body body image eating disorders beauty products consumption masculinity sexualization Jean Kilbourne media representation sexist advertising harmful society women objectification self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservient sex objects legitimize violence self-image harm stylized body eating disorders beauty products consumption ideal beauty media representation men masculinity stereotypes Jean Kilbourne Beauty... and the Beast of Advertising sexualized images women's rights gender equality advertising ethics media influence body image consumer behavior gender roles societal impact United Nations discrimination International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against sexist advertising harm to society women objectification diminishing self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes visual messages verbal messages women subservience sex objects legitimizing violence idealized body image eating disorders beauty product consumption stereotyped masculinity sexist advertising harm to society women objectification diminished self-image CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservient sex objects legitimize violence women's self-image ideal stylized body eating disorders beauty products consumption media portrayal harm to men masculinity stereotypes Sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image diminishment CEDAW gender stereotypes prejudice visual messages verbal messages women's subservience sex objects legitimizing violence ideal body image eating disorders beauty product consumption ideal beauty media influence men's masculinity sexualized images gender roles societal impact advertising ethics feminist critique media studies body image gender equality United Nations discrimination against women advertising regulation consumer behavior psychological effects object.org newswise.com jean kilbourne beauty and the beast of advertising sexist advertising harmful society women objectification self-image United Nations CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservient sex objects legitimize violence self-image ideal body eating disorders beauty products consumption ideal beauty media men masculinity stereotyped images sexualized images study rise Jean Kilbourne Beauty and the Beast of Advertising sexist advertising harm to society women's objectification self-image diminishment CEDAW gender stereotypes subservient portrayal sex objectification legitimizing violence ideal body image eating disorders beauty product obsession stylized body types masculine stereotypes harm to men gender prejudice visual messages verbal messages sexualized images Jean Kilbourne Beauty and the Beast of Advertising sexism advertising harm society women objectification self-image CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservience sex objects violence body image reality body types eating disorders beauty products consumption ideal beauty masculinity sexualized images study rise Kilbourne beauty beast sexist advertising harmful society women objectification self-image CEDAW stereotypes gender prejudice visual messages verbal messages subservient sex objects violence against women ideal stylized body eating disorders beauty products consumption ideal beauty images media men masculinity sexualized images Jean Kilbourne beauty advertising effects gender roles consumer behavior body image issues mental health social norms gender equality"
test-culture-mthbah-con02a	Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. Advertising helps us choose between different goods.  Advertising has a positive role to play in modern society, helping us choose between competing goods. Many adverts are drawing our attention to products with new features, for example more powerful computers, telephones which are also cameras and music players, or foods with added vitamins. Other adverts try to compete on price, helping us seek out the cheapest or best value products. In most cases advertising does not make us go shopping – we would be planning to buy food, clothes, gifts and entertainment anyway. What advertising does is to help us make better decisions about how to spend our money, by giving us more information about the choices available. advertising goods choice positive role modern society competing goods new features powerful computers telephones cameras music players foods added vitamins compete price cheapest best value shopping planning buy food clothes gifts entertainment decisions spend money information choices advertising consumer choice product comparison market information product features price competition value for money shopping decisions informed spending product variety consumer benefits modern economy advertising impact consumer goods market guidance economic role of advertising product innovation consumer awareness purchasing decisions market transparency advertising consumer choice product features price competition informed decisions market information consumer benefits product variety purchasing decisions economic role societal impact value for money consumer guidance market dynamics commercial communication consumer awareness product comparison shopping behavior economic function advertising benefits Advertising consumer choice product differentiation market information product features price competition value for money shopping decisions informed consumers economic role of advertising consumer benefits modern society product variety technological advancements nutritional information advertising impact consumer behavior purchasing decisions economic utility market communication Advertising consumer choices market competition product innovation price comparison informed decision-making consumer information purchasing decisions goods selection modern society product features value for money shopping behavior consumer needs market dynamics advertising consumer choice product features price competition value for money informed decisions shopping behavior market information goods selection modern society role Advertising consumer choice product differentiation market competition product features technological advancements price comparison value for money shopping decisions consumer information economic role of advertising modern society consumer goods product information consumer benefits advertising consumer choice product comparison new features price competition value for money informed decisions shopping behavior product information modern society competing goods powerful computers telephones cameras music players foods added vitamins cheapest products best value spending money decision making advertising consumer choice product information market competition price comparison value for money product features new technologies shopping decisions consumer awareness economic role of advertising societal impact of advertising consumer goods purchasing behavior advertising benefits informed consumers product diversity advertising and consumer decision-making advertising and product innovation advertising ethics benefits consumer choice product information price comparison value for money informed decisions marketing product features modern society shopping habits advertisement impact consumer behavior product diversity economic role of advertising decision-making process consumer education comparative advertising price competition product benefits advertising ethics
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro05a	Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions of politicians are often motivated by partisan concerns.  As noted above, the political life is steeped in difficult decisions, and some of these are bound to result in choices that are at least potentially illegal. The ability to prosecute politicians incentivizes political opponents to search out past actions by said politicians so as to immobilize them politically. Such prosecutions are therefore not motivated by concern for justice, nor are they conducive to a well-functioning, multipartisan political system wherein representatives seek to work together to achieve their political ends. In the most extreme cases, powerful politicians use prosecutions to immobilize their political opponents. Prosecutions Politicians Partisan Concerns Political Life Difficult Decisions Illegal Choices Incentivizes Political Opponents Search Out Past Actions Immobilize Political System Representatives Achieve Ends Extreme Cases Powerful Politicians Immobilize Opponents Prosecutions Politicians Partisan Concerns Political Life Difficult Decisions Illegal Choices Incentivizes Political Opponents Search Actions Immobilize Politically Concern Justice Multipartisan System Representatives Achieve Ends Extreme Cases Powerful Politicians Immobilize Opponents partisan motivations political prosecutions difficult decisions illegal actions incentivizing prosecutions political opponents immobilize politically concern for justice multipartisan system achieving political ends powerful politicians immobilizing opponents partisan motives political prosecutions difficult decisions illegal choices prosecution incentives political opponents immobilize politically justice concern multipartisan system political cooperation extreme cases powerful politicians opponent immobilization political ends prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions illegal choices prosecute political opponents past actions immobilize political system representatives achieve political ends powerful politicians immobilize opponents partisan concerns difficult decisions potentially illegal incentivizes opponents search out actions immobilize politically concern for justice multipartisan system work together political ends powerful politicians use prosecutions immobilize opponents partisan concerns political life difficult decisions potentially illegal prosecute politicians political opponents immobilize politically concern for justice multipartisan political system achieve political ends powerful politicians political opponents legal system political rivalry judicial processes political strategy government accountability political ethics legislative immunity political harassment prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions illegal choices incentivize political opponents past actions immobilize justice well-functioning multipartisan political system representatives achieve political ends extreme cases powerful politicians use immobilize opponents Prosecutions politicians partisan concerns political life difficult decisions illegal choices incentive political opponents past actions immobilize political system representatives achieve ends extreme cases powerful politicians use immobilize opponents partisan concerns political opponents illegal choices prosecution motivation justice concern multipartisan system political immobilization powerful politicians political ends extreme cases representative cooperation
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con04a	It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 It is their culture and religion.  Religions themselves tend to encompass their own distinctive culture and, to many of their members, this culture and its methods comes before anything secular. For this reason, Muslims should be allowed to wear personal items as it states in the ruling of their religious book to do so. Had a particular garment been required in the Christian religious book - The Bible - then no doubt those stout Christians would follow this particular ruling. The question is, would it be wrong to take away something close and meaningful to these religions? Surely, a religious symbol or method is purely personal, and, therefore, banning such symbols would be an intrusion into their individuality.1  1 Jessica Shepherd, 'Uniform Dissent', The Guardian, 9th October 2007 , accessed on 24th July 2011 culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol method individuality banning intrusion personal meaningful uniform dissent The Guardian Jessica Shepherd culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality ban intrusion meaningful uniform dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book Christians The Bible religious ruling religious symbol individuality banning intrusion personal meaning Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning symbols intrusion personal meaningful Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment controversial personal symbol method individuality banning intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian culture religion distinctive secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christians The Bible garment religious symbol method personal individuality banning intrusion Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning Uniform Dissent Jessica Shepherd The Guardian culture religion distinctive culture secular Muslims personal items religious book ruling Christian The Bible religious symbol individuality banning intrusion Jessica Shepherd Uniform Dissent The Guardian
test-society-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions lack of education media inefficiency misconceptions myths successful migrant attraction desperation unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labor prostitution social exclusion Hukou system market forces UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated people informed decisions media education myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations desperation human trafficking forced labor prostitution social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam life chances hukou trapped migrants rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions media influence education myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor exploitation social exclusion market dynamics UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan life chances migrant workers contemporary China hukou urban-rural relations food production processing issues Asian cities rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions urban myths media inefficiency education inadequacy successful migrant myths unscrupulous organizations migrant exploitation forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion market dynamics urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam desperation trapped migrants life chances hukou system contemporary China FAO reports rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media inefficiency education deficiency myths propagation successful migrants unscrupulous organizations desperation exploitation human trafficking forced labour prostitution social exclusion market dynamics UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan Hukou system life chances migrant workers contemporary China rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions efficient media adequate education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organisations forced labour prostitution trapped migrant workers hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing issues human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation human trafficking forced labour exploitation social exclusion market UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media influence education deficiency misconceptions successful migrants unscrupulous organizations forced labor human trafficking social exclusion urban poverty life chances hukou system market dynamics UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions urban myths unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor social exclusion hukou system UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan life chances migrant workers contemporary China feeding asian cities urban-rural relations exploitation poverty uneducated migration causes misconceptions media education costs trapped desperation organize move city opportunities rural opportunities successful migrant attract others try luck knowledge worse situation moving power trapped urban rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labour begging prostitution migrant workers hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing issues human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam
test-international-ipecfiepg-con01a	Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Defaulting would cause chaos in Greece  There is no good solution for the crisis Greece finds itself in, only less bad ones. Austerity measures imposed on Greece may currently be causing suffering, but austerity is the least bad option available for the Greek people: default would be considerably worse. Here is what would most likely happen:  The Greek banking sector would collapse [1]. A large portion of the Greek debt is owed to Greek banks and companies, many of which would quickly go bankrupt when the Government defaults. This is also because Greek banks are almost totally reliant on the ECB for liquidity. [2] People would consequently lose their savings, and credit would be close to impossible to find.  The Government would quickly devalue the Drachma by at least 50%. This will lead to imported goods being more expensive and consequently to a huge rise in inflation with the living costs increasing tremendously.[3]  These two events would lead to a severe shortage of credit, making it almost impossible for struggling companies to survive. Unemployment would soar as a result. It will become increasingly difficult to secure supplies of oil, medicine, foodstuffs and other goods. Naturally, those hit worst would be the poor. The Government, in this respect, would be failing on an enormous scale in providing many citizens with the basic needs. [4]  [1] Brzeski, Carsten: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012,   [2] Ruparel, Raoul and Persson, Mats: “Better off Out? The short-term options for Greece inside and outside of the euro”, June 2012, Open Europe, 2012   [3] ibid  [4] Arghyrou, Michael: “Viewpoints: What if Greece exits euro?”, BBC News, 13 July 2012, Greece default chaos austerity crisis Greek banks ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment supplies oil medicine food poor citizens basic needs Greece default crisis austerity suffering least bad option Greek banking sector collapse ECB liquidity bankrupt savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment shortages oil medicine foodstuffs poor government failure basic needs euro exit short-term options default chaos Greece crisis solutions bad options austerity measures suffering least bad option Greek people Greek banking sector collapse Greek debt Greek banks companies bankruptcy Government default ECB liquidity savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs shortage credit companies unemployment oil medicine foodstuffs goods poor Government failure citizens basic needs Greek debt crisis default consequences Greek banking sector collapse ECB liquidity dependence savings loss credit scarcity Drachma devaluation inflation increase living costs rise unemployment surge supply shortages poverty impact government failure euro exit viewpoints short-term options Open Europe report BBC news analysis Greece crisis default chaos solutions less bad austerity suffering Greek people banks bankruptcy ECB liquidity savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment credit shortage companies supplies oil medicine foodstuffs poor basic needs government failure Greece default chaos crisis solutions austerity suffering least bad option banking sector collapse debt Greek banks ECB savings loss credit shortage Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment supply shortage oil medicine foodstuffs poor government failure basic needs euro exit viewpoints economic impact social consequences Carsten Brzeski Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou BBC News Open Europe Greece default austerity crisis Greek banks ECB liquidity bankruptcy savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment credit shortage companies supplies oil medicine foodstuffs basic needs poverty economic collapse euro exit short-term options Carsten Brzeski Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Michael Arghyrou BBC News Open Europe Greece default chaos crisis austerity less bad Greek people Greek banking sector collapse ECB liquidity savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation living costs shortage unemployment oil medicine foodstuffs poor government failure basic needs euro exit short-term options Raoul Ruparel Mats Persson Open Europe Michael Arghyrou BBC News Carsten Brzeski Greece default crisis austerity banking sector ECB savings credit Drachma devaluation inflation unemployment imports poverty government failure basic needs euro exit short-term options economic impact social consequences Greek crisis default chaos austerity Greek banking sector ECB savings loss credit scarcity Drachma devaluation inflation living costs unemployment supply shortages poverty government failure basic needs euro exit short-term options economic impact BBC News Open Europe
test-politics-gvhbhlsbr-con04a	The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, The public is apathetic to reform.  Whether or not reform of the House of Lords should be a top priority in the current economic climate is debateable, let alone whether or not a coalition government would be able to initiate and drive through such measures. Attempts to reform the House of Lords have been delayed time and time again, demonstrating the House of Commons’ reservations on change. [1] A feeling that is no doubt echoed in popular British opinion – as demonstrated by the recent outcome of the Alternative Vote – the public are either adverse to the idea of change or apathetic to it. [2]  [1] Summers, Deborah, ‘Labour's attempts to reform the House of Lords’, The Guardian (27 January, 2009), viewed on 1 June 2011   [2] BBC News, ‘Vote 2011: UK rejects alternative vote, 7 May 2011, public apathy reform debate economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion change aversion Alternative Vote rejection political reform challenges democratic engagement voter preference legislative priorities governance issues political inertia parliamentary reform public sentiment analysis electoral reform political participation civic engagement public apathy reform priorities economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion Alternative Vote rejection political change resistance public apathy reform priority economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion change aversion Alternative Vote referendum political reform challenges legislative change obstacles public engagement political apathy electoral reform democratic participation public apathy reform House of Lords economic priorities coalition government political change House of Commons resistance British public opinion Alternative Vote rejection political reform challenges democratic engagement public apathy reform House of Lords economic climate coalition government House of Commons reservations on change British opinion Alternative Vote public adverse to change Labour BBC News Vote 2011 UK rejects alternative vote public apathy reform House of Lords economic climate coalition government legislative change public opinion political reform House of Commons resistance to change Alternative Vote referendum results UK political system democratic reform governmental efficiency political engagement citizen disinterest policy priorities parliamentary reform constitutional change public apathy reform priority economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons reservations British public opinion change aversion Alternative Vote rejection Labour reform attempts political change resistance democratic process governmental reform challenges voter behavior electoral reform political engagement public sentiment political stalemate reform delay coalition dynamics parliamentary reform democratic reforms voter turnout electoral systems political attitudes public skepticism reform obstacles political inertia institutional change political participation public debate reform necessity political priorities economic factors coalition challenges reform efforts public indifference political will reform implementation public apathy reform urgency economic priorities coalition government House of Lords reform House of Commons resistance to change British public opinion Alternative Vote referendum political reform challenges public opinion political reform House of Lords economic priorities coalition government legislative change political apathy electoral reform alternative vote UK politics political resonance reform resistance Commons reservations public debate political engagement democratic processes constitutional reform political stagnation voter turnout referendum outcomes public apathy reform priority economic climate coalition government House of Lords reform political change British public opinion Alternative Vote referendum political reservations reform attempts House of Commons political debate policy implementation political engagement voter behavior electoral reform democratic processes political reform challenges political inertia public sentiment political dynamics UK politics political decision-making public attitudes political reform governance issues legislative reform politicalwill political agenda reform obstacles democratic reforms political system public interest political support political reforms political changes public opinion political issues political environment political context
test-law-ilppppghb-pro03a	"Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited Self-determination embodies the fundamental right of peoples to decide their own futures.  Modern liberal democracy is founded on the idea that people should be free to decide their own leaders and their own futures, but not all states give their minority peoples such a right. However, this is a right guaranteed under international law. The International Court of Justice has held that this right applies not just to national governments but also people1. The two important United Nations studies on the right to self-determination set out factors of a people that give rise to possession of right to self-determination: a history of independence or self-rule in an identifiable territory, a distinct culture, and a will and capability to regain self-governance2. If these criteria are in place, such peoples should have the right to determine their own constitutional and political arrangements.  1 Western Sahara Case, 1975 International Court of Justice 12, 31. 2Critescu, A. and GrosEspiell, H. ""The Right to Self-determination"", United Nations, 1980 (not online, but widely cited self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy free to choose leaders minority rights international law International Court of Justice United Nations right to self-determination history of independence self-rule distinct culture will to self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination peoples futures modern liberal democracy minority peoples international law International Court of Justice right to self-determination United Nations history of independence distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy freedom leaders minority rights international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations right to self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy free to choose leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments people United Nations right to self-determination history of independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture will to self-governance capability to self-govern constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free leaders minority peoples states international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture will capability self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations Right to Self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples decide futures modern liberal democracy minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments United Nations right to self-determination history of independence self-rule distinct culture will and capability regain self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination right peoples futures modern liberal democracy freedom leaders states minority international law International Court of Justice national governments United Nations studies history independence self-rule territory distinct culture will capability self-governance constitutional political arrangements Western Sahara Case 1975 Critescu A. GrosEspiell H. self-determination fundamental right minority peoples international law modern liberal democracy national governments International Court of Justice Western Sahara Case distinct culture constitutional arrangements political arrangements United Nations Critescu GrosEspiell right to self-determination identifiable territory self-governance will and capability peoples' rights legal studies governance democracy political science international relations human rights minority rights autonomy self-rule independence self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy leaders minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments identifiable territory distinct culture self-governance constitutional arrangements political arrangements Western Sahara Case United Nations Right to Self-determination Critescu GrosEspiell self-determination fundamental right peoples futures modern liberal democracy free decide leaders states minority peoples international law International Court of Justice national governments people United Nations studies history independence self-rule identifiable territory distinct culture will capability regain self-governance constitutional political arrangements Western Sahara Case Critescu GrosEspiell right to self-determination"
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro02a	Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production can be justified on cultural grounds  Coca chewing is hugely prevalent amongst the peoples of the Andes, and their social relationship with it is akin to that of ours with coffee in Western nations. This is why so many nations in this region cannot and simply will not ever conform to any international ban that calls for phasing it out. The custom of chewing coca leaves may date back as far as 3000 BC in the region, and so hugely pre-dates cocaine consumption, and thus shouldn't be bundled with it or banned on the grounds that cocaine is banned. [1] Coca has also been a vital part of the religious traditions of the Andean peoples from the pre-Inca period through to the present, being used 'to communicate with the supernatural world and obtain its protection, especially with offerings to the Pachamama, the personification and spiritual form of the earth.' [2] All South American countries have signed several declarations by the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) that acknowledged that the chewing of coca leaves is an ancestral cultural expression that should be respected by the international community. [3] The international discouragement of the practice of chewing coca leaves and the prohibition on its use by Andeans when they travel or reside abroad can thus be seen as a violation of their indigenous religious and traditional rights, and therefore is not acceptable on a moral level.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Transnational Institute Debate Papers. “Coca yes, cocaine, no?”. Transnational Institute. No. 2006/2. No. 13. May 2006.   [3] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011. Coca production cultural grounds chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations region international ban phasing out custom leaves 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious traditions pre-Inca Pachamama supernatural protection Union South American Nations UNASUR declarations ancestral expression respect international community discouragement prohibition travel abroad indigenous rights moral Morales New York Times Transnational Institute debate papers Jelsma coca production cultural grounds chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out dating 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious traditions pre-Inca supernatural world Pachamama Union South American Nations UNASUR declarations ancestral expression respect discouragement prohibition abroad indigenous rights moral Morales Evo New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Lifting Jelsma Martin Legislative Reform Coca production cultural justification chewing Andes people social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phase-out custom 3000 BC pre-dates cocaine consumption religious traditions pre-Inca present supernatural communication protection Pachamama earth South American countries declarations UNASUR ancestral cultural expression respect international community discouragement prohibition Andeans travel reside abroad violation indigenous religious traditional rights moral Evo Morales New York Coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean peoples social relationship coffee analogy international ban prehistoric use cocaine distinction religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR declarations indigenous rights moral argument Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies Coca cultural grounds coca chewing Andes social relationship coffee Western nations international ban phasing out tradition 3000 BC cocaine religious traditions pre-Inca Pachamama Union of South American Nations UNASUR ancestral cultural expression indigenous rights moral level international community drug policies legislative reform coca leaves Transnational Institute Evo Morales Coca production cultural justification Andean peoples coca chewing coffee comparison international ban cultural tradition 3000 BC pre-dates cocaine religious traditions pre-Inca period Pachamama UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression moral violation indigenous rights Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies Coca production cultural grounds chewing Andes social tradition coffee Western international ban phase-out 3000 BC cocaine pre-dates religious pre-Inca Pachamama supernatural protection UNASUR declarations ancestral cultural expression indigenous rights moral violation travel reside abroad Morales Evo New York Times Transnational Institute Debate Papers Lifting Ban Reform Drug Policies Coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean peoples social relationship coffee analogy international ban phasing out cultural tradition 3000 BC cocaine consumption religious tradition pre-Inca period Pachamama supernatural communication UNASUR ancestral cultural expression international community indigenous rights moral violation Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies Cultural significance coca chewing Andean peoples social tradition coffee comparison international ban regional non-conformity historical practice pre-Inca period religious traditions Pachamama UNASUR declarations ancestral rights moral violation indigenous rights Evo Morales Transnational Institute coca leaves cocaine distinction legislative reform drug policies coca production cultural justification coca chewing Andean traditions social practice coffee comparison international ban regional nonconformity historical context pre-Inca period religious significance Pachamama UNASUR declarations indigenous rights moral violation international discouragement Evo Morales Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con01a	Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Time has removed the opportunity to truly make reparations to those who may have deserved it.  Reparations are used to make ‘amends for wrong or injury done’ [1] ; it is impossible to truly achieve this when the victims of wrongdoing are long since dead. Moreover, reparations which may have been made immediately after colonisation could have had a specific purpose – for example, to rebuild property which was destroyed, or to restore items which were wrongfully taken. However, the development of both countries has led to a very different state of affairs in both, and there may no longer be an obvious end for the money from reparations. There is also no precedent for giving reparations to countries after so long a period of time. For example, Germany began paying reparations to Israel in 1952 [2] , only 7 years after World War II ended in 1945. Time also makes it very difficult to judge who the ‘victims’ are now. The descendants of original victims may well be independently wealthy now – would it be right to financially cripple of Western country and their people, already suffering from economic depression, to pay people who may not need it now? In any case, it would take a very long to even work out how we could pay reparations, let alone whether we should.  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 time reparations victims injustice historical wrongs compensation colonialism descendants economic impact moral obligation precedent payment Germany Israel World War II wealth economic depression judgment moral responsibility practicality reparation purpose property restoration items wrongdoing long period state of affairs development countries financial burden Western countries people economic conditions justice amends injury wrongdoing delay effectiveness search expansion terms query improvement ethical considerations societal changes reparations debate international relations historical context legislative measures moral philosophy reparations colonization historical injustices descendants compensation economic impact moral responsibility legal precedent time factor victim identification financial burden societal development restitution colonialism international relations ethical considerations World War II Germany Israel wealth distribution economic depression payment feasibility moral amends injury wrongdoing property restoration item restitution long-term effects victim descendants economic status reparations debate historical context international law moral philosophy economic reparations social reparations cultural reparations historical accountability long-term consequences temporal justice policy implications ethical reparations reparations colonialism historical wrongs intergenerational wealth economic impacts moral obligations precedent victim identification financial burden reparations timeline WWII reparations Germany-Israel reparations economic depression wealth distribution moral philosophy legal implications international relations historical justice compensation societal development reparations historical injustices compensation intergenerational equity moral responsibility practical feasibility economic impact descendant rights historical context legal precedent Germany reparations Israel World War II colonial legacy social justice financial burden economic depression moral amends wrongdoing time factor victim identification wealth distribution reparations methodology ethical considerations international relations historical redress policy debate societal change development disparity colonial reparations long-term effects moral philosophy economic reparations legal reparations humanitarian reparations historical accuracy contextual understanding reparative justice moral obligations time reparations victims colonisation property restoration development precedent Germany Israel World War II descendants economic depression 判断 payment morality justice financial impact long-term effects historical responsibility compensation wrongdoing injury amends delay feasibility societal change legal implications international relations economic reparations moral reparations historical reparations colonialism post-colonialism reparations debate economic history moral philosophy political science international law social justice human rights wealth distribution economic inequality historical accountability reparations time opportunity victims descendants financial economic depression purpose property restoration countries development precedent Germany Israel World War II judgment wealth Western payment morality historical wrongs compensation time reparations amends injury wrongdoing victims dead colonisation rebuild property restore items development countries precedent Germany Israel World War II descendants independently wealthy financially cripple Western country economic depression judge victims work out pay should long period reparations historical injustices immediate compensation long-term effects victim identification economic development moral obligation financial burden descendant beneficiaries reparations precedent World War II reparations economic depression wealth distribution compensation purpose colonial reparations temporal justice Painter J. & Jeffrey A. (2011) reparations historical injustice compensation colonialism victims descendants economic impact precedence moral obligation legal responsibility time factor reparative justice societal development financial reparations international relations moral amends wrongdoing colonial impact economic depression wealth distribution reparations historical injustices descendants economic impact moral obligation legal precedent restitution colonialism World War II intergenerational wealth financial responsibility societal development reparative justice time limitation victim identification
test-science-eassgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research harm animals killed medical research release wild pets solution wild birth interest animals banned prevent deaths millions animals animal research animal harm animal testing animal welfare animal rights animal ethics cruelty-free research alternative methods laboratory animals animal experimentation animal suffering animal death animal release animal pet suitability wild animals animal birth animal research ban animal protection medical research animals animal testing consequences animal testing statistics animal research alternatives ethical research methods animal cruelty prevention animal life preservation animal research harm animal welfare experimentation animal rights ethics laboratory animals medical testing alternatives animal suffering animal death wild animals pet suitability animal release humane research cruelty-free animal protection moral considerations scientific research animal experimentation ethics non-animal methods regulatory changes animal liberation compassionate science animal advocacy ethical research end animal testing animal research severe harm animal suffering animal death medical research animal testing animal rights cruelty-free research alternative methods animal welfare ethical treatment research ethics laboratory animals animal experimentation humane solutions banning animal research animal conservation wild animals captive breeding animal liberation animal research severe harm animal suffering experimentation animal death annual statistics medical research release into wild pet adoption wild-born animals animal welfare research ban ethical treatment animal rights laboratory animals humane alternatives scientific testing animal ethics animal testing cruelty-free research Animal research animal harm animal testing animal welfare ethical concerns animal rights research ethics animal experimentation laboratory animals medical research animal death animal suffering alternative methods animal liberation humane research non-animal models animal protection scientific ethics animal cruelty banning animal research animal conservation laboratory conditions post-experiment fate animal release wild animals pet suitability ethical treatment animal death prevention animal use statistics research alternatives animal-free research moral obligations animal interests human-animal conflict research methodologies animal welfare laws ethical standards laboratory practices animal sacrifice animal research severe harm animal suffering animal death medical research animal testing laboratory animals wild animals pet adoption research ethics animal rights animal welfare harm prevention research banning animal experimentation animal cruelty animal release wild habitat humane alternatives scientific research ethical treatment animal protection vivisection non-animal testing laboratory conditions humane science animal liberation public health environmental impact animal conservation end animal testing cruelty-free research ethical research methods animal experimentation ethics animal testing alternatives animal cruelty prevention animal research regulation animal research harm animal rights movement animal research severe harm animal suffering animal experimentation animal testing animal death animal rights animal welfare medical research animals animal release wild animals pet suitability animal research ethics animal research alternatives research animal death animal research ban animal protection animal cruelty animal exploitation ethical research methods animal research severe harm animal welfare ethical concerns animal testing laboratory animals animal rights medical research animal experimentation animal killing alternative methods research ethics animal suffering humane alternatives animal release pet adoption wild animals animal death research ban animal protection animal research animal harm animal testing animal welfare animal rights laboratory animals ethical concerns animal experimentation animal suffering animal death animal release wild animals research alternatives animal ban animal protection
test-international-appghblsba-con02a	A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, A local, decentralized authority can provide better opportunities and solutions for Lesotho  With a population of only 2 million people the Basotho would not have the voice and the votes for legislative and executive authority in SA. South Africa’s population of 53million would swamp their voice. Moreover, keeping the local government in place provides a better option for the people in Lesotho as they are closer to their government than they would be in a bigger state. Lesotho needs a decentralized government that can respond to the wishes and needs of the people. This is something the SA government might not be able to provide it as they are trying to provide general solutions for all of its territory. [1] Lesotho is one of the leaders for democracy in Southern Africa [2] ; joining South Africa would not provide an improvement in accountability. In Europe and even in South Africa, secession movements exists because people feel they are better represented in a smaller state as their vote is more important. This is the case with the king of the abaThembu who is seeking an independent state from the SA government. [3]  [1] ‘9 major problems facing South Africa - and how to fix them’, Leader, 18 July 2011,   [2] Jordan, Michael J., ‘Lesotho leads southern Africa in democracy’, globalpost, 7 June 2012,   [3] ‘Angry king Dalindyebo seeks independent state’, City Press, 23 December 2009, Lesotho decentralized authority local government Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority voice votes democracy accountability secession movements abaThembu independent state king Dalindyebo Southern Africa general solutions territory representation smaller state improvement regional governance political voice democratic leadership secession autonomy King of abaThembu City Press Leader globalpost Michael J. Jordan 2011 2012 2009 Lesotho decentralized authority local government Basotho South Africa population dynamics legislative representation executive power accountability democracy secession movements abaThembu independent state regional governance territorial administration public policy citizen engagement voting power minority rights state structure governance models Southern Africa political representation community needs responsive government general solutions specific solutions political accountability democratic leadership European secession Dalindyebo Lesotho decentralized authority local government Basotho population South Africa legislative authority executive authority democracy Southern Africa secession movements secession abaThembu independent state accountability representation vote importance general solutions territorial governance decentralized authority local governance Basotho Lesotho South Africa population dynamics legislative authority executive authority accountability democracy secession movements abaThembu independent state South African government voice and votes smaller state representation general solutions decentralized authority local governance Lesotho Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority democracy accountability secession movements abaThembu independent state smaller state representation vote importance Southern Africa Europe general solutions territorial governance citizen-government proximity responsiveness wishes needs improvement democratic leadership major problems solutions political representation king Dalindyebo City Press globalpost Leader Lesotho decentralized government local authority Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority democracy secession movements abaThembu king Dalindyebo representation smaller state accountability general solutions territory improvement democratic leadership Southern Africa vote importance independent state European secession Lesotho decentralized authority Basotho South Africa population disparity legislative authority executive authority local government democracy Southern Africa accountability secession movements abaThembu independent state King Dalindyebo regional governance voter representation general solutions territorial management democratic leadership secessionist sentiments minority rights political autonomy governance proximity public needs state responsiveness democratic improvement political voice regional representation governance structures decentralized governance local autonomy political participation regional control legislative influence executive decision-making community engagement governance effectiveness political systems democratic processes local governance decentralized authority Lesotho Basotho population South Africa legislative power executive authority secession movements smaller state representation king abaThembu democratic leadership Southern Africa state autonomy government responsiveness community needs political accountability secession trends European secession regional governance local government benefits population dynamics legislative representation democratic improvement voice in governance state size and governance general solutions vs specific needs democratic processes secession motivations independent state aspirations local vs national government governance proximity democratic leadership in Lesotho secession within South Africa legislative decentralized authority local governance Lesotho Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority democracy secession abaThembu accountability smaller state independence representation voice government proximity responsive governance general solutions territorial governance improvement problems solutions European secession movements King Dalindyebo City Press globalpost Leader Jordan Michael Southern Africa democracy leader angry king independent state SA government decentralized government local authority Lesotho Basotho South Africa population legislative authority executive authority secession movements accountability democracy abaThembu independent state king Dalindyebo general solutions local government Southern Africa secession representation vote importance decentralized solutions improved governance smaller state benefits regional autonomy political voice legislative representation secessionist tendencies democratic leadership accountability improvement local governance regional governance territorial management political participation democratic representation minority rights state independence Lesotho independence governance proximity national solutions
test-culture-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. copyright protection financial support artists families creative output copyright laws policy revenue creative commons financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output sell profit work policy revenue creative commons financial burden copyright laws robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists families creative output sell profit work creative commons revenue financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work Artists copyright protection financial support families creative output existing copyright laws policy creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output revenue policy creative commons existing laws robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financially support artists creative output existing copyright laws sell and profit creative commons added financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation alone secure copyright find other work copyright protection financial support creative output existing copyright laws sell and profit potential revenue creative commons financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants secure copyright find other work copyright protection artists financial support creative output selling art profit copyright laws creative commons revenue families financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright financial support families creative output profit work policy creative commons revenue added financial burden robust system protection struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation less secure copyright find other work copyright protection financially support creative output copyright laws policy impact creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro01a	Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 Authoritarian leadership  President Kagame though considered a visionary leader has made Rwanda a country based on one man’s ideas. He has silenced critics, opposition and any counter arguments that may not support his opinions through tough rules imposed against the media and free speech. This sparked misunderstandings within the government forcing 4 four high rank officials in exile, one, an ex-intelligence chief was recently murdered in South Africa[1].  Rwanda is essentially a hard-line, one-party, secretive police state with a façade of democracy[2]. To avoid future conflict and government break down Kagame needs to convene a genuine, inclusive, unconditional and comprehensive national dialogue with the aim of preparing and strengthening the country’s future progress.  The fact that most Rwandans still want him to run for re-election after his two terms in 2017 shows how much he has controlled people to believe he is the only potential leader in a country of more than 11 million citizens. If Rwanda is to have a stable future democracy it needs to be recognised that the opposition are patriots too and should be entitled to freedom of speech and press to give them an opportunity to share their views on how the country can be improved. For democracy in Rwanda to progress the country needs to accept the idea of freedom of speech and a ‘loyal opposition’.[3]  [1] Aljazeera Africa news, ‘Rwandan ex-spy chief found dead in S Africa’, Aljazeera.com, 2 January 2014  [2] Kenzer, Stephen, ‘Kagame's authoritarian turn risks Rwanda's future’, thegurdian.com, 27 January 2011  [3] Fisher, Julie, ‘Emerging Voices: Julie Fisher on Democratization NGOs and Loyal Opposition’, CFR, 13 March 2013 authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader one-man rule silenced critics opposition silence media restrictions free speech limitations government misunderstandings high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line state one-party system secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict prevention government breakdown national dialogue inclusive dialogue unconditional dialogue comprehensive dialogue future progress Rwandan re-election controlled population potential leader perception stable democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press freedom country improvement democratic progress Rwanda stability democratization political repression human rights international perspective Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one-man rule critics silenced opposition suppression media restrictions free speech limitations government officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murdered hard-line state one-party system secretive police state façade of democracy conflict prevention government stability national dialogue inclusive governance Rwandan democracy re-election controversy public opinion control loyal opposition freedom of speech press freedom country improvement democratic progress stable future Rwanda future Kagame's leadership Aljazeera Africa Stephen Kenzer Julie Fisher CFR the Guardian Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue stable future democracy Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy freedom of speech loyal opposition Rwanda Aljazeera Africa news Rwandan ex-spy chief thegurdian.com Kagame's authoritarian turn authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue inclusive unconditional comprehensive future progress Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press improve country Rwanda democracy progress accept freedom opposition patri authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue inclusive unconditional comprehensive future progress Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy opposition patriots freedom of speech press loyal opposition Aljazeera Africa news Stephen Kenzer authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue genuine inclusive unconditional comprehensive country’s future progress Rwandans re-election controlled potential leader stable future democracy opposition patriots freedom of speech press improved country democracy progress loyal Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition suppression free speech restrictions media censorship high-ranking officials in exile murdered ex-intelligence chief hard-line police state façade of democracy national dialogue re-election controversy controlled public opinion loyal opposition democracy freedom of speech press freedom Rwanda stability future progress CFR Guardian Aljazeera Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one-man rule silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high-ranking officials exile ex-intelligence chief murder South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown national dialogue inclusive unconditional comprehensive future progress Rwandans re-election controlled potential leader stable future democracy loyal opposition freedom of speech press country improvement democratization NGOs authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader Rwanda one man’s ideas silenced critics opposition counter arguments tough rules media free speech misunderstandings government high rank officials exile ex-intelligence chief murdered South Africa hard-line one-party secretive police state façade of democracy future conflict government breakdown genuine inclusive unconditional comprehensive national dialogue country’s future progress Rwandans re-election controlled people potential leader stable future democracy opposition patriots freedom of speech press share views country improvement democracy progress Authoritarian leadership President Kagame visionary leader one-man rule criticism suppression media restrictions free speech censorship government dissent high-ranking officials in exile ex-intelligence chief murder hard-line police state democratic façade national dialogue future conflict prevention Rwandan public opinion re-election support controlled public perception loyal opposition democracy progress freedom of speech press freedom opposition rights country improvement Rwanda stability democratic development international news Aljazeera The Guardian CFR Julie Fisher Stephen Kenzer
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro01a	"Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Radical changes risk the stability of the Catholic Church.  Whenever a Church makes a radical change to its doctrines and teachings it causes a huge amount of tension within the Church. An excellent example of this is the Church of England allowing women to become bishops; a huge number of people left the Church over the controversy. Since the Catholic Church's ban over contraception of all kinds is something that it has stood fast over for a great number of years, as well as something that sets it apart from most other denominations and faiths, the proposition believes that a change in this would result in a huge amount of tension within the Church. This tension would inevitably bring about a considerable risk of large parts of the Church collapsing altogether. This would be much the same as the tensions over gay priests in the Anglican church that have led to fears of a schism1. Therefore, in the interests of its own stability, the sensible course of action for the Catholic Church to take is to maintain its ban on contraception. 1 Brown, Andrew. ""Jeffrey John and the global Anglican schism: a potted history."" Guardian.co.uk, 8 July 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops contraception ban Anglican church gay priests schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian religious reforms denominational differences faith practices doctrinal shift church leadership congregational response religious controversy traditional values modernization ecclesiastical policy moral authority faith community institutional integrity religious tradition societal change church membership doctrinal consistency religious authority ecclesiastical governance theological debate church discipline religious dissent ecumenical relations interfaith dialogue Catholic Church radical changes stability tension doctrine teachings Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes risk tension doctrinal shifts contraception ban Church of England women bishops schism Anglican church gay priests Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 religious controversy doctrinal integrity membership loss faith denominations Catholic Church radical changes stability doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Andrew Brown Jeffrey John global Anglican schism Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops controversy contraception ban denominations faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian.co.uk radical changes Catholic Church stability doctrinal shifts tension within churches Church of England women bishops membership decline contraception ban Catholic identity religious controversy Anglican schism gay priests church unity doctrinal integrity social change religious institutions traditional values modernization faith community internal conflict Catholic Church stability radical changes doctrine tension Church of England women bishops contraception schism Anglican church gay priests Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes risk doctrine teachings tension Church of England women bishops controversy Catholic ban contraception denominations faiths schism Anglican church gay priests Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 Catholic Church stability radical changes risk tension Church of England women bishops contraception ban denominations faiths gay priests Anglican church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010 radical changes Catholic Church stability doctrines teachings tension Church of England women bishops controversy contraception ban denominations faiths risk collapse gay priests Anglican Church schism Jeffrey John Andrew Brown Guardian 2010"
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con01a	Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights are of less moral worth than human rights  Humans are complex beings with large well developed brains, that form sizeable social groups, have significant ability to communicate with one another, possess interconnected desires, preferences and interests about the world, have an awareness of their own existence and mortality, and as such are beings worthy of moral consideration. Animals too express some of these characteristics to some degree and thus animals too are worthy of moral consideration. However, animal lives and human lives are of unequal value. This is due to the fact that no animal possesses all of these characteristics to the same degree as the average human, or even comes particularly close. Thus any rights ascribed to animals should be truncated relative to the rights we ascribe to humans. [1] Therefore animals should not rightly possess the same rights to not be experimented upon as humans might. To the extent to which causing some harm to animals brings great benefit to humans, we are morally justified in creating some moral harm, to achieve a far greater moral good.  [1] Frey, R. G., “Moral Standing: The Value of Life and Speciesism”, in La Follette (ed.), Ethics in Practice, (Malden, Mass; Oxford : Blackwell Pub, 2007) Animals' rights human rights moral worth moral consideration complex beings well-developed brains social groups communication interconnected desires preferences interests awareness existence mortality unequal value characteristics truncated rights experimentation moral justification harm benefit speciesism ethics moral standing value of life animal ethics human exceptionalism moral consideration rights hierarchy animal experimentation speciesism moral justification human-animal comparison cognitive abilities social complexity communication capabilities moral value life value ethical treatment sentient beings Frey's argument moral harm moral good ethical philosophy bioethics animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration cognitive abilities social complexity communication skills moral justification ethical treatment speciesism experimental ethics moral harm moral good Frey RG ethics in practice La Follette Blackwell Pub 2007 animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration human complexity brain development social groups communication abilities interconnected desires self-awareness mortality awareness animal characteristics moral value unequal life value truncated animal rights experimentation ethics human benefit moral harm moral justification speciesism R.G. Frey Ethics in Practice La Follette animals' rights human rights moral worth moral consideration human complexity brain development social groups communication desires preferences interests awareness existence mortality animal characteristics moral value life value unequal value rights truncation animal experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism ethical justifications R. G. Frey moral standing value of life Animals' rights human rights moral worth moral consideration complex beings large brains social groups communication interconnected desires preferences interests awareness of existence mortality animal characteristics moral value unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism ethical considerations moral standing value of life animal rights human rights moral worth moral consideration complex beings well-developed brains social groups communication desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality moral value truncated rights experimentation moral justification speciesism ethics R. G. Frey moral standing value of life Animals' rights human rights moral worth complex beings social groups communication desires preferences interests awareness existence mortality moral consideration unequal value truncated rights experimentation moral harm moral good speciesism ethical theory Frey R. G. moral standing value of life Animal ethics moral worth human rights animal rights moral consideration cognitive capacity social complexity communication ability self-awareness mortality awareness moral justification ethical treatment speciesism moral harm moral good experimentation ethics benefit-to-harm ratio rights truncation ethical practice moral philosophy moral worth human rights animal rights moral consideration complex beings well-developed brains social groups communication desires preferences interests self-awareness mortality unequal value truncated rights moral harm moral good speciesism ethical justification human benefit animal experimentation
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con01a	Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google can’t afford to abandon the Chinese market  In 2010, the search market in China was valued at $1.7 billion and was expected to grow at an average of 50% per year for the coming few years. [1] After the 2010 incident, Google has been losing market share in China rapidly. [2] From a business perspective, Google just can’t afford to miss out on such a business opportunity: not only will it miss entering this market when it is growing, it will also forfeit a comfortable position in the search market from which it can build its other businesses, like gmail and android, the way it does in other countries. [3]  [1] Melanie Lee, ‘Analysis: A year after China retreat, Google plots new growth’, Reuters, January 13, 2011. URL:   [2] Reuters, ‘Google search share slips as Baidu gains report’, July 26, 2010, URL:   [3] Kyle Baxter, ‘Android isn’t about building a mobile platform’, January 4, 2011. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share China Baidu Android Gmail business growth market entry China retreat search share mobile platform digital competition international business strategy technology market expansion Google China market search market growth business opportunity market share loss China search market Gmail Android mobile platform Baidu business strategy China internet regulations tech market expansion digital presence competitive advantage international business tech industry trends user base growth revenue potential strategic entry Google China market search market business opportunity market share growth rate business perspective market entry Gmail Android Baidu competition digital presence strategic importance international expansion technology sector economic impact user base digital services revenue potential Google Chinese market search market business opportunity market share Baidu Android Gmail business perspective growth expansion technology internet competition revenue strategic position mobile platform digital services user base Google Chinese market search market China 2010 $1.7 billion 50% growth market share business opportunity gmail android Baidu mobile platform business perspective market entry competition technology digital market international business strategic planning Google Chinese market search market valuation business opportunity market share Baidu gmail android business perspective market growth digital strategy technology sector international business competition mobile platform online services economic impact digital presence consumer electronics internet services market analysis business expansion revenue growth global markets tech innovation digital marketing business development strategic planning market dynamics commercial interests industry trends technology companies business environment market conditions digital economy corporate strategy commercial strategy business recovery market entry digital landscape technology leadership business challenges market trends economic opportunities Google Chinese market search market value market growth 2010 incident market share decline business opportunity market entry business expansion Gmail Android Baidu mobile platform digital services international business strategies tech competition market forecast economic impact online services technology sector strategic positioning Google Chinese market search market 2010 $1.7 billion 50% growth market share business opportunity gmail android Baidu Kyle Baxter Melanie Lee Reuters Google Chinese market 2010 search market value growth rate market share business opportunity gmail android Melanie Lee Reuters Kyle Baxter Baidu mobile platform Google Chinese market search market value growth rate market share business opportunity gmail android Baidu mobile platform digital ecosystem international expansion consumer base technological advancement regulatory environment competitive landscape user experience revenue streams strategic partnerships localization strategy
test-international-bldimehbn-pro01a	Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, Broadcasters almost never show scenes of torture or torment because they know this will cause offence, the same principle should apply here.  Journalists and editors use their judgement all the time on what is acceptable to print or broadcast. Expletives [1] or graphic images of violence or sex are routinely prevented because they would cause offence, giving personal details might cause distress and are omitted as a courtesy, and the identities of minors are protected as a point of law in most jurisdictions. It is simply untrue to suggest that journalists report the ‘unvarnished truth’ with no regard to its ramifications. Where a particular fact or image is likely to cause offence or distress, it is routine to exercise self-censorship – it’s called discretion and professional judgement [2] . Indeed, the news outlets that fail to do so are the ones most frequently and vociferously denounced by the high-minded intelligentsia who so frequently argue that broadcasting issues such as this constitutes free speech.  It is palpably and demonstrably true that news outlets seek to avoid offending their market; so liberal newspapers avoid exposés of bad behaviour by blacks or homosexuals otherwise they wouldn’t have a readership. [3] Most journalists try to minimise the harm caused by their reporting as shown by a study interviewing journalists on their ethics but how they define this harm and what they think will cause offence differs. [4] Western journalists may find it awkward that many in the Arab world find the issue of homosexuality unpleasant or offensive but many of the same journalists would be aghast if they were asked to report activities that ran counter to their cultural sensibilities simply as fact.  [1] Trask, Larry, ‘The Other Marks on Your Keyboard’, University of Sussex, 1997,   [2] For example see the BBC guide to editorial policy.  [3] Posner, Richard, A., ‘Bad News’, The New York Times, 31 July 2005,   [4] Deppa, Joan A, & Plaisance, Patrick Lee, 2009 ‘Perceptions and Manifestations of Autonomy, Transparency and Harm Among U.S. Newspaper Journalists’, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, pp.328-386, p.358, broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic images violence sex personal details distress courtesy minors jurisdictions unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional discretion professional judgement news outlets market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership harm reporting ethics Arab world homosexuality unpleasant offensive cultural sensibilities BBC editorial policy Posner Richard A Bad News New broadcasters journalists editors judgement expletives graphic images violence sex offence distress personal details minors law unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional judgement free speech market bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality Western journalists BBC guide editorial policy Posner Richard Deppa Joan Plaisance Patrick Lee autonomy transparency harm U.S. Newspaper Journalists broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress courtesy minors law unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional free speech market bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics cultural sensibilities fact western arab homosexuality unpleasant offended activities counter reporting harm perceptions manifestations autonomy transparency newspaper association education journalism mass communication self-censorship journalistic discretion professional judgement offensive content broadcast standards ethical reporting harm minimization cultural sensitivity editorial policy free speech news market reader sensibilities journalistic ethics content regulation media responsibility public offense journalistic autonomy transparency harm perception media ethics broadcast ethics journalistic practice cultural norms offensive reporting news judgment editorial discretion media sensibilities journalistic integrity content omitting broadcaster responsibility news integrity ethical journalism media self-regulation public distress news reporting content filtering media accountability journalistic standards news content media professionalism public broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors identities jurisdictions unvarnished truth self-censorship discretion professional news outlets free speech liberal newspapers readership ethics harm cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality BBC editorial policy Posner Richard A. Deppa Joan A Plaisance Patrick Lee perceptions autonomy transparency U.S Newspaper journalists Association broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement acceptable print expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors protection jurisdiction unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional news outlets free speech market liberal newspapers exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals readership ethics harm cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality BBC editorial policy Posner Richard A Bad News New York Times De broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors law unvarnished truth ramifications self-censorship discretion professional free speech market bad behaviour readership ethics harm Arab homosexuality cultural sensibilities Trask BBC Posner Deppa Plaisance autonomy transparency journalists editors self-censorship discretion professional judgement offensive content broadcast standards journalistic ethics harm minimization cultural sensitivity reader/viewer offense media responsibility free speech market sensitivity audience offense news reporting censorship editorial policy journalistic conduct harm definition cultural sensibilities Arab world homosexuality Western journalists bad behaviour reporting standards U.S. newspaper journalists media ethics news outlet reputation responsible reporting content regulation media studies (Posner Richard A. ‘Bad News’ The New York Times 31 July 2005) broadcasters scenes torture torment offence journalists editors judgement expletives graphic violence sex personal details distress minors discretion professional self-censorship free speech market readership exposés bad behaviour blacks homosexuals ethics harm Arab homosexuality cultural sensibilities BBC editorial policy Posner Bad News Deppa Plaisance perceptions manifestations autonomy transparency U.S newspapers journalistic discretion professional judgement self-censorship offensive content harm minimization editorial policy broadcast standards journalistic ethics media responsibility reader sensibilities cultural differences news reporting harm definition journalist autonomy transparency media ethics bias market sensitivity free speech Arab world Western journalists homosexuality cultural sensibilities news integrity Posner Trask Deppa Plaisance BBC guide AEJMC New York Times University of Sussex
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro02a	Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. Terrorist organisations such as Al Qaida do not respect the rights of individuals and the only way to fight fire is with fire  Terrorist networks use fear, pain and suffering as their stock in trade. By definition, terror organisations are not bound by legal due process or rights of appeal and review. Instead they deal out death to innocent members of society who have no power to alter the events and policies that motivate terrorists atrocities.  By contrast, the first role of governments is to protect their citizens’ safety and they should use all tools possible to ensure that innocents are not threatened with random death and destruction.  In the light of these two realities, it is appropriate for governments to take extreme measure, such as torture, to protect their citizens. terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire fear pain suffering stock in trade terror organisations legal due process rights of appeal death innocent members society power events policies motivate terrorist atrocities governments protect citizens safety tools innocents random death destruction extreme measures torture protect citizens terrorism Al Qaida human rights counter-terrorism extreme measures torture government responsibilities public safety due process innocent civilians terrorist motivations legal frameworks ethical considerations law enforcement national security civil liberties vigilance proactive defense international law humanitarian law terrorism Al Qaida human rights combat terrorism fear violence terror networks legal due process government responsibility citizen protection extreme measures torture security policies anti-terrorism civil liberties societal safety militant groups state security counterterrorism strategies ethical dilemmas terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire terror networks fear pain suffering stock in trade legal due process rights of appeal death to innocents government's role protect citizens extreme measures torture random death destruction protect innocents justify extreme actions ethical implications human rights state violence counter-terrorism policies moral justification legal boundaries citizen safety national security terrorist motivations innocent civilians government responsibility protective measures controversial tactics due process human dignity security vs. rights societal protection ethical dilemmas justified means Terrorism Al Qaida rights individuals fight fire fear pain suffering terror organisations legal due process rights of appeal death innocent citizens government role safety extreme measures torture protection citizens random death destruction policies atrocities motivation security counterterrorism human rights ethics legality Terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire terrorist networks fear pain suffering stock in trade terror organisations legal due process rights of appeal review death innocent members society power events policies motivate terrorist atrocities governments protect citizens safety tools innocents threatened random death destruction extreme measures torture protect citizens terrorism Al Qaida human rights government response national security torture counterterrorism due process innocent civilians extremity measures legal framework moral justification safety policies societal protection terrorist motivations violent tactics state authority ethical dilemmas security measures public safety Terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire fear pain suffering terror networks legal due process rights of appeal death innocent citizens government protection citizen safety extreme measures torture Terrorism Al Qaida human rights government policies counterterrorism extreme measures torture protection of citizens legal due process terror networks motivation for terrorism innocent civilians safety and security ethical dilemmas in counterterrorism use of force in counterterrorism international law and terrorism moral implications of counterterrorism terrorist atrocities fighting terrorism public safety national security terrorist motivations counterterrorist strategies lawful vs unlawful combatants human rights in counterterrorism ethical limits in counterterrorism political violence state response to terrorism non-state actors violent extremism legal frameworks for counterterrorism terrorist organisations Al Qaida rights of individuals fight fire with fire fear pain suffering stock in trade legal due process rights of appeal death innocent citizens governments protect citizens safety extreme measures torture protect innocents random death destruction government responsibility terrorist atrocities motivate policies events alter protect safety security human rights legal limits ethical considerations Justification prevention response terrorism counter-terrorism civil liberties due process rule of law moral implications public safety national security human dignity ethical warfare non
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro05a	Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. Microfinance and protection  Access to a small loan provides benefits for the poor’s ability to access high quality health care. A lack of access to banking facilities - loans and credit - may mean the poor are left excluded from health care services as these are usually not free. Microfinance institutions accept the irregularities of the poor’s income, so enabling health care to be affordable to the poor by providing access to finance. As Ofori-Adjei (2007) shows the integration of microfinance institutions within healthcare systems in Ghana is required to resolve the issue of inaccessibility. Ill health should not put a household into a state of poverty - microfinance provides this protection.  Microfinance schemes not only provide loans to access health care but are now integrating non-financial services, such as health education, within their finance schemes. microfinance health care loans credit banking facilities poverty financial services health education Ghana Ofori-Adjei poverty protection microcredit healthcare systems non-financial services income irregularities health care access household poverty finance schemes microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit irregular income affordable health care microfinance institutions healthcare systems Ghana health education non-financial services financial protection household poverty integrated microfinance microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities healthcare systems Ghana non-financial services health education income irregularities household protection financial inclusion microfinance institutions health accessibility economic empowerment social protection integrated services public health financial services community health economic development rural finance health financing microcredit microloans healthcare financing health coverage financial education health promotion poverty alleviation microinsurance health security financial support healthcare affordability health protection financial innovation healthcare integration microsavings health financing mechanisms health policy inclusive microfinance protection access small loan poor health care benefits lack banking facilities loans credit exclusion free microfinance institutions irregular income affordable finance integration healthcare systems Ghana inaccessibility household poverty ill health non-financial services health education finance schemes Microfinance health care access poverty alleviation financial services banking facilities credit irregular income affordable health care microfinance institutions healthcare systems Ghana health education non-financial services poverty protection loan schemes microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit microfinance institutions irregular income health care affordability health education non-financial services poverty protection healthcare systems integration Ghana inaccessibility resolution household poverty ill health microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit microfinance institutions irregular income affordable health care financial protection health education non-financial services healthcare systems integration Ghana Ofori-Adjei 2007 inaccessibility ill health household poverty microfinance health care poverty access loans credit banking facilities healthcare services income irregularities finance protection inaccessibility integration healthcare systems Ghana household poverty health education non-financial services Microfinance health care poverty loans credit banking facilities health education non-financial services income irregularities Ghana healthcare systems Ofori-Adjei inaccessibility household poverty financial protection Microfinance health care access poverty banking facilities loans credit income irregularities finance affordability healthcare systems Ghana health education non-financial services household poverty protection microfinance schemes health care financing financial services integration health care services microfinance institutions financial protection
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con03a	The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. The status quo reveals that several powerful and influential people are in charge of the whole state  What is occurring in Russia now is closer to dictatorship rather than to strong leadership. Many commentators of the Russian political stage share the opinion that Medvedev is just a pawn in the hands of the former president and current prime minister – Putin. “The leading role still clearly belongs to Putin. This reflects the unspoken agreement that was reached between Putin and Medvedev,” said Yevgeny Volk, an independent political analyst in Moscow. (6) Russia’s both external and internal policy have not changed after the elections in 2008 and are following the same path, which is another argument that Putin continues to pull the strings.  In fact, the more important question is not whether or not Medvedev is a pawn, but who is actually in charge – “Kremlin-watchers say this system of interlocking and competing clans that is managed by Putin comprises the core of Russia's ruling elite. The key players, the people with decision making power, number about thirty. The inner circle, most agree, comprises about twelve people… There are something like a dozen of the most influential guys in the first circle and perhaps two dozen who are less influential in the second circle. These are not only managers but also shareholders who are not that visible or public...Not only do they manage Russia...but they also enrich themselves pretty actively.” (7) This poses the debate is such a status quo in the best interest of Russia and its people or is the exact opposite. Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin ruling elite decision making clans status quo political influence internal policy external policy elections power dynamics leadership roles political control governance national interest public interest political system elite circles state management economic interests political watchers power structure political debates Russian politics elite power political circles political clans national governance political elites leadership analysis political control government structure political power Russia's leadership political debate elite influence political control state affairs political stakeholders political Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership Kremlin political analysts Yevgeny Volk Russian policy elections 2008 ruling elite clans decision making influence status quo Russian people leadership debate political stage power strings pawn management shareholders enrichment public interest debate internal policy external policy political elite interlocking clans competing clans influence circles Kremlin-watchers political control governance democracy autocracy political structure elite circles power dynamics russian politics political system leadership roles governance model political Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite internal policy external policy elections status quo influence power clans shareholders management enrichment debate best interest people Russia political leadership Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers Russian politics status quo ruling elite clans decision-making power influence internal policy external policy elections 2008 governance public interest debate political structure elites shareholders management enrichment Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev pawn Putin political analyst Yevgeny Volk Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision-making power managers shareholders status quo people's interest status quo powerful people state control Russian politics dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev Putin political commentator Yevgeny Volk unspoken agreement Russian policy 2008 elections Kremlin-watchers ruling elite decision making inner circle shareholders managers enrich themselves Russia's best interest political debate Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship strong leadership political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite inner circle decision making shareholders status quo national interest people's interest Russia Putin Medvedev dictatorship leadership political analysts Kremlin elite clans decision-making status quo governance power influence internal policy external policy elections political system leadership structure national interest public interest Russia dictatorship strong leadership Medvedev pawn Putin political analysts Kremlin-watchers ruling elite clans decision-making internal policy external policy elections status quo best interest people influence power shareholders managers enrichment debate Russia politics Putin Medvedev dictatorship leadership Kremlin political analysts ruling elite clans decision-making power status quo influence shareholders managers enrichment public interest debate
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro02a	It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. It blocks a significant amount of evidence  A system of just law is not based on opinions or ideologies. It is about finding evidence and using that evidence to prove or disprove either to 'beyond reasonable doubt' for criminal cases or 'on the balance of probabilities' for civil and commercial matters. The burden is on the importance of the evidence. It does not make sense for a legal system to on one hand place so much emphasis on evidence and lock away documents which will contain a vast array of empirical evidence with the other. Instead, attorney-client privilege should be abolished and all evidence should be in justices domain in order to ensure that the law achieves a just result. evidence proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal system attorney-client privilege abolish justice empirical evidence document access judicial domain fairness law ideology opinion importance of evidence criminal cases civil matters commercial matters legal process justice system transparency legal reform client confidentiality legal ethics judicial review evidentiary standards legal principles legal doctrine legal theory legal practice legal judgment legal outcomes legal procedures legal documentation legal transparency legal accountability evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law empirical evidence burden of proof criminal cases civil matters reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal reform judicial domain transparency justice evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence legal reform judicial process transparency accountability justice fairness legal principles legal documentation court procedures legal ethics trial standards admissible evidence legal philosophy legal rights legal obligations legal responsibility legal transparency legal access legal barriers legal information legal documentation legal discovery legal investigation legal proof legal standards legal outcomes legal judgment legal decision-making legal procedures legal practice legal conduct legal ethics legal norms legal values legal principles legal attorney-client privilege empirical evidence beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal system just law importance of evidence abolish attorney-client privilege justices domain fair trial due process legal ethics confidentiality privilege abolition evidence admissibility judicial fairness legal reform evidentiary rules legal principles justice system improvement evidence legal system attorney-client privilege just law empirical evidence burden of proof criminal cases civil matters reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal transparency justice evidence attorney-client privilege legal system just law burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence abolition of privilege judicial domain fair trial legal ethics confidentiality transparency in justice evidence legal system attorney-client privilege burden of proof empirical evidence just law criminal cases civil matters beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities legal reform transparency justice evidence legal system attorney-client privilege abolition just result criminal cases civil matters burden of proof beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence document access judicial domain law efficacy legal reform attorney-client privilege empirical evidence legal system just law burden of evidence criminal cases civil matters beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities justice legal reform transparency court procedures evidentiary standards evidence legal system attorney-client privilege justice beyond reasonable doubt balance of probabilities empirical evidence legal outcomes legal transparency abolish privilege judicial domain fair trial legal reform admissible evidence court procedures witness testimony confidentiality legal ethics public interest accountability
test-education-udfakusma-pro01a	Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, Opens up education  Higher education, as with other levels of education, should be open to all. Universities are universally respected as the highest form of educational institution available and it is a matter of principle that everyone should have access to this higher level of education. Unfortunately not everyone in the world has this access usually because they cannot afford it, but it may also be because they are not academically inclined. This does not however mean that it is right to simply cut them off from higher educational opportunities. Should those who do not attend university not have access to the same resources as those who do?  This can have an even greater impact globally than within an individual country. 90% of the world’s population currently have no access to higher education. Providing access to all academic work gives them the opportunities that those in developed countries already have. [1]  [1] Daniel, Sir John, and Killion, David, “Are open educational resources the key to global economic growth?”, Guardian Professional, 4 July 2012, open education higher education access universal education educational equity university access academic inclusivity global education open educational resources economic growth educational resources academic opportunities global higher education education affordability education for all academic diversity higher learning educational institutions knowledge sharing educational barriers global education gap higher education accessibility equal educational opportunities global education disparity open educational resources university access affordable education academic inclusivity educational equity non-traditional learners global economic growth educational resources distance learning online education lifelong learning educational barriers socioeconomic status and education international education policies academic freedom knowledge democratization educational technology Higher education open access academic resources global education economic growth educational opportunities university access open educational resources academic inclusion educational equity Higher education universal access educational equity academic resources global impact economic growth open educational resources university attendance academicinclination financial barriers educational opportunities developed countries world population educational institutions principle of access denied opportunities respected institutions non-university paths resource distribution global education gap inclusive education knowledge democratization higher education access affordability academic inclination university resources global impact open educational resources economic growth education equity worldwide access educational opportunities developed countries academic work educational institutions principle of access non-university attendees resource distribution educational barriers socioeconomic factors educational inclusivity higher education open access educational resources academic opportunities global impact economic growth university attendance educational equity open educational resources academicinclination financial barriers educational institutions developed countries world population educational principles resource distribution higher education access universities global economic growth open educational resources equity academic resources developed countries world population educational opportunities principle affordability academic inclination educational levels institutional respect university attendance resource distribution international impact educational inclusivity higher education open access educational equality academic resources global education university access economic growth educational opportunities open educational resources scholarly communication academic inclusion educational technology online learning distance education educational policy international development learning equity educational barriers financial barriers academic diversity access affordability academic opportunities global impact open educational resources higher education universal access economic growth educational equity university resources non-university learners developed countries academic inclination educational institutions world population secondary education tertiary education education policy online learning remote education Higher education access equality university affordability academic resources global impact open educational resources economic growth education opportunities disadvantaged populations academic inclination developed countries educational institutions universal respect educational principles financial barriers educational expansion inclusive education
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro02a	"Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec has the right to self-determination.  All people have the right to determine their own form of government and representation and Quebec has been systematically denied this right.  Quebec has historically been denied the right to determine its own form of governance systematically and therefore the Canadian government has no right to claim legitimacy over Quebec and cannot stop it from leaving the federation.  The Canadian Constitution was patriated in 1982 in a backroom deal known as the Meech Lake Accord [1] where Quebec was explicitly excluded from the negotiations and their issues were ignored. Specifically, Quebec was attempting to entrench recognition of their special status and needs as a distant society within Canada [2] and this was denied. To this day, Quebec has refused to sign the Canadian constitution as it feels it doesn’t adequately represent its interests and needs [3] .  Therefore, Quebec has the right to independence as its sovereignty was illegitimately taken from it and it is systematically denied adequate representation in Canadian politics.  [1] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [2] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  .  [3] ""The Meech Lake Accord."" Peace and Conflict. Historica, n. d. Web. 1 Dec. 2011. <  . Quebec self-determination right government representation denied Canadian legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution 1982 Meech Lake Accord negotiations special status distant society constitution interests needs independence sovereignty political representation separatism autonomy Canadian political system constitutional exclusion national identity Quebecois cultural rights nationhood legal status federalism regional governance political rights democratic representation governance constitutional law Canadian history political disputes national movement constitutional reform sovereignty-association referendum political autonomy constitutional recognition political legitimacy Quebec self-determination government representation Canadian government legitimacy Canadian federation Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status distant society constitution signing interests needs independence sovereignty representation Canadian politics Quebec self-determination right government representation systematic denial Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution patriation 1982 Meech Lake Accord negotiations special status distinct society constitutional recognition interests needs independence sovereignty adequate representation Canadian politics Quebec self-determination right to independence Canadian government legitimacy Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status representation federalism sovereignty political exclusion constitutional recognition governance systematic denial democratic rights separatism Canadian politics historical grievances Quebec self-determination right government representation denied governance Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution patriation 1982 Meech Lake Accord negotiations special status distant society refused constitution interests sovereignty independence representation Canadian politics Quebec self-determination right government representation systematic denial governance Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution patriation 1982 Meech Lake Accord backroom deal negotiations distant society special status needs recognition constitution interests sovereignty independence adequate representation Canadian politics Quebec self-determination right to governance systemic denial Canadian government legitimacy Meech Lake Accord patriation 1982 special status distant society Canadian Constitution refusal to sign inadequate representation sovereignty independence political representation constitutional recognition historical exclusion backroom deal national rights provincial rights Canadian federation constitutional negotiations Quebec's interests Quebec's needs federal legitimacy Quebec sovereignty Canadian politics constitutional entrenchment special status recognition Quebec's political status federal-provincial relations Quebec's historical grievances constitutional rights democratic rights national self Quebec self-determination right governance representation denied Canadian government legitimacy independence sovereignty Meech Lake Accord Canadian Constitution 1982 negotiations special status distant society sign interests needs Canadian politics illegitimate systematic denial political rights constitutional recognition federalism autonomy Quebec separatism national identity cultural preservation political representation democratic rights constitutional reform minority rights Quebec's status Canadian federation constitutional exclusion political movement legal basis historical context government accountability democratic principles regional disparities governmental legitimacy constitutional legitimacy Quebec self-determination government representation Canadian federation Meech Lake Accord constitution 1982 patriated negotiations special status distant society legitimacy independence sovereignty Canadian politics adequate representation historical denied rights systematic denial political rights constitutional rights Quebecois nationalism separatism federalism constitutional amendments constitutional legitimacy Canadian Constitution Quebec Constitution political representation democratic rights national rights Quebec history Canadian history constitutional history political history legal history political science public law constitutional law international law self-determination Quebec self-determination right governance Canadian government legitimacy federation Canadian Constitution Meech Lake Accord special status distinct society constitution representation Canadian politics independence sovereignty patriation negotiations exclusion adequate representation"
test-culture-mmctghwbsa-pro02a	"Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 Women have a right to be free of stereotyping.  Women's rights to be free from stereotyping, prejudice, discrimination and objectification should be a matter of deep concern as they infringe on human rights related to gender. Advertising messages influence younger generations as well as send stereotypical images of men. As a result the objectification and violence against women will continue. Gender inequality and sexual harassment in the work place is not likely to diminish.1 This means that women will continue to suffer from discrimination based upon their gender. 1 Newswise.com, ""Study Find Rise in Sexualized Images of Women."" 2010 women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations stereotypical images violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images women's rights stereotyping gender inequality objectification discrimination prejudice human rights advertising influence younger generations sexualized images violence against women workplace sexual harassment gender-based discrimination women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations stereotypical images objectification of women violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images of women Women's rights gender equality stereotyping discrimination objectification human rights sexual harassment workplace inequality advertising influence younger generations violence against women sexualized images gender-based discrimination Newswise.com study 2010 findings Women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations stereotypical images men objectification violence women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination gender-based discrimination sexualized images study newswise.com 2010 women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations objectification of women violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images of women women's rights gender equality stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights advertising influence younger generations sexualized images violence against women sexual harassment workplace inequality gender-based discrimination women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations stereotypical images violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination based on gender sexualized images women's rights stereotyping prejudice discrimination objectification human rights gender advertising younger generations stereotypical images men objectification violence against women gender inequality sexual harassment workplace discrimination gender-based discrimination sexualized images study newswise.com"
test-culture-mthbah-con01a	Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. Small businesses need advertisements to make their products known.  If there wasn't advertising then small businesses would have no chance at all to make their product well known. Adverts can actually level the playing field - if you have a good new product, and market it in a clever way then it doesn't matter how small your company is, you can still make consumers interested. The more you restrict the freedom of information, the more this helps the large companies who everyone already knows about. small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising market competition level playing field new products marketing strategies consumer interest information freedom large companies brand recognition small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising importance level playing field market strategies consumer interest information freedom large companies brand awareness small businesses advertisements product visibility marketing level playing field market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies brand awareness small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising importance market competition leveling the playing field consumer interest information freedom large companies market visibility small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising importance market competition leveling the playing field marketing strategies consumer interest information freedom large companies market dominance Small businesses advertisements product awareness advertising importance market competition leveling the playing field marketing strategies consumer interest information freedom large companies brand recognition small businesses advertisements products known advertising level playing field clever marketing consumer interest restrict information large companies brand awareness market competition business growth marketing strategies consumer engagement advertising freedom business visibility market reach small business success large corporation dominance Small businesses advertisements product awareness market competition advertising freedom information access consumer interest large companies marketing strategies level playing field small businesses advertisements products visibility advertising market competition equality consumer interest information freedom large companies brand awareness marketing strategies business growth economic impact small businesses advertisements product visibility advertising restrictions market competition consumer interest information freedom large companies leveled playing field marketing strategies
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-con02a	There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, There are problems with being vegetarian  A vegetarian or vegan diet may result in a person not getting enough iron. This is because, although you can get iron from foods such as pulses, green leafy vegetables and nuts, the iron in these foods isn't absorbed so easily. The symptoms of this feeling breathless after little exercise, feeling tired and a short attention span and poor concentration. [1] These symptoms could negatively affect proficiency in school and the ability to perform well at work ultimately leading to a loss of productivity which has both personal effects and broader effects for the economy. Other conditions include frequently becoming ill, frequently becoming depressed, and malnourishment.  [1] Bupa's Health Information Team, ‘Iron-deficiency anaemia’, bupa.co.uk, March 2010, iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron dietary iron breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnutrition bupa.co.uk health information vegetarian vegan diet iron deficiency absorption symptoms breathlessness fatigue concentration school performance work productivity economic impact illness depression malnourishment health risks bupa iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron iron-rich foods pulses green leafy vegetables nuts breathlessness fatigue poor concentration short attention span school performance work performance productivity loss personal health economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment iron-deficiency anemia Bupa Health Information Team iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron symptoms of iron deficiency breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illnesses depression malnourishment Bupa's Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia vegetarian vegan diet iron deficiency nutrient absorption iron sources plant-based iron breathlessness fatigue concentration issues school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnutrition health implications Bupa Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron symptoms of iron deficiency breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment health risks bupa health information iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron fatigue breathlessness low concentration poor productivity academic performance work performance depression malnutrition economic impact health complications Bupa's Health Information Team iron-deficiency anemia vegetarian vegan diet iron deficiency iron absorption pulses green leafy vegetables nuts breathlessness fatigue short attention span poor concentration school performance work performance productivity loss personal health economic impact frequent illness depression malnourishment Bupa health information iron-deficiency anaemia iron deficiency vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron symptoms breathlessness fatigue poor concentration academic performance work productivity economic impact malnutrition depression health complications Bupa's Health Information Team iron-deficiency anaemia iron-deficiency anemia vegetarian diet vegan diet iron absorption plant-based iron non-heme iron breathlessness fatigue poor concentration school performance work productivity depression malnutrition health risks economic impact Bupa's Health Information Team
test-law-hrilpgwhwr-pro01a	The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. The ICC allows for the prosecution of war criminals.  Law-abiding states like the United States that have yet to ratify the ICC should have nothing to fear if they behave lawfully. The Prosecutor of the ICC is only concerned with the most grave offences and it defies belief that the US would approve a strategy of genocide or systematic mass violations of human rights that could attract the jurisdiction of the ICC. Further, the discretion of the Prosecutor is not unchecked. The Statute requires that the approval of three judges sitting in a pre-trial chamber be obtained before an arrest warrant can be issued or proceedings initiated. Moreover, there is no harm to the interests of the US in being subjected to a mere preliminary investigation. In fact, it is preferable that spurious accusations are briefly examined and shown to be baseless, than that these accusations be allowed to raise doubts about the credibility of a State's actions and the impartiality of the Tribunal in question. The US acceptance of the jurisdiction of the Prosecutor of the ICTY is evident ; the US troops forming part of the KFOR peacekeeping force in Kosovo could equally be subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICTY. The US is prepared for its forces to operate under the scrutiny of the ICTY since it reasonably does not expect its members to commit the very crimes they are deployed to prevent. ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility state actions ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny prevention ICC prosecution war criminals United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences discretion Prosecutor pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation State credibility ICTY KFOR peacekeeping forces scrutiny crime prevention ICC war criminals prosecution law-abiding states United States ratify jurisdiction grave offences genocide human rights Prosecutor pre-trial chamber arrest warrant investigations spurious accusations credibility state actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratify lawful most grave offences genocide human rights violations Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State's actions impartiality Tribunal US acceptance ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo forces scrutiny prevent crimes ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawfully grave offences genocide human rights jurisdiction Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation credibility state actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals United States ratify lawful Prosecutor grave offences jurisdiction genocide human rights discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation credibility State's actions impartiality acceptance jurisdiction Prosecutor ICTY US troops KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny crimes deployment ICC prosecution war criminals law-abiding states United States ratify grave offences genocide human rights Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State's actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny deployed prevent ICC war criminals United States ratification lawfully grave offences genocide human rights Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility State actions impartiality ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force Kosovo scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution United States ratification lawful behavior grave offences Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant proceedings preliminary investigation credibility US interests ICTY KFOR peacekeeping force scrutiny crimes prevention ICC war criminals prosecution ratification United States lawful behavior grave offences Prosecutor discretion pre-trial chamber arrest warrant preliminary investigation spurious accusations credibility state actions jurisdiction ICTY KFOR peacekeeping scrutiny deployment prevention
test-international-ipecfiepg-con02a	Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Defaulting would not solve Greece’s problems  The proposition argue that the hardship endured by the default would only be temporary, but an analysis at the particular situation facing Greece indicates the opposite. Greece’s problems arose from a horrifically inefficient public sector embedded within a mentality of corruption and tax evasion. Even if we assume that defaulting would eventually boost Greek exports and help the economy recover, this would not solve the underlying problems that caused the crisis in the first place. By leaving the Eurozone and defaulting, Greece would lose easy access to borrowing, meaning that taxpayers would soon have to face the reality that they would have to pay for the inefficiencies within the public sector and support all the other structures that need reform. [1] Greece must, therefore, address these underlying issues or face the exact same problems in the future. Given that solving these problems necessarily involve austerity measures and job cuts, it makes most sense for Greece to undergo these changes now (as it is with the current austerity measures), under the framework of IMF, ECB and European Commission funding and supervision.  [1] Barrell, Ray: “Eurozone crisis: what if… Greece leaves the single currency”, 14 May 2012, The Guardian, Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayers structural reforms crisis Euro single currency Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing fiscal reform job cuts financial supervision currency exit Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Euro currency financial supervision economic reform Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece leaves Euro single currency economic supervision EU financial aid government borrowing taxpayer burden public sector reform economic policy financial crisis management Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform long-term solutions Eurozone exit currency devaluation financial supervision economic stability recovery programs fiscal policy debt restructuring economic governance financial crisis management European financial stability economic sustainability Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision borrowing taxpayer burden structural reform Eurozone exit currency devaluation long-term solutions immediate hardship fiscal responsibility economic governance Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis Greece leaves single currency The Guardian 2012 Greece default Eurozone economic recovery public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission financial supervision borrowing access taxpayer burden structural reforms long-term solutions crisis management Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency exit Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economy recovery borrowing access austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission funding supervision Barrell Eurozone crisis single currency The Guardian 2012 Greece default Eurozone economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery borrowing austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission structural reform long-term solutions short-term hardship Barrell Ray Eurozone crisis single currency financial supervision funding economic supervision taxpayer burden economic policy fiscal reform euro economic stability financial crisis economic governance European Union debt crisis economic adjustment financial markets economic integration policy recommendations economic analysis economic reform European financial stability economic challenges economic planning financial framework economic strategy Greece Eurozone default economic crisis public sector inefficiency corruption tax evasion exports economic recovery austerity measures IMF ECB European Commission borrowing taxpayer burden reform job cuts supervision funding Eurozone crisis single currency Barrell Ray The Guardian Greece default Eurozone inefficiencies public sector corruption tax evasion exports economy crisis borrowing taxpayers austerity measures job cuts IMF ECB European Commission supervision Barrell Eurozone crisis single currency The Guardian
test-law-ilppppghb-pro02a	Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. Self-determination and independence is recognition of the fact that indigenous peoples were unfairly treated by colonial powers, and their proprietary rights abused.  In some contexts, separation may not be a realistic option for minority peoples. However, that does not mean that self-determination is not meaningful for such groups. For indigenous peoples, self-determination may take the form of restitution for land that was stolen from them, or compensation and reparations. Furthermore, self-determination may take the form of political autonomy, or greater rights to decide how children are educated, or parallel systems of justice such as sharia courts. Self-determination is about representation and identity and choice - not about outcomes. self-determination independence colonial powers indigenous peoples proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority groups restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution land stolen compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice outcomes self-determination indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution land compensation reparations political autonomy education parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice outcomes self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority groups restitution compensation reparations political autonomy educational rights parallel justice systems sharia courts representation identity choice self-determination independence indigenous peoples colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems representation identity choice sharia courts self-determination independence colonial powers proprietary rights separation minority peoples restitution compensation reparations political autonomy education rights parallel justice systems representation identity choice
test-law-thgglcplgphw-pro01a	Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing is not equivalent to the consumption of hard drugs. It is no more harmful than drinking coffee.  The coca leaf, in its natural state, is not even a narcotic, even though the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs considers the natural leaf to be so. However it only truly becomes a narcotic when the paste or the concentrate is extracted from the leaf to form cocaine. [1] The simple coca leaf, by contrast, only has very mild effects when chewed and is different from cocaine. In 1995 the World Health Organisation found that the “use of coca leaves appears to have no negative health effects and has positive therapeutic, sacred and social functions for indigenous Andean populations.” [2] It may even be useful in combating obesity, and there is no evidence that coca use is addictive. At worst, it is comparable to caffeine in terms of its effect on its consumer. [3] Therefore there are no significant health reasons behind this ban on the cultivation of coca leaves for their chewed consumption in its traditional form.  [1] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009.   [2] Jelsma, Martin. “Lifting the Ban on Coca Chewing”. Transnational Institute, Series on Legislative Reform of Drug Policies Nr. 11. March 2011.  [3] Morales, Evo. “Let Me Chew My Coca Leaves”. New York Times. March 13, 2009. Coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf natural state narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations therapeutic effects social functions obesity caffeine addiction cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies coca leaf chewing hard drugs coffee narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations obesity caffeine addiction health effects legislative reform drug policies coca leaf chewing health effects cocaine 1961 Single Convention World Health Organisation Andean populations traditional consumption obesity caffeine addictive legislative reform drug policies Evo Morales Transnational Institute coca chewing hard drugs coffee comparison coca leaf narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention coca paste cocaine World Health Organisation health effects therapeutic uses social functions Andean populations obesity caffeine addiction cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies Coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations obesity caffeine addiction cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies coca chewing hard drugs coffee comparison coca leaf natural state narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention coca paste cocaine formation World Health Organisation therapeutic effects social functions Andean populations combat obesity non-addictive caffeine effects health reasons cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies Coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf narcotic 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs cocaine World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations obesity caffeine health effects legal ban coca cultivation traditional consumption therapeutic functions social functions Evo Morales Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute legislative reform drug policies coca chewing hard drugs coffee comparison natural coca leaf 1961 Single Convention narcotics cocaine extraction World Health Organisation positive effects obesity non-addictive caffeine health impacts cultivation ban traditional consumption legislative reform drug policies Andean cultures coca leaf benefits therapeutic uses social functions Evo Morales Martin Jelsma Transnational Institute coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf natural state narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine World Health Organisation Andean populations obesity caffeine health effects cultivation ban traditional form legislative reform drug policies Jelsma Martin Transnational Institute Morales Evo New York Times coca chewing hard drugs coffee coca leaf narcotic drugs 1961 Single Convention cocaine coca paste coca concentrate World Health Organisation indigenous Andean populations obesity caffeine coca leaf cultivation traditional coca use coca leaf ban legislative reform drug policies
test-digital-freedoms-piidfaihbg-con02a	Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google will help Chinese internet freedom more by staying  As Google itself argued in 2006 when it first entered the Chinese domestic market; when Google is fully present in China, it can at least do its very best to allow its Chinese users as much access to all the information that Chinese users are allowed to look up. By expanding their access, Google can at least contribute to a broadening of the amount of information Chinese internet users can gather. The alternative is them relying on an even more censored Chinese search engine called Baidu, or having them try to access a heavily blocked, slowed down, restricted and monitored version of Google outside of China, for example google.com or the Hong Kong-based Google.com.hk. Having a locally accessible version of Google that is censored might not be optimal, but it’s better than nothing. [1]  [1] Karen Wickre, ‘Testimony: The Internet in China’, February 15, 2006. URL:  Last consulted: December 22, 2011 Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access internet presence local market international version Hong Kong internet policy digital rights information control user experience network restrictions government regulation online privacy internet governance technology impact global internet search engine comparison Google Chinese internet freedom staying in China information access Chinese users Baidu censored search engine Hong Kong-based Google internet censorship information broadening local Google version internet in China Karen Wickre internet governance digital rights online censorship information control global internet policies tech ethics digital freedom Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access Hong Kong google.com.hk search engine internet regulation Karen Wickre testimony internet in China 2006 market entry local presence information broadening censored search optimal solutions user experience digital rights internet policy global internet content restriction online freedom search alternatives governmental control technological impact digital censorship web access information rights data monitoring internet governance network restrictions user privacy digital divide web accessibility information privilege policy debate strategic presence ethical considerations internet Google Chinese internet freedom staying in China access to information Chinese users censored search engine Baidu Google.com Google.com.hk internet censorship information accessibility local Google version Karen Wickre internet in China testimony 2006 2011 consultation Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access internet presence Hong Kong Google.com.hk Karen Wickre internet testimony 2006 China search engine censored internet regulation digital rights user experience global internet internet policy digital censorship Chinese internet freedom Google presence in China information access censored search engines Baidu Google.com Google.com.hk internet censorship information broadening local Google version Google China internet freedom censorship Baidu information access Chinese market search engines internet censorship information control digital rights online freedom Karen Wickre testimony internet policy China internet regulation Google presence user access search accuracy query expansion content availability digital information web access internet users online censorship internet governance digital liberties online privacy internet monitoring search engine comparison internet restrictions local search solutions global search impact information expansion internet presence digital access information availability user experience search optimization internet debate digital ethics internet philosophy online Google Chinese internet freedom information access censorship Baidu Hong Kong Karen Wickre internet in China market entry search efficacy expansion keywords digital rights online information internet governance search engines global internet policy China tech policy tech ethics internet censorship web accessibility information retrieval digital freedom internet user rights technology and society tech and human rights Google Chinese internet freedom censorship Baidu information access search engines Hong Kong internet policy digital rights Karen Wickre testimony internet in China 2006 local presence global impact user experience information restrictions online freedom digital censorship internet governance Chinese internet freedom Google in China Baidu internet censorship access to information Hong Kong-based Google Karen Wickre testimony internet in China 2006 Google China entry censored search engine optimized information access broadening user information monitored internet usage
test-science-eassgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing alternatives drug development methods computer simulations in pharmacology tissue experimentation human skin testing historical reliance on animal research ethical considerations in medical research advancements from past animal testing non-animal testing techniques in vitro methods pharmacokinetic modeling biochemical assays animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing historical animal research medical advancements ethical alternatives non-animal testing methods animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing historical advancements ethical alternatives research methods pharmaceutical science animal testing alternatives computer simulations in drug development chemical behavior modeling tissue experimentation human skin testing past animal research benefits current drug development methods ethical drug testing options advancing medical research without animals validating non-animal testing methods animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin advancements ethical research non-animal alternatives scientific progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical alternatives research methods non-animal testing animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin samples chemical reactions past advancements ethical research alternative methods scientific progress animal testing drug development chemical simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing animal research medical advancements non-animal alternatives animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical interactions tissue experimentation human skin samples historical research ethical alternatives scientific progress animal welfare animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experiments human skin testing historical advancements ethical research methods non-animal alternatives pharmaceutical innovation
test-international-aghbfcpspr-con02a	Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 Such reparations would do little to actually improve the developing countries.  Reparations are an incredibly short-term economic measure. To have any substantial impact, long-term systems would need to be put in place to truly benefit such countries, and it would be far better to encourage sustainable growth [1] than a one-off bumper payment. Developed countries should look towards improving their long-term relationship with former colonies and establishing measures such as fairer trade rules or debt relief as an efficient measure. This would allow the aid to be focused in the places where these countries need it most.  The symbolism of reparations is also potentially dangerous. Firstly, paying reparations may bring the belief that former colonial powers have ‘paid their debt’ and no longer have to seek to improve their own conduct of foreign policy. Secondly, this measure would allow dictators such as Robert Mugabe to feel justified in their declarations that colonial powers are independently responsible for all the problems affecting their countries [2] [3] [4] . In this way, Mugabe tries to hide his own shortcomings and place blame entirely on the West, which has negative impacts on the potential for international relations. In the case of Italy’s reparations to Libya, this could be seen as strengthening the Gaddafi dictatorship at the expense of the Libyan people and the West, particularly as Gaddafi is prone to blaming the West [5] or indeed anybody else he can [6] .  [1] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [2] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [3] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [4] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [5] Accessed from  on 12/09/11  [6] Accessed from  on 12/09/11 reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief international relations colonial powers foreign policy symbolism dictators Robert Mugabe Gaddafi Libya blame West shortcomings inefficient economic impact aid focused improvement relationship former colonies efficient measure substantial impact one-off payment long-term benefits sustainable development economic policy international aid political responsibility historical debt economic justice social impact governance accountability economic strategies global inequalities economic assistance political stability economic growth development aid reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers Robert Mugabe dictators Italy Libya Gaddafi Western blame policy conduct symbolic payment economic aid colonial legacy development economics foreign policy improvement international aid effectiveness neo-colonialism historical reparations economic dependency autonomous development global inequality sustainable development economic justice political accountability reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief aid long-term relationship former colonies symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe colonial responsibility international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi West blame shortcomings strengthening dictatorship reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism of reparations colonial powers foreign policy Robert Mugabe dictators international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi Libyan people West blame shortcomings reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief international relations colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe Gaddafi Libya West colonialism economic aid sustainable development long-term aid short-term aid international aid economic reparations colonial history international economics global governance economic injustice historical responsibility economic measures international development economic policies foreign aid economic support sustainable economic development economic impact international cooperation economic assistance economic systems global economics economic justice international justice economic reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism of reparations colonial powers foreign policy Robert Mugabe dictators international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi Libyan people West blaming shortcomings reparations short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fair trade debt relief symbolic dangers colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe accountability international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi West colonial legacy economic development diplomatic relations historical responsibility reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers symbolism foreign policy Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship Libyan people West blame shortcomings reparations developing countries short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief international relations colonial powers Robert Mugabe Gaddafi dictatorship blame West Libya reparations short-term economic measure long-term systems sustainable growth fairer trade rules debt relief symbolism colonial powers foreign policy dictators Robert Mugabe international relations Italy Libya Gaddafi Libyan people West blame shortcomings
test-international-appghblsba-con01a	Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation is not needed where there is already extensive cooperation between the countries  Lesotho and South Africa already cooperate on a wide variety of issues. If we look at the example of the law system; the two systems are almost the same and all but one of the Justices on the Court of Appeal in Lesotho are South African jurists. [1] Moreover, there are at least four inter-governmental organizations that maximize the trade, help and social connections between the two states. Starting with the African Union, going on to the Southern African Development Community [2] that promotes socio-economic cooperation as well as political and security cooperation, moving to the Southern African Customs Union [3] and the Common Monetary Area. Lesotho is not only helped by SA but this is happening without them having to let go of their national identity and history. In much the same way as different nations, large and small, benefit from the EU so the countries of Southern Africa can benefit from some integration without the negative consequences of complete annexation with the loss of control that would bring.  [1] U.S. Department of State, ‘Lesotho (10/07)’, state.gov,   [2] Southern African Development Community Official website   [3] ‘Continued economic reforms would attract more foreign investment’, World Trade Organisation, 25 April 2003, Annexation Cooperation Lesotho South Africa Law System Justices Court of Appeal Inter-governmental Organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area National Identity History European Union Integration Annexation Consequences Control Economic Reforms Foreign Investment Annexation Lesotho South Africa Cooperation Law System Justices Court of Appeal Inter-governmental Organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area National Identity EU Integration Economic Reforms Foreign Investment annexation Lesotho South Africa cooperation law system Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU integration economic reforms foreign investment Lesotho South Africa cooperation legal system Justices Court of Appeal African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity history EU Southern Africa integration annexation foreign investment World Trade Organisation Lesotho South Africa cooperation annexation law system Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity history EU economic integration foreign investment World Trade Organisation annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa law system Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity EU Southern Africa integration economic reforms foreign investment Annexation Cooperation Lesotho South Africa Law System Justices Court of Appeal Inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area National Identity EU Integration Economic Reforms Foreign Investment Lesotho South Africa cooperation inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area judicial system socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation national identity EU regional integration economic reforms foreign investment annexation cooperation Lesotho South Africa law system Justices Court of Appeal inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area national identity history EU integration foreign investment World Trade Organisation Lesotho South Africa cooperation annexation inter-governmental organizations African Union Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Common Monetary Area socio-economic cooperation political cooperation security cooperation trade social connections law system Court of Appeal South African jurists national identity history EU integration economic reforms foreign investment
test-society-epiasghbf-pro01a	The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. The importance of jobs in livelihoods - money  Jobs are empowerment. Building sustainable livelihoods, and tackling poverty in the long term, requires enabling access to capital assets. A key asset is financial capital. Jobs, and employment, provide a means to access and build financial capital required, whether through loans or wages. When a woman is able to work she is therefore able to take control of her own life. Additionally she may provide a second wage meaning the burden of poverty on households is cumulatively reduced. Having a job and the financial security it brings means that other benefits can be realised such as investing in good healthcare and education. [1] .  Women working from home in Kenya, designing jewellery, shows the link between employment and earning an income [2] . The women have been empowered to improve their way of life.  [1] See further readings: Ellis et al, 2010.  [2] See further readings: Petty, 2013. jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty financial capital employment access to capital wages loans women control of life household poverty financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery design income earning way of life improvement Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery earning income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods financial capital empowerment poverty reduction women's employment home-based work income generation financial security healthcare investment education investment sustainable livelihoods capital assets wage earning loan access household poverty women's control over life jewellery making Kenya Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment access wages loans women control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery income improvement way of life readings Ellis Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty financial capital employment wages loans women work control life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty access capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control life second wage households financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery way of life Ellis et al Petty jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment wages loans women control second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education working from home Kenya jewellery earning income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty reduction financial capital access to capital employment wages loans women empowerment control over life second wage household poverty financial security healthcare education women working from home Kenya jewellery design income generation way of life improvement further readings Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013 jobs livelihoods money empowerment sustainable livelihoods poverty capital assets financial capital employment access build loans wages control life second wage poverty reduction households financial security healthcare education women working home Kenya jewellery income way of life Ellis et al 2010 Petty 2013
test-law-lghbacpsba-pro03a	It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. It places excessive moral burden on solicitors  With the attorney-client privilege in place, there is an excessive burden on the solicitor to cope with any information their client may give to them on a confidential basis. This means they have to deal with the information alone. This is an excessive moral burden for any individual to have and should not be justified on the basis that a solicitor is there to advance the interests of their client. It should not be the solicitors role to deal with moral conflicts alone. attorney-client privilege moral burden solicitors confidential information client communication ethical responsibilities professional ethics legal profession moral conflicts client interests legal representation confidentiality duties excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidentiality information management moral conflicts professional ethics client interests legal responsibilities solitary decision-making ethical dilemmas justified expectations role of solicitor legal privilege implications excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts legal ethics client-solicitor relationship professional responsibility moral responsibility legal profession excessive moral burden attorney-client privilege confidential information solicitor's responsibility moral conflicts client interests professional ethics legal representation confidentiality obligations moral dilemmas moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests professional ethics legal responsibility solitary responsibility justified role excessive moral burden attorney-client privilege confidential information solicitor responsibilities moral conflicts client interests ethical dilemmas professional ethics legal profession confidentiality challenges excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests legal ethics professional responsibility solitary decision-making legal representation confidentiality obligations moral dilemmas professional standards client-solicitor relationship moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information ethical dilemmas professional responsibility client interests moral conflicts legal ethics solitary responsibility confidentiality legal profession moral obligations client-solicitor relationship excessive moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information moral conflicts client interests professional ethics legal responsibilities solitary responsibility moral dilemmas client-solicitor relationship confidentiality ethics moral burden solicitors attorney-client privilege confidential information professional responsibility ethical dilemmas client interests moral conflicts legal ethics professional standards
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro04a	Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . Without collisions, either the catcher or the runner would have an enormous and unfair advantage.  There are two often-discussed ways to change the rules: require the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases; or disallow catchers to block runners’ paths. Each results in an imbalance between the catcher and runner. A commentator describes this dynamic very well:  “If Major League Baseball was to employ a rule stating that runners must avoid contact with the catcher—similar to the ‘slide or avoid’ rule employed in amateur baseball—it would give the advantage to the catcher. The catcher would have the benefit of dictating the course of action that a baserunner must take, and would—perhaps more importantly—have peace of mind knowing that there is no chance of an ensuing collision. If Major League Baseball was to make a rule stating that the catcher cannot block the plate, the advantage would certainly go to the baserunner, who would enjoy the luxury of a straight path to the most sacred ground on a baseball diamond.” [1]  Allowing collisions is the fairest, most even match between the catcher and runner.  [1] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  . baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes sliding avoiding contact blocking plate fairness balance home plate safety Major League Baseball amateur baseball Buster Posey Ricky Doyle Baseball Home-Plate Collisions Catcher Runner Slide-Rule Blocking-Plate Foul-Tip Safety Rule-Changes Competitive-Balance MLB Amateur-Ball Sports-Injury Athletic-Competition Game-Rules Umpire-Decision Player-Advantage League-Policies Sports-Ethics baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes sliding blocking home plate advantage fairness MLB amateur baseball injury Buster Posey NESN Ricky Doyle baseball home-plate collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule avoid contact no blocking fair play competitive balance Major League Baseball amateur baseball safety injury prevention Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule blocking plate fair advantage home-plate collisions Major League Baseball amateur baseball Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN May 29 2011 baseball collisions catcher runner advantage home-plate rule changes sliding blocking fairness Major League Baseball amateur baseball injury Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN May 29 2011 baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule amateur baseball Major League Baseball home plate fair play advantage Ricky Doyle Buster Posey injury baseball rules plate blocking baserunner straight path contact avoidance baseball collisions catcher runner rule changes slide rule avoid contact block plate baserunner fairness home-plate Major League Baseball amateur baseball injury Buster Posey Ricky Doyle NESN May 29 2011 baseball collisions catcher runner rules slide avoid block plate advantage fair home-plate injury Buster Posey NESN Ricky Doyle amateur Major League Baseball baserunner straight path peace of mind sacred ground match even sport safety competition baseball home-plate collisions catcher runner rules slide block advantage fairness major league amateur injury buster posey rule change contact baserunner dynamic peace of mind straight path sacred ground match even sport game strategy safety competition
test-environment-ehwsnwu-pro01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground Nuclear Storage is Necessary  Even states without nuclear waste programs tend to generate radioactive waste. For example, research and medicine both use nuclear material and nuclear technology. Technologies such as Medical imaging equipment are dependent and the use of radioactive elements. This means that all states produce levels of nuclear waste that need to be dealt with.  Moreover, many non-nuclear states are accelerating their programmes of research and investment into nuclear technologies. With the exception of Germany, there is an increasing consensus among developed nations that nuclear power is the only viable method of meeting rising domestic demand for energy in the absence of reliable and efficient renewable forms of power generation.  The alternatives to putting nuclear waste in underground storage tend to be based around the reuse of nuclear waste in nuclear power stations. Whilst this is viable in some areas, in countries which lack the technology to be able to do this and in countries which don’t need to rely on nuclear power, this option becomes irrelevant. Further, even this process results in the creation of some nuclear waste, so in countries with the technology to implement such a solution, the disposal of the remaining nuclear waste is still an issue.  As such, underground nuclear storage is a necessary method that should be used to dispose of nuclear waste. [1]  [1] “The EU’s deep underground storage plan.” 03/11/2010. World Nuclear News. Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management radioactive waste non-nuclear states nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear waste reuse deep underground disposal EU nuclear storage World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Radioactive Waste States Nuclear Programs Research Medicine Nuclear Material Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Radioactive Elements Non-Nuclear States Programs Investment Nuclear Technologies Germany Developed Nations Nuclear Power Energy Demand Renewable Power Power Generation Underground Storage Nuclear Waste Reuse Nuclear Power Stations Technology Waste Disposal EU Deep Underground Storage Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste radioactive waste non-nuclear states nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear waste reuse deep underground storage World Nuclear News EU nuclear policy Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management non-nuclear states radioactive waste medical imaging nuclear technology energy demand renewable power nuclear power stations deep underground storage EU nuclear policy World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Non-Nuclear States Radioactive Waste Medical Imaging Nuclear Technology Energy Demand Renewable Power Nuclear Power Stations Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage EU Nuclear Policy Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste radioactive waste research medicine nuclear material nuclear technology medical imaging energy demand renewable power nuclear power waste reuse deep underground storage EU World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Research Medicine Nuclear Material Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Equipment Radioactive Elements Non-Nuclear States Nuclear Programs Energy Demand Renewable Power Generation Germany Nuclear Waste Reuse Nuclear Power Stations Deep Underground Storage EU World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Radioactive Waste Non-Nuclear States Nuclear Technology Medical Imaging Energy Demand Renewable Energy Nuclear Power Waste Reuse Deep Underground Storage EU Nuclear Policy Underground nuclear storage nuclear waste management radioactive waste nuclear technology medical imaging nuclear power energy demand renewable energy nuclear waste reuse deep underground storage EU nuclear policy World Nuclear News Underground Nuclear Storage Nuclear Waste Management Radioactive Waste Medical Imaging Nuclear Technology Energy Demand Renewable Energy Nuclear Power Generation Waste Reuse Deep Storage Solutions Nuclear Waste Disposal International Nuclear Policies EU Nuclear Storage World Nuclear News
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con02a	People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. People would die and suffer needlessly under such a policy  23 new drugs are introduced each year in the United Kingdom alone . [1] . While almost all of these drugs will have been brought to the market after extensive animal testing, the number of animals used to check their safety only seems to be a high cost when the benefits that each drug brings to its users are inadequately considered.  New drugs that are approved for medical use have the potential to relieve human pain and suffering not only for the first group of patients given access to them, but also for future generations of sick and suffering individuals too. Consider all the lives, all over the world, that have benefitted from penicillin since its discovery in 1928. If drugs cost more to research and develop, then that reduces potential profit margins, and some drugs that would have otherwise been discovered and released will fall below the new threshold of likely profits necessary to fund the research. Adopting this proposition will lead to more people suffering and dying in the future than would have otherwise been the case.  [1] BBC News. 2013. Falling drug breakthroughs 'a myth'. animal testing drug development human suffering medical breakthroughs profit margins research costs healthcare impact pharmaceutical industry drug approval patient access future generations healthcare economics medical ethics drug safety clinical trials research funding healthcare innovation drug efficacy public health medical research drug discovery animal testing drug development human suffering medical advancements pharmaceutical costs profit margins research ethics public health drug approval animal welfare health economics medical innovation drug efficacy clinical trials healthcare policy global health drug accessibility patient outcomes medical research regulatory standards drug development animal testing human suffering medical innovation profit margins research costs drug approval new drugs United Kingdom penicillin health benefits future generations ethical considerations pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy patient access medical ethics drug safety economic impact healthcare policy drug development animal testing human suffering profit margins medical research pharmaceutical industry drug approval patient access future generations penicillin research costs drug breakthroughs healthcare policy ethical considerations medical advancements public health cost-benefit analysis animal welfare clinical trials regulatory standards animal testing drug development human suffering medical advancements pharmaceutical industry profit margins research costs drug approval drug safety health benefits future generations medical ethics economic impact healthcare innovation drug accessibility public health policy impact drug discovery treatment availability medical research ethical considerations healthcare costs life-saving drugs penicillin drug breakthroughs regulatory standards clinical trials patient outcomes health economics drug pricing healthcare policy social impact scientific progress medical ethics debate drug efficacy healthcare innovation challenges global health pharmaceutical research drug development process clinical research drug innovation animal testing drug development human suffering medical breakthroughs pharmaceutical costs profit margins research and development drug approval patient access future generations healthcare innovation penicillin drug safety ethical considerations health economics animal testing drug development costs drug approval process human suffering medical breakthroughs pharmaceutical profits research funding new drug introduction UK healthcare penicillin impact long-term medical benefits drug research ethics healthcare economics patient access to medication global health impact medical innovation drug safety treatment availability healthcare policy drug discovery thresholds profit margins in pharma drug development animal testing human suffering medical advancements pharmaceutical costs research profits healthcare benefits new drug approvals penicillin discovery drug safety patient access long-term impact healthcare economics medical ethics drug innovation public health regulatory barriers pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy healthcare policy animal testing drug development medical research human suffering pharmaceutical industry profit margins drug approval new drugs patient access future generations penicillin drug costs research funding drug breakthroughs healthcare policy ethical considerations animal welfare public health medical ethics cost-benefit analysis animal testing drug development medical research human suffering pharmaceutical profits drug approval new drugs penicillin drug breakthroughs patient access healthcare innovation research costs treatment benefits global health impact future generations medical ethics policy implications drug safety healthcare economics
test-international-bldimehbn-pro02a	On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, On issues such as gay marriage, human rights activists have taken the line that the right to marry is nobody else’s business. That principle of privacy should work both ways.  Many have argued that issues relating to homosexual relations are, fundamentally, a matter of privacy. That we should respect the rights of individuals to live their lives as they see fit without having the views, actions and opinions imposed upon them. [1] It’s a reasonable position but must surely relate to viewers and readers as much as it does to the subjects of news stories.  If gay men and women have the right to live their lives free from the intervention of other traditions and beliefs then so do those communities – religious and otherwise – that find some of their demands offensive or objectionable.  If the rights to privacy and self-determination are supported by those who support gay rights, then it would be inconsistent to suggest that this does not generate a right to avoid offence on behalf of those receiving news.  [1] Human rights campaign, ‘Should gay marriage be legal?’, procon.org, updated 10th August 2012, human rights gay marriage privacy self-determination religious communities offense news stories individual rights human rights activists marriage rights privacy rights homosexual relations community beliefs legal rights procon.org campaign news viewers readers rights dignity freedom of expression moral values societal norms legal frameworks ethical considerations gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination offensive content religious communities individual rights news stories homosexual relations legal rights human rights activists procon.org gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offense news stories procon.org legal rights individual rights community beliefs homosexual relations rights activists privacy self-determination gay marriage human rights freedom from intervention respect for individuals right to live freely religious communities offensive content news stories avoiding offense inconsistency rights of viewers rights of readers procon.org human rights activists homosexual relations legal arguments moral principles societal norms community beliefs individual rights collective rights public opinion media responsibility ethical considerations digital age information dissemination cultural sensitivity freedom of speech balance of rights respectful discourse social progress inclusivity diversity moral relativism legal standards judicial perspectives public policy privacy laws gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination offensive content religious beliefs news stories individual rights community rights procon.org legal rights homosexual relations social tolerance moral objections freedom of expression gay marriage human rights privacy individual rights self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories procon.org legal rights public opinion community beliefs right to avoid offence privacy self-determination gay marriage human rights offensive content religious beliefs individual rights community values news stories legal rights human rights campaign procon.org rights to privacy freedom from intervention respect for choices avoiding offence consistency in principles rights of communities homosexual relations public opinion moral values legal debates social issues individual freedoms societal norms cultural differences tolerance coexistence legal legitimacy ethical considerations public discourse gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offense news stories individual rights procon.org legal arguments moral arguments societal impact ethical considerations freedom of belief freedom of expression public opinion legislative debate civil liberties social justice equality discrimination tolerance cultural sensitivity media responsibility community values legal frameworks moral relativism personal autonomy public discourse advocacy opposition legal reforms human dignity social norms privacy rights public interest moral disputes political activism legislative process human rights activism legal principles moral philosophy social issues gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories individual rights procon.org legal rights moral arguments social issues freedom of belief community values public opinion ethical considerations legal debates human dignity equality non-interference personal autonomy social acceptance cultural sensitivity media responsibility respectful discourse tolerance diversity legal frameworks civil liberties public policy individual freedoms societal norms moral relativism ethical standards personal choices community standards legal protections social harmony inclusive society respectful coexistence human rights activism legal debate gay marriage human rights privacy self-determination religious communities offensive content news stories procon.org human rights campaign legal rights individual rights community beliefs privacy rights news viewers news readers homosexual relations gay rights avoiding offence consistency in rights
test-law-hrpepthwuto-pro03a	Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. Time is of the essence in a crisis. When confronted with extremists who see a virtue in their own death, extraordinary methods may be required.  The use of force and fear in enhanced interrogation gives quick results. In the event of a bomb hidden somewhere in Manhattan, it’s vital to have information quickly. Nobody, even the most diehard proponents of enhanced interrogation, would suggest that it is pleasant or should be used on a routine basis; the point is that techniques such as waterboarding are effective and fast.  Responding to terrorist threats is something that needs to be dealt with in minutes or hours. Unfortunately, it is in the nature of due process and legal procedure that they trials and questioning take place in a framework of days or weeks. time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb manhattan diehard proponents waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time-sensitive crisis management extremist threats extraordinary measures enhanced interrogation force and fear quick results Manhattan bomb threat information urgency waterboarding effective techniques fast interrogation terrorist threats immediate response due process legal procedure time constraints time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis extremism death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure days weeks time crisis extremists death extraordinary methods force fear enhanced interrogation quick results bomb Manhattan information diehard proponents unpleasant routine waterboarding effective fast terrorist threats minutes hours due process legal procedure trials questioning days weeks crisis response extremists enhanced interrogation waterboarding terrorist threats quick results legal procedure due process time-sensitive intelligence Manhattan bomb scenario
test-digital-freedoms-phwnaccpdt-pro01a	Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, Collecting and selling personal information is a major violation of privacy  The gathering of personal data that companies undertake is done in a fashion that is fundamentally invasive of individuals’ privacy.  When individuals go online they act as private parties, often enjoying anonymity in their personal activities. Companies, particular online services, collate information and seek to use it to market products and services that are specifically tailored to those individuals. In the context of the internet, this means that individuals’ activities online are in fact susceptible to someone else’s interference and oversight, stealing from them the privacy and security the internet has striven to provide since its inception. At the most basic level, the invasion of privacy that collating and using private data gleaned from customers is unacceptable. [1] There is a very real risk of the information being misused, as the data can be held, and even resold to third parties that the customers never consented to giving their data and might well not want to come into possession of their personal details. This can lead to serious abuses of individuals’ private information by corporations, or indeed other agents that might have less savoury uses for the information, most obviously the more places your personal information is the more likely it is to be lost in a data breach with 267million records exposed in 2012. [2] Even when the information is not exposed it may be used in ways that have a real impact on the individual such as determining credit scores. [3] People as a matter of principle should have control over who gets access to their private information. Giving companies that are driven by profit motive to sell on their customers’ data to anyone that might offer a suitable price stands as an absolute theft of personal information and privacy.  [1] The Canadian Press. “Academics Want Watchdog to Probe Online Profiling”. CTV News. 28 July 2008.   [2] Risk Based Security, “2012 Sets New Record for Reported Data Breaches”, PR Newswire, 14 February 2013,   [3] Morris, J., and Lacandera, E., “Why big companies buy, sell your data”, CNN, 23 August 2012, privacy violation personal information data gathering online privacy individual privacy data collation targeted marketing online activities data interference internet security data misuse third-party data customer consent data breaches personal data control profit-driven data selling personal information theft data privacy principles credit score impact online profiling data resale personal data protection corporate data use individual impact information security data consent data exposure risks Collecting selling personal information privacy violation data gathering invasive practices online anonymity marketing strategies tailored advertising internet privacy security concerns data misuse third-party sales customer consent information abuse corporate practices data breaches personal impact credit scores information control profit motives data privacy online profiling big data consumer protection digital security surveillance ethical concerns personal data user information online activities privacy rights data protection laws cybersecurity digital footprint customer data information security online security data sharing data collection privacy theft personal details data resale privacy violation personal data invasive data collection online privacy personal information data misuse third-party data sharing data breaches personal data security online activities data profiling credit scores data selling profit-driven data use personal information control online privacy protection data oversight data privacy laws consumer data rights big data abuses collecting personal information selling personal data privacy violation invasive data gathering online privacy personal data collation tailored marketing online activities internet privacy personal security data misuse third-party data sharing unauthorized data access data breach credit score impact personal information control profit-driven data selling online profiling data breach records big companies buying data personal data protection privacy violation personal data collection online privacy data misuse third-party data sharing data breaches personal information security credit scores consumer data control profit-driven data selling online profiling data oversight personal data collation data exposure risks individual privacy rights data protection internet privacy data resale data use impact personal data theft online privacy personal data data collection privacy violation marketing personal information online activities internet security data misuse third-party sharing data breaches credit scores customer data profit motive data privacy online profiling big data information security personal data resale privacy rights data protection privacy invasion personal data collection online privacy data misuse third-party data sharing data breaches personal information security credit score impact consumer data control profit-driven data selling online profiling big data trade privacy violation personal data online activities anonymity data collection marketing online privacy information misuse third-party sharing data breaches credit scores personal information control profit motive data selling privacy theft online profiling big data data security consumer privacy data protection privacy violation personal data invasive gathering online anonymity data collation marketing personalization internet interference privacy security data misuse third-party resale customer consent personal information abuse data breaches record exposure credit score impact information control profit-driven data selling personal information theft online profiling big data trade Privacy violation personal data collection online privacy invasion data resale third-party misuse data breach credit score impact personal information control profit-driven data selling online profiling academic concern data security big companies data market customer data monetization privacy theft personal data protection individual privacy rights data oversight digital privacy laws information ethics consumer protection data integrity online anonymity internet privacy standards data exploitation unauthorized data access data misuse online security personal data regulation data breach risks data ownership digital rights privacy legislation information security data privacy policies digital surveillance
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro04a	Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Rebuilding agricultural systems  Africa is faced with an agrarian crisis. Microfinance is providing rural communities a chance to gain food security and reduce vulnerability to risks such as climate change, unstable demand, and political tensions. Microfinance supports small scale agriculture – which is more sustainable, effective for growth, and beneficial for communities than larger scale agriculture. In Zimbabwe, small scale farming has the capability to improve production, benefiting households, communities, and the Nation (IRIN, 2013; Morrison, 2012).  Kiva, a microfinance NGO, is providing affordable capital to remote communities. Loans have been provided to small-scale farmers and a rental system has been set-up enabling farmers to borrow tools and resources needed. Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement households Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities large scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective for growth beneficial for communities Zimbabwe improve production households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system borrow tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis Microfinance rural communities Food security risk reduction Climate change unstable demand Political tensions microfinance Small scale agriculture sustainability Growth community benefits Zimbabwe production improvement Households communities nation Kiva microfinance NGO Affordable capital remote Loans small-scale farmers Rental system farming tools Resources borrowing system Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small-scale agriculture sustainable growth beneficial communities Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans farmers rental tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change resilience unstable demand political tensions sustainable agriculture small scale farming large scale agriculture Zimbabwe production improvement household benefits community benefits national benefits Kiva microfinance NGO affordable capital remote communities farmer loans tool rental system resource borrowing Agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable growth communities Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable growth communities Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans rental system tools resources agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainability growth community benefit Zimbabwe production improvement households nation Kiva affordable capital remote communities loans small-scale farmers rental system tools resources Rebuilding agricultural systems Africa agrarian crisis microfinance rural communities food security reduce vulnerability risks climate change unstable demand political tensions small scale agriculture sustainable effective growth beneficial communities large scale Zimbabwe production households nation Kiva NGO affordable capital remote loans rental system farmers tools resources
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con02a	Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms can solve the problem of food supply in the developing world.  The possible benefits from GM food are enormous. Modifications which render plants less vulnerable from pests lead to less pesticide use, which is better for the environment. Other modifications lead to higher crop yield, which leads to lower food prices for all. However, This technology really comes into its own in developing countries. Here where water is at a shortage, modifications (which lead crops to needing less water), are of vital importance. The World Health Organization predicts that vitamin A deficiency, with the use of GMOs, could be wiped out rapidly in the modern world. The scientists developed the strain of rice, called “golden rice”, which produces more beta-carotene and this way produces 20 times more vitamins than other strains, creating a cure for childhood blindness in developing countries. [1]  The fact that it has not is illustrative of the lack of political and economic will to solve these problems. GM food provides a solution that does not rely on charity from Western governments. As the world population increases and the environment deteriorates further this technology will become not just useful but necessary.  [1] Black R., GM “golden rice” boosts vitamin A, published 03/25/2005,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits environment pest resistance pesticide use crop yield food prices water shortage drought resistance vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental issues biotechnology sustainable agriculture health benefits nutritional improvement poverty reduction food security agricultural productivity biotech crops regulatory frameworks public perception ethical concerns genetic engineering plant breeding crop improvement environmental impact economic impact social impact global health nutrition security innovation in agriculture future of farming genetically modified organisms GMOs food supply developing world benefits GM food pests pesticide use environment crop yield food prices water shortage vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental degradation charity Western governments genetically modified organisms GMOs food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide use environment crop yield food prices water shortage drought resistance vitamin A deficiency world health organization golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration technology necessity genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact crop yield food prices water scarcity vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration necessity genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance pesticide use environment crop yield food prices water conservation vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration charitable aid Western governments genetically modified organisms food supply developing world benefits GM food pest resistance reduced pesticide use environmental benefits higher crop yield lower food prices water scarcity drought-resistant crops vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will population growth environmental degradation necessity of GM technology genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide use environmental impact crop yield food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will charity population growth environmental degradation necessity genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide use environment crop yield food prices water shortage vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental deterioration necessity charity Western governments genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world environmental benefits pest resistance pesticide use reduction higher crop yield lower food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will population growth environmental deterioration necessity of GM technology genetically modified organisms GM food food supply developing world benefits pest resistance pesticide reduction environmental impact higher crop yield lower food prices water efficiency vitamin A deficiency golden rice beta-carotene childhood blindness political will economic will world population environmental challenges technology necessity
test-law-ilppppghb-pro01a	"Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. Self-determination is necessary to protect minority cultures.  Many states in the modern world do not respect the rights of minorities or actively seek to dilute and subsume them into the majority culture. Others offer limited protections to minority peoples but stop short of allowing them to choose their own futures. We need to reassert their right to self-determination to ensure that these minority cultures are not lost. Failure to defend the principle of self-determination now will effectively close off the choices of future generations.  For example, Australian government policy for many decades was to ignore Aboriginal rights, denying them full citizenship1 and removing children from their homes and relocating them with white families (the so-called ""stolen generation""2). As a result many indigenous Australians no longer have a strong link to their native cultures and languages. The same is arguably true in places like Tibet, where traditional culture is being diluted over time through the deliberate policy of the Chinese government.  1 See ""Collaborating for Indigenous Rights"", National Museum of Australia 2 ""Bringing Them Home: Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Families"", Australia Human Rights Commission, April 1997. self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous peoples Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government cultural preservation future generations citizenship human rights cultural dilution minority protections autonomy ethnic groups Indigenous Australians native languages traditional culture self-determination minority cultures state rights cultural preservation indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese policy cultural dilution future generations citizenship rights government policy cultural subsumption limited protections minority futures reasserting rights cultural loss traditional culture deliberate policy self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous peoples Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government cultural dilution minority protections future generations citizenship rights human rights cultural preservation self-governance ethnic minorities international law cultural autonomy historical injustices self-determination minority cultures state respect minority rights cultural dilution subsumption future generations Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government policy cultural erosion indigenous peoples citizenship denial forced assimilation human rights cultural preservation autonomy self-governance ethnic minorities colonial impact cultural identity linguistic heritage traditional practices international law human rights violations indigenous rights movements policy reform intergenerational trauma reconciliation cultural revitalization historical injustices minority protection civic engagement political representation social justice empowerment indigenous sovereignty global indigenous issues self-determination minority cultures state respect minority rights cultural dilution future generations Aboriginal rights stolen generation Indigenous Australians native cultures native languages Tibet Chinese government cultural preservation citizenship denial forced relocation human rights policy impact cultural erosion self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural dilution indigenous rights Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government policy citizenship rights cultural preservation future generations human rights ethnic minorities international law cultural identity language preservation government intervention minority protections citizenship denial forced assimilation cultural genocide historical injustices reparation policies indigenous self-governance human rights violations minority representation cultural revival policy reform social justice colonial legacy ethnic diversity global indigenous issues United Nations cultural autonomy ethnic cleansing minority empowerment legal protections cultural heritage self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous rights Aboriginal stolen generation Tibet cultural dilution Chinese government future generations citizenship relocation human rights cultural preservation autonomy ethnic minorities government intervention cultural assimilation international law cultural identity heritage protection minority languages policy impact historical injustices social justice political rights national identity indigenous communities human rights violations cultural revival recognition legal frameworks community empowerment grassroots movements educational reforms media representation economic development sustainable practices global awareness advocacy international support treaty obligations self self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous peoples Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibet Chinese government cultural dilution future generations citizenship human rights cultural preservation policy analysis government responsibility international law ethnic minorities cultural autonomy minority protection Aboriginal Australians Tibetan culture historical injustices cultural identity legal frameworks social justice human rights violations cultural heritage UNESCO cultural diversity international relations indigenous rights minority languages ethnic identity cultural revitalization global indigenous movements minority representation cultural empowerment colonial legacy post-colonial studies government accountability self-determination minority cultures state respect rights protection cultural dilution majority dominance future choices indigenous rights Australian policy Aboriginal rights citizenship denial stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government policy cultural erosion human rights self-governance ethnic identity linguistic preservation international law minority rights cultural autonomy political recognition tribal sovereignty UNESCO heritage conservation social justice ethnic minorities indigenous peoples cultural diversity global governance human rights advocacy policy reform historical injustices reconciliation reparations community empowerment traditional knowledge intangible heritage legal frameworks civil rights self-determination minority cultures state policies cultural rights indigenous peoples Aboriginal rights stolen generation Tibetan culture Chinese government cultural preservation human rights citizenship minority protections future generations cultural identity language preservation policy analysis government responsibility international law cultural autonomy"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-con04a	"Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. Corruption, an essential issue in Russia, is due to the strong leadership  There is a link between the high levels of corruption and the strong leadership of Russian president and prime minister of Russia. – “Some of Russia's most prominent opposition figures have produced a report accusing Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of presiding over a boom in corruption and enriching his inner circle over the past decade… Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev themselves have 26 ""palaces"" and five yachts, which in turn require costly state upkeep, according to the report.” (8)  Many argue that if it weren’t for the power of the prime minister and ex-president Putin, also his strong authority and management, corruption would have been minimized long ago. corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization bribery government officials political influence economic impact transparency accountability rule of law democracy civil society public trust institutional weakness governance policymakers anti-corruption measures international pressure human rights media freedom judiciary independence executive overreach legislative oversight executive power democratic backsliding oligarchs cronyism nepotism graft embezzlement corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle power authority management minimized corruption political influence state upkeep palaces yachts Corruption Russia strong leadership Prime Minister Vladimir Putin President Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report accusation enriching inner circle power authority management minimization bribery embezzlement political influence government control accountability transparency graft state resources nepotism favoritism misconduct public office abuse of power illicit gains high-level corruption systemic corruption institutional corruption political corruption administrative corruption economic corruption social corruption legal corruption moral corruption cultural corruption environmental corruption international corruption domestic corruption historical corruption contemporary corruption Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization public officials political influence governance transparency accountability Russia corruption strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report boom in corruption inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption Corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enriching inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized corruption corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle power authority management minimized palaces yachts state upkeep corruption Russia strong leadership Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimization political influence governance accountability transparency corruption strong leadership Russian president prime minister Vladimir Putin Dmitry Medvedev opposition figures report enrichment inner circle palaces yachts state upkeep power authority management minimized"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con01a	Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. Regardless of the views expressed, freedom of speech means that all opinions should be heard.  Allowing politicians to regulate what it is acceptable to say – or think – is not something that has a happy history. This isn’t the result of a purely intellectual construct but one of altruistic self-interest; once people start banning ideas, they tend not to stop at one.  Voltaire’s comment that “I may not agree with what you say but I will defend to the death your right to say it” is a statement of the very same principle that that demands equality for all groups in society.  In exactly the same way that all views are, at the very least, worthy of a hearing, so are all lifestyles acceptable. Locking people up in the name of liberty makes no sense at all. Equally, banning statements on the basis that it might be offensive to some people has been used as an excuse to prevent social and cultural developments, the process of being offended usually made society and culture stronger for it. We tend to fear or hate that which is hidden or unspoken. The emancipation and liberation of other groups has tended to suggest that open debate is a more productive answer than trying to ban opinions and views. freedom of speech censorship political regulation historical consequences intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality societal views lifestyles liberty social development cultural development offense emancipation open debate opinion suppression freedom of speech censorship political regulation intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality lifestyles liberty social development cultural development being offended emancipation open debate banning opinions freedom of speech political regulation censorship intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality social development cultural development emancipation open debate opinion suppression societal progress cultural progress viewpoint diversity lifestyle acceptance offensive speech social change cultural change debate freedom intellectual diversity freedom of speech all opinions heard politicians regulating speech historical precedents intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire quote equality for all groups lifestyles acceptance liberty vs. incarceration offense as cultural development social strength through openness fear of the unspoken open debate vs. censorship emancipation through dialogue freedom of speech censorship intellectual freedom political regulation historical consequences self-interest equality societal development cultural progress offensive speech social change open debate opinion suppression Voltaire emancipation liberation tolerance debate democracy human rights freedom of speech all opinions regulating speech intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire defend to the death equality for all all views heard lifestyles acceptable liberty offensive statements social developments cultural developments open debate banning opinions emancipation liberation productive answer freedom of speech political regulation historical precedent intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality social development cultural development offense emancipation open debate censorship societal strength hidden truths opinion suppression productive discourse freedom of speech censorship intellectual construct altruistic self-interest idea regulation Voltaire equality social development cultural development debate opinion banning social liberation cultural emancipation offensive speech societal progress debate freedom viewpoint diversity political regulation speech restriction historical outcomes freedom of speech political regulation historical consequences intellectual constructs altruistic self-interest idea censorship Voltaire equality lifestyle acceptance social development cultural strength open debate opinion suppression societal fear emancipation liberation productive discourse freedom of speech censorship political regulation historical consequences intellectual construct altruistic self-interest banning ideas Voltaire equality social acceptance cultural developments offensive statements societal strength emancipation open debate banning opinions
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con03a	If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. If this were about wearing a badge with a political slogan or something similar, everyone would agree that it was inappropriate. The same principle should apply to iconography.  If the image they were wearing endorsed a political candidate or another company, the issue would never have got to court. Neither complainant was employed in a capacity where their religious conviction was relevant to the job. If the situation were reversed and they were compelled to profess a religious faith in such a situation there would, rightly, be an outcry.  In neither situation would the consumer of the service being provided expect to be confronted with endorsements for which candidate to vote for or which soda to drink.  The question then arises, if political and corporate branding is out, why should suggestions about which god to pray to be okay? The very fact that they were willing to pursue this action demonstrates that images and symbols carry meaning beyond the explicit statement they make. If that is true, then it is equally true that others may object to, or be offended by, what that symbol represents. People who have bought airline tickets or are in need of healthcare should not be confronted by imagery they may find unpleasant. political slogan inappropriate iconography image political candidate company religious conviction job religious faith consumer service endorsements candidate soda corporate branding god pray action images symbols meaning explicit statement objection offended airline tickets healthcare unpleasant political slogans inappropriate iconography religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer expectations political branding corporate branding religious symbols offensive imagery public services healthcare airline tickets customer experience symbolic meaning religious endorsements workplace neutrality employee attire professional conduct consumer rights religious freedom First Amendment free speech workplace discrimination customer protection legal precedent societal norms cultural sensitivity symbolic representation public opinion employee rights corporate responsibility consumer protection image representation religious imagery workplace appropriateness professional standards customer service publicresponse legal action symbol significance consumer dissatisfaction political slogan badge inappropriate iconography image political candidate company court religious conviction job religious faith consumer service vote soda god pray action symbol meaning objection offended airline tickets healthcare unpleasant imagery wearing badge political slogan inappropriate display iconography principle image endorsement political candidate company promotion religious conviction job relevance consumer expectation service provision political branding corporate branding religious symbols symbol meaning objectionable imagery consumer rights airline tickets healthcare services unpleasant imagery wearing badges political slogans inappropriate display religious symbols workplace conduct job relevance consumer expectations corporate branding symbol meanings offended parties airline passengers healthcare patients symbolic representation legal grievances non-disruptive service professional boundaries endorsement neutrality political slogans inappropriate iconography religious conviction job relevance consumer expectations corporate branding religious symbols objectionable imagery public service symbol meaning offended parties airline passengers healthcare seekers message endorsement visual representation explicit statement implicit meaning cultural sensitivity workplace neutrality badge political slogan iconography image political candidate company religious conviction job relevance religious faith consumer service endorsement candidate soda political branding corporate branding religious symbols legal action imagery meaning objection offense airline tickets healthcare unpleasant wearing badge political slogan inappropriate iconography image endorse political candidate complainant religious conviction job relevance reverse situation religious faith consumer service vote soda political branding corporate branding suggestions god pray legal action symbol meaning objection offended airline tickets healthcare unpleasant imagery political slogan inappropriate iconography religious conviction job relevance consumer expectations corporate branding religious symbols offensive imagery public service symbol meaning legal action objection cultural sensitivity workplace neutrality freedom of expression customer rights employee conduct public perception professionalism endorsement corporate policy diversity inclusion secular environment religious beliefs personal values societal norms ethical considerations legal boundaries employer responsibilities employee rights conflict resolution negotiation tolerance respect communication understanding empathy workplace culture corporate image brand reputation customer satisfaction service quality employee training guidelines regulations badge political slogan iconography endorsement court religious conviction profession religious faith political branding corporate branding symbolism consumer healthcare imagery objection offense meaning representation unpleasant airline tickets healthcare service religious symbols political symbols corporate symbols workplace public service freedom of expression religious freedom secularism neutrality customer rights employee rights legal precedent discrimination public opinion cultural sensitivity ethics morality social norms policy regulation legislation advocacy debate discussion awareness education tolerance accommodation diversity inclusion conflict resolution compromise
test-politics-glgvhbqssc-pro03a	International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International Law Mandates Quebec be allowed Independence  International law recognizes Quebec’s right to self-determination and denying them self-determination is therefore a violation of international law.  International law recognizes the right of all peoples to self-determination. The international community has decided that it is oppressive to individuals to live under a government that is systematically incapable or unwilling to protect them and their interests. [1]  The Quebecois have been systematically denied adequate representation in the federal government of Canada. Quebecois legislation protection their basic rights to retain their language and culture have been met with contempt [2] and legal action by the federal Canadian government and courts. [3] This is but one example of the very clear denial of basic representation and self-governance that afflicts the Quebecois in Canada.  Therefore, Quebec has the legal right to self-determination and independence in international law.  [1] „Reference re Secession of Quebec“, Supreme Court of Canada, 1998, 2 S.C.R. 217, <  >  [2] “Maxime Bernier on Quebec law: ‘We don’t need Bill 101’”, The Canadian Press, 4 February 2011, <  >  [3] Hudon, R., „Bill 101“, The Canadian Encyclopedia, <  > International law self-determination Quebec independence federal government Canada representation cultural rights language protection legal rights Supreme Court secession oppression governance Maxime Bernier Bill 101 Canadian Encyclopedia constitutional law human rights democratic governance national identity political representation legislative autonomy international recognition legal mandate Quebecois minority rights federalism regional autonomy international community legal violations self-governance International Law Quebec Independence Self-Determination Violation Rights Peoples Representation Government Protection Interests Quebecois Federal Government Canada Legislation Language Culture Contempt Legal Action Self-Governance Supreme Court Reference re Secession of Quebec Maxime Bernier Bill 101 The Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia R. Hudon International law mandates Quebec independence self-determination denial international community oppression representation Quebecois federal government Canada language culture Supreme Court Reference re Secession of Quebec Maxime Bernier Bill 101 legislation protection basic rights legal action governance rights peoples interest contempt systematic inadequate afflict legal right secession judicial constitutional autonomy sovereignty political ethnic linguistic minority rights federalism democracy human rights international tribunal United Nations referendum symbolic substantive recognition state International law Quebec independence self-determination violation of rights peoples' rights oppression federal government representation Quebecois legislation language protection cultural rights legal action Supreme Court of Canada Reference re Secession of Quebec Maxime Bernier Bill 101 The Canadian Encyclopedia self-governance Quebecois representation basic rights international community government protection individual rights systematic denial Canadian federal government Quebec legislation Quebecois identity legal right to independence international recognition cultural preservation legal framework political representation governmental accountability human rights democratic principles international standards International Law Quebec Independence Self-Determination Federal Government Canada Representation Cultural Rights Language Protection Legal Action Supreme Court Bill 101 Quebecois Oppression Governance Human Rights State Recognition Secession Constitutional Law Nationalism International law self-determination Quebec independence representation federal government Canada cultural rights Bill 101 Supreme Court secession legal rights peoples' rights international community oppression governance legislation language protection contempt legal action International Law Self-Determination Quebec Independence Legal Right Supreme Court of Canada Representation Federal Government Canada Bill 101 Quebecois Cultural Protection Legal Action Denial of Rights International Community Governance Oppression Rights Retention Language Culture Maxime Bernier Reference re Secession of Quebec 1998 2 S.C.R. 217 The Canadian Encyclopedia The Canadian Press 4 February 2011 Hudon R International law Quebec independence self-determination federal government Canada representation basic rights language culture legal right secession Supreme Court Bill 101 Maxime Bernier The Canadian Press The Canadian Encyclopedia oppression governance international community violation contempt legal action Quebecois legislation rights interests systematic denial adequate representation self-governance International law self-determination Quebec independence federal government representation cultural protection legal rights secession Supreme Court of Canada Bill 101 Quebecois oppression governance human rights political representation linguistic rights autonomy constitutional law international community legal violations democratic principles sovereignty nation-state minority rights ethnocultural groups political status regional autonomy self-governance political oppression systemic neglect international recognition legal frameworks democratic legitimacy national identity political autonomy constitutional rights international norms legal precedents referendums political movements legislative International Law Quebec Independence Self-Determination Federal Government Canada Representation Legislation Language Culture Reference re Secession of Quebec Supreme Court of Canada Maxime Bernier Bill 101 The Canadian Encyclopedia
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro01a	Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property is a legal fiction created for convenience in some instances, but copyright should cease to be protected under this doctrine  An individual’s idea only truly belongs solely to them so long as it rests in their mind alone. When they disseminate their ideas to the world they put them in the public domain, and should become the purview of everyone to use. Artists and creators more generally, should not expect some sort of ownership to inhere in an idea they happen to have, since no such ownership right exists in reality. [1] No one can own an idea. Thus recognizing something like a property right over intangible assets is contrary to reason, since doing so gives monopoly power to individuals who may not make efficient or equitable use of their inventions or products. Physical property is a tangible asset, and thus can be protected by tangible safeguards. Ideas do not share the same order of protection even now because they exist in a different order to physical reality. However, some intellectual property is useful in encouraging investment and invention, allowing people to engage their profit motives to the betterment of society as a whole. To an extent one can also sympathize with the notion that creators deserve to accrue some additional profit for the labour of the creative process, but this can be catered for through Creative Commons non-commercial licenses which reserve commercial rights. [2] These protections should not extend to non-commercial use of the various forms of arts. This is because art is a social good of a unique order, with its purpose not purely functional, but creative. It only has value in being experienced, and thus releasing these works through creative commons licenses allows the process of artistic experience and sharing proceeds unhindered by outmoded notions of copyright. The right to reap some financial gain still remains for the artists, as their rights still hold over all commercial use of their work. This seems like a fair compromise of the artist’s right to profit from their work and society right to experience and grow from those works.  [1] Fitzgerald, Brian and Anne Fitzgerald. Intellectual Property: In Principle. Melbourne: Lawbook Company. 2004.  [2] Walsh, K., “Commercial Rights Reserved proposal outcome: no change”, Creative Commons, 14 February 2013, Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ownership ideas monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience financial gain society creativity legal protection outmoded notions fair compromise artists' rights social good cultural sharing innovation creativity incentives legal doctrines property rights equitable use tangible safeguards intangible benefits creative process labor artistic works experiential value profit rights commercial exploitation non-commercial sharing public interest intellectual assets legal principles artistic intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership intangible assets monopoly power physical property tangible safeguards investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience social good financial gain commercial use fair compromise society growth creators' rights outmoded notions Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K. Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain creative commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artists creators profit motives society artistic experience sharing monopoly power intangible assets tangible property ownership rights outmoded notions financial gain compromise social good Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use profit motives society invention monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets property rights ownership ideas creators artists financial gain outmoded notions sharing investment equitable use legal doctrine creative process social good art experience work compromise rights innovation protection dissemination monopoly efficiency equity physical property safeguards intangible reality profit labor value functionality creativity license commercial rights non-commercial use legal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain ownership ideas monopoly power tangible assets intangible assets investment invention profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience financial gain commercial use social good creative works outmoded notions fair compromise Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible property intangible assets monopoly power profit motives creative commons non-commercial use artistic experience financial gain commercial use societal benefit outmoded notions copyright protection creativity sharing equitable use intellectual property rights Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets monopoly power profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society creativity legal protection innovation fair compromise artistic works sharing outmoded notions Brian Fitzgerald Anne Fitzgerald K Walsh Creative Commons proposal Intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets monopoly power creative commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society right artistic sharing intellectual property legal fiction copyright public domain idea ownership tangible assets intangible assets monopoly power profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses commercial use artistic experience social good financial gain society rights outmoded notions creative process equitable use invention dissemination legal protection property rights artistic works economic incentives cultural exchange intellectual assets creative commons licenses fair compromise societal benefit creator's rights innovation legal doctrine artistic expression intellectual monopolies public benefit legal safeguards intangible goods tangible property legal theories cultural commons intellectual property copyright legal fiction public domain property rights intangible assets physical property profit motives Creative Commons non-commercial licenses artistic experience commercial use financial gain society rights outmoded notions monopoly power creators rights equitable use dissemination of ideas idea ownership tangible safeguards creative process social good invention encouragement legal protection profit accrual artistic works fair compromise
test-religion-frghbbgi-con01a	Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. Revealed wisdom  Godly wisdom is not the same as human wisdom and cannot be subject to the same criticism. The nature of humanity means that our ability to understand God’s wisdom is fundamentally limited; and thus arguments based on morality or science are irrelevant – what matters is that God has revealed Himself. revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom morality science divine revelation theological understanding spiritual insight biblical wisdom religious knowledge faith-based reasoning criticism of faith human limitations understanding God spiritual arguments divine truth religious morality scientific skepticism faith versus reason revealed truth divine knowledge spiritual insight transcendent understanding absolute wisdom human limitations cognitive bounds supernatural revelation theological wisdom divine revelation moral irrelevance scientific limitations faith-based understanding spiritual cognition godly insight revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation theological knowledge spiritual understanding moral criticism scientific critique human limitations divine mystery faith-based knowledge religious epistemology revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation spiritual understanding moral arguments scientific critique theological perspective faith-based knowledge biblical insight transcendent wisdom supernatural understanding religious epistemology divine truth spiritual discernment Revealed wisdom Godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation moral arguments scientific arguments human understanding theological perspective spiritual knowledge religious belief divine intent faith-based reasoning critique of human wisdom limitations of human cognition supernatural insight biblical wisdom theological truth spiritual insight divine revelation theology philosophy of religion critique of science critique of morality religious epistemology divine disclosure spiritual revelation theological epistemology faith versus reason divine enlightenment spiritual cognition transcendent knowledge divine understanding sacred wisdom religious philosophy spiritual enlightenment theological discernment divine authority spiritual revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation moral criticism scientific criticism human limitations understanding god divine understanding spiritual wisdom biblical wisdom theological wisdom spiritual revelation divine knowledge human knowledge spiritual insight divine insight religious wisdom spiritual discernment revealed truth divine truth spiritual enlightenment theological enlightenment biblical enlightenment divine revelation spiritual revelation divine wisdom supernatural wisdom transcendental wisdom metaphysical wisdom spiritual cognition divine cognition theological cognition spiritual perception divine perception theological perception religious perception spiritual awareness divine awareness theological awareness religious awareness revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation theological understanding moral arguments scientific critique faith-based knowledge spiritual insight biblical wisdom religious epistemology divine mysteries human limitations transcendent truth spiritual discernment Revealed wisdom divine knowledge Godly insight human limitations moral critiques scientific objections spiritual understanding divine revelation theological wisdom transcendent truth faith-based knowledge spiritual enlightenment divine will sacred wisdom religious understanding mystical insight supernatural revelation doctrinal truth spiritual discernment divine Teaching revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation spiritual understanding moral criticism scientific criticism theological argument religious belief faith-based knowledge divine truth human limitations spiritual insight religious doctrine biblical wisdom theological perspective spiritual discernment faith and reason religious epistemology divine sovereignty revealed wisdom godly wisdom human wisdom divine revelation spiritual understanding moral arguments scientific criticism human limitations theological perspective religious truth divine knowledge spiritual insight faith-based reasoning God's revelation transcendent wisdom
test-environment-opecewiahw-con04a	The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, The cost is too high  The Grand Inga is ‘pie in the sky’ as the cost is too immense. At more than $50-100 billion it is more than twice the GDP of the whole country. [1] Even the much smaller Inga III project has been plagued by funding problems with Westcor pulling out of the project in 2009. [2] This much smaller project still does not have all the financial backing it needs having failed to get firm commitments of investment from anyone except the South Africans. [3] If private companies won’t take the risk on a much smaller project they won’t on the Grand Inga.  [1] Central Intelligence Agency, ‘Congo, Democratic Republic of the’, The World Factbook, 12 November 2013,   [2] ‘Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project’, Alternative Energy Africa, 14 August 2009,   [3] ‘DRC still looking for Inga III funding’, ESI-Africa.com, 13 September 2013, cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk DRC investment Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com cost Grand Inga pie in the sky funding issues Inga III Westcor financial backing private companies risk investment South Africans GDP Democratic Republic of Congo World Factbook ESI-Africa Alternative Energy Africa cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 smaller project financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook Westcor Drops Grand Inga III Project ESI-Africa DRC funding investment cost Grand Inga pie in the sky immense cost $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing private companies DRC investment South Africans Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic of the World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com cost Grand Inga funding problems Inga III Westcor financial backing private companies risk GDP investment South Africans DRC Congo Democratic Republic of the Central Intelligence Agency The World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense cost $50-100 billion twice GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook Congo Democratic Republic Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com DRC Inga III funding cost high Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion twice GDP country Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook Alternative Energy Africa ESI-Africa.com DRC funding cost Grand Inga pie in the sky immense $50-100 billion GDP Inga III funding problems Westcor 2009 financial backing South Africans private companies risk Central Intelligence Agency Congo Democratic Republic World Factbook ESI-Africa Alternative Energy Africa cost high Grand Inga project investment funding problems Westcor Inga III financial backing South Africans private companies risk Congo Democratic Republic GDP billion pie in the sky immense Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook ESI-Africa Alternative Energy Africa cost Grand Inga pie in the sky funding problems Westcor Inga III financial backing private companies risk DRC GDP investment South Africans ESI-Africa Alternative Energy Africa Central Intelligence Agency World Factbook
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con03a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a working economy on the internet  As seen above, the internet has enabled many types of criminal behavior. But it has also enabled normal citizens to share files. Music, movie and game producers have difficulty operating in a market where their products get pirated immediately after release and spread for free instantaneously on a massive scale. The internet enables violation of their right of ownership, gained through providing the hard work of creating a work of art, on a massive scale. Since it’s impractical to sue and fine each and every downloader, a more effective and less invasive policy would be government requiring Internet Service Providers to implement a graduated response policy, which has ISPs automatically monitor all internet traffic and fine their users when they engage in copyright violation. Something along these lines has already been tried in France, called HADOPI, which has succeeded in decreasing the downloading of unauthorized content. [1]  Apart from this, governments also need to think about how to translate everyday offline activities onto the internet. For example, when you file your tax report offline, you would sign it with your handwritten signature. The online variant would be a digital signature. [2] Developing and deploying a digital signature would enable citizens and corporations to do business, file their tax reports and pay their taxes online.  [1] Crumley, ‘Why France’s Socialists Won’t Kill Sarkozy’s Internet Piracy Law’, 2012  [2] Wikipedia, ‘Digital Signatures’, 2012. Internet regulation economic stability online criminal behavior file sharing copyright infringement piracy digital rights management graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI digital signatures online transactions tax reporting cybersecurity government policy digital economy online content protection user rights internet governance electronic commerce Internet regulation economic framework online crime file sharing copyright infringement intellectual property piracy legal downloading graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI digital rights management digital signatures online transactions tax reporting cybersecurity policy implementation internet governance digital economy consumer protection Internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers monitoring internet traffic HADOPI France unauthorized content digital signature online business tax reports taxes cybersecurity online security digital rights management content protection legal frameworks policy implementation technology policy digital transactions e-commerce intellectual property piracy prevention digital authentication electronic signatures cybersecurity laws online governance digital identity verification internet policy file sharing regulation content creators protection digital economy online legal frameworks digital rights Internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy ownership rights creative works copyright violation ISP monitoring graduated response policy HADOPI France unauthorized content digital signature tax reports online business tax payments internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers HADOPI unauthorized content digital signature online tax filing cybersecurity digital rights management online commerce copyright law digital copyright online payments cybersecurity policy internet governance digital identity e-government online security data protection intellectual property digital rights information technology policy digital economy online privacy network monitoring content filtering digital legislation online crime prevention digital ethics internet laws online transactions cyberlaw electronic signatures internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music movie game producers piracy right of ownership graduated response policy Internet Service Providers traffic monitoring copyright violation HADOPI unauthorized content digital signature tax reports online business tax payments legal framework digital rights management content protection cybersecurity digital identity e-governance online transactions intellectual property cyber legislation policy implementation technological solutions user privacy public policy cyber ethics regulatory mechanisms digital economy online security data protection consumer protection internet governance digital Transformation legal compliance digital authentication Internet regulation economic stability criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright infringement ownership rights content creators graduated response policy Internet Service Providers ISP monitoring copyright violation fines HADOPI France unauthorized content digital signature online tax filing cybersecurity digital transactions policy implementation online business tax compliance internet governance legal frameworks digital rights management user privacy technological enforcement content protection digital economy secure digital communication regulatory measures online security public policy digital identity electronic signatures cybersecurity laws digital governance intellectual property protection online Internet regulation economic stability criminal behavior file sharing copyright infringement content piracy ownership rights graduated response policy ISP monitoring HADOPI France unauthorized downloads digital signature online tax filing cybersecurity online commerce legal framework digital legislation user privacy data protection content creators digital rights management online governance policy effectiveness internet traffic monitoring piracy reduction digital transactions secure online services government intervention technology regulation digital economy online security digital identity regulatory measures internet policies digital copyright online content distribution legal enforcement digital innovation user accountability internet law internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music piracy movie piracy game piracy copyright violation right of ownership graduated response policy government regulation Internet Service Providers ISP monitoring HADOPI digital signature online tax filing cybersecurity intellectual property online content control digital rights management public policy internet governance cybersecurity laws file sharing regulation digital economy online security privacy concerns legal download unauthorized content online business tax compliance digital authentication electronic signature online transaction security internet regulation working economy criminal behavior file sharing music producers movie producers game producers piracy copyright violation ownership rights graduated response policy Internet Service Providers ISP monitoring fines HADOPI France digital signature tax reports online business tax payments Crumley France's Internet Piracy Law Wikipedia
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro04a	This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. This ban would be easy to introduce.  A ban in all public places would be no more difficult to introduce than existing bans preventing smoking in only some public places. As long as people are given plenty of notice of changes, as was done in airports in Saudi Arabia, and the rules are made clear and readily available1 there should be few difficulties in introducing this ban.  1 Smith, Louise. “Smoking in public places: the ban in force – Commons Library Standard Note.” Parliament. 20 May 2011. public places smoking ban existing bans Saudi Arabia airports notice of changes clear rules readily available information /commons library standard note louise smith smoking in public places ban introduction policy implementation legislative process public health measures environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke nonsmokers' rights enforcement mechanisms compliance strategies public places smoking ban implementation Saudi Arabia notice rules clarity commons library louise smith 2011 ban public places smoking introduction difficulties notice rules clarity availability Saudi Arabia airports Louise Smith Parliament Commons Library Standard Note 20 May 2011 ban introduction public places smoking ban existing bans notice of changes clear rules Saudi Arabia airports Parliament Commons Library Smoking in public places Louise Smith May 2011 ban public places smoking implementation notification rules clear available Saudi Arabia airports Louise Smith Parliament 2011 commons library standard note public places smoking ban existing bans Saudi Arabia airports notice of changes clear rules readily available Parliament Smoking in public places ban in force Commons Library Standard Note ban public places smoking introduction difficulty comparison existing bans notice changes clarity rules airports Saudi Arabia Smith Louise Smoking in public places Commons Library Standard Note Parliament 20 May 2011 ban public places smoking introduction existing bans notice airports Saudi Arabia rules clarity availability Smith Louise Smoking in public places Commons Library Standard Note Parliament 20 May 2011 public places smoking ban existing bans difficulties introduction notice airports Saudi Arabia rules clarity availability Parliament Commons Library Standard Note Louise Smith 20 May 2011 public places smoking ban introduction process Saudi Arabia airports notice of changes rule clarity Louise Smith Commons Library Standard Note Parliament 20 May 2011
test-philosophy-ippelhbcp-con01a	“Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, “Benefits” of capital punishment apply universally  The same arguments about capital punishment apply in Africa - deterrence value, potential cost savings, and principles of justice. [1] This could be more acute, with growing issues of international crime, such as drugs, growing in Africa [2] .  Africa has had many issues of conflict and crimes against humanity – these are the kind of crimes that many who are less enthusiastic about capital punishment would still support it for.  [1] See “This House Supports the Death Penalty” -   [2] See Cockayne, James, “Africa and the War on Drugs: the West African cocaine trade is not just business as usual”, African Arguments, 2012, benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments capital punishment deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime drugs crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African conflicts human rights violations legal systems in Africa public safety judicial reform crime prevention moral arguments retributive justice capital offenses legal ethics societal norms crime rates punitive measures humanitarian law criminal justice system extrajudicial killings rule of law human dignity social order >({ risking repetition but ensuring coverage }) Benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence value cost savings principles of justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade benefits capital punishment universal arguments deterrence cost savings justice principles international crime drug trafficking Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice principles international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments James Cockayne capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade policy debate moral arguments legal systems human rights public safety crime prevention societal values legal reform benefits capital punishment universally deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade African Arguments capital punishment deterrence cost savings justice international crime drugs Africa conflict crimes against humanity death penalty West African cocaine trade
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro04a	Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Increase the number of Minorities  College admission processes are impersonal and favourably biased towards white, affluent students – therefore, quotas specifically for minority students need to be established. College admissions processes are as such because they heavily rely on standard tests or college admission exams. This has caused countries such as Brazil to create quotas for brown (mixed) and black students in most universities. [1] These students cannot afford the better education enjoyed by their rich, white counterparts, and therefore do not perform well in college exams and do not gain admission into university. Quotas are needed to make the admission process a little bit fairer and increase the number of minorities in university campuses.  [1] Stahlberg, S.G. “Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil”. August 2010, Minorities College admission Impersonal processes Bias White students Affluent students Quotas Minority students Standard tests College admission exams Brazil Brown students Black students Universities Education inequality Rich students White counterparts College exams University admission Racial inequality Affirmative action Education Stahlberg Racial quotas Educational opportunities Diversity in higher education Admission fairness Socioeconomic status Test performance Admissions criteria Underrepresented students increase minorities college admission processes impersonal favourably biased white affluent students quotas minority standard tests exams brazil brown black universities education rich white counterparts perform university racial inequality affirmative action education fairness campus diversity socioeconomic status underprivileged representation policy discrimination equity opportunity access achievement gap reform schools test-optional holistic review admission criteria social justice inclusion educational outcomes opportunity structural barriers support programs increase minority college admissions quotas for minority students biased college admissions white affluent student advantage standardized test reliance brazilian race quotas educational inequality affirmative action in education fair admission process minority representation in universities socioeconomic factors in education racial inequality in education increase minority college admissions impersonal college admissions bias in college admissions white affluent student advantage minority student quotas standard tests in college admissions Brazil university quotas educational inequality affirmative action in education fairer admission processes minority representation in universities economic disparity in education college exam performance racial inequality in education Stahlberg racial inequality study Minorities College admission Impersonal Bias White Affluent Quotas Minority students Standard tests College admission exams Brazil Brown students Black students Universities Education Rich White counterparts Performance College exams University admission Fairness Racial inequality Affirmative action Education in Brazil college admission minority quotas racial inequality affirmative action standardized tests education access university diversity socioeconomic barriers academic performance Brazil education policy increase minorities college admission processes impersonal favourably biased white affluent students quotas specific minority standard tests exams Brazil brown mixed black universities education rich white counterparts perform university campuses racial inequality affirmative action Stahlberg S.G. August 2010 Minorities College admission Impersonal Bias White Affluent Quotas Minority students Standard tests College admission exams Brazil Quotas for minorities Brown students Black students Universities Better education Rich White counterparts College exams Admission University campuses Racial inequality Affirmative action Education Stahlberg Racial Inequality and Affirmative Action in Education in Brazil increase number minorities college admission processes impersonal favourably biased white affluent students quotas minority standard tests college admission exams Brazil quotas brown black students universities education rich white counterparts perform college exams admission university racial inequality affirmative action education Stahlberg S.G. August 2010 affirmative action racial inequality educational opportunities minority students college admissions quotas standardized tests socioeconomic status brazilian education policy university diversity
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro02a	Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians should be able to make difficult decisions without fear that selecting one option will lead to their incarceration.  By the most popular definition, a state is the entity with the monopoly on the legitimate use of force within a defined territory. Politicians, as the government of that state, necessarily wield the institutions of that state force. This results in the tremendous responsibility of deciding when the overwhelming power of the state is exercised. This pertains to a variety of areas, such as police action against civil unrest, the interrogation of both alleged and convicted terrorists, and economic policies that subsidize industries with state resources. While it is certainly possible to brazenly abuse this power, in many cases politicians are presented with options which are, if at all illegal, marginally so, and made with the good faith interest of the nation at heart. There are even conceivable situations in which a politician may exercise options that are clearly illegal but serve an overwhelming state interest; consider an illegal raid on a private building in order to prevent a nuclear bomb from going off. While documented instances of policy-makers choosing not to act for a particular reason are rare, several senior CIA officials stated that they had become risk averse merely because the idea of prosecuting officials who made security policy had entered the public discourse. [1] We ought to place politicians in a situation where the only factor in their decision-making process is what serves the public interest, rather than having to weigh what they consider to be the right action against the chance it will lead to their incarceration. Attempting to avoid this through a limited system which allowed for the prosecution of apolitical crimes but immunity for political decisions would fail to accomplish the goals of prosecution of politicians, which is primarily to protect against political abuses of state power which threaten the rights of the citizenry.  [1] Crawford, Robert, ‘Torture and the Ideology of National Security’ Global Dialogue, Vol.12 No.1, Winter/Spring 2010, (“A Risk-Averse CIA” subsection)  [Accessed 22 September 2011] Politicians decision-making fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate force government responsibility state force civil unrest police action interrogation terrorists economic policies industries state resources abuse power illegal state interest nuclear bomb risk averse CIA prosecution public discourse public interest political abuses citizen rights national security torture ideology security policy political crimes immunity apolitical crimes prosecution goals political decisions legal reform ethical governance accountability public trust decision impact legal framework political risk governance ethics legal immunity state politicians difficult decisions fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force territory government state force responsibility decision-making state power police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies industries abuse power illegal state interest nuclear bomb policy-makers risk averse CIA officials prosecution security policy public interest limited system prosecution of apolitical crimes immunity political decisions protection political abuses state power rights citizenry torture ideology national security risk aversion legal immunity public discourse political accountability political decision-making state power legitimate use of force legal repercussions political immunity state interest public interest risk aversion political abuse citizen rights prosecution of politicians policy-making civil unrest terrorism economic policies state resources illegal actions national security political crimes apolitical crimes Politicians decision-making fear of incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government responsibility state power civil unrest terrorist interrogation economic policies state subsidies abuse of power illegal actions state interest risk aversion public discourse prosecution political immunity citizen rights political abuses national security torture ideology CIA officials security policy legal consequences public interest politicians decision-making incarceration state power monopoly legitimate use of force civil unrest terrorism economic policies state resources abuse of power state interest nuclear threat risk aversion prosecution public interest political immunity citizen rights national security torture ideology CIA policy-makers security policy politicians decision-making fear incarceration state legitimate force government state force responsibility exercise power police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies state resources abuse power illegal actions state interest nuclear threat risk aversion CIA officials prosecution policy-making public interest political immunity apolitical crimes political abuses citizen rights national security torture ideology Politicians decision-making fear of incarceration state power monopoly of force civil unrest terrorism economic policies abuse of power state interest illegal actions public interest risk aversion prosecution political immunity protection of rights citizenry political abuses security policy CIA torture national security legal accountability ethical governance democratic principles judicial reform political crimes apolitical crimes policy-making governance institutional power state institutions legal frameworks political ethics public trust government accountability security policies state actions legal protections political reforms judicial oversight political decision-making politicians difficult decisions incarceration state monopoly legitimate force government responsibility state force police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies subsidies industries state resources abuse of power illegal actions national interest nuclear bomb risk aversion CIA officials prosecution security policy public discourse public interest political decisions immunity apolitical crimes political abuses state power citizen rights national security torture ideology Politicians decision-making fear of incarceration state monopoly legitimate use of force government responsibility state force police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies state subsidies power abuse legal decisions public interest prosecution political immunity state interest national security risk aversion CIA policy-makers prosecution goals political abuse citizen rights politicians decision-making fear incarceration state monopoly legitimate force government responsibility state force police action civil unrest interrogation terrorists economic policies state resources abuse power illegal state interest nuclear bomb prosecution security policy public discourse risk-averse CIA officials public interest limited system prosecution immunity political decisions apolitical crimes political abuses state power citizen rights
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro03a	Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: Individuals have a right to equal opportunities that free university provides.  The employment prospects created by a university degree are substantial, and many lines of work are only available to university graduates. True merit should define the ability to attend university, not the accident of birth. With the institution of fees, access becomes more difficult, and will certainly lead to lower attendance by poorer groups. This serves to lock people into the economic situation when they are born, as getting out is much more difficult when denied access to most high­income jobs.5  5 Tribune Opinion. 2005. “Education Paves Way Out of Poverty”. Greeley Tribune​ . Available: equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university fees access to education lower attendance poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs poverty education access socioeconomic barriers academic meritocracy equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university attendance economic situation poverty high-income jobs education fees social mobility access to education economic barriers educational equity GREELEY TRIBUNE Tribune Opinion 2005 equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees access to education economic mobility poverty high-income jobs educational inequality socioeconomic status higher education tuition costs educational barriers low-income students social mobility educational opportunities meritocracy equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based attendance university fees economic inequality access to high-income jobs poverty alleviation education policy equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university fees access to education lower attendance poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs education poverty Greeley Tribune Tribune Opinion equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees access to education economic mobility high-income jobs poverty alleviation educational inequality socioeconomic status academic opportunities financial barriers educational access social mobility equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission economic background tuition fees access to education poverty reduction high-income jobs socioeconomic mobility educational inequality economic status access barriers poorer students educational opportunity financial barriers meritocracy birth circumstances educational access professional opportunities socio-economic impact higher education economic mobility Tribune Opinion education policy poverty alleviation equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit-based admission university fees economic barriers poverty high-income jobs social mobility educational access economic situation birth circumstances fee institution attendance decline poorer groups locked economic status Tribune Opinion education paves way out of poverty Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university attendance economic situation poverty high-income jobs education fees social mobility economic barriers access to education Tribune Opinion Greeley Tribune equal opportunities free university employment prospects university degree merit university fees access to education poorer groups economic situation high-income jobs education poverty tuition costs social mobility higher education policy
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con02a	Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, Celebrity involvement counters financial power to the benefit of the disenfranchised  Parties advocating policies that benefit the most financially powerful (big business etc.) are able to make large revenues from donations from wealthy business personalities involved in those industries.  Film and music stars tend towards the ‘liberal’ or ‘left’ wing of politics [1] . Consequently, in being prevented from exerting non-financial power (through endorsement) the different political parties are not equally affected: rather, you disproportionately punish the liberal parties. This is significant, given the necessity of a counter-balance to the power of big business (through donations – for example in the USA 90% of donations from mining and the automotive industry goes to the republicans [2] ) over our political system (which is not being similarly banned).  [1] Meyer, D., Gamson, J. ‘The Challenge of Cultural Elites: Celebrities and Social Movements’, Sociological Inquiry. Vol.65 No.2, 1995, pp.181-206  [2] Duffy, Robert J., ‘Business, Elections, and the Environment’, in Michael E. Kraft and Sheldon Kamieniecki, Business and Environmental Policy, 2007, pp.61-90, p.74, celebrity influence financial power political donations big business liberal politics conservative politics endorsement power political balance social movements cultural elites election funding environmental policy mining industry automotive industry republican donations democratic donations political system non-financial power advocacy groups public opinion media influence celebrity endorsement political influence financial contributions liberal parties conservative parties big business political donations mining industry automotive industry political balance social movements cultural elites political systems election funding environmental policy celebrity endorsement financial power political donations disenfranchised groups liberal politics big business mining industry automotive industry political influence election funding social movements cultural elites counter-balance power non-financial power political parties 感官刺激 entertainment industry policy advocacy financial contributions republican party democratic process corporate influence political campaigning media influence public opinion regulatory environment environmental policy business interests social issues political systems economic power advocacy groups lobbying efforts political donations transparency campaign finance reform voter engagement social responsibility corporate citizenship ethical business practices celebrity endorsement financial power disenfranchised liberal parties political donations big business mining industry automotive industry republican donations social movements cultural elites film stars music stars political system non-financial power counter-balance elections environmental policy Celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised big business donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal left wing non-financial power endorsement political parties counter-balance power mining industry automotive industry republicans political system cultural elites sociological inquiry business elections environment Michael E. Kraft Sheldon Kamieniecki Robert J. Duffy celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political parties big business donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing non-financial power endorsements disproportionate punishment liberal parties counter-balance political system mining donations automotive donations republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environment political influence financial influence policy advocacy public endorsement political finance election funding corporate donations political inequalities activist celebrities political philanthropy lobbyist influence campaign finance reform electoral dynamics political philanthropists financial regulation political engagement celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised liberal policies big business political donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars political parties non-financial power endorsements liberal parties counter-balance power of big business mining industry automotive industry republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environmental policy celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised big business political donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing non-financial power endorsement political parties liberal parties counter-balance big business donations mining industry automotive industry political system cultural elites social movements business elections environment corporate donations political influence financial influence advocacy policy making political equity media influence public opinion democratic process celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political parties liberal policies big business donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars political endorsements non-financial power liberal parties financial power balance political system mining industry automotive industry donations to republicans cultural elites social movements business influence elections environmental policy celebrity involvement financial power disenfranchised political policies big business donations wealthy personalities film stars music stars liberal politics left-wing non-financial power political endorsements disproportionate punishment liberal parties counter-balance power of big business mining industry automotive industry republicans cultural elites social movements business elections environment political system financial influence advocacy political donations corporate influence electoral politics economic power social impact political balance public influence media influence political funding campaign finance political_spectrum economic_influence social_elites
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro03a	International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 International concern  Rwanda, though a progressing country is still aid dependent which has been a backbone for its achievements today[1]. Spoiling Rwanda’s relations with the international community would therefor be destabilising Rwanda’s focus and growth. This has been evident when some countries cut aid to Rwanda recently following allegations of the government supporting insecurity in Congo [2].  Most donor governments are strong backers of human rights and freedom. Continued restrictions to freedom of speech may provoke international reaction through cutting aid and trade ties a move that may hinder the success of Rwanda’s goals. Aid has been cut on other human rights issues for example donor countries have recently acted to cut aid to Uganda as a result of their criminalisation of homosexuality.[3]  [1] DFID Rwanda, ‘Growth and Poverty reduction grant to the government of Rwanda (2012/2013-2014/2015), gov.uk, July 2012  [2] BBC news, ‘UK stops £21m aid payment to Rwanda’ bbc.co.uk, 30 November 2012  [3] Plaut, Martin, ‘Uganda donors cut aid after president passes anti-gay law’, theguardian.com, 25 February 2014 Rwanda international community aid dependency economic achievements donor countries human rights freedom of speech international relations Congo insecurity aid cuts trade ties Uganda homosexuality DFID BBC Guardian Martin Plaut UK aid poverty reduction government support criminalisation anti-gay laws international stability development goals foreign aid political restrictions international pressure economic sanctions human rights violations donor reactions government policies regional stability international support economic growth policy reforms international standards civil liberties government accountability donor coordination aid effectiveness governance issues aid conditionality Rwanda international aid donor countries government support Congo conflict human rights freedom of speech aid reduction trade ties Uganda homosexuality law DFID BBC Martin Plaut international relations economic stability development goals poverty reduction foreign assistance political stability Rwanda international community aid dependence progress government support insecurity Congo human rights freedom of speech donor countries aid cuts trade ties Uganda homosexuality criminalisation DFID UK aid BBC Guardian Plaut Martin anti-gay law international reaction poverty reduction economic growth political stability International concern Rwanda aid dependency economic achievements international community destabilization foreign relations aid cuts human rights freedom of speech government support insecurity in Congo donor countries aid reduction trade ties Uganda homosexuality criminalization DFID UK BBC Martin Plaut theguardian anti-gay law international concern Rwanda aid dependency international community relations destabilization growth donor countries human rights freedom of speech restrictions international reaction aid cuts trade ties success goals human rights issues Uganda criminalisation of homosexuality DFID Rwanda BBC news Martin Plaut theguardian.com Rwanda aid dependency international relations human rights freedom of speech international community Congo insecurity donor countries DFID UK aid Uganda anti-gay law aid cuts trade ties economic growth poverty reduction government support insecurity allegations progressing country development achievements destabilization restriction of freedoms international reaction criminalisation of homosexuality support withdrawal economic impact policy influence foreign aid governance issues international support donor conditions political stability social issues developmental challenges regional dynamics international aid policies cooperation sanctions support for reforms bilateral relations multilateral Rwanda aid dependence international relations donor countries human rights freedom of speech Congo conflict Uganda homosexuality legislation aid cuts economic growth poverty reduction DFID UK aid international community destabilization government support insecurity criminalization donor reactions trade ties development goals BBC news Martin Plaut theguardian.com BBC.co.uk gov.uk Rwanda aid dependency international relations government support insecurity in Congo donor countries human rights freedom of speech aid cuts trade ties Uganda anti-gay law DFID poverty reduction BBC News Martin Plaut theguardian.com Rwanda aid dependency international relations human rights freedom of speech donor countries DFID BBC The Guardian Uganda anti-gay law Congo insecurity government support poverty reduction economic growth trade ties international community Spoiling relations stability progress achievements development goals restrictions international reaction aid cuts criminalisation of homosexuality strong backers political support civic freedoms Human Rights Watch UN World Bank IMF African Union regional stability national policies global funds diplomacy international pressure economic sanctions foreign policy humanitarian aid development assistance international relations Rwanda aid dependence economic development human rights freedom of speech international community donor countries aid cuts Uganda homosexuality Congo insecurity government support DFID UK aid BBC Martin Plaut theguardian
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro03a	Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants can benefit developing countries  Migrants can bring the benefit of their industriousness to developing countries. When there are crises it is the middle professional classes who are most likely to migrate as they have the resources and knowledge with which to do so. When it comes to economic migrants it is often the educated youth who are looking for better work opportunities; skilled workers make up 33% of migrants from developing countries despite being only 6% of the population. [1] Developed countries already have a highly educated and skilled population, and will take in those migrants with skills they need. Developing countries on the other hand have a much less well educated population so derive more benefit from the influx of skilled workers to help them develop thus counteracting the ‘brain drain’.  [1] Docquier, Frédéric, Lohest, Olivier, and Marfouk, Abdeslam. ‘Brain Drain in Developing Countries’, The World Bank Economic Review. Vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 193–218, p.198 Migrants developing countries industriousness middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain highly educated population developing countries benefit skilled migration counteracting brain drain migration benefits developing nations professional migration economic development skilled labor migration impact population skills migrants developing countries benefits industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skills brain drain counteracting Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain population education development workforce opportunities resources knowledge counteracting benefits influx skills needs developed countries Docquier Lohest Marfouk World Bank Economic Review Migrants developing countries benefit industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skills brain drain counteracting Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries benefit industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skilled population influx skilled workers develop brain drain counteracting Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth skilled workers brain drain population education development Docquier Lohest Marfouk World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries educated population skilled migrants developing countries less educated population skilled workers influx brain drain counteracting brain drain Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries industriousness crises middle professional classes economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skilled population brain drain counteracting World Bank economic review Docquier Lohest Marfouk Migrants developing countries industriousness middle professional classes crises economic migrants educated youth work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries highly educated skilled population developing countries less educated population influx skilled workers development brain drain counteracting Frédéric Docquier Olivier Lohest Abdeslam Marfouk World Bank Economic Review migrants developing countries benefit industriousness crises middle professional classes resources knowledge economic migrants educated youth better work opportunities skilled workers population developed countries educated skilled population benefit influx skilled workers development brain drain Docquier Frédéric Lohest Olivier Marfouk Abdeslam World Bank Economic Review
test-environment-aiahwagit-con03a	Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ Legalising the trade of horns, ivory, furs and pelts would be more effective  Making it legal for hunters to kill these endangered animals, rather than protecting them, could prevent extinction. The protected status of endangered animals has made their pelts, horns and tusks more expensive as they are harder to obtain. [1] The current illegality of trading rhino horns has constrained supply in comparison to demand in Asia. This has driven the price of the horn to around £84,000. Softening protection for endangered animals could, in theory, reduce the price to a point where it is no longer profitable to hunt these endangered animals. [2] This would potentially increase supply by freeing up that seized by governments which is currently destroyed, and could potentially involve farming as South Africa is considering with Rhino horn. [3]  [1] Welz, A. ‘The War on African Poaching: Is Militarization Fated to Fail?’  [2] Player, I. & Fourie, A. ‘How to win the war against poachers’  [3] Molewa, E., ‘Statement on Rhino poaching intervention’ legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters kill endangered animals protecting extinction protected status expensive demand supply Asia price profitable poaching militarization fail farming South Africa rhino horn seized destroyed intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting protection extinction poaching rhino horns price supply demand profitability farming militarization war on poaching policy conservation wildlife management Legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals extinction protected status poaching demand supply Asia price profitability hunting government intervention seizure destruction farming South Africa rhino horn militarization intervention policy conservation economics market forces wildlife management legal frameworks ethical considerations legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters endangered animals protection poaching market demand supply constraints price reduction profitability illegal trade wildlife conservation militarization rhino horn farming South Africa policy reform economic incentives environmental ethics animal welfare legal framework international trade wildlife trafficking species preservation ecological balance sustainable hunting black market conservation strategies demand management legal trade poaching prevention wildlife management economic theory biodiversity government intervention seizure policies ethical hunting commercial exploitation species recovery ecological impact legislative change legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunting protection extinction poaching militarization supply demand price profitability farming rhino horn South Africa seized goods conservation policy wildlife management legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts protecting endangered animals preventing extinction illegality of trading rhino horns supply and demand price reduction poaching militarization farming South Africa rhino horn farming conservation wildlife protection economic viability legal trade controlled supply government seizures animal farming wildlife economics poaching prevention endangered species management regulatory softening international trade laws wildlife trafficking ecological impact sustainable hunting conservation strategies animal welfare legal frameworks market dynamics environmental policy species recovery economic incentives poacher combat wildlife crime legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts effective hunters kill endangered animals protect prevent extinction protected status expensive harder obtain illegality rhino horns constrained supply demand Asia price profit hunt increase supply seized destroyed farming South Africa rhino horn poaching militarization fail win war poachers intervention legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals poaching conservation rhino horn ivory trade protection laws supply and demand price reduction poaching profitability wildlife farming South Africa militarization anti-poaching wildlife protection legalising trade horns ivory furs pelts hunters kill endangered animals protect extinction prices supply demand Asia rhino horn poaching militarization farming South Africa rhino horn poachers intervention Legalisation trade horns ivory furs pelts endangered animals hunters protection extinction market price demand supply poaching conservation militarization farming South Africa rhino horn economic viability policy options environmental impact wildlife management ethical considerations legal frameworks international trade CITES sustainability economic incentives poacher behavior market regulation policy effectiveness species preservation ecological balance human-wildlife conflict stakeholder engagement legislative reform enforcement strategies community involvement illegal wildlife trade biodiversity ecological restoration economic models government intervention supply
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con03a	Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, Markets like stability  Business and the markets prize political stability. Clearly when the leader of a country is ill this stability is damaged but the damage can be mitigated by being transparent. The markets will want to know how ill the leader is, and that the succession is secure so that they know what the future holds. Secrecy and the consequent spread of rumour is the worst option as businesses can have no idea what the future holds so cant make investment decisions that will be influenced by the political environment.  Leaders do matter to the economy; they set the parameters of the business environment, the taxes, subsidies, how much bureaucracy. They also influence other areas like the price of energy, the availability of transport links etc. It has been estimated that “a one standard deviation change in leader quality leads to a growth change of 1.5 percentage points”. 1 The leader who follows may be of the same quality in which case there will be little difference but equally it could mean a large change.  1 Jones, Benjjamin F., and Olken, Benjamin A., 'Do Leaders Matter? National Leadership and Growth Since World War II', Quarterly Journal of Economics, February 2005, political stability market transparency leader health succession planning economic parameters leader quality growth impact business environment investment decisions bureaucracy tax policies subsidies energy prices transport infrastructure national leadership post-WWII growth political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic parameters business environment leader quality economic growth succession planning investment decisions market uncertainty bureaucratic efficiency energy prices transport infrastructure leadership impact national leadership post-war economic growth leader succession economic policy continuity political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic growth leader quality succession planning investment predictability business environment government policies market uncertainty leader succession economic parameters subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leadership impact national growth World War II leaders economic change political stability leader illness market transparency succession planning economic uncertainty investment decisions leadership quality economic growth national leadership market parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership impact Benjjamin F. Jones Benjamin A. Olken leader quality change post-war leadership growth change leadership transition business environment political environment market expectations rumor spread market damage secrecy impact future visibility investment uncertainty leader influence economic parameters leadership stability market confidence political stability market uncertainty leader illness transparency succession planning investment decisions business environment leader quality economic growth leadership change market impact economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure national leadership post-war growth political stability market confidence leadership transparency economic uncertainty investment security succession planning leader's health business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth national leadership post-leadership impact political stability market transparency leader health succession security investment decisions economic parameters business environment tax policies subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth national leadership post-war analysis political stability market confidence transparency leader's health succession planning economic parameters taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport infrastructure leader quality economic growth national leadership investment decisions business environment rumor control leadership impact post-leadership scenarios political stability market confidence leadership quality economic growth transparency succession planning investment decisions business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leader impact national leadership post-war growth economic parameters market uncertainty rumor control leadership continuity political stability transparency leader's health succession plans economic impact leader quality market uncertainty investment decisions business environment taxes subsidies bureaucracy energy prices transport links leadership change economic growth
test-international-bldimehbn-pro03a	Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, Where there is a clear objection to discussing a certain subject, insisting on doing so is not news, it’s propaganda.  Ultimately all news outlets report that which is of interest to their viewers. Where there is no interest or, more frequently, an active lack of interest, news outlet do not - and should not – impose a particular set of judgements or interests on their customers. Doing so would arguably be patronizing and certainly be financial suicide [1] .  As a result they report what is both interesting and acceptable to those who consume the news and, for the vast majority of news outlets, the companies that advertise on the station, website or in the paper. Expecting news outlets to ignore those simple realities is asking them to self-destruct by ignoring their market. It is a clear example of sacrificing the good in the name of the best – in the example given, the writer mentions that Al Jazeera covers stories relating to gay rights but does so on its English language channels. [2] This exactly shows the market in action; Al Jazeera English broadcasts mostly to a European audience who are not offended by reports on gay rights whereas “Al Jazeera Arabic is geared towards a Middle Eastern audience and does not challenge cultural values or orthodox religion”. [3]  [1] For example the actions of advertisers and readers killed the News of the World.  [2] Pellot, Brian, 2012, ‘(Not) reporting homosexuality in the Middle East’, Free Speech Debate,   [3] Krajnc, Anita, ‘Al Jazeera Arabic ignores gay news’, Toronto Media Co-op, 2 August 2010, news propaganda viewer interest market realities advertising cultural values self-censorship gay rights Al Jazeera Middle East European audience News of the World financial suicide patronizing media ethics reporting standards audience preferences homosexuality media landscape journalistic integrity clear objection discussing subjects news vs propaganda viewer interest news outlets customer preferences financial considerations market realities self-destruction ignoring market Al Jazeera gay rights cultural values orthodox religion European audience Middle Eastern audience advertiser actions reader reactions News of the World news propaganda objection audience interest market realities financial sustainability cultural values Al Jazeera gay rights European audience Middle Eastern audience media ethics self-censorship advertiser pressure 读者反应 market adaptation news selection content imposition viewer preferences news outlet strategies cultural sensitivity media self-destruction market-responsive reporting media consumerism news commercialism audience engagement media responsibility editorial judgment news relevance cultural norms media economics reporting standards newsroom decisions media impact media audience news content cultural acceptance media strategy news dissemination market-driven media news propaganda viewer interest market realities financial sustainability cultural sensitivity Al Jazeera gay rights media ethics audience preferences advertising impact News of the World Free Speech Debate Toronto Media Co-op Middle East European audience cultural values orthodox religion news ethics media bias audience interests market forces propaganda journalistic integrity cultural sensitivity gay rights Al Jazeera News of the World advertiser influence consumer preferences media self-censorship Free Speech Debate Toronto Media Co-op Brian Pellot Anita Krajnc news ethics media bias audience preference market realities propaganda journalistic integrity cultural sensitivity gay rights Al Jazeera News of the World advertising influence viewer interest self-censorship market adaptation patronizing content financial sustainability cultural values orthodox religion European audience Middle Eastern audience media consumption news reporting public interest editorial choices media impact consumer behavior media studies journalism practices media economics content imposition news outlet strategies media criticism news ethics debate free speech debate media and culture media and society media responsibility media sustainability media audience media news propaganda audience interest market realities financial sustainability cultural values Al Jazeera gay rights European viewers Middle Eastern audience News of the World advertisers readers Free Speech Debate Toronto Media Co-op Brian Pellot Anita Krajnc homosexuality reporting media self-destruction cultural sensitivity news content selection news outlets market realities audience interest financial sustainability viewer preferences propaganda editorial decisions cultural sensitivity Al Jazeera gay rights European audience Middle Eastern audience cultural values orthodox religion News of the World advertiser actions reader reactions market self-destruction sacrificing the good expecting best news imposition patronizing consumers financial suicide media economics broadcast channels news consumption editorial policies journalistic ethics content acceptance market-driven journalism media market forces news relevance audience engagement news reporting media strategy news selection editorial content news impact media impact media influence objection discussing subject insisting news propaganda news outlets viewers interest lack of interest imposing judgements customers patronizing financial suicide realities market self-destruct sacrificing good best Al Jazeera gay rights English language channels European audience offended Al Jazeera Arabic Middle Eastern audience cultural values orthodox religion advertisers readers News of the World Pellot Brian Free Speech Debate Krajnc Anita Toronto Media Co-op news propaganda interest market audience cultural values financial sustainability media bias Al Jazeera gay rights Middle East European audience advertising consumer preferences media ethics self-censorship journalistic integrity public opinion cultural sensitivity
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con02a	There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. There is no right not to be offended, enforcing what is acceptable to be thought or said places far too much power in the hands of the state.  It is impossible to ensure that nobody is ever offended and it is questionable as to whether it is even desirable [1] . There is simply no way of protecting against offence. The state clearly has a role in protecting the physical safety of citizens and in other relevant areas such as preventing dismissal from employment on the grounds of sexuality but this is not the case with speech that may cause offense.  Governments that attempt to lead, ahead of public opinion, on matters such as this do little to resolve the problem. In doing so in this manner, they may well pour fuel on the fire of the very prejudice they are aiming to combat as well as creating additional problems by justifying the idea that it is okay to silence views simply because you happen to disagree with them.  Banning the expression of ideas has, historically, be the recourse of those who have run out of arguments to defeat them; doing so is an acknowledgement that the proposal is a weak one. Admitting that – or appearing to do so – for the principle of equality set a dangerous precedent.  [1] Harris, Mike, “It shouldn’t be a crime to insult someone”. Guardian.co.uk, 18 January 2012. freedom of speech government regulation censorship public opinion protection of citizens employment discrimination historical precedent equality dangerous precedent offense principle state power individual rights free expression hate speech societal norms moral boundaries legal intervention social progress prejudice argument validity freedom of speech censorship state power offense public opinion government role physical safety employment protection sexuality prejudice silencing views banning ideas historical context weak arguments equality principle dangerous precedent Mike Harris Guardian crime to insult 2012 freedom of speech offense state power censorship public opinion government role physical safety employment discrimination sexuality prejudice banning ideas historical context argument strength equality dangerous precedent Mike Harris Guardian crime to insult freedom of speech censorship government overreach offense principle public opinion hate speech employment discrimination physical safety prejudice silencing opposition historical context weak arguments equality principle dangerous precedents Mike Harris Guardian crime to insult freedom of speech offense state power censorship public opinion employment protection government role prejudice banning ideas historical context arguments equality dangerous precedent mike harris guardian crime to insult freedom of speech right to offense state power censorship public opinion government intervention employment protection physical safety prejudice silencing views historical context argument strength equality principle dangerous precedent Mike Harris Guardian crime to insult freedom of speech state power censorship offense public opinion government role employment protection physical safety prejudice silencing views argument strength equality historical context Mike Harris Guardian crime insult freedom of speech censorship government control offense public opinion prejudice silencing views historical perspective weak arguments equality principle dangerous precedent physical safety employment protection state's role expression of ideas banning speech social issues individual rights democratic values intellectual discourse freedom of speech offense state power censorship public opinion prejudice employment discrimination physical safety government overreach banning ideas historical context argument strength equality principle dangerous precedents freedom of speech state power offense protection public opinion censorship government role employment protection physical safety idea expression argument strength equality principle prejudice combat banning ideas historical context dangerous precedent silence justification offensive speech societal norms expression limits democratic values
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro03a	"In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. In context of other teachings, does not promote the spread of AIDS/HIV.  The Catholic Church does not only forbid the use of barrier contraception but also of casual sex. The issue is not that the Church is being irresponsible by banning the use of barrier contraception but that people are choosing to follow some of the Church's teachings but not others. Pope Benedict XVI argues AIDS is ""a tragedy that cannot be overcome by money alone, that cannot be overcome through the distribution of condoms, which even aggravates the problems""1. If people followed the Church's teachings on casual sex as well as their teachings on barrier contraception, the AIDS epidemic would be dramatically decreased. Given, therefore, that it also forbids any sex outside of marriage, the Catholic Church is totally justified in forbidding barrier methods of contraception2. 1 Wynne-Jones, Jonathan. ""The Pope drops Catholic ban on condoms in historic shift."" The Telegraph, 20 November 2010, 2 Pope John Paul II. ""Evangelium Vitae."" 1995. Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI condom distribution marriage sexual teachings contraception ban Evangilium Vitae responsible behavior sexual abstinence public health religious doctrine moral teachings sexual ethics contraception alternatives sexual responsibility disease prevention Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae condom distribution sexual teachings marriage sexual morality public health religious doctrine contraception ban sexual behavior moral authority health policies ethical guidelines sexual abstinence Catholic Church AIDS HIV contraception barrier methods casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul II marriage moral teachings public health sexual behavior religious doctrines condoms sexual ethics contraception ban moral responsibility sexual abstinence epidemic control Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI money condoms tragedy Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae marriage teachings justification contraception methods epidemic sex outside marriage responsibility selective adherence religious doctrine health policy morality sexuality disease prevention ethical stance papal statements theological perspective public health sexual behavior religious teachings moral guidance sexual ethics religious authority health education contraception ban sexual abstinence religious practices moral theology Catholic social doctrine health initiatives sexual morality religious influence public health strategy Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Evangelium Vitae Pope John Paul II marriage contraception public health religious teachings sexual ethics moral responsibility condom distribution sexual behavior epidemic control theological perspectives health policy Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II marriage Evangelium Vitae condom distribution sexual teachings moral responsibility sexually transmitted diseases religious doctrines sexual behavior public health contraception ethics sexual health religious authority Catholic Church AIDS HIV contraception barrier methods casual sex marriage Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae responsible behavior sexual teachings public health morality religious doctrine condom distribution sexual abstinence epidemic prevention sexual ethics Wynne-Jones Jonathan The Telegraph Catholic Church AIDS/HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI condom distribution marriage Evangelium Vitae teachings sexual behavior public health contraception ethics religious doctrine AIDS prevention sexual morality Pope John Paul II moral responsibility sex outside marriage Church teachings compliance Catholic Church AIDS HIV contraception barrier methods condoms casual sex marriage Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae sexual teachings morality health responsibility sex education religion and health policy sexual behavior epidemic prevention moral authority sexual ethics public health contraception and religion sexual abstinence sexual responsibility religious doctrine sexual practices condom distribution global health sexual health moral teachings sexual intercourse sexual activity sexual relationships sexual conduct sexual morality sexual abstinence sexual restraint sexual discipline sexual purity sexual integrity sexual honor Catholic Church AIDS HIV barrier contraception casual sex Pope Benedict XVI Pope John Paul II Evangelium Vitae contraception marriage sexual teachings public health moral teachings contraception ban sexual behavior religious doctrine health policy condoms sexual ethics social teachings AIDS prevention moral responsibility sexual health religious influence public health policy sexual morality Catholic doctrine sexual practices health education religious beliefs sexual abstinence moral authority sexual education AIDS epidemic moral guidance sexual activity religious teachings sexual restraint moral values sexual conduct religious practices sexual relationships"
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con01a	Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. Persuasion is more effective than coercion  Forcing people into voting when they are disengaged from the politic process will exacerbate this problem; no one likes doing something simply because they have to. The election results from compulsory voting may not be a representative view of society, than the current systems. Just because people are required to vote does not mean they become more politically engaged than they were before.  Rather than forcing people to vote, more should be done to engage the public in political life. Government transparency should be further encouraged as well as evaluating to what extent the current voting system causes low voter turnout.  Low turnout is best cured by more education. Instead of trying to engage people by force, how about introducing political education in schools and encouraging political conversation. How about educating the public on how politics affects them?  Citizenship classes should be taught to students who are approaching voting age, as it would teach the importance of the electoral process, and the history of the suffragette movement, the reform bills of the 19th century and the responsibilities of living in a democracy.  The government should be trying to engage people by other means, not compulsory voting. Compulsory voting may improve low turnout but will not affect the root problem- what people actually think about politics. In essence it is just relieving the side effects without curing the disease. persuasion coercion political engagement compulsory voting election results voter turnout government transparency political education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democratic responsibilities political conversation education public awareness voting age electoral process low turnout political apathy root problems democratic values compulsory participation voluntary engagement political literacy civic knowledge historical context democratic citizenship voter education political attitudes engagement strategies electoral systems political representation democratic participation informed voting civic education electoral reforms voter motivation political culture democratic practices civic engagement political activism public policy persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voting systems voter turnout political education citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy low turnout election results disengagement political life root problem side effects curing the disease persuasion coercion compulsory voting voter engagement political education government transparency citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy low voter turnout political conversation educational reform civic responsibility voting systems political apathy electoral representation democratic participation persuasion coercion voter engagement compulsory voting election results political education government transparency low voter turnout citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy responsibilities root problem political conversation voter disengagement education in schools electoral process history political impact awareness solving low turnout improving voter education enhancing political participation addressing political apathy promoting democratic values engaging youth in politics fostering civic responsibility enhancing political literacy encouraging voter participation improving political understanding strengthening democracy political awareness civic education enhancing public trust political involvement voter motivation addressing political indifference promoting persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voter turnout political education citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political conversation education voting age societal representation political apathy civic responsibility democratic participation persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voting system low voter turnout political education schools political conversation citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills responsibilities of democracy root problem political awareness persuasion coercion voting political engagement compulsory voting election results representation government transparency voter turnout political education schools political conversation citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political apathy civic responsibility persuasion coercion compulsory voting voter engagement political education government transparency citizenship classes suffragette movement reform bills democracy low voter turnout election results political conversation political awareness vote responsibility compulsory vote impact root problem political disengagement electoral process history persuasion coercion compulsory voting political engagement government transparency voting systems voter turnout political education citizenship classes electoral process suffragette movement reform bills democracy root problem political conversation persuasion coercion compulsory voting voter engagement political education government transparency citizenship classes election outcomes low voter turnout political responsibility suffragette movement reform bills democratic participation electoral process political conversation public education political disengagement democratic values
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro03a	Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. Ending poverty through entrepreneurialism  Introducing finance provides communities with access to startup capital. Access to financial capital is vital in several respects for initiating capitalism. Firstly, access to capital enables entrepreneurialism. The poor have business ideas that would benefit both themselves and their community they just require access to capital to invest in such ideas. The Initiative ‘Lend with Care’ is providing access to capital to empower entrepreneurs [1] .  Secondly, the cumulative effect of small-scale savings and borrowing, enabled through microfinance enables individuals, families and communities, to enter markets - of land and property. Being able to buy property and land can enable personal security, dignity, and increasing returns.  [1] See further readings: Lend with Care, 2013. ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit lend with care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance savings borrowing market entry land property personal security dignity increasing returns Ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to financial capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns microfinance startup capital entrepreneurialism financial access poverty alleviation community development Lend with Care microloans property ownership market entry small-scale savings borrowing personal security dignity economic empowerment capitalism initiation business ideas investment capital cumulative economic effects land acquisition ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to financial capital initiating capitalism business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital access to capital initiating capitalism business ideas community investment Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property markets land markets personal security dignity increasing returns Ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance access startup capital financial capital initiating capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing market entry land property personal security dignity increasing returns ending poverty entrepreneurialism finance startup capital financial capital capitalism access to capital business ideas community benefit Lend with Care microfinance small-scale savings borrowing property land personal security dignity increasing returns market entry
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con01a	Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 Genetically modified food is no different from any other scientific advance, thus should be legal to use.  Genetic modification is entirely natural. The process of crop cultivation by selective breeding, which has been performed by farmers for thousands of years, leads to exactly the same kind of changes in DNA as modern modification techniques do. Current techniques are just faster and more selective. In fact, given two strands of DNA, created from the same original strand, one by selective breeding and one by modern modification techniques it is impossible to tell which is which. The changes caused by selective breeding have been just as radical as current modifications. Wheat, for example, was cultivated, through selective breeding, from an almost no-yield rice-type crop into the super-crop it is today. [1]  [1] Trewas A. and Leaver C., How Nature itself uses genetic modification,Published January 6 2000, Nature,  , accessed 09/05/2011 genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern techniques natural process crop cultivation radical modifications wheat evolution super-crop genetic advances legal usage scientific progress nature's genetic modification biotechnology agricultural development genetic engineering traditional breeding genetic diversity plant genetics molecular biology genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes crop cultivation natural process legal status scientific advance modern techniques radical modifications wheat cultivation Nature journal Trewas A. Leaver C. genetically modified food legal status genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation historical context wheat evolution scientific advance nature's genetic modification bioengineering regulatory policies genetic engineering ethics genetically modified food scientific advance legal to use genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques faster and selective same kind of changes impossible to tell radical changes wheat cultivation no-yield rice-type crop super-crop nature uses genetic modification Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature journal January 6 2000 accessed 09/05/2011 genetically modified food legal status natural genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation genetic engineering wheat cultivation historical modifications Nature journal Trewavas Leaver genetically modified food scientific advance legal use genetic modification natural process selective breeding crop cultivation DNA changes modern modification techniques historical comparison radical changes wheat cultivation natural genetic modification Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature January 6 2000 genetically modified food scientific advance legal natural genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation farmers thousands of years same changes faster more selective two strands original strand impossible to tell selective breeding changes current modifications radical wheat cultivation no-yield rice-type crop super-crop Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature genetic modification by nature genetically modified food legal use natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques radical modifications wheat cultivation genetic modification in nature equivalent DNA changes traditional breeding biotechnology crop improvement scientific advances genetic engineering natural selection plant genetics agricultural practices genetic diversity crop development genetically modified food legal status genetic modification natural process selective breeding DNA changes modern modification techniques crop cultivation radical changes wheat cultivation scientific advance nature's genetic modification Trewas A. Leaver C. Nature journal genetic modification selective breeding DNA changes modern techniques natural process crop cultivation wheat evolution scientific advance legal use nature's genetic modification
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro02a	The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. The default of total copyright is harmful to the spreading of information and experience  Current copyright law assigns too many rights, automatically, to the creator. Law gives the generator of a work full copyright protection that is extremely restrictive of that works reuse, except when strictly agreed in contracts and agreements. Making Creative Commons licenses the standard for publicly-funded works generates a powerful normalizing force toward a general alteration of people’s defaults on what copyright and creator protections should actually be like. The creative commons guarantees attribution to the creator and they retain the power to set up other for-profit deals with distributors. [1] At base the default setting of somehow having absolute control means creators of work often do not even consider the reuse by others in the commons. The result is creation and then stagnation, as others do not expend the time and energy to seek special permissions from the creator. Mandating that art in all its forms be released under a creative commons licensing scheme means greater access to more works, for the enrichment of all. This is particular true in the case of “orphan works”, works of unknown ownership. Fears over copyright infringement has led these works, which by some estimates account for 40% of all books, have led to huge amounts of knowledge and creative output languishing beyond anyone’s reach. A mix of confusion over copyright ownership and unwillingness of owners to release their works, often because it would not be commercially viable to do so, means that only 2% of all works currently protected by copyright are commercially available. [2] Releasing these works under creative commons licenses will spawn a deluge of enriching knowledge and creative output spilling onto the market of ideas. It would mark a critical advancement in the democratization and globalization of knowledge akin to the invention of the printing press.  [1] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010.   [2] Keegan, V. “Shorter Copyright Would Free Creativity”. The Guardian. 7 October 2009. default copyright creative commons information spreading copyright law full copyright protection restrictive reuse publicly-funded works attribution for-profit deals absolute control creation stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge enrichment democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press commercial viability copyright ownership confusion copyright Creative Commons default settings information spreading reuse permissions orphan works democratization of knowledge globalization printing press copyright law creator rights full copyright protection restrictive reuse attribution for-profit deals stagnation knowledge enrichment commercially viable copyright infringement market of ideas critical advancement innovation intellectual property public domain legal reform cultural heritage accessibility digital age sharing collaboration fair use public funding art forms licensing schemes legal barriers creative output monetization commercial availability legal ambiguity cultural enrichment societal benefit information flow knowledge dissemination creative copyright Creative Commons public domain intellectual property reuse attribution commercial rights orphan works democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press information dissemination cultural enrichment legal reform creative output knowledge sharing default settings copyright law access to information default copyright restrictive reuse creative commons licenses public-funded works attribution to creator for-profit deals absolute control creator protections stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge enrichment democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press shorter copyright free creativity default copyright harmful information spreading copyright law automatic rights creator full copyright protection restrictive reuse contracts Creative Commons licenses public funding normalization copyright defaults attribution for-profit deals distributors absolute control reuse stagnation special permissions art forms creative commons licensing greater access enrichment orphan works unknown ownership copyright infringement knowledge creative output commercial viability democratization globalization knowledge printing press copyright term creativity The Guardian V. Keegan default copyright harmful spreading information experience copyright law automatic rights creator protection restrictive reuse creative commons public funding standard licensing copyright defaults creator control work stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge access creative output commercial viability democratization knowledge globalization ideas printing press analogy copyright Creative Commons default settings information spreading experience sharing rights assignment reuse restrictions attribution for-profit deals art forms orphan works copyright infringement knowledge enrichment commercial viability printing press democratization globalization knowledge creativity legislation public funding intellectual property legal reform information access cultural production digital age public domain cultural heritage free culture movement open access intellectual commons copyright law reform licensing schemes creative output market of ideas copyright terms intellectual property rights creative works legal standards information stagnation cultural exchange information liberation digital rights default copyright total copyright harmful spreading information experience copyright law automatic rights creator rights full copyright protection restrictive reuse contracts agreements Creative Commons licenses publicly-funded works normalizing force copyright defaults creator protections absolute control work reuse stagnation special permissions orphan works copyright infringement knowledge reach copyright ownership commercial viability commercially available works democratization knowledge globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom market ideas enriching knowledge creative output default copyright harmful spreading information restrictive reuse creative commons licenses publicly-funded works attribution creators for-profit deals absolute control stagnation reuse orphan works copyright infringement knowledge accessibility commercial viability democratization knowledge globalization knowledge printing press analogy shorter copyright creativity freedom copyright information spreading creator rights automatic copyright restrictive reuse Creative Commons public funding default licensing attribution for-profit deals absolute control stagnation orphan works copyright infringement knowledge access commercial viability democratization of knowledge globalization of knowledge printing press copyright term creative output market of ideas
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro04a	Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. Seeing a politician put on trial hurts the integrity of their office.  It does tremendous damage to the public perception of a given political position to see the holder of that position on trial for criminal acts. Politicians are important role models for the populace at large, and shining light on everyone one of their misdeeds is not conducive to them playing such a role. This hurts the ability of their successors who, though completely innocent, are stepping into an institution now tainted with the image of corruption or scandal. Finally, the very process of prosecution can be damaging to the country, as citizens on opposing sides of the political spectrum disagree over the legitimacy of charges. These effects all deal real damage to the political institutions necessary for the functioning of the state. politician trial integrity office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors institution corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning politician trial integrity office public perception criminal acts role models misdeeds successors corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning integrity public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors innocence institution corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning political trial public perception political integrity role models political succession institutional damage corruption political scandal prosecution impacts political legitimacy state functionality political spectrum citizen disagreement criminal charges political office institutional taint successor impact political corruption prosecution process state institutions political trials public perception political integrity role models political successors institutional corruption prosecution impact political legitimacy state functioning political spectrum disagreement politician on trial integrity of office public perception political position criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors institution corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy of charges political institutions state functioning political trials public perception office integrity role models political damage successor impact institutional corruption prosecution effects political spectrum state functioning politics political trials integrity public perception role models scandal corruption prosecution political spectrum legitimacy institutional damage state functioning political office successors criminal acts political efficacy societal impact governance legal process civic trust trial politician integrity public perception criminal acts role models populace misdeeds successors corruption scandal prosecution political spectrum legitimacy charges political institutions state functioning political trials public perception political integrity role models political succession institutional damage prosecution impact political spectrum legitimacy of charges state functioning
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con01a	Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation is necessary to ensure a safe internet  Citizens, corporations, and public organizations face several security threats when online: critical infrastructure systems can be hacked, like the energy transport system, [1] citizens can fall victim to identity theft, [2] and phishing, [3] whereby hackers gain access to bank accounts or other sensitive information. Specifically, it seems that the public sector is attacked the most. [4]  In response to cyber-threats like these, many governments have set up Computer Emergency Response Teams (CERTs), Incident Response and Security Teams (IRTs), or Computer Security and Incident Response Teams (CSIRT; the fact that we haven’t settled on a fitting acronym yet shows how much it is still a novel phenomenon): agencies that warn citizens and organizations alike when a new threat emerges and provides a platform for (the exchange of) expertise in methods of preventing cyber-threats and exchanging information on possible perpetrators of such threats. Oftentimes, these (inter)governmental agencies provide a place where private CSIRTs can also cooperate and exchange information. [5]  These agencies provide a similar function online as the regular police provides offline: by sharing information and warnings against threats, they create a safer world.  [1] ‘At Risk: Hacking Critical Infrastructure’. 2012.  [2] ‘Identity theft on the rise’. 2010.  [3] ‘Phishing websites reach all-time high’. 2012.  [4] ‘Public sector most targeted by cyber attacks’. 2012.  [5] see for example the About Us page of the US-CERT or the About the NCSC page of the Dutch CERT Internet regulation cyber security online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber threats Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRTs government agencies cybersecurity agencies private CSIRTs information sharing threat warnings online police cyber criminals hacking methods security expertise cyber-attacks prevention digital safety measures network protection cybersecurity policies cyber hygiene online privacy data protection cyber defense strategies public-private collaboration digital infrastructure security national Internet regulation online safety cybersecurity threats critical infrastructure hacking energy transport system citizen security identity theft phishing bank account security public sector attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response Teams IRTs Computer Security Incident Response Teams CSIRTs cyber threats threat warnings information sharing private CSIRTs online police US-CERT Dutch CERT NCSC cybersecurity agencies cyber defense network security digital security information security cybercrime prevention public-private cooperation online security measures threat mitigation cyber hygiene secure internet digital safety Internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CERTs IRTs CSIRTs cyber-threats government agencies private CSIRTs cooperation information exchange online safety cybersecurity police threat warnings expertise sharing perpetrators online security threat prevention cyber defense digital security network security cybercrime online threats public safety private sector government response cyber security teams internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams cyber-threats expertise exchange threat prevention perpetrators governmental agencies private CSIRTs information sharing online safety regular police threat warnings Internet regulation cybersecurity safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRTs cyber-threats governmental agencies private CSIRTs information exchange threat warnings cybersecurity cooperation online safety police analogy US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT internet regulation safe internet security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing sensitive information public sector attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams cyber-threats government agencies CSIRT information exchange threat prevention online safety regular police US-CERT NCSC internet regulation cybersecurity safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks government response Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT cyber threats threat warnings expertise exchange private CSIRTs online police threat prevention information sharing US-CERT NCSC Dutch CERT cyber security teams public organizations citizen protection cyber security measures government agencies cyber safety initiatives online threats cybercrime Internet regulation cybersecurity safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRTs cyber threats government agencies private CSIRTs information exchange threat prevention online policing regular police threat warnings cyber security expertise cyber threat perpetrators US-CERT NCSC Internet regulation safe internet security threats online safety critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks governments Computer Emergency Response Teams CERTs Incident Response and Security Teams IRTs Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRTs cyber threats cyber security information sharing threat warnings expertise exchange preventing cyber threats information exchange perpetrators online threats offline police regular police US-CERT Dutch CERT NCSC intergovernmental agencies private CSIRTs cooperation information cooperation Internet regulation cybersecurity safe internet citizens corporations public organizations security threats critical infrastructure energy transport system identity theft phishing bank accounts sensitive information public sector cyber attacks Computer Emergency Response Teams Incident Response and Security Teams Computer Security and Incident Response Teams CSIRT CERTs IRTs government agencies online threats cybersecurity agencies private CSIRTs cooperation information exchange online safety cyber threats perpetrators regular police offline safety US-CERT Dutch CERT NCSC
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-con02a	Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance is necessary to combat heinous crimes committed via the internet  The internet is a means of communication – therefore also a means of communication between criminals. And because it is global it creates global crime problems that need coordinated responses. One type of crime that has particularly become a problem on the internet is child sexual abuse material: the internet allows for an easy and anonymous distribution method which can even be secured by modern encryption methods. [1]  Governments can help fight this by requiring ISPs and mobile companies to track people’s internet histories, hand over data when requested, and allow police to get information from them without a search warrant, something which has been proposed by the Canadian government. [2] In Australia, the government even proposed mandatory filtering of all internet traffic by ISPs to automatically filter out all child sexual abuse material. [3]  Admittedly, these measures seem drastic – but in cases like these, or similar cases like terrorism, the harm prevented is more important.  [1] ‘Child Pornography on the Rise, Justice Department Reports’. 2010.  [2] ‘Current laws not focused enough to combat child porn online’. 2012.  [3] Mcmenamin, Bernadette, ‘Filters needed to battle child porn’. 2008. Internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material easy distribution anonymous distribution encryption methods ISP tracking mobile company data police information access search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering child sexual abuse prevention terrorism harm prevention drastic measures legal frameworks online safety cybersecurity child protection government intervention privacy concerns law enforcement digital crime cybercrime online predators legal reforms internet regulation digital surveillance child pornography justice department online child exploitation digital evidence mandatory reporting technological solutions policy measures internet governance heinous crimes online communication global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods ISP tracking data requests police information search warrants mandatory filtering internet traffic child porn terrorism harm prevention government intervention online safety digital privacy internet governance heinous crimes global crime communication criminals child sexual abuse material encryption ISPs mobile companies internet histories data requests police information search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic child pornography terrorism harm prevention legal measures justice department online safety digital privacy cyber crime legislative response Australian government content filtering cybersecurity digital forensics online predators child protection cyber laws internet policies global cooperation data privacy digital rights online regulation crime prevention internet security cyber ethics online accountability legal warrants digital surveillance Internet governance heinous crimes global crime child sexual abuse material distribution encryption methods ISP tracking data handover police access mandatory filtering harm prevention terrorism legal measures online safety privacy concerns government intervention communication regulation criminal activity digital security child protection online predators content filtering 浏览历史记录 数据共享 法律授权 强制过滤 公共安全 隐私权 政府监控 网络犯罪 儿童色情 加密技术 互联网服务提供商 法律改革 Internet governance child sexual abuse material global crime encryption ISP tracking mandatory filtering terrorism data handover police information access search warrant harm prevention online child pornography terrorism combat government intervention digital crime anonymous distribution coordinated response communication means criminal communication justice department legal measures Internet Service Providers mobile companies cyber crime digital forensics online safety privacy rights legal frameworks cybersecurity policies Internet governance heinous crimes global crime problems coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests police access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering harm prevention terrorism Justice Department child pornography Bernadette Mcmenamin internet governance heinous crimes online criminal communication global crime coordinated international response child sexual abuse material internet anonymity encryption government surveillance internet service providers data tracking police access search warrants Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic content filtering Australian government drastic measures terrorism harm prevention child pornography justice department online child exploitation cybersecurity digital forensics legal frameworks privacy concerns public safety ethical considerations regulatory challenges technological solutions international cooperation digital rights online safety law enforcement tools предотвращение вреда правовая баз internet governance heinous crimes global crime child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests police information access search warrants mandatory filtering internet traffic child porn terrorism harm prevention drastic measures legal proposals justice department online safety cyber crime privacy vs security Internet governance heinous crimes global crime problems coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption methods government intervention ISPs mobile companies tracking internet histories data requests police information search warrants Canadian government Australian government mandatory filtering internet traffic child sexual abuse terrorism harm prevention legal measures privacy concerns public safety cybercrime online safety digital rights ethical considerations policy-making legislative frameworks technology regulation law enforcement cyber surveillance data privacy criminal justice internet policies global cooperation online child protection digital security encryption technology public policy Internet governance heinous crimes global crime coordinated responses child sexual abuse material anonymous distribution encryption government intervention ISPs mobile companies internet histories data tracking police information search warrant Canadian government mandatory filtering internet traffic automatic filtering harm prevention terrorism legal measures child pornography communication regulation cybersecurity digital rights privacy concerns law enforcement online safety public policy legislative actions technological solutions global cooperation data privacy human rights ethical considerations
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro03a	In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] In the event of major abuses of power it should be the public that holds politicians to account.  The obvious benefit to prosecuting politicians is that it punishes – and thereby deters – corruption by politicians. However, this benefit can be achieved through other means. Firstly, many western liberal democracies have one form or another of removing a politician from office in the midst of their term, such as impeachment in the American system or a vote of no confidence against the government in the Westminster system. While defenders of immunity oppose impeachment as contrary to the principles outlined above (because of the effect that it may have on political duties), this is an option that remains in cases of gross misconduct. If the political will cannot be mobilized to remove a sitting politician, they are held accountable by the electorate to whom they must answer in the next election, and who will likely punish blatant misuse of political power. Even if the individual politician has reached a limit on their term of office, or does not seek reelection, they are still held in check by the damage that will be done to their party in the event of major misconduct on their part. Finally, most politicians are significantly concerned about their legacy, which is tarnished significantly by corruption even if they are never held legally accountable for it. While Nixon received a full pardon from his success, [1] his name has become synonymous with criminality and scandal: a fate most politicians wish to avoid.  [1] Ford, Gerald R., Proclamation 4311, 8 September 1974,  [Accessed September 9, 2011] impeachment vote of no confidence election accountability party damage political legacy public prosecution legal accountability political immunity gross misconduct electoral consequences corruption deterrence Nixon pardon political legacy tarnish public opinion political scandal accountability public politicians power abuse corruption prosecution deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence western democracies electoral accountability political will legacy political misconduct Nixon Ford pardon scandal legal accountability term limits reelection party damage abuses of power public accountability political prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electorate punishment political legacy Nixon scandal Gerald Ford pardon political misconduct legal accountability politician legacy democratic accountability political immunity gross misconduct political duties term limits reelection consequences party damage legacy tarnish political scandal criminality association public trust political responsibility public accountability political punishment corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electoral punishment legacy concern political immunity Nixon pardon political misconduct term limits re-election consequences political legacy public trust government accountability political strategy democratic principles political ethics misconduct consequences major abuses of power public accountability prosecuting politicians punishment deterrence corruption impeachment vote of no confidence political will electorate punishment term limits legacy political legacy Nixon Ford pardon public accountability political prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment no confidence political immunity electoral accountability political legacy Nixon pardon Gerald Ford public accountability political prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence electoral consequences political legacy Nixon pardon Gerald Ford political misconduct term limits legacy preservation public trust legal accountability political duties gross misconduct western democracies political will electorate punishment party damage criminality political scandal impeachment vote of no confidence political accountability electoral consequences party damage legacy Nixon pardon corruption deterrence public prosecution political immunity gross misconduct liberal democracy political legacy electoral punishment legal accountability political duties misconduct consequences political scandal term limits reelection concerns abuses of power public accountability political prosecution corruption deterrence impeachment vote of no confidence political removal electoral accountability political legacy Nixon pardon Gerald Ford political misconduct legal accountability public punishment political duties gross misconduct political will electorate punishment party damage legacy tarnish major abuses public accountability politicians prosecution deterrence corruption impeachment vote of no confidence electoral accountability political legacy Nixon pardon misconduct legacy tarnishment political will removal from office western democracies legal accountability gross misconduct electoral punishment party damage political duties impeachment opposition term limits reelection political legacy concern criminality scandal
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro04a	The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: The burden of fees and loans are too great to expect young people to shoulder  University fees are usually quite high. When fees are put in place in countries, many people find it extremely difficult to find the funds to pay for it, leading many people to seek school loans. In the United States, obtaining loans for university is the norm. These loans can put pressure on students to perform well. [1] But can lead to students dropping out. Debt encourages individuals to take jobs for which they are not necessarily best suited in order to get started on debt repayment immediately after leaving higher education. Furthermore, repayment of loans can take many years, leaving individuals with debt worries for much of their working lives. [2] With free university education everyone can go to college without crushing debt burden allowing them to study what they wish.  [1] Kane, Thomas. 1999. The Price of Admission: Rethinking How Americans Pay for College. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.  [2] Hill, Christine. 2007. “Still Paying Off that Student Loan”. National Public Radio. Available: university fees student loans financial burden education costs tuition fees debt pressure loan repayment student debt higher education funding free university education academic performance dropout rates career choice long-term debt working life education policy college affordability financial aid student financial stress educational inequality university fees student loans financial burden education cost debt repayment student performance dropout rates career choice long-term debt free university college affordability educational financing student financial aid higher education funding tuition costs student debt crisis educational policy economic impact of student debt access to higher education academic freedom tuition student debt financial aid loan repayment higher education costs education policy economic burden college affordability educational finance student loans dropout rates career choice long-term debt free university education financial pressure academic performance socioeconomic impact education reform public funding student financial burden burden of fees high university fees school loans United States student loans pressure on students performance pressure students dropping out debt repayment unsuitable jobs long-term debt free university education study without debt crushing debt burden price of admission still paying off student loan University fees student loans financial burden education funding debt repayment academic performance dropout rates career choices long-term debt free college education higher education finance student financial aid economic impact of education access to education educational inequality public policy on education Thomas Kane Christine Hill Brookings Institution Press NPR university fees student loans financial burden education cost tuition fees college affordability debt repayment student debt education finance higher education finance loan pressure academic performance dropout rates career choice free university education educational policy student financial aid long-term debt working life impact college access educational opportunity debt-free education tuition-free college student loan crisis financial stress indebting students career constraints immediate debt repayment educational inequality economic barriers to education student loan reform financial aid alternatives student loan policies educational investment cost of higher education loan repayment plans debt university fees student loans financial burden education costs debt repayment academic performance dropout rates career choice long-term debt free university education accessibility student finance higher education funding economic impact policy discussion Brookings Institution National Public Radio Thomas Kane Christine Hill university fees student loans financial burden young people education costs debt pressure academic performance dropping out debt repayment job choices long-term debt free university education career freedom financial stress student finance higher education funding education policy college affordability economic impact student debt crisis Brookings Institution Press National Public Radio university fees student loans financial burden education cost debt pressure academic performance dropout rates job choice debt repayment working life free university education college accessibility student debt burden higher education finance education policy Thomas Kane Christine Hill NPR Brookings Institution Press university fees student loans financial burden young people education costs debt pressure academic performance dropout rates job selection debt repayment long-term debt free university education college affordability Thomas Kane Brookings Institution Press Christine Hill National Public Radio
test-environment-opecewiahw-con03a	Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displace communities  Dams result in the filling of a large reservoir behind the dam because it has raised the level of the water in the case of the Grand Inga it would create a reservoir 15km long. This is not particularly big but the construction would also displace communities. The previous Inga dams also displaced people. Inga I and II were built 30 and 40 years ago, yet the displaced are still in a shabby prefabricated town called Camp Kinshasa awaiting compensation. [1] Are they likely to do better this time around?  [1] Sanyanga, Ruto, ‘Will Congo Benefit from Grand Inga Dam’, International Policy Digest, 29 June 2013, Dams displacement communities reservoir water level Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga construction Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefits hydroelectric construction environmental impact social impact policy International Policy Digest Dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams displace communities reservoir Grand Inga construction Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir water level Grand Inga Inga I Inga II construction compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo benefit Ruto Sanyanga International Policy Digest Dams communities displacement reservoir water level Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo Grand Inga Dam International Policy Digest Sanyanga Ruto Dams communities displacement reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II Camp Kinshasa compensation Congo benefit International Policy Digest Dams displacement communities reservoir Grand Inga Inga I Inga II compensation Camp Kinshasa Congo benefits construction water level prefabricated town policy international digest Ruto Sanyanga
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro03a	Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. Changes negative perceptions of university life  Affirmative action is required to change negative perceptions of university life. In the status quo, many talented potential students are put off applying for top universities (or university at all) because of their negative perceptions of elite institutions. This perception exists in part because of the makeup of the student population – black high school students may see a university filled overwhelmingly with white lecturers and students as not being a welcoming environment for them, and may even perceive it as racist. [1] The only way to overcome this unfortunate stereotype of university is to change the student population, but this is impossible to do ‘organically’ while so few people from minority backgrounds apply. Therefore, it is necessary to use quotas and other forms of affirmative action, to change the student body in the short term, and encourage applications from more disadvantaged students in the long term.  [1] Ancis, J.R. “Student perceptions of campus cultural climate by race”. Journal of Counselling and Development. Spring 2000. affirmative action quotas minority students university diversity student population perceptions of university negative perceptions elite institutions welcoming environment underrepresented groups black students white students campus climate cultural climate university applications top universities disadvantaged students social integration educational equity racial diversity student recruitment institutional image stereotypes inclusive education equity in education higher education policies university demographics minority representation educational opportunities student body composition university admissions affirmative action effectiveness educational inequality student diversity initiatives inclusive campuses diverse student body university accessibility institutional barriers student experience academic success affirmative action university diversity student perceptions campus climate minority representation higher education access quota systems educational equity talent recruitment racial stereotypes institutional welcoming student body composition application barriers disadvantaged student encouragement Ancis research counselling psychology cultural climate studies race in higher education elite institution perceptions minority student success affirmative action quotas minority students elite institutions negative perceptions university applications student population cultural climate diversity inclusion racism disadvantaged students education equity university life talent recruitment stereotype overcoming short-term change long-term encouragement affirmative action negative perceptions university life student diversity minority students campus climate quotas disadvantaged students elite institutions talent pool application rates racial diversity educational equity inclusive environments long-term impact short-term measures affirmative action quotas university diversity minority students campus climate perceptions of racism student population elite institutions talented potential students applying for university encouraging applications cultural climate racial diversity higher education educational equity representation in academia social inclusion institutional barriers student demographics Affirmative action university diversity minority students campus climate student perceptions educational equity university admissions racial diversity quota systems higher education access talented students elite institutions negative stereotypes welcoming environment cultural representation long-term change application rates educational opportunities social integration minority representation inclusive practices student body composition institutional image recruitment strategies educational reform campus inclusivity underrepresented groups affirmative action policies university life perception change positive representation academic community equitable opportunities racial bias educational barriers student experience inclusive education diversity initiatives application processes university policies affirmative action university diversity negative perceptions student applications minority representation campus climate quotas racial diversity educational equity inclusivity initiatives talent recruitment higher education access disadvantaged students enrollment strategies institutional stereotypes cultural integration academic inclusiveness policy interventions social equality educational opportunity affirmative action quotas minority students university diversity elite institutions negative perceptions student population campus cultural climate talented applicants application rates racial representation inclusive environment stereotype overcoming long-term impact higher education equity affirmative action university diversity student perceptions elite institutions minority representation campus climate racial stereotypes higher education access quotas disadvantaged students application rates educational equity inclusive environments higher education policies societal integration academic inclusivity student body composition cultural sensitivity institutional racism talent recruitment affirmative action quotas minority students university diversity negative perceptions elite institutions student population cultural climate underrepresented groups educational equity application rates talented students inclusivity racial stereotypes welcoming environment higher education access societal change policy solutions institutional representation
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro03a	The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. The creative commons is a more effective means for artists to build and expand their reach and markets than traditional copyright licensing arrangements  The nature of the internet and mass media on the 21st century is such that many artists can benefit from the freedom and flexibility that creative commons licenses furnish to them. Wider use by other artists and laymen alike helps artistic works “go viral” and to gain major impact that allow the artist to generate a name for his or herself and to attain the levels of earnings conventional copyrights are meant to help artists generate but that ultimately hamstring them. A major example of this is the band Nine Inch Nails, which opted in 2008 to begin releasing its albums through the creative commons. [1] Creative commons licenses are so remarkable because they can be deployed by artists to expand their markets, and to profit even more from their greater recognition. After all, the artists still retain control of the commercial uses of their work and are guaranteed under creative commons licensing regulations to be credited by users of their content. [2] Giving undue artistic and distribution control to the artists through constricting and outmoded copyright may mean less significant reach and impact of the work. The state should thus facilitate the sharing by mandating the distribution of art of all kinds under creative commons licenses.  [1] Anderson, N., “Free Nine Inch Nails albums top 2008 Amazon MP3 sales charts”, arstechnica, 7 January 2009,   [2] Creative Commons. “About the Licenses”. 2010. creative commons copyright artists markets reach internet mass media 21st century viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 sales charts control commercial uses work distribution state facilitate sharing mandate art licenses creative commons artists market expansion copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century artistic freedom viral content recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial control copyright regulations state mandate art distribution sharing impact recognition control commercial use artistic works creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 commercial uses content state sharing distribution art licenses creative commons effective means artists build expand reach markets traditional copyright licensing arrangements internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact generate name earnings conventional copyrights hamper Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 sales retain control commercial uses credited users content artistic control distribution control less significant reach state facilitate sharing mandate distribution art licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century artistic works viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses control distribution state sharing mandating art licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact generate name earnings nine inch nails 2008 albums amazon MP3 sales retain control commercial uses work credits content state facilitate sharing distribution art mandating licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 commercial uses credit constricting outmoded state facilitate sharing distribution art licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility viral impact recognition earnings Nine Inch Nails control commercial uses credited sharing state distribution art licenses creative commons artists expand reach markets traditional copyright licensing internet mass media 21st century freedom flexibility go viral major impact earnings Nine Inch Nails 2008 albums Amazon MP3 sales commercial uses control content constricting outmoded state facilitate sharing distribution art licenses creative commons artists reach markets traditional copyright internet mass media 21st century viral impact earnings Nine Inch Nails commercial uses content control sharing state distribution art licensing regulations
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-con03a	Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, Celebrity involvement can highlight minority interests  There exists a problem with regards to advocacy for minority issues within mainstream political movements. This motion would exacerbate that problem.  Voters tend to base their decisions on key issues (things like education, the state of the economy, healthcare policy etc.). Whilst they may care about more marginal issues (e.g. gay rights, religious freedoms, environmental issues), they are often unwilling to sacrifice something they think has a greater impact on them for something that has a lesser impact.  Minority issues suffer particularly here: by their very nature, there are fewer people who feel directly affected than there are people who feel indirectly affected or indifferent. Consequently, there are never a great enough proportion of votes that could be gained by a political party concentrating on these particular issues in a way which might be detrimental. See, for example, the public reaction in the UK to Cameron’s position on gay marriage: whilst most people feel that gay marriage should be allowed [1] , Cameron has not received a political boost as a result of this decision, but rather, has faced hostility from those who believe it is a “distraction” [2] , where they would rather he focused on issues like the economic crisis.  [1] ‘Same-sex marriage in the United Kingdom’, Wikipedia, accessed 10 September 2012,   [2] Telegraph editor, ‘Gay marriage: A pointless distraction’, The Telegraph, 26 July 2012, celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues impact on voters minority issues political party strategy public reaction David Cameron gay marriage political considerations distractions economic crisis celebrity involvement minority interests political movements advocacy voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis celebrity involvement minority interests political movements advocacy voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues voter impact minority issues political strategy public reaction UK politics Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact votes public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests mainstream politics advocacy problems voter decision-making key issues marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues direct impact indirect impact indifferent voters political strategy votes proportion political parties minority issues political boost public reaction Cameron gay marriage UK politics economic crisis Telegraph political distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream political movements voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare policy marginal gay rights religious freedoms environmental impact suffering proportion votes political party concentration detriment public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political boost hostility distraction economic crisis Celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decision-making key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues political impact minority issues public reaction Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact voter proportion public reaction UK Cameron gay marriage political boost economic crisis distraction celebrity involvement minority interests advocacy mainstream politics voter decisions key issues education economy healthcare marginal issues gay rights religious freedoms environmental issues minority issues political impact voter indifference political strategy public reaction Cameron gay marriage UK politics economic crisis political distraction
test-politics-pgsimhwoia-pro02a	Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid can ensure better treatment of migrants  Migrants in developed countries are often not very well treated, for example the Traiskirchen migrant camp in Austria, one of the richest countries in the EU was condemned for its inhumane conditions by Amnesty in August 2015. [1] The aid provided can be earmarked to ensure that migrants being well treated and provided for through safe transportation and access to essential government services such as healthcare and welfare.  The advantage of this provision in developing rather than developed countries is cost. The same amount of money goes a lot further in a developing country. This provision therefore makes sense in a time were many developed countries are both struggling with greater numbers of migrants and with austerity. Greece, which has had 124,000 migrants arrive in the first seven months of 2015, a 750% rise over the same period in 2014, is a notable case. [2]  [1] ‘'No respect' for human rights at Traiskirchen camp’, The Local at, 14 August 2015,   [2] Spindler, William, ‘Number of refugees and migrants arriving in Greece soars 750 per cent over 2014’, UNHCR, 7 August 2015, Aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions earmarked safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries austerity Greece refugees UNHCR human rights aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions earmarked safe transportation essential services healthcare welfare cost-effectiveness developing countries austerity Greece refugee crisis UNHCR migration surge aid better treatment migrants developed countries inhumane conditions Traiskirchen migrant camp Amnesty August 2015 earmarked aid safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare cost efficiency developing countries austerity Greece refugee crisis 2015 UNHCR William Spindler arrivals surge human rights Aid Migrant treatment Developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria Amnesty International Inhumane conditions Safe transportation Government services Healthcare Welfare Developing countries Cost effectiveness Austerity Greece Migrant influx Human rights violations UNHCR Refugee crisis migrants developed countries treatment Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions aid earmarked safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries Greece UNHCR refugees 2015 Aid Migrants Treatment Developed countries Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty Inhumane conditions Safe transportation Government services Healthcare Welfare Developing countries Cost Austerity Greece UNHCR Refugee crisis Human rights aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen migrant camp Austria inhumane conditions Amnesty August 2015 safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare cost developing countries developed countries austerity Greece 124 000 migrants 2015 750% rise UNHCR William Spindler aid treatment migrants developed countries Traiskirchen Austria inhumane conditions Amnesty August 2015 earmarked safe transportation essential government services healthcare welfare developing countries cost austerity Greece 124 000 migrants 750% rise 2015 UNHCR Aid Migrants Treatment Developed Countries Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty Inhumane Conditions Safe Transportation Government Services Healthcare Welfare Cost Efficiency Developing Countries Austerity Greece Refugee Crisis UNHCR Human Rights migrants developed countries treatment aid Traiskirchen Austria Amnesty inhumane conditions safe transportation government services healthcare welfare cost-effectiveness developing countries austerity Greece refugee crisis UNHCR William Spindler human rights
test-environment-aiahwagit-con04a	Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” Heavy handed approaches do not solve the motivations for poaching  Creating tougher responses to poaching will not deter poachers as they fail to recognise the motivations for illegal hunting. Many hunters, especially those who aren’t native to Africa, take part in poaching as there is a thrill in the illegal status. [1] The close calls, challenges and sense of independence will all be multiplied by increased protection on the game reserves.  Then there are those who take part out of necessity. Poachers will often be able to make $50-100 per kilogram for a rhinoceros’ horn [2] and the bush meat from kills can be a necessary source of nutrition. [3] Poaching creates opportunities for Africans which are usually unavailable in licit work. Tougher protection of animals fails to provide an alternative livelihood for these poachers.  [1] Forsyth, C. & Marckese, T. ‘Thrills and skills: a sociological analysis of poaching’ pg.162  [2] Stewart, C. ‘Illegal ivory trade funds al-shabaab’s terrorist attacks’  [3] BBC, “Lions ‘facing extinction in West Africa’” heavy-handed poaching motivations tougher-responses illegal-hunting thrill illegal-status close-calls challenges independence protection game-reserves necessity rhinoceros-horn bush-meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit-work alternative-livelihood protection animals sociological-analysis ivory-trade terrorist-attacks lions extinction West-Africa heavy-handed poaching motivations tougher-responses deterrence illegal-hunting thrill challenges independence protection game-reserves necessity rhinoceros-horn bush-meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit-work alternative-livelihood terrorism ivory-trade al-shabaab West-Africa lions extinction motivations poaching tougher responses thrill illegal status close calls challenges independence necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood terror funding West Africa lions extinction heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges sense of independence game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition illegal status alternative livelihood economic opportunities licit work sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses poacher psychology illegal hunting thrill-seeking close calls challenges independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood socioeconomic factors illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion extinction West Africa sociological analysis poaching incentives licit work wildlife conservation human-wildlife conflict heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill of poaching close calls challenges sense of independence increased protection game reserves poachers out of necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood poachers sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lions West Africa extinction conservation wildlife protection socioeconomic factors poaching motives environmental crime game reserve security wildlife trafficking economic incentives animal horn trade illegal hunting dynamics wildlife management human-wildlife conflict sustainable alternatives regional poaching illegal hunting practices heavy-handed approaches motivations for poaching tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking illegal status close calls challenges sense of independence game reserves necessity poachers rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition alternative livelihood licit work sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lion extinction West Africa heavy-handed approaches poaching motivations tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers close calls challenges independence increased protection game reserves necessity-driven poaching rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition source alternative livelihood poachers licit work sociological analysis illegal ivory trade terrorist attacks lion extinction West Africa poaching motivations heavy-handed approaches tougher responses illegal hunting thrill-seeking poachers game reserves rhinoceros horn bush meat alternative livelihood economic necessity African poachers illegal ivory trade terrorist funding lion poaching wildlife conservation sociological analysis criminal thrill protection measures environmental crime wildlife trafficking economic incentives poaching deterrents wildlife protection laws community-based solutions sustainable alternatives animal welfare ecological impact illegal wildlife trade human-wildlife conflict conservation strategies ecological sustainability law enforcement poaching economics socioeconomic factors wildlife management cultural practices heavy-handed approaches motivations poaching tougher responses deterrent illegal hunting thrill illegal status close calls challenges independence game reserves necessity rhinoceros horn bush meat nutrition opportunities Africans licit work alternative livelihood protection animals sociological analysis ivory trade terrorist attacks West Africa lions extinction
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con04a	Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 Damages diplomacy to be too open  Diplomacy can be very personal; diplomatic initiatives are often the result of a single person, and the individual leader is necessary to conclude negotiations. Transparency about a leader's health may therefore prevent deals being done; Nixon went to China despite Mao's ill heath meaning the supreme Chinese leader contributed little to the historic change in diplomatic alinements. 1 Would such a momentous change in alignment have been possible if both the Chinese and American public knew about Mao's ill health? The Americans would have considered any deal unreliable as they could not be sure it was Mao who made the decision, while opponents in China could have argued that it was advisers like Zhou Enlai who made the deal not Mao himself potentially enabling them to repudiate or undermine the deal.  1 Macmillan, Margaret, Seize the Hour When Nixon met Mao, John Murray, London, 2006, p.76 diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations Nixon Mao China United States public knowledge political reliability adviser influence diplomatic alignments historic change Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour Nixon met Mao John Murray 2006 p76 damages diplomacy transparency leadership negotiations health public reliability decision-making historical alignment China United States Nixon Mao Zhou Enlai advisers repudiation undermining deals confidentiality political impact trust international relations secrecy personal initiative individual contribution historic change alinements public knowledge illness health condition diplomatic initiatives leadership role negotiation process political reliability advisory influence diplomatic reliability historical context secrecy in diplomacy negotiation reliability diplomatic secrecy political trust international relations historical diplomacy health in diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations public knowledge Nixon Mao China US historical alignment political reliability advisers Zhou Enlai deal-making repudiation undermining diplomatic initiatives personal diplomacy individual leaders health secrecy political stability international relations Cold War diplomacy strategic alliances diplomatic negotiations health impact diplomacy leadership influence public perception political advisors historical context diplomatic history US-China relations Nixon-Mao meeting Macmillan Margaret Seize the Hour Diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon China Mao health secrecy diplomatic alignments reliability of deals public knowledge political opposition deal repudiation Zhou Enlai diplomacy transparency leader's health Nixon Mao China negotiations public knowledge reliability decision-making historical alignment advisers repudiation undermining Macmillan Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006 p.76 diplomacy transparency leadership health negotiations deals public knowledge reliability decision-making historical context Mao Nixon China United States diplomatic alignments political influence advisers Zhou Enlai repudiation undermining Damages diplomacy transparency personal negotiations leader health public unreliable decision advisers repudiate undermine Nixon China Mao Zhou Enlai diplomatic alignments historic change Macmillan Seize the Hour John Murray London 2006 diplomacy transparency leader's health negotiations Nixon China Mao historical diplomacy political reliability deal legitimacy public knowledge international relations diplomatic uncertainty health impact on diplomacy leader's influence diplomatic initiatives personal diplomacy deal repudiation political advisers Zhou Enlai Nixon-Mao meeting diplomatic alinements transparency effects health secrecy diplomatic reliability public perception political opposition deal undermining health impact on negotiations diplomatic trust leadership health Nixon's diplomacy Mao's health diplomatic secrecy public awareness diplomatic outcomes health and politics diplomatic reliability Nixon Mao China USA diplomatic negotiations transparency leader's health public knowledge reliability of deals diplomatic alignments Zhou Enlai historical diplomacy political reliability international relations health secrecy diplomatic success negotiation integrity public opinion leadership influence diplomatic outcomes diplomacy transparency health leadership negotiations public knowledge reliability decision-making historical diplomacy Nixon Mao China United States diplomatic alignments political reliability health secrecy diplomatic success international relations personal diplomacy political opposition
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con02a	"Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal Policing and financing the system is unmanageable  If a large proportion of the population decided not to vote it would be impossible to make every non-voter pay the fine. For example, if just 10% of the UK voters failed to do so the government would have to chase up about £4 million in fines. Even if they sent demand letters to all these people, they could not take all those who refused to pay to court. Ironically, this measure hurts most those who the proposition are trying to enfranchise because they are least able to pay.  The cost of policing this system will impact upon tax payers. The Government will need to expand and more civil servants positions will be needed to create, administer and enforce the processes. It is especially prudent that we look closely at the impact it would have financially on individual countries. For example, the US has more than ten times the voting population of Australia “the financial cost for the two nations is vastly different. Since it costs the Australian government roughly five dollars for every ballot they evaluate, the greater number of voters in America would exponentially increase bureaucratic costs"".1  1 Iowaprodigal voting fines non-voters enforcement financial impact tax payers civil servants administration costs bureaucratic costs electoral systems compulsory voting Australia US UK voter turnout enfranchisement economic implications political participation government expenditure legal enforcement democratic processes policing financing unmanageable non-voters fine UK voters government court enfranchise tax payers civil servants positions processes impact countries US Australia financial costs bureaucratic voters evaluation ballot exponentially increase IowaProdigal policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government court enfranchise tax civil servants administer enforce financial impact individual countries US Australia bureaucratic costs ballot evaluation exponentially increase policing financing unmanageable non-voters fines UK demand letters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administrative costs financial impact individual countries US Australian government ballot evaluation bureaucratic costs voters Policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government chase demand letters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administer enforce impact financially US Australia bureaucratic costs exponentially ballot evaluate Iowaprodigal Policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government demand letters court enfranchise tax payers civil servants administer enforce processes impact financially individual countries US voting population Australia financial cost ballot bureaucratic costs voter turnout non-voter fines enforcement costs civil servant expansion financial impact bureaucratic expenses tax payer burden electoral participation compulsory voting economic feasibility Australia US voting population ballot evaluation costs policing financing unmanageable non-voter fine UK voters government chase demand letters court enfranchise pay tax payers civil servants administrative enforce impact financially individual countries US voting population Australia costs bureaucratic exponentially evaluate ballot Iowa prodigal Policing financing unmanageable non-voter fines UK tax civil servants administrative costs US Australia ballot evaluation bureaucratic expenses fiscal impact voter participation legal enforcement social enfranchisement financial burden non-voter fines tax payers civil servants bureaucratic costs voting population ballot evaluation financial impact unmanageable system voter enforcement court proceedings economic burden democratic participation compulsory voting public expenditure"
test-international-bmaggiahbl-pro02a	Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience to authority  One of the major factors that exacerbated genocide ideology was the “AKAZU” controlled media which made most of the Hutu population wrongfully obey authority and government propaganda of divisionism[1].  This was achieved by proclaiming that the Tutsi are snakes and cockroaches in newspapers, and directing the Hutu extremists to where killings were to be conducted on radio RTLM. Meanwhile they also refused to broadcast speeches calling out for unity among people helping to lead to the assassination of the then Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana who opposed government restrictions. There was no space to question policies and ideas that were encouraging genocide by manipulating people to believe it was right path for Rwanda.  The genocide should therefore serve as an example that restricting freedoms of speech and press can cause severe damage. This is especially harmful to a healing and reconciling country like Rwanda that needs the freedom to debate the past and analyse how far it has come openly. Rwanda should learn from the past that freedom of speech is necessary to prevent conflict while having only one side potentially exacerbates it.  [1] Chalk, Prof. Frank ‘Radio propaganda and genocide’, Concordia.ca, November 1999 Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism newspapers radio RTLM Hutu extremists killings government assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana restrictions freedoms speech press damage healing reconciling country debate past conflict prevention Rwanda Frank Chalk Radio propaganda Concordia.ca November 1999 blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism RTLM killings assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana restrictions freedom of speech press freedom Rwanda conflict prevention reconciliation debate past analysis Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism newspapers radio RTLM Hutu extremists killings Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press Rwanda debate past conflict reconciliation blind obedience authority Akazu controlled media Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings radio RTLM assassination Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press genocide Rwanda conflict healing reconciliation debate past analysis exacerbation restriction harm right path necessary prevention one side severe damage blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population obedience government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings RTLM radio assassination Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press restrictions conflict Rwanda reconciliation debate past analysis prevention Frank Chalk Radio propaganda and genocide Concordia.ca Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU media control Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings radio RTLM assassination Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions freedom of speech press conflict prevention reconciliation Rwanda debate past analysis Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists RTLM killings speeches unity Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions restrictions freedoms of speech press severe damage healing reconciliation Rwanda freedom debate past conflict one side exacerbate Frank Chalk Radio propaganda and genocide Concordia.ca November 1999 Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population obedience government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings RTLM radio Prime minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions questioning policies freedom of speech press Rwanda debate past conflict healing reconciling one side exacerbate Blind obedience authority genocide ideology AKAZU controlled media Hutu population wrongfully obey government propaganda divisionism Tutsi snakes cockroaches newspapers Hutu extremists killings radio RTLM assassinate Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana government restrictions question policies encourages genocide manipulating people right path Rwanda restricting freedoms speech press severe damage healing country reconciling country freedom debate past conflict one side exacerbates learn past freedom of speech necessary prevent conflict Blind obedience authority genocide Akazu controlled media Hutu Tutsi propaganda divisionism RTLM assassination Agathe Uwilingiyimana freedom of speech press restrictions conflict prevention reconciliation Rwanda frank chalk radio propaganda
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro02a	"Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Going back on this rule would promote casual sex  Condoning the use of barrier methods of contraception would be implicitly condoning casual sex since their primary function is within that context. This is particularly important since the Catholic Church's teachings on casual sex are not taken particularly seriously already. Any action, such as the Catholic Church allowing the use of barrier contraception, that would promote casual sex in countries with severe AIDS/HIV problems, would be an incredibly irresponsible one. Pope Paul VI argued that when considering ""the consequences of methods and plans for artificial birth control. Let them first consider how easily this course of action could open wide the way for marital infidelity and a general lowering of moral standards."" The Church's current stance on barrier contraception, therefore, is the most responsible one1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards artificial birth control sexual behavior public health religious teachings sexual ethics casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards Catholic Church Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae artificial birth control barrier contraception casual sex marital infidelity moral standards AIDS HIV responsible action sexual behavior religious teachings contraception ethics public health sexual morality sexual health condom use sexual intercourse religious doctrine casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards artificial birth control irresponsible action religious teachings sexual behavior public health ethical considerations Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex moral standards AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity artificial birth control responsibility sexual behavior religious teachings public health casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS/HIV moral standards marital infidelity Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI responsible stance artificial birth control Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex moral standards AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity artificial birth control responsible action sexual behavior religious teachings health risks ethical implications sexual health contraception use sexual morality church doctrine public health Catholic Church barrier contraception casual sex HIV/AIDS moral standards marital infidelity Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI artificial birth control responsible stance Catholic Church contraception barrier methods casual sex AIDS HIV moral standards marital infidelity Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae responsible stance artificial birth control health consequences ethical considerations religious teachings sexual behavior public health contraception policy doctrinal consistency casual sex barrier methods contraception Catholic Church AIDS HIV Pope Paul VI Humanae Vitae marital infidelity moral standards"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwprhs-con03a	Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. Silencing views that are considered offensive is self-defeating and would be detrimental to those attempting to advance gay rights.  If freedom of speech is to mean anything then it needs to be a principle that is universally applied. Unless speech represents a direct and immediate threat to public safety then it should not be curtailed. The overwhelming majority of the world would agree with Hammond. Globally this is a significant, possibly a majority, view. Certainly the 24% of people in the UK who believe that homosexual sex should be illegal [1] could be assumed to be sympathetic. These people might well consider gay pride marches to be offensive and a threat to public order but these are allowed to go ahead and so should Hammond’s protest and those like it. The freedom of expression must be allowed equally in both cases.  [1] The Guardian. “Sex uncovered poll: Homosexuality”. 28 August 2008. freedom of speech offensive views gay rights public safety speech curtailment global opinion UK homosexuality beliefs gay pride marches Hammond protest expression equality freedom of speech silencing offensive views gay rights public safety universal principle Hammond gay pride marches freedom of expression UK homosexuality poll offensive speech public order protest rights equal expression speech curtailment societal views minority opinions freedom of speech gay rights offensive views public safety direct threat universal principle speech curtailment majority view homosexual legality gay pride marches public order freedom of expression equal rights protest allowance Hammond's protest sex uncovered poll UK public opinion expression equality offensive speech public disorder significant global view immediate threat speech limits homosexual acceptance minority opinions expression restriction freedom of speech silencing offensive views advancing gay rights universal principle direct threat public safety global majority view homosexual sex legality gay pride marches Hammond's protest equal freedom of expression freedom of speech self-defeating gay rights universal principle public safety direct threat global majority Hammond's view homosexual sex illegal UK poll gay pride marches public order freedom of expression equal treatment protest rights speech curtailment offensive views advance rights societal views legal perspectives protest freedom expression rights public debate minority opinions freedom of speech universal principle silencing offensive views advancing gay rights public safety direct threat Hammond's view global majority UK homosexuality poll gay pride marches equal freedom of expression offensive speech public order protest rights freedom of speech self-defeating gay rights public safety global view minority opinion homosexual sex legality gay pride marches Hammond protest equal freedom of expression offensive speech direct threat public order poll statistics UK public opinion freedom of speech self-defeating gay rights universal principle public safety global view majority opinion homosexual sex illegal UK gay pride marches public order Hammond's protest freedom of expression equal rights offensive views speech curtailment direct threat immediate danger poll The Guardian Sex uncovered poll 2008 freedom of speech universal application public safety offensive speech gay rights homosexual sex legal status public opinion gay pride marches protest rights expression equality speech curtailment minority views majority view direct threat immediate threat Hammond's protest democratic principles civil liberties UK poll public order societal norms free expression speech principles global perspective freedom of speech universal application public safety gay rights homosexual sex illegal gay pride marches Hammond's protest freedom of expression self-defeating offensive views public order UK poll Sex uncovered poll The Guardian 2008
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro04a	Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. Teacher’s personal life might undermine educational message.  Access to a teacher’s private information and photos may lead to weakening her position as an educator. How can a teacher convincingly speak against smoking or substance abuse if students have access to pictures portraying the teacher themselves drinking or smoking [1] ? For example, a principal from the Bronx, who had been trying to impose a strict dress code at her school, was branded a ‘hypocrite’ by her students when a risqué photo of her was found on her facebook page [2] . And even if the teacher will be careful not to post anything inappropriate on her page, a friend or acquaintance might thereby undermining the teacher. A strict separation of personal and professional life would prevent such incidents from happening.  [1] Preston, Jennifer. ”Rules to Stop Pupil and Teacher from Getting too Social Online”. The New York Times. 17 December 2011. nytimes.com/2011/12/18/business/.../rules-to-limit-how-teachers-and-students-interact-online.html.  [2] Keneally, Megan. ”Pupils at scandal hit school post sexy Facebook shot of principal over hallways.” The Daily Mail. 5 December 2011. teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking principal Bronx dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance strict separation professional life online interaction social media ethical dilemma digital footprint privacy concerns public image school policy teacher-student boundaries teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speaking against smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo facebook page friend acquaintance undermining separation personal professional life online interactions social media professional boundaries education teaching scandal public image reputation digital footprint privacy social networking ethical issues professional ethics teacher-student relationship online behavior school policy Dress code online rules social media guidelines teacher accountability digital literacy media representation teacher personal life educational message private information photos student smoking substance abuse principal dress code hypocrite Facebook risqué photo friend acquaintance professional life separation online interaction social media privacy teacher-student relationship digital footprint reputation management social boundaries professionalism online behavior educational authority public image digital ethics cyber hygiene privacy settings digital citizenship online presence social networking teacher-student boundaries inappropriate content online safety digital literacy cyber awareness professional development digital responsibility online reputation digital footprint management teacher conduct student teacher's personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking smoking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance separation personal life professional life online interaction social media privacy digital footprint professional boundaries teacher-student relationship ethical dilemma public image role model social media guidelines school policy online behavior digital citizenship teacher accountability professional conduct cyber ethics internet safety privacy settings social media risks teacher reputation student perception Teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code branded hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance strict separation professional life prevent incidents social media online interaction rules pupil teacher Megan Keneally Jennifer Preston New York Times Daily Mail teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse students pictures drinking smoking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook friend acquaintance undermining separation personal professional life social media online interaction student-teacher relationship professionalism digital footprint privacy ethics school policy online behavior social networking teacher image public perception professional standards digital citizenship internet safety cyber hygiene teacher personal life professional life education message social media privacy Facebook smoking substance abuse student perception hypocrisy principal dress code inappropriate photos online interaction separation professional boundaries digital footprint teacher-student relationship online safety reputation management social networking public image Bronx Megan Keneally Jennifer Preston New York Times Daily Mail teacher personal life professional life educational message social media private information photos smoking substance abuse students principal Bronx dress code hypocrite Facebook inappropriate friend acquaintance separation online interaction rules New York Times Daily Mail teacher privacy personal information educational integrity professional boundary social media teacher-student relationship online presence public perception teacher role model privacy policies digital footprint professional conduct social media guidelines teacher hypocrisy online behavior personal-professional separation digital citizenship online reputation management Facebook privacy school policy student-teacher interaction digital ethics online safety educator ethics digital awareness social media responsibility teacher professionalism online identity digital communication social networking privacy cyber ethics teacher-student boundaries digital literacy online teaching digital footprint management teacher accountability online privacy laws digital security teacher personal life educational message private information photos weakening position educator speak against smoking substance abuse student access pictures drinking principal Bronx strict dress code hypocrite risqué photo Facebook inappropriate friend acquaintance strict separation professional life social interaction online boundaries privilege respect influence role model
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con03a	Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, Partial birth abortions are safer than any available alternative  The D&X abortion procedure generates the minimum of risk for the mother. Banning it means that the only alternatives are premature labour induction for which mortality rates are 2.5 times higher and is emotionally very difficult due to the length of time it takes [1] (it is also likely to be unacceptable to the proposition) and hysterotomy (which results in removal of the womb). Finally as those who are having late partial birth abortions are likely to be suicidal, or at least will be very determined to get rid of their child they are the most likely to resort to back-street methods that cause damage to themselves.  [1] The Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health, ‘Abortion’, partial birth abortion D&X procedure safer abortion risk reduction mother's health premature labor induction mortality rates emotional impact hysterotomy womb removal late term abortion suicide risk 决心 strong determination back-street abortion self-harm Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health partial birth abortion D&X procedure abortion safety maternal risk premature labor induction abortion mortality emotional impact hysterotomy womb removal late abortion suicide risk back-street abortion self-harm population health family health abortion alternatives medical abortion surgical abortion abortion procedures reproductive health maternal health abortion complications abortion statistics abortion laws abortion debate public health women's health abortion safety studies abortion risks abortion methods abortion options abortion research abortion counseling abortion ethics abortion policy abortion regulation abortion training abortion awareness abortion support abortion misinformation partial birth abortions D&X abortion procedure safer alternatives risk for mother banning D&X premature labour induction mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal late partial birth abortions suicidal tendencies back-street methods self-harm Harriet and Robert Heilbrunn Department Population and Family Health abortion safety medical alternatives reproductive health risks emotional impact abortion illegal abortion dangers partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives premature labour induction hysterotomy mortality rates emotional difficulty back-street methods self-harm late-term abortions suicidal individuals abortion safety medical procedures health risks population and family health partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives premature labour induction hysterotomy mortality rates emotional difficulty back-street methods self-harm suicidal population and family health abortion procedures medical risks late-term abortions partial birth abortions D&X abortion procedure safer alternatives mortality rates premature labour induction hysterotomy back-street methods abortion risks maternal health emotional impact late-term abortions suicide risk population health family planning partial birth abortion D&X procedure safer abortion methods premature labor induction hysterotomy abortion mortality rates emotional impact of abortion back-street abortion methods suicide risk late-term abortion Heilbrunn Department of Population and Family Health partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives risk reduction maternal health premature labour induction mortality rates emotional stress hysterotomy womb removal late-term abortions suicide risk back-street methods self-harm abortion safety Heilbrunn Department population health family health abortion procedures medical alternatives health risks partial birth abortion D&X procedure safer alternatives premature labor induction hysterotomy mortality rates emotional difficulty back-street methods late-term abortion population health family health abortion safety maternal risk suicide risk abortion procedures health complications illegal abortion public health reproductive rights medical ethics Partial birth abortions D&X abortion safer alternatives abortion risk premature labour induction mortality rates emotional difficulty hysterotomy womb removal late abortions suicidal tendencies back-street methods self-harm abortion mortality population health family health
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con04a	Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, Parties as coalitions  The two political parties are ideologically broad churches, with many different factions that stand up for varying positions on the ideological spectrum. The republicans for example contain within them several different republican movements; from social conservatives or ‘the religious right’, through libertarian conservatism like much of the tea party, to fiscal conservatives who are mostly more moderate. Interweaving these three is national security conservatism and issues conservatism. [1]  Policies formed by each party are specifically designed to take into account of the different strands within the party, creating a platform that all candidates can stand on.  The policy is in effect a compromise between different wings of the party, with Primaries adding credence to a particular view.  In effect, Policies enacted under Single-Party Government have had the oversight from party members in order to be representative of the different interests within the party, thus delivering clear, coherent policies to the people that are constantly self-corrected due to the different ideological streams.  [1] Westen, Drew, ‘The Five Strands of Conservatism: Why the GOP is Unraveling’, HuffPost, 23 January 2012, parties coalitions political ideologically broad factions republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight representative interests coherent self-corrected ideological streams GOP unraveling coalitions political parties ideological spectrum factions republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism party platform primaries single-party government policy oversight ideological streams Drew Westen GOP unraveling HuffPost parties coalitions political factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight representative interests coherent self-corrected Drew Westen GOP unraveling Parties as coalitions political parties ideologically broad churches different factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policy formation different strands compromise Primaries Single-Party Government party oversight clear policies ideological streams self-corrected Drew Westen The Five Strands of Conservatism GOP unraveling parties coalitions political factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal national security issues policies compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight interests representative coherent self-corrected gop unraveling parties as coalitions political parties ideologically broad churches factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policies party platform candidates compromise different wings Primaries single-party government oversight party members different interests clear policies coherent policies self-corrected ideological streams GOP Drew Westen The Five Strands of Conservatism HuffPost Parties coalitions political factions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal moderate national security issues policies platform candidates compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams Drew Westen GOP unraveling Parties coalitions ideological broad churches factions positions ideological spectrum republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal conservatives moderate national security conservatism issues conservatism policies compromise wings party Primaries Single-Party Government oversight party members representative interests clear coherent self-corrected ideological streams Drew Westen Five Strands of Conservatism GOP unraveling parties coalitions political factions ideology republicans social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism tea party fiscal national security issues policies platforms candidates compromise wings primaries single-party government oversight representative interests coherent self-corrected Drew Westen GOP HuffPost ideological diversity political factions republican movements social conservatives religious right libertarian conservatism fiscal conservatives national security conservatism issues conservatism party platform policy compromise primaries single-party government policy oversight ideological streams clear policies coherent policies self-correction Drew Westen GOP unraveling
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con01a	Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. Employers impose rules relating to conduct in the workplace, it’s one of the things that everyone accepts when they take and continue in a job.  Put simply, if you don’t like the rules, don’t do the job. The fact that the world of work and the life of faith can come into conflict should hardly have come as a surprise to the women concerned. From Biblical times onward, that has been a reality.  However, they chose these particular jobs and that choice comes with consequences. Their actions would seem to suggest that they prize their faith more highly than their jobs, the solution seems fairly straightforward – get another job.  Religious belief is also a choice. Nobody is compelling the two women into one particular faith and nobody, including the Church, is compelling them to wear a cross as a demonstration of that decision.  The problem seems to have arisen because one thing they chose to do was in conflict with another thing they chose to do. It is difficult to see how that is the responsibility of either the employer or the courts. workplace rules job acceptance work-life conflict religious faith employment consequences personal choices religious symbols legal responsibility workplace rules employment conditions job acceptance work-life conflict religious freedom faith and work employment consequences religious symbols workplace attire employment law religious accommodation job choice personal beliefs employment rights legal responsibility workplace rules employment conditions job choice faith and work conflict religious belief personal choice work-life balance professional conduct employment consequences job alternatives religious expression workplace accommodation employee rights employer responsibilities legal perspectives faith practices workplace diversity religious freedom employment law workplace ethics workplace rules employment conduct job acceptance workplace conflicts religious beliefs faith and work job choice consequences religious freedom employer responsibility court jurisdiction personal choices professional conduct workplace accommodation religious symbols employment law faith-based decisions job satisfaction career compromise personal values work-life balance workplace rules job acceptance conduct standards faith conflict religious belief employment choice workplace conduct faith demonstration employer responsibility court jurisdiction job consequences personal choices religious freedom employment conflict workplace accommodation workplace conduct employer rules job acceptance work-life conflict religious belief faith and employment job choice consequences religious symbols workplace attire employment vs. faith legal responsibility employer liability religious freedom employment law workplace accommodation Employers workplace rules job acceptance workplace conduct job choice faith conflict Biblical times work-life conflict religious belief faith choice wearing cross employer responsibility court responsibility workplace rules employment choices religious freedom faith and work conflict personal beliefs job consequences religious symbols employment law workplace conduct employee rights workplace rules employment choices job acceptance faith and work conflict religious belief job consequences workplace conduct employment and religion faith demonstrations job vs faith employment conflicts religious practices employer responsibilities court responsibilities workplace rules job acceptance faith conflict employment choice religious belief workplace conduct job consequences faith demonstration employer responsibility court intervention
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro02a	Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. Small is beautiful: community empowerment  Microfinance is empowering the communities that are using it - showing in development, small is beautiful. Communities are empowered to change their conditions. For example taking the case of savings - microfinance allows for savings. Half of the adults that saved in Sub-Saharan Africa, during 2013, used an informal, community-based approach (CARE, 2014). First, having savings reduces household risk. CARE is one of many organisations working in innovations for microfinance. At CARE savings have been mobilised across Africa by working with Village Savings and Loans Associations. Overtime, CARE has targeted over 30,000,000 poor people in Africa, to provide necessary finance. Savings ensures households have financial capital, can invest resources in education, health, and the future. Savings is security in livelihoods.  Second, microfinance is providing key skills. Oxfam’s Savings for Change Initiative provides training on savings, and lending, to women in communities in Senegal and Mali. Evidence from Mali indicates startup capital provided has ensured better food security, women’s empowerment in the financial decision-making of households, and crucially, a sense of community bond among the women (Oxfam, 2013). Gender based violence within households may also be reduced [1] .  [1] See further readings: Kim et al, 2007. community empowerment microfinance development savings informal savings financial capital household risk investment education health livelihood security skills training women empowerment financial decision-making community bonds gender-based violence startup capital food security Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Village Savings and Loans Associations Savings for Change Initiative Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health Village Savings and Loans Associations Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making gender-based violence community bond Mali Senegal community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health future livelihoods skills Oxfam Savings for Change Senegal Mali food security women’s empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Kim et al 2007 CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations innovations poor people Africa startups capital small is beautiful community empowerment microfinance development informal savings community-based approach household risk financial capital education health financial decision-making gender-based violence women's empowerment startup capital food security community bond savings for change village savings and loans associations Sub-Saharan Africa CARE Oxfam Mali Senegal Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change women empowerment financial decision-making gender-based violence Village Savings and Loans Associations CARE startup capital food security community bond community empowerment microfinance development household risk reduction financial capital education investment health improvement future planning livelihood security skills training women's empowerment financial decision-making community bonding gender-based violence reduction savings and loans associations startup capital food security informal savings Oxfam CARE Sub-Saharan Africa Village Savings and Loans Associations Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali Kim et al 2007 community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health livelihoods Oxfam Savings for Change women Senegal Mali food security women's empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence Microfinance community empowerment development savings Sub-Saharan Africa CARE informal savings Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health livelihood security Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security Mali Senegal community empowerment microfinance development savings Sub-Saharan Africa household risk financial capital education health livelihood security skills training women empowerment financial decision-making community bond gender-based violence startup capital food security community empowerment microfinance development Sub-Saharan Africa savings household risk CARE Village Savings and Loans Associations financial capital education health Oxfam Savings for Change Initiative Senegal Mali women empowerment financial decision-making gender-based violence Kim et al 2007
test-international-miasimyhw-pro01a	Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.  A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets.  Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region [1] .  [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU. free movement productivity labour market knowledge sharing competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities market access East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour mobility migration risk European labour market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare disparities job growth EU productivity free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition economic efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol free regional movement regional poverty labour mobility European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare migration job disparities EU productivity Free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth East African Community Common Market Protocol regional movement employment opportunities labour mobility poverty reduction European labour market Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare migration disparities jobs growth EU free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour mobility unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities EU productivity free movement productivity free labour market neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty employment opportunities labour mobility European labour market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities Free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency development neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol barriers removal regional poverty labour mobility migration Europe flexible labour market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare job disparities productivity disparities EU free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing ideas socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency development neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities markets East African Community Common Market Protocol 2010 barriers removal regional movement citizens member states regional poverty labour productivity flexible labour market Europe high unemployment Spain Ireland Greece Euro-crisis social welfare migration job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities Free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic productivity employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol (CMP) 2010 regional poverty labour mobility migration risk European labour market unemployment Euro-crisis social welfare job disparities growth disparities productivity disparities EU member states free movement productivity free labour market knowledge sharing socio-cultural traditions neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour productivity European labour market Euro-crisis social welfare migration unemployment disparities jobs growth Free movement productivity labour market knowledge sharing competition efficiency neoliberal theory laissez-faire economic growth employment opportunities East African Community Common Market Protocol regional poverty labour mobility migration risk Europe Euro-crisis unemployment social welfare disparities jobs growth
test-religion-frghbbgi-con03a	The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, The rareness of Life  Life requires an extremely fine set of conditions in order to exist. The right distance from the Sun, a magnetic field to deflect solar radiation, the right atmospheric composition and conditions etc. These conditions are extremely rare; indeed only on Earth have we observed that they are just right for life to have evolved. [1] This is so unlikely that it leads to the conclusion that God must have intervened.  [1] McAlpine, Kate, ‘Extraterrestrial life could be extremely rare’, physicsworld.com, 1 August 2011, rareness life conditions Sun distance magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition Earth extraterrestrial God intervention McAlpine physicsworld 2011 rare life fine conditions distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition earth conditions extraterrestrial life god intervention unlikely probability kate mcalpine physicsworld 2011 article rareness of life fine set conditions right distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition atmospheric conditions unique earth conditions extraterrestrial life rare conditions god intervention McAlpine Kate physicsworld extraterrestrial life rarity evolution of life conditions for life solar system planetary conditions earth's uniqueness rareness of life fine conditions for life distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition earth conditions life evolution unlikely conditions divine intervention extraterrestrial life rarity physicsworld kate mcalpine rareness of life fine conditions for life distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation deflection atmospheric composition Earth's unique conditions extraterrestrial life rarity divine intervention McAlpine physicsworld.com rare life fine conditions Earth's uniqueness solar distance magnetic field atmospheric conditions extraterrestrial life God intervention fine-tuning argument astrobiology habitable planets rare Earth hypothesis rareness of life fine-tuned conditions planetary distance from sun magnetic field solar radiation protection atmospheric composition Earth's unique conditions extraterrestrial life probability of life divine intervention astrobiology habitable planets exoplanets extremophiles biogenesis abiogenesis Drake equation Fermi paradox life's rarity in universe rareness of life conditions for life distance from Sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition Earth's unique conditions extraterrestrial life likelihood of life God's intervention fine-tuning argument astrobiology habitable zone planetary science extraterrestrial intelligence space exploration cosmic rarity life's prerequisites abiogenesis chemical evolution biological evolution cosmic coincidence divine creation naturalistic explanation anthropic principle multiverse theory exoplanets astrochemical processes extremophiles origins of life prebiotic chemistry celestial mechanics stellar radiation photosynthesis rareness life conditions Earth Sun magnetic field solar radiation atmospheric composition fine-tuned God intervention extraterrestrial rare unlikely physicsworld McAlpine rareness of life fine set conditions right distance from Sun magnetic field solar radiation deflection atmospheric composition conditions for life Earth's unique conditions extraterrestrial life fine-tuning argument divine intervention Kate McAlpine physicsworld.com August 2011
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con03a	Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining has been recognised as an enforcable right  Collective bargaining is a right. If the state allows freedom of association, individuals will gather together and exchange their ideas and views as a natural consequence of this freedom. Further, free association and free expression allows groups to then select a representative to express their ideas in a way that the individuals in the group might not be able to. In preventing people from using this part of their right to assembly, we weaken the entire concept of the right to assembly. The point of the right to assembly is to allow the best possible representation for individuals. When a group of individuals are prevented from enjoying this right then it leads to those individuals feeling isolated from the rest of society who are able to enjoy this right.  This is particularly problematic in the case of public sector workers as the state that is isolating them also happens to be their employer. This hurts the way that people in the public sector view the state that ideally is meant to represent them above all as they actively contribute to the well being of the state.1  Bloomberg, Michael. “Limit Pay, Not Unions.” New York Times. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state as employer union representation social isolation worker rights labor unions employment law civil liberties public service wage limits union membership bargaining power government workers labor relations union activities worker solidarity collective action legal rights employee rights union leadership public sector unions labor disputes unionized workers workplace rights union benefits bargaining unit labor standards employment conditions union support collective representation worker protection labor market union contract labor rights union organization collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employer union representation social isolation public sector unions Michael Bloomberg New York Times union rights labor rights government workers employee rights union pay union restrictions collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state isolation employee rights union representation labor rights government workers union membership bargaining power workers' rights discrimination labor laws union activities unionization worker isolation state employment Michael Bloomberg New York Times pay limits union restrictions collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression representative selection right to assembly public sector workers state isolation employee rights union limitations Michael Bloomberg New York Times collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employment union representation social isolation worker rights Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limits public sector unions state representation worker well-being collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state as employer union representation individual rights social isolation public sector unions Michael Bloomberg New York Times union pay union limitations collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employment union representation societal isolation worker rights Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limitations pay limits public sector unions government workers collective representation labor rights state isolation worker-state relationship public service state well-being worker isolation societal inclusion labor unions union freedom employment rights state authority union activities collective action assembly rights labor laws public employees union representation rights worker solidarity state-employee dynamics labor movement collective negotiation union membership collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state isolation workers' representation societal integration union rights Michael Bloomberg New York Times collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers state employer union representation societal isolation worker rights Michael Bloomberg New York Times union limitations collective bargaining enforceable right freedom of association free expression right to assembly public sector workers union representation societal isolation stateemployer relationship public sector unions Michael Bloomberg New York Times
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con04a	"Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Problems with Verification.  Verification is vital in any agreement to limit arms. Both sides need to trust each other a bit but a lot of this trust needs to come from comprehensive mechanisms to monitor and ensure that both sides are carrying out their commitments. If the verification system is not good enough then neither side will have faith in the agreement and will be more likely to try and bypass it.  Unfortunately the expired START’s verification regime was robust when compared to that for the New START. Baker Spring at the Heritage foundation lists some of the specific areas that are significantly less robust: A narrowing of the requirements for exchanging telemetry (electronic transmissions that give details of missile performance that helps give a good idea about whether Russia is complying with the treaty) , A reduction in the effectiveness of the inspections (the Russians feel that inspections are unfairly biased against them), Weaknesses in the ability to verify the number of deployed warheads on ICBMs and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), Abolition of the START verification regime governing mobile ICBMs, and A weakening of the verification standards governing the elimination of delivery vehicles. [1]  [1] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010. Verification arms agreements trust monitoring commitments START New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty compliance inspection bias verification standards elimination verification missile performance electronic transmissions compliance monitoring strategic arms reduction international security nuclear arms control treaty enforcement verification mechanisms bilateral trust arms control treaties military transparency inspection regimes verification protocols treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification arms control trust monitoring commitments START treaty New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles compliance treaty flaws Baker Spring Heritage Foundation verification arms control trust monitoring compliance START treaty New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring verification trust arms control agreements comprehensive mechanisms monitoring commitments verification system faith bypass expired START New START robust verification telemetry missile performance compliance inspections Russian bias deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles verification standards flaws Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Problems Verification Arms Agreements Trust Monitoring Commitments Verification System Confidence Bypass START New START Robust Verification Regime Telemetry Missile Performance Compliance Inspections Russia Bias Warheads ICBMs Submarine-launched Ballistic Missiles SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery Vehicles Weaknesses Standards Elimination Baker Spring Heritage Foundation Twelve Flaws Fix verification trust arms control START treaty New START telemetry inspections deployed warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty compliance Russia strategic weapons Heritage Foundation Baker Spring missile performance verification mechanisms arms agreements Verification arms control trust monitoring commitment START New START telemetry inspections warhead verification ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination Baker Spring Heritage Foundation verification trust arms agreements START treaty New START telemetry inspections warhead verification ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicle elimination treaty compliance Russian perspective Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Verification trust arms agreements START New START telemetry inspections warheads ICBMs SLBMs mobile ICBMs delivery vehicles treaty compliance Heritage Foundation Baker Spring Verification Arms control Trust Monitoring Compliance START treaty New START Telemetry Inspections Warheads ICBMs SLBMs Mobile ICBMs Delivery vehicles Treaty flaws Heritage Foundation Baker Spring"
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro01a	Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. Individuals have a right to the experience of higher education  University offers personal, intellectual, and often spiritual, exploration. In secondary school and in professional life, no such opportunities exist as they are about instruction and following orders, not about questioning norms and conventions in the same way university so often is. [1] A life without the critical thinking skills provided by university will be less useful to society, as citizens will be unable to engage with political debate effectively – citizens need to be critical of what politicians tell them. The state has a responsibility to provide citizens with the skillset to take partake in the democratic process. [2] Free universities benefit both the citizen, as an exploration for his/her own development, and to society, for an educated and active populace.  [1] Key Degree. 2010. “How to Reap the Benefits of College”. Keydegree.com. Available:  ­of­college.html  [2] Swift, Adam. 2001. Political Philosophy: A Beginner’s Guide for Students and Politicians. Cambridge: Polity. right to education university benefits personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking political engagement democratic process free universities societal benefit citizen development education and society higher learning questioning norms professional life limitations secondary education goals political philosophy civic responsibility education policy societal impact of education higher education critical thinking personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life political debate democratic process free universities societal benefit citizen development education importance political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians university rights questioning norms conventional thinking state responsibility higher education university personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life critical thinking skills society political debate democratic process free universities citizen development educated populace democratic engagement political philosophy societal benefit individual growth education policy public responsibility right to higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school limitations professional life constraints questioning norms critical thinking skills societal utility political debate engaging citizens democratic process state responsibility free universities individual development educated populace active citizenship college benefits political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians societal benefit educational opportunities intellectual curiosity civic engagement academic freedom public good enlightenment personal empowerment societal improvement critical analysis informed decision-making participatory democracy lifelong learning holistic education cultural enrichment societal progress educational equity academic community intellectual discourse right higher education university personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life critical thinking societal contribution political debate citizenship democratic process free universities public benefit personal development educated populace active citizenship political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians right to education higher education benefits personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills democratic participation civic engagement political debate free universities societal benefit educated populace active citizenship questioning norms professional life secondary education state responsibility skillset development university learning lifelong benefits higher learning academic freedom thought leadership societal contribution public policy education reform academic philosophy intellectual curiosity cultural enrichment personal development social mobility economic impact policy analysis governance citizen empowerment academic institutions educational access knowledge acquisition cognitive development educational opportunities social responsibility academic research higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life questioning norms critical thinking skills political debate democratic process free universities societal benefit educated populace active citizenship political philosophy beginner's guide students politicians higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development secondary school professional life instruction following orders questioning norms critical thinking skills societal benefit political debate democratic process free universities citizen development educated populace Key Degree Adam Swift political philosophy higher education personal development intellectual growth spiritual exploration critical thinking skills political engagement democratic participation free universities societal benefit education policy citizen development political philosophy public responsibility academic freedom societal contribution educational equity political debate civic engagement lifelong learning professional life secondary education higher education personal exploration intellectual growth spiritual development critical thinking skills political engagement democratic process free universities societal benefit citizen development questioning norms professional life secondary school Polity Adam Swift Key Degree
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con04a	ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement would create resentment  There are good reasons for why an ICC enforcement arm would be ineffective on its own. It may have all the necessary equipment and training but it would be a foreign force, that may or may not be seen as legitimate, attempting to arrest a native of that country. The result would be resentment in the community at the intrusion. This regularly occurs to national police forces when policing in minority areas. In London the Brixton race riots were seen by one inquiry as “essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police” as the police did not represent them. [1] The result with the ICC as elsewhere would likely to at the least be a lack of cooperation, and with most of the force unable to speak the native language altering perceptions would be difficult. Such a force may bring even fewer results than using local forces and would provide a scapegoat for local politicians. [2]  [1] Bowling, Ben, and Phillips, Coretta, ‘Policing ethnic minority communities’, LSE Research Online, 2003,  p.4  [2] Perritt, Henry H., ‘Policing International Peace and Security: International Police Forces’, Chicago-Kent College of Law, March 1999,  p.294 ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force native community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots anger lack of cooperation language barrier perceptions local forces scapegoat local politicians peace security international police forces ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force arrest native community intrusion national police minority areas Brixton race riots anger police representation cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international policing peace security police forces minority communities ethnic minorities policing effectiveness international law human rights legal enforcement community relations police-community relations international relations peacekeeping security forces conflict resolution justice governance institutional trust cultural sensitivity social justice law enforcement community policing international cooperation ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force native community national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minority cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international peace security policing international police forces ICC enforcement resentment foreign force lack of legitimacy arrest native community national police forces minority areas Brixton race riots lack of cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international policing peace and security ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minority communities local forces language barriers cooperation scapegoat local politicians international peace security Henry Perritt Chicago-Kent College of Law LSE Research Online Ben Bowling Coretta Phillips ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force native arrest community reaction national police minority areas Brixton race riots police representation lack of cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat political exploitation ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy national police minority areas Brixton race riots police representation lack of cooperation local forces scapegoat local politicians language barrier perception issues international policing peacekeeping security forces community relations ethnic minorities police effectiveness ICC enforcement resentment foreign force legitimacy arrest native community intrusion national police minority areas London Brixton race riots anger police representation lack of cooperation language barrier local forces scapegoat local politicians international police peace security ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign forces arresting natives community reaction national police minority areas Brixton race riots police representation lack of cooperation language barriers local forces political scapegoat international policing peacekeeping inefficiency ICC enforcement resentment legitimacy foreign force arrest native community national police minority areas Brixton race riots policing ethnic minority representation cooperation language barrier perceptions results local forces scapegoat local politicians
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro02a	The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, The fact that it is a Representative highlights the fact that the EU is based on consultation and consensus, and that is a positive thing.  While the new ‘EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy’ marks only a bold first step towards a more unified voice for the EU, the decisions are indeed still based on a state by state consultation mechanism – hence the name representative. This should however not to be downplayed as a less significant change in how the EU approaches its foreign policy. The consultation aspect is in fact essential to reaching agreement and the importance of not only presenting a united front to the rest of the world (the EU is exemplary in trade policy and environmental policy, but less important when it comes to presenting a united voice in foreign policy as Belgian Foreign minister Mark Eyskens put it in 1991 “Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf, and a military worm” 1, but also creating a united front through collaboration and debate. One should thus see this not only as a means to an end, but rather as an important mechanism in itself, whereby new identities are slowly created along with a deeper sense of commitment to a common set of values.  1. Craig R Whitney, ‘WAR IN THE GULF: EUROPE; Gulf Fighting Shatters Europeans’ Fragile Unity’, EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Front Collaboration Debate Common Values Identity Formation Political Unity Military Capability Economic Strength Environmental Policy Mark Eyskens Craig R Whitney Gulf War European Unity consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy security policy unified voice state by state decision-making united front collaboration debate common values identities commitment trade policy environmental policy political unity military capability Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity consultation consensus EU High Representative unified voice state by state consultation foreign policy united front collaboration debate common values European unity Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Gulf War European fragility EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy consultation and consensus unified voice state by state consultation significant change foreign policy united front collaboration and debate common values European unity political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity EU High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy Consultation Consensus United Front Trade Policy Environmental Policy Political Unity Military Power European Identity Common Values Gulf War European Unity Craig R Whitney consultation consensus EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy unified voice state by state consultation foreign policy united front collaboration debate common values European unity Gulf War Craig R Whitney EU consultation consensus High Representative foreign policy security policy unified voice state consultation united front collaboration debate common values Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm Craig R Whitney Gulf War European unity EU consultation consensus High Representative foreign policy security policy united voice state by state consultation mechanism foreign minister Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm collaboration debate common values identities commitment Gulf War European unity consultation consensus EU High Representative foreign policy security policy state by state united front collaboration debate common values European unity political dwarf military worm Gulf War Europeans' fragile unity EU consultation consensus High Representative Foreign Policy Security Policy unified voice state by state Mark Eyskens economic giant political dwarf military worm collaboration debate common values Craig R Whitney WAR IN THE GULF Europeans' Unity
test-environment-opecewiahw-con02a	A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, A dam would damage the environment  Dams due to their generation of renewable electricity are usually seen as environmentally friendly but such mega projects are rarely without consequences. The Grand Inga would lower the oxygen content of the lower course of the river which would mean a loss of species. This would not only affect the river as the Congo’s delta is a submerged area of 300,000km2 far out into the Atlantic. This system is not yet understood but the plume transmits sediment and organic matter into the Atlantic ocean encouraging plankton offshore contributing to the Atlantic’s ability to be a carbon sink. [1]  [1] Showers, Kate, ‘Will Africa’s Mega Dam Have Mega Impacts?’, International Rivers, 5 March 2012, dam environment renewable electricity environmentally friendly mega projects consequences Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa mega dam impacts environmental impact renewable energy mega projects Grand Inga dam oxygen depletion species loss Congo River delta sediment transport carbon sink Atlantic Ocean plankton ecosystem disruption Kate Showers International Rivers environmental impact renewable energy mega projects Grand Inga dam oxygen depletion species loss Congo River delta sediment transport carbon sink Atlantic Ocean ecological consequences renewable electricity dam construction aquatic ecosystem river plume environmental impact renewable energy Grand Inga Dam oxygen depletion species loss Congo River delta sediment transport carbon sink Atlantic Ocean plankton mega projects ecological consequences renewable electricity environmental friendliness river systems aquatic life oceanography environmental science climate change mitigation water management energy policy ecosystem services international rivers Africa's infrastructure showa kate mega impacts submerged delta organic matter river plume ecological research environmental studies aquatic ecosystems hydroelectric power environmental conservation river management sustainable development environmental advocacy water resources carbon cycle dam environment renewable electricity environmentally friendly mega projects consequences Grand Inga oxygen content river species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic sediment organic matter carbon sink plankton offshore impacts Africa Kate Showers International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity mega projects consequences Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area sediment organic matter Atlantic Ocean plankton carbon sink Africa mega dam impacts International Rivers Kate Showers 5 March 2012 dam environment renewable electricity mega projects consequences Grand Inga oxygen content river species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink Africa Mega Dam impacts International Rivers dam environment renewable electricity Grand Inga oxygen river species Congo delta Atlantic sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink mega impacts International Rivers environment dam renewable electricity Grand Inga oxygen content species loss Congo delta submerged area Atlantic Ocean sediment organic matter plankton carbon sink mega projects environmental consequences Kate Showers International Rivers environment renewable energy Grand Inga oxygen depletion species loss Congo delta sediment transport carbon sink Atlantic Ocean mega projects ecological impacts renewable electricity dam consequences aquatic ecosystems river systems environmental degradation plankton organic matter submerged delta international rivers
test-science-ascidfakhba-pro04a	The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, The costs of monitoring copyright by states, artists, and lawyers far outweigh the benefits, and is often simply ineffective  The state incurs huge costs in monitoring for copyright infringement, in arresting suspected perpetrators, in imprisonment of those found guilty, even though in reality nothing was stolen but an idea that, once released to it, belonged to the public domain more or less. [1] Furthermore, the deterrent effect to copyright piracy generated by all the efforts of the state and firms has proven generally minimal. In fact, the level of internet piracy of books, music, and films has increased dramatically year on year for several years, increasing by 30% in 2011 alone. [2] This is because in many cases copyright laws are next to unenforceable, as the music and movie industries have learned to their annoyance in recent years, for example ninety percent of DVDs sold in China are bootlegs while even western consumers are increasingly bypassing copyright by using peer to peer networks. [3] Only a tiny fraction of perpetrators are ever caught, and though they are often punished severely in an attempt to deter future crime, it has done little to stop their incidence. Copyright, in many cases, does not work in practice plain and simple. Releasing works under a creative commons licensing scheme does a great deal to cope with these pressures. In the first instance it is a less draconian regime, so individuals are more willing to buy into it as a legitimate claim by artists rather than an onerous stranglehold on work. This increases compliance with the relaxed law. Secondly, the compliance means that artists are given the vocal crediting under the license rules that gives them more public exposure than clandestine copying could not. Ultimately this adaptation of current copyright law would benefit the artist and the consumer mutually.  [1] World Intellectual Property Organization. “Emerging Issues in Intellectual Property”. 2011   [2] Hartopo, A. “The Past, Present and Future of Internet Piracy”. Jakarta Globe. 26 July 2011.   [3] Quirk, M., “The Movie Pirates”, The Atlantic, 19 November 2009, costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state infringement arresting perpetrators imprisonment guilty nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent piracy efforts minimal internet books music films unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs western consumers peer to peer networks caught punished deter future crime incidence works practice creative commons licensing pressures draconian regime willing buy legitimate claim stranglehold compliance relaxed law vocal crediting copyright monitoring state costs artist costs lawyer costs copyright benefits copyright effectiveness state enforcement copyright infringement suspect arrest imprisonment costs public domain copyright piracy internet piracy piracy increase piracy deterrence copyright enforcement unenforceable laws bootleg DVDs peer-to-peer networks copyright punishment creative commons licensing scheme public exposure artist benefits consumer benefits copyright adaptation WIPO emerging issues internet piracy trends movie piracy music piracy film piracy costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy state firms minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically year 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries learned annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically year 30% 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks fraction perpetrators caught punished costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge costs arresting imprisoned guilty infringement stolen idea public domain deterrence piracy minimal internet books music films increased dramatically unenforceable music movie industries annoyance bootlegs China consumers bypassing peer-to-peer networks perpetrators caught punished severely deter future crime incidence practice creative commons licensing pressures draconian regime buy-in legitimate onerous str costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty stole idea public domain deterrent effect minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically annually unenforceable music movie industries annoyance ninety percent DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing peer peer networks caught punished severely deter future crime incidence practice plain simple releasing works creative costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state huge costs copyright infringement arresting suspects imprisonment guilty idea public domain deterrent effect piracy minimal internet piracy books music films increased 2011 enforceable music movie industries China bootlegs western consumers peer networks perpetrators punished deter crime incidence practice creative commons licensing pressures draconian regime willing legitimate stranglehold compliance relaxed law costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty reality nothing stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically yearly unenforceable music movie industries ninety percent DVDs bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer peer networks tiny fraction perpetrators caught punished severely attempt costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state incurs huge costs monitoring infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty stolen idea public domain deterrent effect piracy efforts state firms minimal internet piracy books music films increased dramatically years 2011 unenforceable music movie industries annoyance DVDs China bootlegs western consumers bypassing copyright peer networks fraction perpetrators caught punished severely deter costs monitoring copyright states artists lawyers benefits ineffective state copyright infringement arresting suspected perpetrators imprisonment guilty stolen idea public domain deterrent effect copyright piracy internet piracy books music films increased unenforceable music industry movie industry China DVDs bootlegs western consumers peer to peer networks perpetrators punished deter future crime incidence creative commons licensing scheme compliance public exposure adaptation copyright law benefit artist consumer
test-philosophy-apessghwba-con05a	Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. Animals involved in animal research are mostly well treated.  The vast majority of animals used in research are not subjected to suffering. Where there may be pain, they are given painkillers, and when they are euthanized it is done humanely. [1] They are looked after well, as the health of the animals is usually not only required by law and good practice, but beneficial for the experimental results. Many of these animals live better lives than they might have done had they been born into the wild. Many animals, and indeed humans, die untimely deaths that are due to reasons other than old age, animal experimentation may increase these numbers slightly but so long as the animals are treated well there should be no moral objection to animal research. If the foundation of the argument for banning animal experimentation is therefore based upon the cruel treatment and pain suffered by animals then this is a reason for regulation to make sure there is very little suffering rather than an outright ban.  [1] Herzog, H., “Dealing With the Animal Research Controversy”, in Akins, C. Panicker, S. & Cunningham, C. L (eds.), Laboratory animals in research and teaching: Ethics, care and methods, (Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association, 2005, Ch. 1. animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements ethical treatment experimental results better life quality wild animals untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation regulatory oversight cruelty prevention research ethics laboratory animals scientific benefits humane treatment animal rights pain relief care standards research controversy ethical considerations animal suffering experimental practices humane practices animal health regulatory measures ethical guidelines animal testing laboratory conditions humane care animal use research animals ethical treatment standards animal protection animal research benefits research animal welfare humane research animal research well treated suffering painkillers humane euthanasia animal health legal requirements good practice experimental results better lives wild untimely deaths moral objection animal experimentation regulation animal welfare cruelty ethical treatment laboratory animals animal welfare pain management humane treatment ethical considerations laboratory animals regulatory practices animal rights research ethics experimental outcomes humane euthanasia wild animal life untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation cruelty prevention scientific regulation animal care standards research benefits legal requirements good practice guidelines animal research well-treated animals animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia legal requirements ethical standards experimental results better life conditions wild vs laboratory moral objections regulatory oversight animal ethics humane treatment scientific necessity animal rights research regulations animal suffering ethical considerations laboratory animal care Animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements experimental accuracy better life conditions wild animal mortality ethical considerations animal experimentation regulation moral objections humane treatment scientific research ethics animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare legal requirements experimental results better life than wild moral objections regulation cruelty prevention animal ethics laboratory animals research controversy humane treatment pain reduction ethical considerations animal experimentation scientific benefits animal rights animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal health legal requirements experimental results better life conditions wild animals untimely deaths moral objections animal experimentation regulation cruelty prevention ethical treatment laboratory animals research ethics animal welfare scientific benefits humane practices regulatory oversight animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal welfare experimental results legal requirements ethical treatment animal experimentation moral considerations regulation animal suffering laboratory animals research controversy ethical practices animal care human benefits wild animals untimely deaths animal rights animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals pain management humane euthanasia legal standards experimental outcomes wild animal life moral considerations animal experimentation regulatory oversight ethical research practices humane treatment animal rights scientific integrity research ethics animal care experimental design animal suffering moral objections animal research controversy humane treatment standards laboratory animal welfare animal testing ethics research animal care ethical guidelines animal research regulation animal experimentation ethics humane practices animal well-being scientific research ethics animal health laboratory animal management ethical animal research animal experimentation regulation moral philosophy experimental animal welfare animal research well-treated animals pain management humane euthanasia animal health legal requirements experimental results better life conditions moral objections animal experimentation regulation cruelty prevention ethical treatment laboratory animals research ethics animal welfare scientific methods humane practices ethical considerations animal rights
test-environment-aiahwagit-con01a	African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries have little money to spare  Africa has some of the least developed countries in the world, making extensive protection of endangered animals unviable. Many African countries are burdened by the more pressing issues of civil war, large debts, poverty, and economic underdevelopment. [1] These factors already draw significant amounts of money from limited budgets. Tanzania, for example, has revenue of $5.571 billion and an expenditure of $6.706 billion. [2] Increased expenditure on animal protection projects would only serve to worsen this budget deficit.  [1] Simensen, J. ‘Africa: the causes of under-development and the challenges of globalisation’  [2] The World Factbook ‘Tanzania’ African countries little money endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit animal protection Tanzania revenue expenditure under-development globalisation The World Factbook African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil conflict national debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania finances revenue shortfalls conservation funding global underdevelopment Simensen analysis World Factbook data African countries least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects under-development globalisation The World Factbook African countries least developed countries endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects African countries limited funds least developed nations endangered species protection civil conflicts debt poverty economic challenges budget deficits Tanzania finance Simensen underdevelopment globalisation issues World Factbook data African countries limited finances least developed nations endangered species protection civil wars debt poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficits Tanzania financial constraints wildlife conservation development challenges globalisation impacts African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects globalisation challenges under-development causes African countries least developed endangered animals protection civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects financial constraints development challenges globalisation under-development causes African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects under-development globalisation The World Factbook African countries least developed endangered animals civil war large debts poverty economic underdevelopment budget deficit Tanzania revenue expenditure animal protection projects
test-politics-ypppgvhwmv-con03a	There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. There are alternatives that tackle the real causes of voter disengagement  Compulsory voting hides the problem which is causing people to be disengaged from politics; it allows politicians to ignore measures that can tackle the true causes of political disengagement.  States instead should seek on strategies that will eliminate barriers to voting along with reducing the costs of turnout for its citizens, weekend voting, making election days a holiday, simple registration procedures, reforms such as to the party finance rules to widen the playing field, and the creation of a centralized, professional bureaucracy concerned with all aspects of election administration. In the UK, for example, adopting a more proportional system will allow for a political spectrum rather than the three major parties that currently dominate. voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms centralized election administration proportional representation UK political spectrum major parties dominance voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms proportional system political spectrum major parties election administration centralized bureaucracy citizen engagement electoral reforms democratic participation political representation voting accessibility electoral fairness alternatives voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms centralized bureaucracy election administration proportional system political spectrum major parties tackle real causes voter disengagement compulsory voting hide the problem politicians ignore eliminate barriers reduce costs weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized bureaucracy proportional system political spectrum major parties dominate uk politics electoral reforms citizen engagement democratic participation voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting election day holiday weekend voting simple registration party finance reform proportional representation centralized election administration political spectrum major parties dominance turnout costs voter engagement strategies electoral reforms voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting reducing turnout costs weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms centralized election administration proportional representation political spectrum major parties dominance voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform centralized election administration proportional representation UK political parties political spectrum major parties dominance voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting reducing turnout costs weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reform proportional representation election administration political spectrum major parties UK political system democratic engagement electoral reform voter disengagement compulsory voting political barriers weekend voting election day holiday simplified registration party finance reform proportional representation electoral administration UK political spectrum voter disengagement compulsory voting political disengagement barriers to voting costs of turnout weekend voting election day holiday simple registration party finance reforms proportional system political spectrum major parties election administration centralized bureaucracy
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-pro01a	Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality is based on fundamental human rights endorsed by the EU which needs to be addressed  Gender equality at the workplace is an important principle that businesses should follow. If we consider men and women to be equal then they should be equally represented at the top levels of politics, society, and business. This is not simply a national issue, but a pan-EU problem of justice and equal rights. Gender equality is linked to the fundamental human rights that the EU endorses and the lack of progress in terms of women in high positions of Europe requires a proactive stance. As Morin-Chartier argues, the EU directives are about being a model for one another and the quotas will serve as an archetype for others worldwide. Therefore, the quotas are necessary to encourage progress in this field as other tools have not brought equal gender representation. Gender equality human rights EU workplace business principles politics society pan-EU justice equal rights women in high positions proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives quotas archetype progress gender representation tools encouragement gender equality human rights EU workplace equality business principles political representation societal issues pan-EU problems justice equal rights high positions Europe proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model quotas archetype worldwide progress gender representation tools encouragement gender equality human rights EU workplace business principles politics society pan-EU justice equal rights high positions women progress Europe proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model quotas archetype progress encouragement equal representation tools effectiveness Gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace principle business ethics political representation societal hierarchy European justice equal rights national issue pan-EU problem women in high positions proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model for others quotas archetype global influence progress encouragement equal gender representation alternative tools ineffective measures gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles top-level representation politics society pan-EU issue justice equal rights human rights lack of progress women in high positions proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model quotas archetype global influence progress encouragement equal representation alternative tools gender equality human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation social justice pan-EU issue fundamental rights women in high positions European progress proactive stance EU directives model for others quotas necessity archetype worldwide progress encouragement equal representation alternative tools gender balance gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal balance pan-EU issue justice equal rights women in high positions Europe proactive stance Morin-Chartier EU directives model for others quotas global archetype progress equal representation alternative tools gender equality fundamental human rights EU directives workplace equality equal representation top levels politics society business pan-EU problem justice equal rights women in high positions proactive stance quotas model for one another archetype worldwide progress gender representation EU directives gender quotas women in leadership human rights workplace equality political representation social justice gender diversity corporate governance legislative measures international standards proactive policies equality principles gender balance high-level positions European Union gender discrimination progressive reforms institutional change Morin-Chartier gender equality fundamental human rights EU endorsement workplace equality business principles political representation societal balance pan-EU issue justice equal rights women in high positions proactive stance EU directives model for others quotas global archetype progress encouragement tools effectiveness gender representation
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con01a	Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. Freedom of expression is essential for women  Social movements should limit themselves to pushing for the rights of social groups, not restricting them. The feminist movement, as a social movement, should not limit the voices of women in the same way their oppressors have throughout history. Banning pornography would directly restrict the freedom of choice of women who want to manifest their sexuality and express themselves in revolutionary ways in art and media. Examples such as amateur and improvised porn, which are independent of a director, show the deep value of self-expression and self-definition women can find in this form of art. The desire of some actresses to become internationally recognised as ‘sex symbols’, become porn stars, or simply convey that sex is for women too, is a legitimate one, and not an act of desperation. This must be taken into account in cases of pornography between consenting adults, for consenting adults. freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography self-expression sexual autonomy sex positivity consent women's choice art and media sex symbols porn stars revolutionary art self-definition independent expression legitimate desire consenting adults censorship oppression sexual liberation gender equality feminist theory sexual agency human rights sexual identity cultural expression women's empowerment autonomy in media sexual rights media representation sexual freedom legal restrictions feminist discourse sex work personal agency sexual expression artistic freedom adult content media censorship social change freedom of freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexual autonomy sex positivity consent women's autonomy artistic expression sex work gender equality human rights free speech empowerment sexuality reproductive rights media representation gender justice progressive feminism advocacy sexual liberation bodily autonomy reproductive freedom grassroots activism intersectional feminism gender diversity sexual rights media freedom creative expression sexual health women's empowerment gender equality activism sexual identity personal choice consent-based ethics expressive freedoms progressive policies social change gender-based oppression freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality sex symbols sex workers consent adult content women's autonomy sexual liberation media representation art independent porn amateur porn sex positivity human rights gender equality sexual agency revolutionary art media freedom sexual empowerment feminist theory sexual identity personal choice moral autonomy sexual health sexual diversity freedom of speech legal restrictions sexual politics gender studies sexual rights sexual activism sexual ethics sexual censorship sexual discourse sexual autonomy sexual self-determination freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement restricting freedom pornography women's sexuality self-expression sex symbols consenting adults revolutionary art independent media amateur porn self-definition legitimate desires women's choices historical oppression empowering women sexual autonomy Freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality art media sex symbols porn stars consent adult content revolutionary art self-definition independent media amateur porn recognition sexual autonomy legitimate desire desperation empowerment restrictive policies historical oppression voice limitation Freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement restricting voices banning pornography freedom of choice self-expression sexuality art and media amateur porn self-definition sex symbols porn stars consenting adults revolutionary ways legitimate desires women's sexuality sex for women expression in pornography women's self-expression independent pornography freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement pornography self-expression sexuality art media self-definition sex symbols porn stars consenting adults empowerment autonomy revolutionary art amateur porn improvised porn legitimate desires sex positivity freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality art media sex positivity consent empowerment sex symbols revolutionary art independent creation adult content women's choices legal restrictions oppression self-definition revolutionary ways women's voices self-manifestation amateur porn improvised porn international recognition sex workers consent-based practices adult entertainment women's agency restrictive policies women's liberation gender equality artistic freedom sex education progressive feminism liberal feminism sex positivity movement media representation reproductive rights bodily autonomy freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sexuality art media female empowerment consent sex symbols porn stars adult content revolutionary art independent creation sexual liberation legitimate desires women's choice freedom of expression women's rights social movements feminist movement censorship pornography self-expression sex positivity consent women's sexuality art and media social groups oppression revolutionary art amateur porn sex symbols legitimate choice adult content
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con01a	Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, Denial of privacy to the leaders  The leaders of states deserve privacy in exactly the same way as anyone else. Just like their citizens leaders want and deserve privacy and it would be unfair for everyone to know about their health. Leaders may suffer from diseases such AIDS/HIV or embarrassing illnesses which could damage a leader.  The people only a need for the people to know when the illness significantly damages the running of the government. The government can function on its own without its leader for several days; only if the illness incapacitates the leader for a long period is there any need to tell the people. Clearly if the President is working from his bed he is still doing the job and his government is functioning. William Pitt the Younger, Prime Minister of Great Britain was toasted as 'the Saviour of Europe' while he was seriously ill but still running the country during the height of the Napoleonic Wars. 1  1 Bloy, Marjie, 'William Pitt the Younger (1759-1806)', Victorian Web, 4 January 2006, leaders privacy states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitation long period William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars job functioning bed Saviour of Europe Victorian Web Denial Privacy Leaders States Citizens Health AIDS HIV Embarrassing Illnesses Damage Leader People Government Function Incapacitate Long Period William Pitt Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour Europe Napoleonic Wars Victorian Web privacy leaders states health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitation President William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe Victorian Web denial of privacy leaders' privacy state leaders privacy health privacy leaders' health illness and leadership government function leader illness disclosure privacy rights political leaders health confidentiality government transparency leadership and health William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister's health Napoleonic Wars leadership Pitt the Younger illness political health secrecy privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV illnesses government running incapacitates William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Saviour of Europe Napoleonic Wars leaders privacy health illness AIDS HIV government incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Napoleonic Wars Prime Minister Europe confidentiality public interest leadership medical conditions political leaders citizen rights transparency secrecy political ethics privacy leaders states citizens health illness AIDS HIV government incapacitation William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars confidentiality public right to know leadership medical conditions health disclosure privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV illnesses government running damage incapacitate William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe functioning job bed illness significant public transparency leadership secrecy political health issues medical conditions public figures personal privacy state affairs governance public interest role of government political leadership health privacy public health leadership privacy government operations political health public scrutiny confidentiality political illness government transparency leadership transparency privacy leaders states citizens health diseases AIDS HIV embarrassing illnesses government running incapacitated William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe job functioning bed privacy leaders states citizens health illness AIDS HIV government incapacitated running William Pitt the Younger Prime Minister Great Britain Napoleonic Wars Saviour of Europe bed job functioning long period need people know significant damage confidential personal medical public interest transparency leadership health conditions political figures public figures right to privacy public health governance political leadership confidentiality medical privacy political health leadership health public role private life political responsibility health disclosure political transparency public scrutiny personal health
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro03a	Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. Acting as a warning signal for children at risk.  It is very difficult for a child to realize that he is being groomed; they are unlikely to know the risk1. After all, a teacher is regarded as a trusted adult. But, if the child is aware that private electronic contact between teachers and students is prohibited by law, the child will immediately know the teacher is doing something he is not supposed to if he initiates private electronic contact. This will therefore act as an effective warning sign to the child and might prompt the child to tell a parent or another adult about what is going on. warning signals children at risk grooming child safety trusted adults private electronic contact teacher-student communication prohibited by law awareness warning signs child protection disclosure parental awareness school policies online safety digital boundaries student-teacher boundaries legal protection child exploitation prevention warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell parent another adult warning signal at-risk children grooming teacher-student relationship private electronic contact prohibited by law child safety awareness trusted adult reporting behavior parent notification child protection legal boundaries educational environment abuse prevention warning signal children at risk child grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law effective warning sign tell a parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt disclosure child safety teacher-student boundaries child safety grooming awareness teacher-student boundaries electronic communication laws warning signs child protection trusted adults risk recognition legal prohibitions private contact warning signal children at risk grooming child awareness trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt tell parent adult intervention warning signal children at risk child grooming trusted adult teacher-student relationship private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt disclosure parent notification child protection safeguarding measures inappropriate communication legal boundaries awareness raising preventative education warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign prompt tell parent another adult warning signal children at risk grooming trusted adult private electronic contact prohibited by law warning sign tell a parent another adult
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro05a	"Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Protects people from spending eternity in Hell.  It is important to remember that the Catholic Church believe that barrier contraception is against God and that using it will condemn people to Hell. Therefore, even if the Church's stance on condoms is harmful, which the proposition does not accept that it is, it is less harmful than people spending an eternity suffering. In this context, therefore, the most responsible thing for the Catholic Church to do is to forbid the use of condoms and, thereby, save people from Hell1. 1 Pope Paul VI. ""Humanae Vitae."" 1968. Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell eternity suffering Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral teachings religious beliefs sexual ethics health harm reduction moral doctrine salvation sin protection spiritual well-being human life procreation church stance theological perspective moral responsibility Catholic doctrine sexual morality eternal consequences religious authority contraception ethics moral guidance life choices faith-based decisions Catholic social teaching religious doctrine moral principles contraception use religious beliefs impact moral implications church teachings ethical considerations faith and morality religious practices moral theology Catholic Catholic Church contraception Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI Hell eternal suffering moral doctrine religious beliefs condoms harmful stance ethical responsibility salvation doctrinal teachings Catholic doctrine sexual ethics religious authority moral guidance spiritual salvation Church teachings reproductive health Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell eternity suffering moral doctrine Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI religious beliefs ethical stance harm reduction spiritual salvation human life sexual health Catholic Church Humanae Vitae barrier contraception contraception against God eternal damnation condoms Pope Paul VI moral doctrine religious beliefs ethical responsibility harm reduction salvation Hell human suffering moral teaching contraception ethics religious stance Catholic doctrine moral guidance sexual ethics Catholic Church contraception barrier methods condoms Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI eternal damnation Hell moral teachings religious beliefs health implications harm reduction doctrinal stance sexual ethics salvation ecclesiastical authority moral guidance human suffering theological perspectives Catholic Church eternal salvation contraception Humanae Vitae moral doctrine religious beliefs condom use Hell Pope Paul VI moral responsibility ethical teachings human suffering divine law Catholic teachings sexual ethics pro-life sin Heaven afterlife religious authority moral guidance doctrinal stance contraception and religion Catholic moral theology religious contraception views Catholic ethics moral theology church teachings religious perspectives on contraception reproductive health religious ethics moral issues Catholic doctrine religious doctrine Catholic moral teaching moral debate doctrinal positions religious teachings on contraception Catholic moral principles Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell eternal suffering Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral teachings religious beliefs sexual ethics responsible action harm reduction Catholic Church Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI contraception condoms eternal suffering Hell moral teachings religious beliefs sexual ethics human life divine law sin salvation moral responsibility Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell eternity suffering Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral doctrine religious beliefs human sexuality ethical responsibility harm reduction spiritual salvation moral teachings church authority contraception ethics religious practices sexual health moral debates faith-based decisions Catholic Church contraception condoms Hell Humanae Vitae Pope Paul VI moral teachings salvation eternal suffering responsible behavior religious doctrine sexual ethics harm reduction moral theology Christian beliefs sin afterlife divine judgement Catholic doctrine human life procreation marital intimacy spiritual guidance church authority religious practices moral guidance faith and reason religious views on contraception Catholic social teaching bioethics reproductive health theological perspectives church teachings on sexuality religious authority moral conscience Vatican statements ecclesiastical views Catholic moral teachings sexual morality"
test-health-ppelfhwbpba-con02a	Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. Opposition to partial birth abortion is part of a strategy intended to ban abortion in general  Partial-birth abortions form a tiny proportion of all abortions, but from a medical and psychological point of view they ought to be the least controversial. The reason for this focus is that late-term abortions are the most obviously distasteful, because late-term foetuses look more like babies than embryos or foetuses at an earlier developmental stage. Late-term abortions therefore make for the best pro-life campaigning material. By attempting to focus the debate here, campaigners are aiming to conflate all abortions with late-term abortions, and to increase opposition to all abortion on that basis. opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion general tiny proportion medical psychological least controversial late-term abortions obviously distasteful late-term foetuses look like babies embryos earlier developmental stage pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion opposition partial-birth-abortion strategy ban-abortion late-term-abortions pro-life-campaigning medical-view psychological-view foetal-development embryos pro-choice-debate abortion-controversy legislative-strategy ethical-debate public-opinion-manipulation abortion-rights fetal-viability moral-arguments reproductive-rights graphical-impact emotional-appeal political-rhetoric human-development-stage anti-abortion-movement incremental-approach legislative-tactics moral-distinction public-perception imagery-influence strategic-framing debate-manip opposition partial-birth abortion strategy ban abortion general late-term abortions tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term foetuses distasteful pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition early developmental stage babies embryos foetuses debate focus opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical viewpoint psychological viewpoint least controversial late-term abortions obviously distasteful late-term foetuses look like babies pro-life campaigning conflate abortions increase opposition all abortion pro-life late-term abortions fetal development anti-abortion strategy abortion controversy medical ethics psychological impact pro-choice fetal viability abortion debate public opinion ethical considerations abortion rights legislative strategies reproductive rights opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses look like babies pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortions Opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view least controversial late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses babies embryos pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion Opposition partial-birth-abortion strategy ban-abortion late-term-abortions pro-life-campaigning conflate-abortion increase-opposition medical-view psychological-view foetal-development embryonic-stage late-term-foetus distasteful-perception campaigning-material public-opinion abortion-debate ethical-arguments fetal-viability human-development opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion late-term abortions medical view psychological view pro-life campaigning conflate abortions increase opposition late-term fetuses early developmental stage campaigning material distasteful pro-life anti-abortion fetal development public opinion abortion debate opposition partial birth abortion strategy ban abortion tiny proportion medical view psychological view late-term abortions distasteful late-term foetuses babies embryos pro-life campaigning conflate increase opposition all abortion
test-science-sghwbdgmo-con03a	Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 Genetically modified organisms will prevent starvation due to global climate changes.  The temperature of the earth is rising, and the rate of increase is itself increasing. As this continues, foods that grow now will not be acclimatized to the hotter conditions. Evolution takes many years and we simply do not have the time to starve while we wait for this to occur. Whilst there may be a vast supply of food now, we need to look to the future and how our current crops will withstand our changing environment. We can improve our food supply for the future if we invest in GM crops now. These crops can be made specifically to deal with the hotter conditions.  Moreover, Rodomiro Ortiz, director of resource mobilization at the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre in Mexico, is currently conducting trials with GM crops to get them to grow is drought conditions. [1] This has already in 2007 been implemented by Monsanto in South Africa and has shown that genetically modified maize can be grown in South Africa and so prevent starvation. [2]  In other countries, this would also mean that foods could be cultured where organic foods would not be able to. This would mean those in third world countries could grow their own crops on their low nutrient content soil. This has the additional benefit of not impacting on the environment as no transport would be needed to take the food to the places where it is needed; this would have to occur with organic foods grown in areas of good soil and weather conditions. [3]  [1] Ortiz R., Overview on Crop Genetic Engineering for Drought-prone Environments, published December 2007,  , accessed 09/05/2011  [2] African Center for Biosafety, Monsanto’s genetically modified drought tolerant maize in South Africa,  , accessed 09/02/2011  [3] Rosenthal E., Environmental Costs of Shipping Groceries around the World, published 04/26/2008,  , accessed 09/02/2011 genetically modified organisms GM crops global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatization evolution food supply future crops changing environment drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa maize starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods genetically modified organisms global climate changes earth temperature rise acclimatization evolution food supply future crops GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods genetically modified organisms global climate changes temperature increase acclimatization evolution food supply future crops GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil organic foods environmental impact food transportation genetically modified organisms prevent starvation global climate changes earth temperature rising acclimatized crops evolution time food supply future invest GM crops hotter conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre GM crops trials drought conditions Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods drought-prone environments genetic engineering Environmental Costs shipping groceries global food security climate resilient crops Genetically modified organisms global climate changes earth temperature rise acclimatized crops evolution time food supply future GM crops investment drought-resistant crops Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods drought tolerance bioengineering food security climate adaptation genetic engineering sustainable agriculture crop resilience global food crisis agricultural innovation biotechnology food production environmental sustainability economic development health benefits nutritional value public opinion regulatory issues ethical considerations long genetically modified organisms prevent starvation global climate changes rising earth temperature acclimatized crops evolution time future food supply GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods climate change adaptation biotechnology food security sustainable agriculture Genetically modified organisms global climate changes rising temperatures acclimatization evolutionary time food security future crops GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transport organic foods sustainable agriculture Genetically modified organisms GM crops global climate changes earth temperature rise acclimatization evolution food supply future crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa starvation prevention third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact food transportation organic foods drought tolerance genetic engineering crop improvement sustainable agriculture climate adaptation biotechnology food security global warming resilience plant breeding ecological footprint reduced emissions Genetically modified organisms global climate change temperature rise crop acclimatization evolution food supply future crops GM crops drought conditions Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa genetically modified maize third world countries low nutrient soil environmental impact organic foods food transportation genetically modified organisms global climate changes food security temperature rise crop acclimatization evolution food supply future crops GM crops drought conditions temperature resilience Rodomiro Ortiz International Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre Monsanto South Africa maize third world countries low nutrient soil organic foods environmental impact food transportation
test-free-speech-debate-nshbcsbawc-con02a	Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” Both employers acted out of concern for the interests of their clients, employees should respect that.  Employers don’t introduce rules because it’s fun but, rather, because they serve a purpose. Ms. Chaplin has expressed concern about the legal costs incurred by the NHS Trust which employed her in fighting the action she initiated. Health and safety rules exist, in part, to avoid the possibility of subsequent legal action; it might be reasonable for her to support such rules given her concern [i] .  Likewise, airlines have uniform policies to make their services, well, uniform. It’s what their customers expect. In much the same way as many Christians refuse to receive communion from a woman or a homosexual, it simply goes with the job.  For any workplace to function, the lifestyles of the employees need to accommodate the needs of the customers or users of the service provided by the employer. Clearly there is a degree of balance involved and the values of the employee need to be respected. However, this case isn’t about the values of the employee – they weren’t fired for being Christian – it was about and active decision in how to demonstrate those values. A decision not taken by their co-religionists and one that seemed to owe more to belligerence than to belief.  [i] Daily Mail. “It's a very bad day for Christianity: Nurse's verdict after tribunal rules she can't wear crucifix at work” employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace balance values decision belligerence belief Daily Mail Christianity tribunal crucifix employers employees clients rules purpose legal costs NHS Trust health and safety uniform policies customers Christian communion workplace values belligerence belief crucifix tribunal Christianity employers interest clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christian communion workplace balance employee values co-religionists belligerence belief tribunal crucifix Daily Mail employers concerns clients employees rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations workplace function employee lifestyles customer needs values balance Christian crucifix tribunal belligerence belief employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action airlines uniform policies customer expectations Christian values workplace balance employee values termination religion crucifix workplace policies employment law discrimination belligerence belief employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations Christian communion workplace function employee values customer needs balance values respect active decision belligerence belief Daily Mail crucifix tribunal Christianity employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action airlines uniform policies customers Christians communion workplace balance values decision belligerence belief Daily Mail Christianity crucifix tribunal work employers clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customers Christianity communion workplace values balance decision belligerence belief crucifix work tribunal Daily Mail employers concern clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action airlines uniform policies customer expectations Christians communion workplace values balance belligerence belief Daily Mail crucifix tribunal Christianity employers concerns clients employees respect rules purpose Ms. Chaplin legal costs NHS Trust health and safety legal action uniform policies customer expectations workplace function employee lifestyles customer needs values balance Christianity crucifix tribunal belligerence belief
test-international-eiahwpamu-pro01a	A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. A livelihoods approach  The livelihoods approach provides a useful model to understand how poor people live [1] ; and remains important to recognising the benefits of microfinance.  The provision of microfinance reduces vulnerability to shocks and changes such as losing a job; enhances people’s access to assets that they use and need (such as finance, friend networks, and land); and this fundamentally acts to change the lives of the poor. Microfinance provides social protection through tapping into social capital. Further, microfinance means aid is not simply provided, but the individual is taught valuable financial skills and given the means to sustain themselves for their lifetime.  [1] See further readings: IFAD, 2013. livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability shocks social protection financial skills asset access social capital sustainable development economic empowerment IFAD poverty reduction microcredit microloans financial inclusion community development livelihood strategies resilience building livelihoods poverty microfinance vulnerability shocks asset access social capital financial skills sustainability social protection IFAD poverty reduction economic resilience microcredit community development financial inclusion empowerment developmental aid sustainable development livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability shocks assets social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD development aid economic empowerment household resilience community support financial inclusion income generation risk management livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction social protection financial skills asset access vulnerability reduction social capital sustainable aid IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainability social protection IFAD 2013 livelihoods microfinance poverty vulnerability social protection financial skills sustainability assets social capital shocks changes employment aid IFAD development economic resilience community support resource access empowerment livelihoods approach poverty alleviation microfinance vulnerability reduction asset access social protection social capital financial skills sustainability IFAD 2013 livelihoods approach microfinance poverty reduction vulnerability reduction asset access social capital financial skills sustainable aid social protection IFAD 2013 livelihoods microfinance poverty social protection vulnerability asset access financial skills sustainable living social capital IFAD livelihoods microfinance vulnerability social protection financial skills sustainability poverty assets social capital shocks changes employment aid IFAD 2013
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-con02a	Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” Collective bargaining is a counter to the creation of natural monopolies  Many public industries exist as public industries because they are natural monopolies. For example, rail travel, which is often public in Western Liberal democracies, is a sector in which it makes no sense to build multiple railway lines across the country, each for a different company, when one would simply be more efficient. A similar case can be made for things such as public utilities. As such, these sectors often only have a single, often public company working in that sector.  In the case where there is a monopolist, the workers in the sector often have no other employers that they can reasonably find that require their skills, so for example, teachers are very well qualified to teach, however, are possibly not as qualified to deal with other areas and as such will find difficulty moving to another profession. As such, the monopolist in this area has the power to set wages without losing a significant number of employees. Further, in many of these industries strike action will not be used, for example because teachers have a vocational, almost fiduciary relationship with their students and don’t wish to see them lose out due to a strike.1  “Monopoly Power.” collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector worker mobility monopolist wage setting strike action vocational relationship teacher profession monopoly power labor market industrial relations economic regulation public sector employment workforce stability employee rights labor unions bargaining power industry competition market dynamics economic efficiency public service teaching profession employment conditions labor economics strike impact vocational commitment fiduciary duty student welfare public policy economic theory market structure labor relations workforce skills industry特点 monopolistic practices labor market dynamics regulatory collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector worker mobility teacher qualification vocational relationship monopoly power strike action wage setting employee retention sector-specific skills public sector monopolies Western democracies efficient infrastructure economic regulation labor market dynamics public service commitment collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sectors monopolist power worker mobility vocational relationship strike action wage setting competition labor market economic regulation public sector employment collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector monopolist power worker skills employer scarcity wage setting strike action vocational relationship fiduciary duty monopoly power collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector monopolist power worker mobility vocational relationship strike action wage setting employment options teacher qualifications sector specific skills collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company worker skills monopolist power wage setting strike action teachers vocational relationship student impact monopoly power collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities monopolist workforce wage setting strike action vocational relationship teacher student monopoly power labor market economic regulation industrial relations public sector private sector infrastructure competition labor unions bargaining power employee rights market structure economic efficiency societal impact education sector transportation sector utility sector labor mobility job security wage determination industrial monopoly public service social welfare economic policy labor economics market dynamics professional ethics stakeholder interests regulatory framework industry characteristics monopolistic competition collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company monopolist worker skills wage setting strike action teachers vocational relationship students monopoly power collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company sector worker mobility monopolist power wage setting strike action vocational relationship fiduciary duty monopoly power western liberal democracies inefficiency public sector employee qualifications sector-specific skills labor market economic regulation collective bargaining natural monopolies public industries rail travel public utilities single company monopolist workers employment skills wages strike action teachers fiduciary relationship students monopoly power
test-politics-ghbgussbsbt-con03a	Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship  The current political climate makes divided government difficult anyway. The terms of debate in American politics is based on a perceived ‘culture war’ between liberals and conservatives over what it means to be American, something that has been exacerbated by 24-hour news and a proliferation of partisan blogging.  This makes agreements on core issues difficult to achieve and this has become apparent in recent years, with opposition to Barack Obama’s $1 trillion stimulus package helping to spawn the Tea Party movement [1] that has helped move the Republican Party to the right, making the compromise required for effective divided government unachievable. [2]  While it has been most noticeable recently the US political climate has been becoming more polarized for the last twenty-five years. This polarization helps to create gridlock and less public policy. [3] The stasis in Congress created by the dogmatic Republicans winning the House in the 2010 mid-terms shows how America’s political climate is now much more suited to Single-Party Government, allowing for much more effective decision making than divided government.  [1] Ferrara, Peter, ‘The tea Party Revolution’, The American Spectator, 15 April 2009,   [2] Rawls, Caroline, ‘Moderate Republicans Lament GOP Shift Further Right’, newsmax, 27 July 2011,   [3] McCarty, Nolan, ‘The Policy Consequences of Partisan Polarization in the United States’, bcep.haas.berkeley.edu/papers/McCarty.doc Growing partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives American identity 24-hour news partisan blogging agreement difficulties core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise effective decision making polarization gridlock public policy stasis Congress dogmatic Republicans 2010 mid-terms Single-Party Government partisan polarization policy consequences Growing partisanship divided government American politics culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging political debate compromise effective government Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans 2010 mid-terms Single-Party Government decision making policy consequences partisan polarization United States political climate political stasis moderate Republicans GOP shift right policy implications legislative effectiveness political division bipartisan cooperation political spectrum ideological divide Growing partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging political compromise Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party political polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms Single-Party Government effective decision making policy consequences partisan polarization Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls growing partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging agreements core issues Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise effective decision making polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans House mid-terms single-party government Nolan McCarty policy consequences partisan polarization partisanship divided government culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise polarization gridlock public policy dogmatic Republicans single-party government decision making political climate liberals conservatives American identity Barack Obama stimulus package mid-terms Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls partisanship divided government political climate culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging compromise Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party polarization gridlock public policy Congress dogmatic Republicans 2010 mid-terms single-party government decision making policy consequences partisan polarization growing partisanship divided government American politics culture war liberals conservatives 24-hour news partisan blogging political agreement Barack Obama stimulus package Tea Party movement Republican Party political compromise political polarization public policy congressional gridlock dogmatic Republicans single-party government effective decision making policy consequences partisan polarization Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls American political climate political stasis mid-term elections political spectrum shift moderate Republicans GOP political effectiveness polarization effects political debate terms American identity political dynamics political trends historical Partisanship Political Climate Divided Government Culture War Liberals Conservatives 24-Hour News Partisan Blogging Gridlock Public Policy Tea Party Movement Republican Party Compromise Polarization Single-Party Government Decision Making Congress Dogmatic Republicans Mid-Terms Effective Governance Policy Consequences Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls growing partisanship divided government culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging political polarization gridlock public policy single-party government Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise Barack Obama stimulus package dogmatic Republicans 2010 mid-terms effective decision making political climate liberals conservatives American identity Nolan McCarty Peter Ferrara Caroline Rawls partisanship divided government culture war 24-hour news partisan blogging Tea Party movement Republican Party compromise polarization gridlock public policy Single-Party Government decision making moderates liberals conservatives Barack Obama stimulus package midterm elections Congress dogmatic Republicans
test-religion-frghbbgi-con02a	The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. The Prime Mover  The universe follows rules of causality – cause precedes effect. But it cannot be the case that cause and effect regress infinitely into the past – there must be a ‘prime cause’. There is an identifiable point for this – the Universe was formed about 14 billion years ago with the Big Bang, before which we cannot detect any chain of causality. What was the prime mover? It had by definition to be a being existing outside of our conception of reality – the natural answer being ‘God’. Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression Big Bang universe origin prime cause God supernatural being cosmic origin philosophy of science metaphysics creation theory theological argument natural vs supernatural Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang Universe formation chain of causality identifiable point being outside reality natural answer God cosmological argument first cause metaphysics philosophy of science origin of the universe theological perspective physics limitations prime mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause Big Bang universe formation God supernatural natural reality cosmology origin of universe philosophical argument theology Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regress prime cause Big Bang universe formation 14 billion years ago chain of causality existence outside reality God supernatural being philosophical argument cosmological argument Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regress prime cause Big Bang universe formation chain of causality supernatural God existence outside reality cosmology philosophical argument theological proposition Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Big Bang Universe Formation 14 Billion Years Ago Chain of Causality Natural Answer God Outside Reality Existence prime mover causality cause and effect infinite regression prime cause universe formation Big Bang 14 billion years ago chain of causality God supernatural being existence outside reality Prime Mover Causality Cause and Effect Infinite Regression Prime Cause Universe Formation Big Bang 14 Billion Years Ago Chain of Causality God Natural Answer Outside Reality Theological Argument Cosmological Argument First Cause Creationism Origin of Universe Philosophical Inquiry Metaphysics Existential Question Religious Explanation Scientific Limitation Universe Causation Supernatural Entity Divine Creator Initial Singularity Pre-Big Bang Causal Chain Origin Metaphysical Cause Philosophical Theology Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression Big Bang prime cause origin of universe God supernatural cosmology philosophical arguments creation theories temporal causality extranatural being metaphysics first cause theological explanations cosmic origin universe formation scientific limits Prime Mover causality cause and effect infinite regression Big Bang Universe origin prime cause supernatural God philosophical argument cosmology metaphysics
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-con01a	Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Banning religious symbols is just a way of unfairly targeting people.  Banning religious symbols could be viewed as just a way of targeting a group of people. In a nutshell, religious symbols would be used as a scapegoat in order to both highlight and blame for problems that are much bigger. Removing the hijab, the Crucifix or the Jewish skullcap would take away someone's culture, religion and heritage, and, therefore, banning them would cause more problems.1 It could potentially increase hatred within religious groups, and lead to more racism and more criticism, ultimately making the country a worse place to live.  1 at 'Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 religious freedom cultural identity religious discrimination cultural heritage social cohesion religious tolerance freedom of expression social inclusion racial discrimination religious symbols ban hijab ban crucifix ban jewish skullcap ban religious persecution societal divide interfaith relations religious attire cultural sensitivity human rights religious diversity religious symbols banning targeting people religious groups culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap scapegoat problems hatred racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe Banning religious symbols targeting people scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian full veils BBC News Europe banning religious symbols targeting people religious symbols as scapegoat highlighting and blaming cultural heritage religious freedom increased hatred religious groups racism criticism worse living conditions Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe Banning religious symbols targeting people scapegoat problems hijab crucifix Jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian full veils religious symbols banning targeting people cultural heritage religious freedom social cohesion increased hatred racial tensions religious discrimination societal problems European policies veil ban Crucifix hijab Jewish skullcap religious identity freedom of expression human rights minority rights societal impact cultural sensitivity legislation impact religious practices public policy ethical considerations social integration religious tolerance multiculturalism secularism religious attire legal challenges public opinion policy-making religious communities societal values moral implications international perspectives human dignity social harmony cultural diversity political discourse media influence historical religious symbols banning targeting people scapegoat problems hijab Crucifix Jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country Belgian ban full veils BBC News Europe religious symbols banning targeting scapegoat cultural heritage religious freedom social problems racism hatred criticism societal impact hijab crucifix jewish skullcap belgian ban full veils bbc news europe banning religious symbols targeting unfairly groups scapegoat problems culture religion heritage hijab crucifix jewish skullcap hatred racism criticism country belgian full veils bbc news europe religious symbols banning targeting group scapegoat highlight blame problems hijab crucifix jewish skullcap culture religion heritage hatred religious groups racism criticism country belgian ban full veils bbc news europe
test-international-glilpdwhsn-con03a	"The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. The New START treaty sets a bad approach for a changing world  New START reduces US deterrence in world that is arming, not disarming. The United States has relied on deterrence for sixty years and as a result has prevented war between the great powers. A US drawdown, especially as other new powers are arming, will undermine deterrence. This will then encourage rivals to try to catch the United States while the reductions show that the United States is in decline. [1]  While proponents of reducing nuclear weapons, or reaching global zero, argue that possession of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons states is the incentive behind proliferation, this is not true. The US has consistently taken leadership in the reduction of nuclear arms through treaties but this has so far had no effect in encouraging other nuclear powers to reduce their arsenals and indeed new powers have joined the club. Reducing nuclear arms through New START will therefore not encourage others to stop pursuing nukes. The U.S. should not be taking steps towards disarmament without all nuclear weapons states, including those not signed up to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty, also being involved. [2]  New START also fails to speak to the issue of protecting and defending the U.S. and its allies against strategic attack. The treaty fails to recognize that deterrence is no longer simply between the U.S. and Russia and that the whole policy should no longer be based on just against strategic attacks on the United States or very close allies. Instead it is much more critical to deal with nuclear policy towards ‘rogue’ states and rising powers. [3]  Finally, the US should not set a precedent that it will sacrifice its own interests to bribe Russia over issues like Iran. As the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) argues: “we are told that the real purpose of New START is to create a stronger U.S.-Russia bond in a broader international effort to restrain Iran's nuclear weapons program. Such a justification is wrong. Iran's nuclear ambitions are no secret; neither are Russia’s past efforts in aiding that program. We seriously question whether Russia is serious about stopping Iran, with or without New START. There is no reason why the United States should be required to sacrifice its own defense capabilities to inspire Russia to a greater degree of diplomatic fortitude. If Russia is indeed concerned with a nuclear-armed Iran to its immediate south, it should need no extra incentive to take the action necessary to stop it."" [4] If the U.S. bribes Russia over Iran China might expect to get similar treatment over North Korea. New START puts the US in a disadvantaged position in a changing world, and consequently should not be supported.  [1] Brookes, Peter. “Not a new START, but a bad START”. The Hill. 13 September 2010.   [2] Spring, Baker. ""Twelve Flaws of New START That Will Be Difficult to Fix"". Heritage Foundation, The Foundry. 16 September 2010.   [3] Ibid.  [4] Weingarten, Elizabeth. “How did New START become a Jewish issue?”. The Atlantic. 1 Decemebr 2010. New START nuclear deterrence US security global disarmament nuclear proliferation strategic arms reduction international relations US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea nuclear policy rogue states rising powers Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US defense capabilities strategic attack defense international diplomacy US interests New START nuclear deterrence global disarmament US security strategic arms reduction military readiness international relations nuclear proliferation nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA defense capabilities diplomatic fortitude international security strategic attack US allies treaty flaws global zero nuclear arms control US interests bilateral agreements strategic stability nuclear policy New START nuclear deterrence US security global disarmament nuclear proliferation rogue states rising powers strategic attack Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty US defense capabilities international security treaty flaws strategic stability US interests New START treaty US deterrence global armament non-proliferation nuclear disarmament strategic attack rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China-North Korea relations US defense capabilities international security nuclear policy US interests Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty treaty flaws diplomatic strategy military drawdown global zero nuclear club strategic stability international cooperation defense sacrifice nuclear ambitions diplomatic fortitude international relations security challenges treaty implications world security nuclear arms reduction US leadership treaty criticism strategic environment US-Russia bond New START treaty US deterrence changing world nuclear weapons global zero proliferation US leadership nuclear arms reduction nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states rising powers US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program China North Korea defense capabilities international security disarmament strategic stability US interests Russian intentions diplomatic relations nuclear policy military strategy political incentives global security dynamics arms control strategic defense US alliances nuclear disarmament security guarantees military balance nuclear threats international cooperation non-proliferation New START treaty bad approach changing world US deterrence arming disarming prevent war great powers drawdown undermine deterrence rivals catch decline reducing nuclear weapons global zero proliferation leadership reduction no effect new powers nuclear arms disarmament nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty protecting defending U.S. allies strategic attack deterrence U.S.-Russia Iran Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs nuclear weapons program sacrifice defense capabilities diplomatic fortitude China North Korea disadvantaged position New START nuclear deterrence global disarmament US security international relations non-proliferation nuclear policy strategic attacks rogue states rising powers Iran Russia China North Korea defense capabilities diplomatic relations treaty flaws US interests nuclear arms reduction military strategy international security nuclear club Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA nuclear weapons states Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty NPT international cooperation US-Russia relations Iran nuclear program defensive measures strategic environment global politics US defense policy international treaties diplomatic incentives non-n New START treaty nuclear weapons deterrence US Russia arming disarming global zero proliferation nuclear powers NPT Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack rogue states Iran Russia-US relations China North Korea defense capabilities international security military balance global stability treaty flaws diplomatic leverage security policy strategic stability missile defense arms control disarmament non-proliferation nuclear arsenal strategic deterrence strategic defense nuclear policy international relations geopolitical implications national security strategic interests military strategy nuclear negotiations nuclear New START treaty deterrence US nuclear weapons disarmament global zero proliferation nuclear powers arsenals drawdown rivals decline leadership reduction treaties Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty strategic attack allies rogue states rising powers precedent Russia Iran Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs JINSA China North Korea disadvantage support New START treaty US deterrence global disarmament nuclear weapons proliferation international security Russia strategic attack rogue states rising powers Iran China North Korea Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty JINSA US defense capabilities diplomatic relations international treaties nuclear policy arms reduction strategic stability national security international relations military strategy nuclear arms control"
test-international-miasimyhw-pro02a	Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. Migration is 'developmental'.  Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown.  In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries [1] . Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised [2] .  [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013.  [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010. migration developmental HDR WDR poverty markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank De Haas migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries international migration remittances Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank social development De Haas migration development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 free movement poverty alleviation market enabling connectivity remittance flows developing countries 2013 $414bn Africa $40bn 2010 GDP AfDB 2013 IFAD 2013 Northern Africa livelihood support household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank 2013 De Haas 2010 migration development HDR WDR poverty alleviation free movement remittances international migration developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development De Haas World Bank migration development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries 2013 $414bn Africa $40bn 2010 GDP AfDB 2013 IFAD 2013 Northern Africa livelihoods household security additional income household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank 2013 De Haas migration development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries $414bn 2013 Africa $40bn 2010 GDP AfDB 2013 IFAD 2013 Northern Africa livelihood support household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas World Bank 2013 De Haas 2010 social development migration development HDR WDR free movement poverty alleviation markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries international migration AfDB IFAD Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development World Bank De Haas Migration Development HDR 2009 WDR 2009 Free Movement Poverty Alleviation Markets Connectivity Remittance Flows Developing Countries International Migration 2013 Remittances Africa Remittances 2010 GDP AfDB 2013 IFAD 2013 Northern Africa Remittances Livelihoods Support Household Security Additional Income Household Consumption Investment Education Land Poverty Reduction Geography of Remittances Sending Money Barriers Receiving Money Barriers African Dias migration developmental HDR WDR poverty markets connectivity remittance flows developing countries Africa GDP Northern Africa livelihoods household consumption investment education land poverty reduction geography of remittances barriers African diasporas social development De Haas World Bank
test-education-ughbuesbf-pro02a	The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. The state benefits from the skills of a university educated populace  A university educated society is of great value to any state, and provides three main benefits. Firstly, it provides extensive economic benefits. There is a profound advantage to countries that actively promote a culture of “smart economy”3, with a highly educated and technically able workforce. They are more likely to be innovative and highly productive. Secondly, higher education leads to an increase in cultural awareness via subjects like the arts, history, and the classics. The third benefit is the development of leaders in society. The barrier created by university fees will prevent some potentially high­ worth individuals from ever reaching their potential. university education economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity innovation cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees high-worth individuals potential realization state benefits university educated populace economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees high-worth individuals potential barriers university education economic benefits smart economy workforce productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees access to education societal value innovation technical skills high-worth individuals education barriers societal benefits higher education importance educated populace state benefits state benefits university educated populace economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce technically able workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics development of leaders society university fees barrier high-worth individuals potential education value university educated populace economic benefits smart economy technically able workforce innovation productivity cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees high-worth individuals potential fulfillment university educated populace economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics development of leaders university fees high-worth individuals reaching potential university education economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development society leaders university fees high-worth individuals potential fulfillment university educated populace economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics societal leaders university fees high-worth individuals potential barriers economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees barrier high-worth individuals potential realization economic benefits smart economy highly educated workforce innovative productive cultural awareness arts history classics leadership development university fees potential talent social value education investment
test-politics-oepdlhfcefp-pro01a	The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 The EU has already been unifying on multiple fronts, this is just a step in the same direction.  The EU has slowly been building up its own common military framework, with the UK and France leading the effort to pool European military capacity. In addition, the EU itself has created new institutional bodies such as the Political and Security Committee, a Military Committee and military staff. The EU has had military envoys in Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and has committed itself to the creation of a Common Security and Defense Policy with 3-4,000 troops on permanent standby in multilateral ‘battlegroups’ ready for immediate deployment(see Rockwell Schnabel’s article listed below)1. While incremental, these are steps not to be ignored. The Union has also placed that military capacity within the broader context of a security strategy designed to promote international peace, justice and development.  1. Schnabel, Rockwell A., 'U.S. Views on the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy', The Brown Journal of World Affairs, Vol. IX. Issue2., (Winter/Spring 2003) accessed 1/8/11 EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups permanent standby troops Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development security strategy incremental steps EU military capacity broad context world affairs EU unification military framework UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France leadership Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups EU security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. Views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff EU military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups immediate deployment Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy security strategy international peace justice development EU unification military framework UK France Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development EU unification common military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy international peace justice development EU unification military framework UK France European military capacity Political and Security Committee Military Committee military staff military envoys Macedonia Bosnia-Herzegovina Common Security and Defense Policy battlegroups security strategy international peace justice development Rockwell Schnabel U.S. views EU Common Foreign and Security Policy The Brown Journal of World Affairs
test-environment-opecewiahw-con01a	Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, Such a big project is beyond DRC’s capacity  The Grand Inga dam project is huge while it means huge potential benefits it just makes it more difficult for the country to manage. Transparency international ranks DRC as 160th out of 176 in terms of corruption [1] so it is no surprise that projects in the country are plagued by it. [2] Such a big project would inevitably mean billions siphoned off. Even if it is built will the DRC be able to maintain it? This seems unlikely. The Inga I and II dams only operate at half their potential due to silting up and a lack of maintenance. [3]  [1] ‘Corruption Perceptions Index 2012’, Transparency International, 2012,   [2] Bosshard, Peter, ‘Grand Inga -- The World Bank's Latest Silver Bullet for Africa’, Huffington Post, 21 April 2013,   [3] Vasagar, Jeevan, ‘Could a $50bn plan to tame this mighty river bring electricity to all of Africa?’, The Guardian, 25 February 2005, DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity potential benefits project management corruption Transparency International project funding maintenance Inga I Inga II silting electrical generation Africa World Bank infrastructural challenges economic development environmental impact social impact governance Hydroelectric power DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity huge potential management challenges Transparency International corruption ranking project corruption financial mismanagement maintenance issues Inga I Inga II dam operation silting infrastructure maintenance World Bank involvement Africa electricity river development sustainable projects DRC Grand Inga dam project management corruption Transparency International project funding maintenance challenges Inga I Inga II hydropower African development World Bank electricity generation infrastructure economic impact environmental concerns social issues technological feasibility governance international support sustainable development Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption Transparency International infrastructure maintenance potential benefits project funding Inga I and II dams silting issues African development World Bank involvement electricity potential environmental impact sustainable development economic challenges political stability international support technical expertise community engagement DRC Grand Inga dam project management corruption Transparency International maintenance silt infrastructure Africa electricity World Bank development economic benefits environmental impact sustainability Grand Inga dam project management DRC capacity corruption Transparency International project funding siphoning funds maintenance issues Inga I and II dams silting operational capacity African development electricity infrastructure World Bank involvement environmental impact social impact economic benefits sustainable development governance challenges international support regional cooperation DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity potential benefits project management Transparency International corruption ranking corruption issues project financing siphoning funds project maintenance Inga I and II dams dam operation silting maintenance issues DRC Grand Inga dam project capacity corruption Transparency International project management financial mismanagement project maintenance Inga I and II dams silting electricity generation Africa World Bank development challenges infrastructure projects sustainable development environmental impact social impact economic benefits governance issues Grand Inga dam DRC capacity project management corruption Transparency International project funding maintenance issues silting Inga I and II dams World Bank involvement Africa electricity developmental challenges infrastructure sustainability DRC Grand Inga dam project management corruption Transparency International project financing maintenance issues Inga I and II dams silting Africa electricity World Bank Peter Bosshard Jeevan Vasagar Corruption Perceptions Index infrastructure challenges African development hydroelectric power environmental impact economic benefits siphoned funds political stability technical expertise sustainable development international aid energy policy water resources community impact governance issues project oversight public investment renewable energy power generation regional cooperation dam construction technology transfer environmental management social benefits risk assessment
test-politics-eppghwgpi-pro01a	Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] Giving politicians’ immunity from prosecution allows them to focus on performing their duties  The premier reason that most states, even those that allow for the prosecution of politicians, abstain from prosecuting them while they hold office is that being a politician is a job that requires one’s undivided attention. Especially for the holders of prominent national-level offices, writing legislation, responding to crises under one’s purview, consulting one’s constituents, and engaging in campaign work often lead to politicians working an upwards of 12 hour day, every day. To expect politicians cope with all of these concerns will simultaneously constructing a defense against pending charges would be to abandon all hope of them serving their constituents effectively. We are rightly aggravated when politicians take extensive vacations or other extracurricular forays. [1] Being under indictment not only consumes even more of a politician’s time; the stress it causes will inevitably seep into what remaining time they do allocating to fulfilling their duties, further hindering their performance. The impeachment proceedings for Bill Clinton on charges of perjury and obstruction of justice were so intensive that they took tremendous resources away from not only the president himself, but all branches of the federal government for several months [2] , amidst serious domestic and foreign policy concerns such as the ongoing war in Kosovo.  [1] Condon, George E. Jr., ‘The Long History of Criticizing Presidential Vacations’ The Atlantic, 18 August 2011,  [Accessed September 9, 2011]  [2] Linder, Douglas O., ‘The Impeachment Trial of President William Clinton’, UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY (UMKC) SCHOOL OF LAW, 2005,  [Accessed September 19, 2011] politicians immunity prosecution duties undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work indictment stress performance impeachment Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations criticism resources history legal defense Condon Linder Atlantic UMKC School of Law politicians immunity prosecution job focus undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises management constituent service campaign work work hours political duties defense construction stress performance impact impeachment Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war presidential vacations political criticism politician immunity prosecution undivided attention job demands legislation crises response constituent consultation campaign work defense construction stress impact performance hindrance impeachment proceedings Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government resources domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war Politicians' immunity prosecution undivided attention national-level offices 12-hour workday legislation crises management constituents campaign work stress impeachment Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war presidential vacations undivided attention job requirements public service legal defense indictments performance constituent service political duties judicial proceedings legislative responsibilities government efficiency political accountability legal challenges political effectiveness public interest impeachment proceedings government resources policy concerns political focus legal distractions political responsibilities government operations politicians immunity prosecution job requirements undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work work hours defense indictment stress performance Bill Clinton impeachment presidential vacations domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war government resources politics immunity prosecution politician's duties undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour day defense against charges serving constituents political vacations extracurricular activities indictment stress performance Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo war politicians immunity prosecution duties undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour day defense effective service vacations extracurricular activities indictment stress performance Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations criticism history resource allocation government impact politicians immunity prosecution duties undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work defense indictment stress performance impeachment Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo politicians immunity prosecution duties undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaign work 12-hour day defense indictment stress performance vacations extracurricular activities Bill Clinton impeachment perjury obstruction of justice resources federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations historical criticism government operations legislative effectiveness legal proceedings political accountability public service workload legal defense political stress government efficiency politicians immunity prosecution job demands undivided attention national-level offices legislation crises constituents campaigns 12-hour days defense construction performance stress impeachment Bill Clinton perjury obstruction of justice federal government domestic policy foreign policy Kosovo presidential vacations criticism historical context legal proceedings government efficiency public service constitutional law political science ethics accountability political careers legislative process executive functions judicial branch legislative branch executive branch national security public interest political pressure legal defense political responsibilities workload time management
test-society-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive harm long-term benefits state protect contemporary approaches social contract theory political philosophy public policy collective welfare individual rights societal impact urbanization rural depopulation communal interests legislative authority governance civic responsibility societal well-being ethical governance communal decision-making representative democracy public interest community development sustainable policies social cohesion policy-making societal balance collective action government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive harm state action long-term benefits D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Contemporary Approaches Social Contract Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta political philosophy collective welfare urbanization rural decline public policy ethical governance communal interests individualism societal impact governance models social responsibility political ethics civic duty community government decisions public interest social being community representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies long-term benefits short-term interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention public policy social contract theory political philosophy contemporary approaches Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government right best interest people social being community decisions representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside emptying agricultural production city amenities individual incentives urban migration collective harm state intervention long-term benefits social contract theory D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia Philosophy government social contract community decisions representatives autonomy freedom policies public interest individual interests short-term gains long-term benefits rural depopulation agricultural production urbanization state intervention collective welfare social being D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government decision-making best interest social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside agricultural production amenities cities individual incentives long-term benefits state intervention protection philosophical approaches social contract theory government decision-making public interest social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests long-term benefits rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention protection sustainability political philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy social contract theory contemporary approaches government decision-making best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies long-term interests short-term interests individuals trend countryside emptying agricultural production amenities cities personal incentive accumulated gains state intervention protection long-term benefits D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Contemporary Approaches Social Contract Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta social contract government responsibility community welfare individual autonomy collective decision-making long-term benefits short-term interests rural depopulation urban migration state intervention public policy social being philosophical approaches Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government decisions best interest social being community decisions social contract autonomy freedom long-term benefits short-term interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention public policy governance social contract theory political philosophy contemporary social contract D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy"
test-environment-aiahwagit-con02a	Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ Fewer human deaths  Fewer large beasts will lead to fewer deaths in Africa. Some endangered animals are aggressive and will attack humans. Hippopotamuses kill in excess of three hundred humans a year in Africa, with other animals such as the elephant and lion also causing many fatalities. [1] Footage released in early 2014 of a bull elephant attacking a tourist’s car in Kruger National Park, South Africa demonstrated the continued threat these animals cause. [2] Tougher protection would result in higher numbers of these animals which increases the risk to human lives.  [1] Animal Danger ‘Most Dangerous Animals’  [2] Withnall, A. ‘Rampaging bull elephant flips over British tourist car in Kruger Park’ African wildlife human-wildlife conflict animal attacks hippopotamus elephant lion Kruger National Park tourist safety animal conservation endangered species aggressive animals human fatalities protection measures wildlife management Africa safety precautions animal behavior conservation policies public awareness regional threats human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities tourist attacks Kruger National Park bull elephant protection measures animal danger most dangerous animals increased animal population human safety risks fewer human deaths fewer large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection human-wildlife conflict increased animal population risk to human lives animal danger most dangerous animals rampaging elephant tourist car attack South Africa Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Endangered animals Animal aggression Human attacks Hippopotamus Elephant Lion Animal fatalities Kruger National Park Bull elephant Tourist car attack Tougher animal protection Increased animal population Human life risk Most dangerous animals Animal danger Rampaging bull elephant British tourist car South Africa human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities Kruger National Park tourist safety animal attacks tougher protection increased risk human lives conservation impact wildlife management animal attacks human fatalities aggressive animals hippopotamus attacks elephant attacks lion attacks Kruger National Park tourist safety animal protection endangered species increased animal population human-animal conflict Africa wildlife dangerous animals conservation challenges Fewer human deaths fewer large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals human attacks hippopotamuses elephant lion fatalities tourist car Kruger National Park bull elephant tough protection animal numbers human lives most dangerous animals animal danger rampaging elephant British tourist human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephants lions fatalities tourist attacks Kruger National Park animal protection increased risk human safety wildlife conservation animal attacks bull elephant tourist car Withnall Animal Danger Most Dangerous Animals human deaths large beasts Africa endangered animals aggressive animals hippopotamuses elephant attacks lion fatalities tourist incidents Kruger National Park animal protection increased risks human-animal conflict wildlife conservation dangerous animals South Africa tourist safety animal attacks conservation measures human fatalities Fewer human deaths Fewer large beasts Africa Endangered animals Aggressive animals Hippopotamuses Elephant attacks Lion attacks Kruger National Park Tourist safety Animal protection Human-animal conflict Increased animal population Risk to human lives Dangerous animals Most dangerous animals Animal fatalities Wildlife conservation Human-wildlife interaction
test-digital-freedoms-eifdfaihs-pro03a	Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats to Freeware, Shareware and Objectivity  There are very real concerns that ISPs have a commercial interest in guiding people away from certain sites – especially when those sites provide services or products for nothing when the ISP or a related company charges for a competing product. File sharing more generally is an obvious target. The example of Comcast against NetFlix and other file sharing sites is simply the most obvious [i] .  There are also concerns about the impact on objectivity more generally; the Internet works most effectively as a tool because it is, by definition cross-referencing. Although there are many mistakes on many sources as a whole it is possible to reach something resembling the truth. Essentially, “We need freeware, we need shareware, and we need open access. People need to be able to trust sources that they can find on the internet, rather than have them controlled in a small number of hands or by the government.” [ii] Making some sites more accessible than others reduces users’ choice and their ability to check multiple sites so preventing this cross-referencing.  [i] A useful overview of some of the more notorious examples can be found here .  [ii] Bob Gibson, Executive Director of the University of Virginia’s Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership, on the Charlottesville, VA, politics interview program Politics Matters with host and producer Jan Madeleine Paynter discussing journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Site Guidance Free Services Competing Products File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Impact Truth Cross-referencing Open Access Trust Internet Sources Controlled Sources Government Choice Accessibility Cross-referencing Notorious Examples Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism Threats freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interest site guidance free services competing products file sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet cross-referencing truth open access trust source control government user choice cross-referencing prevention Bob Gibson Sorensen Institute University of Virginia Politics Matters journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Site Guidance Free Services Competing Products File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Effectiveness Cross-Referencing Truth Open Access Trust Controlled Sources Government Accessibility User Choice Cross-Referencing Prevention Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism Threats to freeware Shareware Objectivity ISP commercial interests Guiding users away Free services ISP competing products File sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet cross-referencing Truth seeking Open access Trust in sources Internet control Government control Site accessibility User choice Preventing cross-referencing Bob Gibson Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Site Guidance Free Services Competing Products File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet Cross-Referencing Truth Open Access Trust Source Control Government User Choice Multiple Sites Cross-Referencing Prevention Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interest file sharing NetFlix Comcast open access trust internet sources cross-referencing user choice government control Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Bob Gibson Jan Madeleine Paynter Charlottesville VA journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Guiding Sites Services Products Nothing Competing File Sharing Comcast NetFlix Impact Internet Cross-referencing Truth Freeware Shareware Open Access Trust Sources Controlled Government Accessibility Choice Check Multiple Sites Cross-referencing Overview Notorious Examples Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism Threats Freeware Shareware Objectivity ISPs Commercial Interest Guidance Free Services Competing Products File Sharing NetFlix Comcast Internet Cross-referencing Truth Open Access Trust Controlled Sources Government Accessibility User Choice Cross-referencing Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter Journalism ISP bias commercial interest freeware shareware net neutrality file sharing Comcast NetFlix objectivity cross-referencing open access internet trust user choice political leadership journalism content control government regulation information freedom digital rights consumer protection Threats freeware shareware objectivity ISPs commercial interest site guidance free services competing products file sharing Comcast NetFlix Internet cross-referencing truth open access trust source control government site accessibility user choice cross-referencing prevention Bob Gibson University of Virginia Sorensen Institute for Political Leadership Politics Matters Jan Madeleine Paynter journalism
test-society-mmcpsgfhbf-con02a	Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. Pornography liberates women  Pornography is massively produced and distributed: this provides women with a vast platform through which to define their sexual identity. This has been a great tool in the past: in the 1920’s America, the flapper became a great role model for women by promoting revolutionary values of a strong, sexual woman: she danced wildly in jazz clubs, was openly lesbian, and sexually active. This image spread throughout the country thanks to the boom of the film industry in the Roaring Twenties (Rosenberg). [1] Now pornography plays, or at least can play, this same role.  Pornography breaks the taboo of sexuality for women, and promoting the continuation of taboos is a label and a stereotype which the feminist movement must oppose. Instead, it should use pornography to spread its values. There is nothing intrinsic about pornography that makes it anti-women. There is female-friendly pornography, and in fact there are Feminist Porn Awards granted every year since 2006 (Techmedia Network). [2] There is also homosexual porn and porn that presents women as dominant: this can empower women and break current stereotypes, not only that women are not sexual, but that women in general cannot be powerful in society. The feminist movement should seek to promote this flow of ideas of what gender can be and allow women to influence the way their sexuality is perceived by men.  [1] Rosenberg, Jennifer. Flappers in the Roaring Twenties. About.com,   [2] Techmedia Network. Feminist Porn Award. pornography women sexual identity flapper 1920s film industry taboos feminism feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn women empowerment gender stereotypes sexuality perception Pornography women's liberation sexual identity flapper Roaring Twenties film industry sexual taboos feminism feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn gender stereotypes women's sexuality empowerment societal influence pornography women sexual identity empowerment feminism feminist movement flappers 1920s film industry taboos sexuality female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards gender stereotypes homosexual porn dominant women social influence sexual perception men revolutionary values anti-women media representation sexual liberation historical context progressive roles gender equality women's sexual identity sexual liberation feminist movement female-friendly pornography women's empowerment breaking sexual taboos feminist porn awards gender stereotypes powerful women women's sexuality perception Pornography women sexual identity flapper 1920s film industry taboo sexuality feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn dominant women gender stereotypes influence perception female empowerment sexual liberation feminist values media influence gender stereotypes porn industry women's sexuality feminist movement flapper era sexual identity taboo breaking positive representation female-friendly pornography feminist porn awards gender equality progressive values women's rights sexual autonomy Roaring Twenties media evolution sexual expression empowering women breaking taboos societal change gender roles revolutionary values sexual freedom women's power male dominance female dominance sexual stereotypes gender perceptions promoting equality sexual autonomy feminist activism media platforms women's influence sexual revolution progressive feminism pornography liberates women platform sexual identity flapper role model revolutionary values strong sexual woman openly lesbian sexually active film industry Roaring Twenties taboo sexuality feminist movement anti-women female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual dominant empower stereotypes powerful society gender influence perception men Pornography women's liberation sexual identity feminism flappers Roaring Twenties film industry sexual taboos feminist movement female-friendly pornography Feminist Porn Awards homosexual porn gender stereotypes women's empowerment sexual expression feminist pornography female-friendly porn feminist porn awards women's sexual identity sexual liberation breaking sexual taboos feminist movement women's empowerment female dominance revolutionary values flapper era sexuality in media Roaring Twenties gender stereotypes women's influence pornography and feminism sexual autonomy gender roles sexual empowerment homosexuality in porn pornography women sexual identity flapper 1920s film industry taboos feminism female-friendly Feminist Porn Awards homosexuality female dominance gender stereotypes societal influence
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-con02a	Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, Rivals could misuse the opportunity  While the leader suffers from an illness, rivals can use the opportunity to ease the leader out of office. A period of illness is a period of vulnerability in which the government is less able to respond to external and internal threats. Not telling the public about the leader's health during an illness helps prevent such attempts. The same is the case with a leader's death; a few days of secrecy allows for smooth succession as the appointed successor has the time to ensure the loyalty of the government, army and other vital institutions. In 2008 when General Lansana Conte of Guinea died power should have been transferred to the president of the National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare with an election within 90 days. Instead a group of junior military officers took advantage of the quick announcement to launch a coup. 1  1 Yusuf, Huma, ‘Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President’, The Christian Science Monitor, 23 December 2008, illness vulnerability government response external threats internal threats public information leader's health secrecy smooth succession loyalty government institutions army leader's death power transfer coup junior military officers National Assembly election Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare rivals misuse opportunity leader's illness vulnerability government response external threats internal threats public awareness health secrecy leader's death smooth succession appointed successor government loyalty army loyalty vital institutions power transfer military coup Guinea General Lansana Conte president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare junior military officers coup quick announcement power seizure political instability leadership transition constitutional crisis 2008 Huma Yusuf The Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession loyalty institutions death General Lansana Conte Guinea power president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election military officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader's illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government institutions army leader's death coup Guinea General Lansana Conte 2008 junior military officers power transfer National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election 90 days Huma Yusuf Military coup The Christian Science Monitor 23 December 2008 leadership vulnerability political succession illness confidentiality governmental instability military coups political opportunism constitutional crisis power transition public disclosure health secrecy governance threats institutional loyalty political coups Guinea politics Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare military intervention political leadership health and politics leadership vulnerability illness secrecy government response external threats internal threats public misinformation succession planning military coup power transfer political instability governance weakness health concealment state security political transition institutional loyalty Guinea coup Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare junior officers coup d'etat rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government army institutions 2008 General Lansana Conte Guinea death president National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election military officers coup Huma Yusuf Military coup Christian Science Monitor leader's illness rivals misuse opportunity vulnerability government response external threats internal threats public awareness leader's health secrecy smooth succession loyalty government institutions army leader's death power transfer national assembly election military coup junior officers Guinea General Lansana Conte Aboubacar Sompare 2008 political instability coup d'état Christian Science Monitor rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty government army vital institutions 2008 General Lansana Conte Guinea death power National Assembly Aboubacar Sompare election military officers coup Yusuf Huma Military coup follows death of Guinea’s President The Christian Science Monitor 23 December 2008 rivals misuse opportunity leader illness vulnerability government threats public health secrecy smooth succession appointed successor loyalty institutions death power transfer president National Assembly election military officers coup Guinea 2008 Yusuf Huma Christian Science Monitor
test-law-cpilhbishioe-con03a	An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. An ICC enforcement arm would be highly detrimental to the relations between the ICC and state parties  Currently the ICC functions based on a relationship of trust and understanding with the state parties to the ICC – a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. This is backed up by the court’s respect for the for the principle of complementarity – it is hoped that national courts are capable of prosecuting the crimes, and the ICC only takes a role if the state is unwilling or unable to do so. Being willing to use an international force to catch criminals would make a mockery of this determination to leave power and responsibilities at the national level wherever possible.  Having ICC forces on a country’s territory would be humiliating, showing that the international community does not trust that nation to catch war criminals itself. While this model did not provide for attempting to snatch government officials who have been indicted it does leave open the possibility of an international force intruding on states sovereignty without consent. This would diplomatically backfire and could even lead to an ICC force being involved in fighting with government forces protecting their national sovereignty. ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down approach principle of complementarity national courts international force war criminals national sovereignty diplomatic backlash international community government officials indicted state sovereignty fighting government forces ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down complementarity national courts international force criminals humiliation international community government officials indicted sovereignty consent diplomatic backlash fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts crimes international force criminals humiliation international community snatch government officials indicted intruding sovereignty consent diplomatic backlash fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm detrimental relations state parties trust and understanding bottom-up approach principle of complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force catch criminals mockery of determination national level responsibilities ICC forces country’s territory humiliating international community distrust snatch government officials indicted international force intrusion states sovereignty consent diplomatic backlash ICC force fighting government forces protecting national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down approach complementarity national courts international force criminals national level sovereignty government officials indicted diplomatic backlash fighting government forces national sovereignty international community war criminals responsibility humiliation power relationships legal systems prosecution unwilling unable intrusion consent military intervention judicial cooperation international relations peace security human rights legal principles state respect international law cooperation judicial autonomy legal enforcement international policing accountability jurisdiction diplomatic relations international justice state cooperation ICC enforcement arm state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts international force war criminals national sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC forces government forces international community humiliation snatching government officials indicted fighting protecting national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force criminals national level humiliating international community snatch government officials indicted sovereignty consent diplomatic backlash fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts prosecuting crimes international force war criminals humiliation international community snatch government officials states sovereignty diplomatic backlash ICC force fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm detrimental state parties trust understanding bottom-up top-down principle of complementarity national courts international force criminals mockery power responsibilities national level ICC forces country's territory humiliating international community trust war criminals government officials indicted international force states sovereignty consent diplomatically backfire ICC force fighting government forces national sovereignty ICC enforcement arm state parties relationships trust understanding bottom-up approach top-down principle of complementarity national courts prosecution international force criminals power responsibilities national level humiliation international community war criminals government officials indicted states sovereignty consent diplomatic backlash ICC force fighting government forces national sovereignty
test-international-ssiarcmhb-pro04a	The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. The Catholic Church believes that any limitation of procreation is against God.  Catholics consider the first commandment given to them by God to be to 'multiply'1. In light of this, anything that limits procreation, be it the use of contraception or even condoning the use of contraception, is against God. It is important to remember that the Catholic Church's primary obligation is not to its people but to God. The Church is, therefore, justified in any action where the alternative is going against what they believe to be the wishes of God, even if it is harmful to the people of the Church. 11:28, The Book of Genesis, The Bible. Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply obligations beliefs harmful actions Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply obligations beliefs Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply obligations beliefs actions harm people wishes The Book of Genesis The Bible Catholic Church procreation contraception first commandment multiply God's wishes Church obligations harm to people The Book of Genesis The Bible Catholic Church procreation contraception God commandment multiply Genesis Bible obedience doctrine moral teaching human life natural law faith religious beliefs ethics papal authority dogma catechism Vatican papal encyclicals Humanae Vitae infallibility moral absolutes theological perspective religious practice sexual ethics family planning population control social justice pastoral care conscience religious freedom Catholic social teaching human dignity celibacy sacrament of marriage fertility birth control moral theology Church tradition Christian living Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply obligations to God harm beliefs The Book of Genesis The Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply obligations people beliefs Genesis Bible moral teachings human life fertility family planning religious doctrine divine will papal authority moral law natural law sexual morality ecclesiastical discipline sin virtues faith tradition scriptural interpretation theologians encyclicals Vatican papal statements Catholic social teaching pastoral care human dignity health marriage sexuality reproductive rights ethical dilemmas church-state relations social justice compassion doctrine development historical context contemporary issues Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply obligation justification beliefs harm Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception first commandment multiply obligations beliefs actions harm people Genesis Bible Catholic Church procreation God contraception commandment multiply obligation beliefs Genesis Bible moral teachings religious doctrine human life family planning sexual ethics divine will church authority reproductive health papal encyclicals natural law
test-science-nsihwbtiss-pro02a	Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication facilitates sexual misconduct.  Social networking websites have proven to be particularly effective for child grooming by pedophiles [1] . Teachers are already in a position of power and trust in the relationship with their students. Being allowed to communicate with students via facebook would greatly facilitate misconduct by a teacher who wants to start an inappropriate relationship with a student, by giving him virtually unlimited access to the students after school. In fact, many such relationships do involve some form of electronic contact1. By banning this form of communication, the law would make it harder for teachers with bad intentions to carry them through.  [1] Choo, Kim. “Online child grooming: a literature review on the misuse of social networking sites for grooming children for sexual offences” Australian Institute of Criminology. 2009. Electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students inappropriate relationships facebook after school electronic contact online child grooming social networking sites grooming children sexual offences law banning communication electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships after school electronic contact online grooming social networking sites sexual offenses legal restrictions communication bans electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationship power dynamics trust after school electronic contact online grooming legislation communication bans criminology online safety cybercrime victimization digital ethics privacy concerns educator-student boundaries Electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers power and trust students facebook inappropriate relationship electronic contact banning communication law online grooming literature review misuse social networking sites sexual offences Australian Institute of Criminology electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships power and trust law online safety cyber crimes Choo Kim Australian Institute of Criminology 2009 electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking websites child grooming pedophiles teachers position of power trust students facebook inappropriate relationship electronic contact banning law online child grooming literature review misuse social networking sites sexual offenses Kim Choo Australian Institute of Criminology 2009 electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers power and trust students facebook inappropriate relationships electronic contact law banning online grooming literature review misuse criminal behavior cyber safety youth protection electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships power dynamics trust online safety legal restrictions communication bans Choo Kim Australian Institute of Criminology online grooming child protection cyber safety digital communication risks electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships online grooming cyber safety legal restrictions digital communication power dynamics trust exploitation after school contact legislative measures child protection online predators digital ethics internet safety teacher-student boundaries cyber laws victimization prevention digital safeguards communication policies school regulations online behavior digital footprint internet crimes child exploitation grooming tactics cyberbullying digital citizenship online privacy secure communication inappropriate messaging online grooming laws cyber security education risk mitigation digital awareness electronic communication sexual misconduct social networking child grooming pedophiles teachers students facebook inappropriate relationships law banning communication methods online safety digital ethics cyber laws child protection power dynamics trust online grooming misuse criminology Kim Choo Australian Institute of Criminology 2009
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro03a	A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. A strong leader is working in the state’s best interest  Putin’s authoritarian style is not a threat to democracy but rather a requirement for a successful and quicker transition. Having Putin control the media is probably healthier than having it be controlled by a corrupt few that promote their personal interests rather than the interest of the state and thus those of the population at large. Democracy is a goal and while certain countries believe themselves to have achieved it, they are constantly struggling to maintain it. As a young democracy, Russia is still working towards defining its own version of democracy and finding what works best in its case. strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests interest of state population at large young democracy defining democracy Russia works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russian democracy defining democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement successful transition media control corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests interest of state population democracy goal young democracy Russia defining democracy works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition media control corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy achieving democracy maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population's interest young democracy defining democracy Russia maintaining democracy strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best case strong leader state's best interest Putin authoritarian style threat to democracy requirement for transition control media corrupt few personal interests population interest young democracy Russia defining democracy works best
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro01a	Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs  Smoking caused disease causes large expenses for healthcare systems, something which is particularly burdensome in countries without the rich well developed healthcare systems of the developed world. In the UK lung cancer, one of the diseases caused by smoking, costs £90 per person or £9071 per patient. 1 Even the cost per head of population is higher than Ghana’s entire healthcare budget of $83.4 (about £50) per person. 2  The reduction in smoking, which would be triggered by the ban, would lead to a drop in smoking related illness. A study in the US state of Arizona showed that hospital admissions for smoking related diseases dropped after a ban on smoking in public places 3 .  This would allow resources to be focused on the big killers other than tobacco – including HIV AIDS.  1 The National Cancer Research Institute, ‘Lung cancer UK price tag eclipses the cost of any other cancer’, Cancer Research UK, 7 November 2012,   2 Assuming Ghanaian health spending of 5.2% of GDP which is $40.71 billion split between a population of 25.37 million from World Bank Databank    3 Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban”, American Journal of Public Health, March 2011, Lower healthcare costs smoking disease large expenses healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer cost per person cost per patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction in smoking smoking ban drop in smoking related illness hospital admissions Arizona smoking related diseases public places resources big killers HIV AIDS health spending GDP population World Bank American Journal of Public Health lower healthcare costs smoking-related diseases tobacco control public smoking ban healthcare expenses lung cancer economic burden developing countries UK healthcare costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban effects hospital admissions myocardial infarction stroke asthma Arizona smoking ban tobacco-related illness HIV AIDS healthcare resource allocation public health policy Lower healthcare costs smoking disease expenses healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer costs patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction smoking ban drop smoking related illness Arizona hospital admissions public places resources HIV AIDS cancer research GDP population comprehensive statewide myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma Lower healthcare costs smoking caused disease healthcare system expenses developing countries healthcare UK lung cancer costs Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban impact Arizona smoking ban study hospital admissions reduction smoking related illnesses HIV AIDS focus cancer research funding public health policy tobacco control measures healthcare resource allocation Lower healthcare costs smoking disease large expenses healthcare systems developed world UK lung cancer cost per person patient cost Ghana healthcare budget reduction in smoking smoking ban drop in illness hospital admissions Arizona smoking related diseases HIV AIDS comprehensive smoking ban public health economy tobacco control healthcare resource allocation lower healthcare costs smoking-related diseases healthcare systems lung cancer costs per person healthcare budget reduction in smoking smoking ban hospital admissions smoking-related illnesses focus on other diseases HIV AIDS public health smoking in public places lower healthcare costs smoking disease healthcare systems developing countries UK lung cancer cost per person Ghana healthcare budget smoking ban public places hospital admissions smoking-related diseases Arizona HIV AIDS tobacco big killers Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health Lower healthcare costs smoking caused disease large healthcare expenses underdeveloped healthcare systems lung cancer smoking-related illness healthcare budget reduction in smoking ban on smoking public places hospital admissions smoking-related diseases resources allocation HIV AIDS comprehensive smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma lower healthcare costs smoking disease healthcare systems developed countries UK lung cancer costs patient Ghana healthcare budget reduction smoking ban smoking-related illness Arizona hospital admissions public places resources HIV AIDS Herman Patricia M. Walsh Michele E. American Journal of Public Health myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma Lower healthcare costs smoking related diseases public health systems lung cancer healthcare expenses healthcare budget smoking ban hospital admissions tobacco control public health policy non-communicable diseases economic impact public health intervention health resource allocation HIV AIDS tobacco-related illness cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases Arizona smoking ban health economics cancer research global health disparities low-income countries health policy smoking prevention healthcare cost reduction public health outcomes smoking cessation health system strengthening tobacco use disorder public health priorities health financing healthcare affordability disease prevention public health strategies health disparities tobacco
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro05a	In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. In reality there are only two theological positions, atheism and theism; agnosticism is nothing but timid atheism:  God, like unicorns, has never been shown to exist, and thus it is logical to accept that He, just like unicorns, does not exist. That is why a position like agnosticism makes no sense. There are no agnostics on the subject of unicorns; there are only agnostics on the subject of God because people tend to be reticent to say they are atheists due to the prevalence of belief of God even in the most secular societies. But fantasy is fantasy, and an agnostic is really just an atheist by another name. Were someone to claim that dragons exist, the person he told it to would not be justified responding saying he did not know whether they exist and that it must be an open question until evidence is presented to corroborate the claim. [1] Rather, he would likely respond with disbelief in the absence of evidence. That is how reasoning works. Thus agnosticism is a philosophically meaningless position. There is either belief or lack of belief, atheism or theism. Opponents of atheism seeking to hide in the nebulous realm of agnosticism, or who claim that because one cannot know there is no God one must be agnostic, hold a position that is philosophically bankrupt.  [1] Dawkins, Richard. 2006. The God Delusion. Ealing: Transworld Publishers. atheism theism agnosticism belief disbelief existence God unicorns dragons evidence reasoning philosophy Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies fantasy logical acceptance philosophical positions lack of belief nebulous realm opponents of atheism philosophically bankrupt atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief lack of belief Richard Dawkins The God Delusion philosophically meaningless philosophically bankrupt evidence reasoning secular societies fantasy existence non-belief philosophical positions theological debate atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns existence evidence belief secular societies fantasy dragons reasoning philosophically meaningless Dawkins The God Delusion atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons existence belief non-belief philosophical positions secular societies Richard Dawkins The God Delusion evidence reasoning philosophically bankrupt atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief non-belief evidence philosophical position Dawkins The God Delusion reasoning existence secular societies fantasy philosophically bankrupt atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief lack of belief philosophical position Dawkins The God Delusion existence evidence reasoning secular societies disbelief open question fantasy philosophically meaningless opponents of atheism hiding in agnosticism position knowing philosophical bankruptcy atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons evidence belief reasoning philosophically meaningless Dawkins The God Delusion atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns dragons belief non-belief philosophical positions Dawkins The God Delusion existence evidence reasoning secular societies fantasy philosophically meaningless nebulous realm opponents of atheism lack of evidence justified disbelief atheism theism agnosticism God unicorns existence evidence belief secular societies fantasy dragons reasoning philosophical position Dawkins The God Delusion atheism theism agnosticism belief non-belief existence God unicorns dragons evidence reasoning philosophy Dawkins The God Delusion secular societies fantasy logical acceptance philosophically meaningless opposition atheism opponents knowledge nebulous realm
test-science-ascidfakhba-con02a	Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists should retain the right to control their work’s interaction with the public space even if their work is publicly funded  Art is the expression of its creator’s sense of understanding of the world, and thus that expression will always have special meaning to him or her that no amount of reinterpretation or external appreciation can override. How a work is used once released into the public sphere, whether expanded, revised, responded to, or simply shown without their direct consent, thus remains an active issue for the artist, because those alternative experiences are all using a piece of the artist in its efforts. Artists deserve to have that piece of them treated in a way they see as reasonable. It is a simple matter of justice that artists be permitted to maintain the level of control they desire, and it is a justice that is best furnished through the conventional copyright mechanism that provides for the maximum protection of works for their creators, and allows them to contract away uses and rights to those works on their own terms. Many artists care about their legacies and the future of their artistic works, and should thus have this protection furnished by the state through the protection of copyright, not cast aside by the unwashed users of the creative commons. Samuel Beckett is a great example of this need. Beckett had exacting standards about the fashion in which in his plays could be performed. [1] For him the meaning of the art demanded an appreciation for the strict performance without the adulteration of reinterpretation. He would lack that power under this policy, meaning either the world would have been impoverished for want of his plays, or he would have been impoverished for want of his rights to his work. These rights are best balanced through the aegis of copyright as it is, not under the free-for-all of the creative commons license.  [1] Catron, L. “Copyright Laws for Theatre People”. 2003. Artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent justice copyright protection works creators contract uses rights legacy future artistic state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays performed meaning appreciation strict performance adulteration impoverish balanced free-for-all license Artists control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue alternative experiences treated reasonable justice control conventional copyright maximum protection contract uses rights legacies future protection state copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett standards fashion plays performed meaning art appreciation strict performance adulteration reinterpretation impoverished rights balance aegis free-for-all license Artists control public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent active issue treated reasonably justice copyright protection creators contract uses rights legacies future protection furnished state creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays appreciation strict performance adulteration reinterpreted policy impoverished rights balanced aegis free-for-all license Artists' rights public funding artistic expression creator's rights public sphere copyright artistic legacy performance standards Samuel Beckett theater copyright creative commons intellectual property artistic control ethical use artistic integrity reinterpretation legal protection cultural appreciation fair use artistic jurisdiction Artists retain right control work public space publicly funded expression creator understanding world reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent alternative experiences piece treated reasonable justice control desire conventional copyright mechanism maximum protection works creators contract uses rights legacy future artistic state creative commons Samuel Beckett standards plays performance meaning strict appreciation adulteration interpretation policy impoverished rights balanced a artistic control public funding creative expression copyright protection artist rights public space reinterpretation external appreciation legacy protection creative commons contract rights Samuel Beckett theatrical performance copyright laws artistic integrity free-for-all licensing fair use artistic vision legal protection cultural heritage Artists control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent active issue artist treated reasonably justice control level copyright mechanism maximum protection contract terms legacy future protection state copyright creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards performance meaning art strict adulteration policy impoverished rights balance aegis free-for-all license artists control public space publicly funded expression understanding world meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent active issue treated reasonable justice control copyright protection creators contract use rights legacy future protection state Samuel Beckett standards performance meaning strict adulteration policy impoverished rights aegis free-for-all creative commons license Artists rights control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded shown consent artist alternative experiences treated reasonable justice conventional copyright maximum protection creators contract uses rights works terms legacies future artistic works protection state copyright unwashed users creative commons Samuel Beckett exacting standards performance plays meaning appreciation strict adulteration reinterpretation policy impoverished plays rights work balanced Artists control public space publicly funded expression understanding world special meaning reinterpretation external appreciation public sphere expanded revised responded consent active issue treated reasonably justice control level copyright maximum protection creators contract rights legacies future artistic works state protection Samuel Beckett exacting standards plays performance adulteration policy world impoverished rights free-for-all creative commons license
test-law-phwmfri-con02a	The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, The rich will resent this  The rich will feel like they are receiving an unfair, ‘greater’ punishment. This resentment will be magnified by media response: some newspapers and news outlets will choose to report this as an attack on the rich just as is the case with progressive taxation which is often attacked as an assault on ‘wealth creation’.1  This may well increase the extent to which they break the law, because if you perceive the law to be applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider it to be making an accurate assessment of whether an action is right or wrong in any given situation.  That is, in situations where you are unlikely to be caught committing a crime, the deterrent is clearly not the possible punishment (which you won’t face, because you won’t be caught). Rather, the deterrent is the extent to which you believe the illegal action to be morally wrong. If you believe a law is applied unfairly, you are less likely to consider the prohibited action to be actually, morally wrong, and therefore more likely to commit that act.  1 Cianfrocca, Francis, ‘Wealth Creation Under Attack’, Commentary, June 2009, resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law enforcement moral assessment crime deterrence perceived unfairness moral wrong legal compliance societal norms economic inequality class conflict public opinion legal system moral reasoning crime rates tax policy social justice resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law enforcement moral judgment crime deterrence legal fairness moral wrongness social inequality economic disparity tax policy public perception media influence legal compliance ethical behavior crime rates socioeconomic factors law and morality resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law breaking moral wrongness deterrence fairness perception crime commitment rich resentment unfair punishment media response attack on the rich progressive taxation assault on wealth creation breaking the law perceived unfairness moral wrongdoing law deterrence moral justification crime commitment legal fairness moral assessment illegal actions unlikely to be caught punishment avoidance moral wrongness law breaking ethical considerations resentment unfair punishment media response newspapers news outlets attack on the rich progressive taxation assault on wealth creation breaking the law fair application of law moral wrong crime deterrent legal compliance social inequality economic disparity ethical considerations legal perceptions tax policy public opinion media influence legal justice moral judgment wealth distribution socioeconomic factors law enforcement criminal behavior societal norms legislative impact public reaction economic policy tax reform social dynamics political discourse resentment unfair punishment media response attack on the rich progressive taxation assault on wealth creation breaking the law perception of fairness moral wrong deterrence committing a crime belief in law moral judgment illegal action Cianfrocca Francis wealth creation under attack commentary June 2009 rich resent unfair punishment media response newspapers news outlets attack on the rich progressive taxation assault on wealth creation break the law perceived unfairness moral judgment crime deterrent moral wrong law enforcement Francis Cianfrocca Wealth Creation Under Attack Commentary June 2009 resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law breaking moral wrong deterrence unfair application crime commitment resentment unfair punishment media response progressive taxation wealth creation law breaking moral wrong crime deterrent perceived unfairness moral judgment legal compliance social inequality economic policies public perception news bias tax policy wealth distribution resistance media influence progressive taxation wealth creation moral judgment law compliance social inequality public opinion ethical behavior economic policy
test-economy-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 right to survival moral rights state authority human dignity migration rights starvation individual freedoms collective theory human life conditions protected charters inseparable rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights charters inseparable rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation inhuman moral right state freedoms collective theory stay alive human dignity General Assembly 10 December 1948 freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 intrinsic rights fundamental conditions human life survival moral right state authority collective theory individual freedoms starvation relocation human dignity legal protections civil liberties migration rights humanitarian law freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state and individual freedoms human dignity mobility rights starvation humanitarian grounds collective theory individual survival legal protections natural rights global human rights standards human rights fundamental freedoms right to life survival Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 freedom of movement moral rights state authority individual liberties collective theory starvation human dignity inherent rights legal protections international law humanitarian principles mobility rights essential conditions human existence freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights universal declaration of human rights fundamental conditions human life moral right survival starvation state collective theory legal charters inseparable rights moral obligations individual freedoms protection of rights basic human rights right to life human dignity international law civil liberties movement restrictions humanitarian principles rights preservation global standards Article 13 human rights charters living conditions essential freedoms personal liberties legal protections human rights instruments foundational rights rights advocacy freedom of travel mobility rights human rights law constitutional rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights protected rights charters inseparable rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation moral right state individual rights collective theory human dignity legal protection mobility rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival moral right state authority human dignity basic necessities collective theory individual freedoms mobility rights human life conditions starvation migration legal protection ethical considerations societal norms constitutional rights international law humanitarian principles personal liberty civic rights natural rights civil liberties protection of rights individual autonomy human rights charters fundamental freedoms global standards human security equitable treatment legal rights social justice human rights law constitutional protection displacement human rights violations freedom of freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state freedoms collective theory starvation right to life ethical justification legal protection international law human dignity mobility rights freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 right to survival moral rights state authority individual freedoms human life conditions charters inhuman conditions collective theory starvation relocation moral obligation legal protection fundamental rights dignity personal liberty
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro02a	Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism was a twentieth century ideology which ran its course and ran out of steam when it became clear that Capitalism worked better  The world has moved on; it is inconceivable that the protests of the seventies and eighties could be refought again. This issue was settled at the end of the eighties. It wasn’t just the collapse of the Soviet Union, although that no doubt played a major role in shaping the future of socialism in Europe.  In a globalised world the traditional ideas about class and the nature of the labour market have moved on and politics moved on with it.  Socialists may have won many of the arguments over social issues, but arguments on the advantages of free trade, deregulation, the role of the state, the relationship between government and industry all line up firmly in the Capitalist column.  There were some remnants of dogmatic, “classical” socialism left in continental Europe, especially amongst its union movements, which are now collapsing. As Margaret Thatcher put it, “The problem with Socialism is that you will eventually run out of other people’s money.” [i]  [i] Quoted in: James Turk. “Will Sovereign Debt Defaults Bring The End Of Socialism?” Free Gold Money Report. 19 December 2009. Socialism Capitalism Twentieth century Ideology Economic systems Political movements Soviet Union Globalization Labour market Class Social issues Free trade Deregulation State role Government-industry relations Union movements Margaret Thatcher Sovereign debt Economic policies European politics Socialism decline Capitalism advantages Protest movements Cold War ideological debates Economic philosophy Political economy Industrial relations Economic history Western Europe Social reform Fiscal policies Economic theories Political ideology Public finance Economic crisis Social changes Political evolution Economic development Global financial systems Social Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology economic systems political movements Soviet Union globalisation class labour market social issues free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher economic sustainability Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism twentieth century ideological decline Capitalism superiority historical context post-Soviet era globalization class dynamics labour market evolution political adaptation social issues free trade deregulation state role government-industry relations European socialism union movements Margaret Thatcher economic sustainability Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state government industry union movements Margaret Thatcher James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report Socialism twentieth century ideology Capitalism globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher Sovereign Debt Defaults James Turk Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism twentieth century ideology collapse Soviet Union globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher other people’s money James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report socialism twentieth century ideology capitalism globalisation Soviet Union class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher socialism criticism economic sustainability social issues protest movements eighties nineties Europe sovereign debt James Turk Free Gold Money Report Socialism Capitalism Twentieth century Ideology Economic systems Political movements Globalisation Class Labour market Politics Free trade Deregulation Role of state Government and industry Union movements Margaret Thatcher Sovereign debt Social issues Collapse of Soviet Union Classical socialism Twentieth century ideology Capitalism globalisation class labour market politics free trade deregulation state role government-industry relationship union movements Margaret Thatcher Socialism collapse Soviet Union economic arguments social issues remnants dogmatic socialism classical socialism other people’s money James Turk Sovereign Debt Defaults Free Gold Money Report
test-international-aegmeppghw-con02a	Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey is a highly unstable democracy in an unstable part of the world  Turkey has a better history of democratic elections than a number of the former communist states currently negotiating their membership of the EU. Its election of a party with Islamist roots has led to a smooth transfer of power, with no attempt at intervention by the secularist military (as in the past). In 2010 the EU welcomed the success of a referendum on changes to the Turkish constitution which reduced the power of the military and made it fully subject to democratic authority.  Turkey is near some global flash points, but its entry into the EU would not bring these potential dangers closer to current EU members. The EU is already engaged in conflicts in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Turkey’s inclusion would not have made that more or less likely. Turkey is already a long-standing member of NATO; this means that any security crisis on Turkey’s borders, for example between Palestine and Israel, already involves its Western neighbours and the EU has had to involve Turkey over issues of planning and access.  Furthermore, Turkey as a strategic gateway to the Middle East does not only involve conflict; it also provides the West with the opportunity for reconciliation and cooperation. Turkey is potentially a crucial alternative conduit for oil and gas to and from central Asia [1] , making Europe less dependent on Russian favour. Engagement between Turkey and the EU has greatly reduced historic enmity between Turkey and Greece, and held out hope for a solution to the division of Cyprus, showing the benefits of a closer relationship. The EU was created to encourage political cooperation in just such circumstances [2] , and Turkey’s entry would be important for strengthening relationships with the increasingly important Muslim countries in the Middle East and breaking down the artificial barriers between ‘East’ and ‘West’.  [1]  ‘Turkey: still America’s best ally in the Middle East?’ by Joshua W Walker, 25th June 2010  [2]  ‘Turkey: an honest broker in the Middle East’ by Bulent Kenes, 9th June 2010 Turkey democracy stability elections communism EU membership Islamist party military intervention secularism constitution NATO global conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel strategic location Middle East reconciliation cooperation oil gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy instability former communist states EU membership Islamist party military intervention constitutional referendum NATO global flash points EU conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel strategic gateway Middle East conflict resolution oil and gas central Asia Russia Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division East-West relations Muslim countries political cooperation EU objectives Turkey-EU relations Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey democracy instability former communist states EU membership Islamist roots military intervention constitutional referendum NATO global flash points Western neighbours strategic gateway Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Europe Russia Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division Muslim countries East-West relations political cooperation Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey unstable democracy former communist states EU membership Islamist party smooth transfer of power secularist military 2010 referendum Turkish constitution military power democratic authority global flash points EU engagement conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan NATO member security crisis Middle East strategic gateway conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependence political cooperation Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division East-West relations Muslim countries Middle East EU-Turkey engagement Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey democracy unstable elections former communist states EU membership Islamist party secularist military referendum Turkish constitution military power democratic authority global flash points EU engagement conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan NATO security crisis Palestine Israel Western neighbours strategic gateway Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian favour Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries Middle East East-West barriers Turkey democracy instability EU membership elections former communist states Islamist party military intervention 2010 referendum constitutional changes NATO global flash points Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel strategic gateway Middle East conflict reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy stability EU membership former communist states democratic elections Islamist party military intervention constitutional changes EU referendum NATO global conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan security crisis Western neighbors strategic gateway Middle East conflict resolution cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependency Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division political cooperation Muslim countries East-West relations Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes democracy instability former communist states EU membership Islamist party military intervention constitutional reforms military power democratic authority global flash points EU security NATO Middle East conflict cooperation strategic gateway oil and gas Russian dependency political cooperation Turkey-Greece relations Cyprus division Muslim countries East-West relations Turkey democracy instability EU membership former communist states Islamist party military intervention secularism constitutional referendum NATO global conflicts Libya Iraq Afghanistan Palestine Israel strategic gateway Middle East reconciliation cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russian dependency Greece Cyprus East-West relations political cooperation Muslim countries artificial barriers EU creation Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes Turkey democracy stability EU membership elections former communist states Islamist party military intervention secularism referendum constitutional changes NATO security crisis Middle East conflict cooperation oil and gas central Asia Russia Greece Cyprus East-West relations Muslim countries political cooperation strategic gateway Turkey-EU relations Joshua W Walker Bulent Kenes
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con03a	"Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Needle exchanges cause crime  Needle exchanges gather a large number of drug addicts into a single area. Many drug addicts are forced into criminality because of their addiction. Given that this is true, the needle exchanges serve to concentrate a large number of potential criminals in a small area. Not only does this increase crime in the area itself significantly, what is also manages to do is cause criminals to meet other criminals who they may not have interacted with before.  This can either lead to the aforementioned criminals working together and causing more problems, or it can lead to violence between rival criminals and their gangs.  Further, the simple gathering of criminals in a single area can also serve to attract other criminals to the same area to possibly reap benefits. This often comes in the form of prostitution, which thrives in areas of high crime and weaker police presence.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals increase crime area concentration criminal interaction collaboration violence rival gangs attracting criminals prostitution weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case for opposing needle exchange November 16 2007 needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentration of criminals area increase crime criminals interaction collaboration violence rival gangs attracting criminals prostitution high crime areas weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange November 16 2007 needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals small area increase crime criminal interaction problems violence rival criminals gangs attract criminals benefits prostitution high crime weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime increase drug addicts criminality addiction concentrated crime criminal interactions violence gang rivalry prostitution weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentrate criminals small area increase crime criminal interaction violence gangs attract criminals prostitution high crime weak police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer Making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime increase drug addicts criminal concentration criminal interactions violence gang activity prostitution weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer needle exchanges crime drug addicts addiction criminality concentrated crime criminal interaction violence gangs prostitution high crime areas weaker police presence Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction concentrated criminals increased crime criminal interactions violence gangs attracting criminals prostitution weak police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer making the case for opposing needle exchange needle exchanges crime drug addicts area concentration criminality addiction potential criminals increased crime criminal interaction violence gang rivalry criminal attraction prostitution high crime weak police presence policy opposition Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchanges crime drug addicts criminality addiction potential criminals increased crime criminal interaction criminal collaboration violence rival gangs prostitution high crime areas weaker police presence New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer opposing needle exchange"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con04a	Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, Run education campaigns instead  Education is an alternative. Campaigns such as #darkisbeautiful (dark is beautiful) in India are the model for advancing equality and marginalizing colourism in India. The campaign has had some success attracting stars, including some such as Vishaka Sing who have modelled for fairness creams, to campaign against the prejudice against darker skin tones. [1]  The heavy hand of legislation is not the correct tool – other methods from social media campaigns to changing practices in the fashion, beauty and media industries (such as has occurred in Dakar Fashion Week [2] ) will reduce the cultural demand.  [1] Krupa, Lakshmi, ‘Dark is beautiful’, The Hindu, 8 September 2013,   [2] Reuters, “Dakar fashion week bans models who use skin lightning cream”, South China Morning Post, 01 July 2013, education campaigns equality marginalizing colourism #darkisbeautiful social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation prejudice against darker skin tones education campaigns dark is beautiful India colourism equality social media fashion beauty media industries legislation cultural demand Dakar Fashion Week skin lightning models Vishaka Singh fairness creams prejudice darker skin tones education campaigns equality marginalizing colourism dark is beautiful India social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand legislation alternatives dark skin fairness creams prejudice stars models Vishaka Singh Hindu Reuters South China Morning Post education campaigns colorism dark is beautiful India equality Vishaka Singh fairness creams social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation skin lightening prejudice darker skin tones education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality colourism social media Vishaka Singh fairness creams legislation Dakar Fashion Week skin lightning cultural demand media industries fashion industry beauty industry education campaigns dark is beautiful India equality colourism social media fairness creams legislation Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening cultural demand fashion industry beauty industry media practices Vishaka Singh The Hindu Reuters South China Morning Post education campaigns equality marginalizing colourism dark is beautiful social media campaigns Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation fashion industry beauty industry media industry skin lightening prejudice darker skin tones fairness creams India stars Vishaka Singh models banning practices change education campaigns social media equality marginalizing colourism #darkisbeautiful India celebrities Vishaka Singh fairness creams prejudice dark skin tones legislation cultural demand fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week skin lightening models bans education campaigns colourism dark is beautiful India equality Vishaka Singh fairness creams social media campaigns fashion industry beauty industry media industry Dakar Fashion Week cultural demand legislation skin lightening models prejudice darker skin tones education campaigns #darkisbeautiful india equality colourism vishaka sing social media campaigns fashion beauty media industries dakar fashion week legislation cultural demand darker skin tones fairness creams
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro02a	Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts are often incapable of providing a fair trial, when they fail the ICC fills the void.  Domestic legal systems will often suffer from a lack of judicial independence and potentially politicised prosecutions, and are also open to allegations of victors’ justice, or whitewashes by a judiciary biased towards the winners of the conflict.  The ICC, as an effective court and with an independent judiciary, provide a suitable and unbiased climate for these cases to be heard in. While it is difficult to give any former head of state a fair trial, it is even more so in cases involving states divided along ethnic and political fault lines where any conviction could be seen as one based on continuing hatreds rather than evidence and criminal procedure.  It is clearly in the interests of the United States and Israel to support the principle that where there is no independent judiciary cases can be moved to a higher level. These states as much as any other desire that those who commit large scale international crimes be brought to book. The ICC for example might provide an alternative method of going after terrorists.  In addition, the principle of complementarity – that the ICC should only prosecute where states have shown themselves unable or unwilling to prosecute - means that when a state can take effective action against war crimes, there will be no role for the ICC. This means that the US and Israel with independent judiciaries should have nothing to worry about unless their judiciary proves unwilling to prosecute if one of their own nationals commits a crime prosecutable by the ICC. Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes independent judiciary unwilling to prosecute Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice whitewashes judiciary bias conflict ICC effectiveness independent judiciary former head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel international crimes complementarity principle war crimes nationals prosecution Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased judiciary fair trial ethnic conflict political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary complementarity war crimes international crimes terrorists prosecution nationals crime ICC prosecution Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate ethnic fault lines political fault lines fair trial former head of state US support Israel support international crimes terrorists principle of complementarity war crimes independent judiciaries US judiciary ICC prosecution Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary complementarity war crimes international crimes terrorists prosecution nationals crimes prosecutable by ICC Domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased climate former head of state ethnic and political fault lines United States Israel independent judiciary international crimes complementarity war crimes national crimes ICC prosecution domestic courts fair trial ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice whitewashes judiciary bias conflict former head of state ethnic divisions political fault lines United States Israel international crimes complementarity war crimes state action national prosecution ICC prosecution Domestic courts ICC judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased judiciary fair trial ethnic conflict political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes prosecution ICC domestic courts fair trial judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice unbiased judiciary ethnic conflict political fault lines United States Israel international crimes complementarity war crimes terrorism prosecutable crimes national judiciary ICC international criminal court fair trial domestic courts judicial independence politicised prosecutions victors’ justice biased judiciary conflict head of state ethnic fault lines political fault lines United States Israel international crimes terrorists complementarity war crimes prosecution nationals crime
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con03a	Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. Police should not block the communications and freedom of expression of law-abiding citizens  The blocking of social networks, of the internet, or of mobile phone networks in times of riot would be an illegitimate curtailment of a private company’s right to do business and serve its customers. Social networks are business and have many users. Even more important is the impact on everyone who is not associated with the rioting. When these actions are taken it harms everyone, perhaps even millions of people at a given time. [1] The action taken by the state to seek to prevent the spreading of the riots is not only ineffective it is also a massive imposition on the rights of the citizens of the polity. Their freedom of speech is curtailed, business is harmed, and the riots continue. Studies of the use of Twitter during the riots in London showed that during rioting it was mostly used to react to the riots to send warnings to avoid trouble rather than incite violence. [2] Blocking access or cutting off communications would therefore mean putting at risk those people who otherwise would have been warned not to go near areas with rioting.  [1] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011.   [2] Ball, J., and Lewis, P., “Riots database of 2.5m tweets reveals complex picture of interaction”, The Guardian, 24 August 2011. police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot private company rights business impact non-rioters state intervention prevent riots ineffective imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access cut off communications public safety digital rights emergency response social media regulation law enforcement strategies public order civil liberties technological censorship user behavior online interaction riot control media blackout public information communication infrastructure government authority digital freedoms police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company business rights customer service impact non-rioters imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm riot prevention ineffective Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence riots database complex interaction Temperton Ball Lewis The Guardian Computer Active police communication freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company business customers impact non-rioters state action prevent riots ineffective massive imposition citizen rights freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access put at risk riots database tweets complex interaction Computer Active The Guardian police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot private company rights business customers public harm non-rioters state action riot prevention ineffective measures citizen rights freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots user behavior warning dissemination violence prevention digital rights civil liberties public safety communication access media freedom legal implications societal impact technology regulation government intervention cybersecurity public policy privacy concerns freedom of expression communication rights social media internet freedom mobile networks riot control public safety business rights citizen rights speech curtailment ineffective measures Twitter usage riot warnings public harm digital rights government overreach technology policy civil liberties non-violent communication protest management police censorship communication rights freedom of expression social network restrictions internet blocking mobile phone network disruptions riot control private company rights user impact non-riot participants state intervention ineffective riot prevention citizen rights business harm Twitter usage riot warnings violence incitement legal implications digital communication freedom police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens blocking social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company right to do business impact non-rioters harm rights citizens polity freedom of speech business studies Twitter riots London warnings avoid trouble incite violence Blocking Facebook James Temperton Computer Active The Guardian riots database complex picture interaction Julian Ball Paul Lewis police block communications freedom expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone riot illegitimate curtailment private company right business customers impact uninvolved citizens harm rights polity freedom speech ineffective massive imposition studies twitter london riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access risk areas rioting Police communications freedom of expression law-abiding citizens social networks internet mobile phone networks riot illegitimate curtailment private company business rights customers impact non-rioters harm rights polity freedom of speech business disruption ineffective prevention Twitter riots in London warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access cut communications risk public safety police communications freedom of expression social networks internet mobile phone networks riot private company right to do business customers impact non-rioters state intervention prevention ineffectiveness massive imposition citizens polity freedom of speech business harm Twitter London riots warnings avoid trouble incite violence blocking access cutting communications risk public safety
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con03a	Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . Collisions are unnecessary.  Baseball doesn’t need collisions. By requiring the runner to slide, just as they must do when attempting to reach other bases, or disallowing catchers to block runners’ paths, or—best of all—requiring both those steps, baseball can eliminate collisions.  Unlike in football or rugby, hits at the plate are not a necessary component of the sport. The game is played quite well at the amateur level without such brutal physical contact. [1] Collisions occur relatively infrequently, and the complexion of the game will not be dramatically different without them. Yet the benefits of improved safety are dramatic.  [1] See, for example, American Legion Baseball Rules, Rule 1(E),  . baseball collisions safety sliding catchers blocking amateur physical contact rules American Legion Baseball Rules collisions unnecessary baseball eliminate runner slide catcher block path improvement safety amateur game football rugby physical contact frequency rules American Legion sports injury prevention regulation changes play collisions unnecessary baseball slide catchers block runner paths eliminate football rugby hits plate amateur brutal physical contact frequency game safety American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1E baseball collisions unnecessary physical contact runner must slide catcher blocking path eliminate collisions amateur level gameplay improved safety American Legion Baseball Rules sports injury prevention game rule changes collisions unnecessary baseball runner slide catchers block paths eliminate football rugby hits plate amateur brutal physical contact infrequently game safety American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1E baseball collisions unnecessary safety sliding blocking catchers runners physical contact amateur level game rules American Legion Baseball Rules dramatic benefits infrequent occurrences sport integrity football rugby plate collisions hit at the plate played well elimination steps requiring disallowing improved safety game complexion dramatic differences brutal contact baseball collisions safety sliding catchers blocking amateur physical contact rules American Legion Baseball collisions unnecessary baseball slide catchers block runners paths eliminate football rugby hits plate amateur brutal physical contact infrequently game safety American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1E baseball collisions safety sliding catchers blocking plate football rugby amateur physical contact game rules American Legion Baseball collisions baseball safety sliding catchers blocking amateur physical contact rules American Legion Baseball Rules Rule 1(E)
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro05a	Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism  Actions can only be justified by their outcomes, and if the outcome of an act of terror is an overall increase of justice, freedom and welfare, this action is therefore legitimate. Many people around the world suffer on a daily basis from poverty, injustices and violence. Generally, these people did not choose to suffer, nor was it a result of their actions; therefore it can be seen as a logical conclusion that it is a good thing that this suffering is diminished. However, authorities might not always agree to redistribution or an acknowledgement of rights, and more drastic measures are needed to obtain the goal. If, in this case, the use of acts of terror is needed to obtain greater goods such as justice and equality, and this would mean that on balance, more people would gain more utility, the action would be justified. In this way, terrorism can be seen as an effective weapon in a revolutionary struggle that results in progression. A very current example are the terrorist attacks in several Middle Eastern countries that have led to the Arab spring, such as the attack on the Yemen president Ali Abdullah Saleh. [1]  [1] Sinjab, L. (2011, June 3). Yemen: President Saleh injured in attack on palace. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from BBC News: Consequentialism utilitarianism moral philosophy ethical justification terrorism acts of terror justice freedom welfare suffering poverty violence redistribution rights revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh ethical dilemmas political violence social change humanitarian intervention moral relativism collective action human rights ethical theory consequentialist ethics moral outcomes societal impact political ethics ethical justification of violence moral consequences utilitarian justification political philosophy social justice inequality Consequentialism justifiable actions outcomes act of terror justice freedom welfare legitimate action suffering poverty injustices violence redistribution rights drastic measures utility terrorism effective weapon revolutionary struggle progression Arab Spring Yemen President Saleh attack palace Consequentialism Outcome-based ethics Justification of actions Acts of terror Moral justification Justice Freedom Welfare Suffering Poverty Injustices Violence Redistribution Acknowledgement of rights Drastic measures Utility Terrorism Revolutionary struggle Progression Arab Spring Yemen President Ali Abdullah Saleh Terrorist attacks Middle Eastern countries Ethical dilemmas Political change Social justice Moral philosophy Utilitarianism Revolutionary tactics Violence in politics Ethical consequences Human rights Civil unrest Political oppression Liberation movements Moral relativism Societal improvement Consequentialism Justified actions Outcomes Acts of terror Justice Freedom Welfare Suffering Poverty Injustices Violence Logical conclusion Suffering diminishment Authorities Redistribution Rights Drastic measures Greater goods Utility Terrorism Effective weapon Revolutionary struggle Progression Arab Spring Yemen President Ali Abdullah Saleh Attack Palace BBC News Middle Eastern countries Terrorist attacks Consequentialism utilitarianism moral philosophy ethics terrorism justice freedom welfare suffering poverty inequality violence revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh political violence social change ethical justification acts of terror greater good utility moral dilemmas humanitarian intervention civil rights human rights conflict resolution peace security governance policy international relations moral psychology ethical theory consequentialist ethics non-violent resistance violent resistance moral responsibility ethical consequentialism outcomes-based morality moral disputes ethical frameworks political ethics social ethics Consequentialism Moral Philosophy Ethics Utilitarianism Terrorism Justification of Violence Outcomes-Based Ethics Social Justice Revolution Political Change Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh Poverty Injustice Violence Human Rights Welfare Freedom Equality Revolutionary Struggle Utility Moral Reasoning Ethical Dilemmas Civil Disobedience Political Ethics Social Movements Radical Change Conflict Resolution Legitimacy of Violence Human Suffering Moral Responsibility Collective Action Historical Events Ethical Theories Political Revolutions Non-Violent Resistance Consequentialism utilitarianism ethics moral philosophy justification outcomes actions terrorism justice freedom welfare suffering poverty violence redistribution rights authority revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh BBC News Sinjab L. Consequentialism ethics moral philosophy utilitarianism outcomes justification actions terrorism justice freedom welfare suffering poverty violence rights redistribution authority revolution utility progression Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh attacks palace BBC News Sinjab 2011 Consequentialism Actions Outcomes Terrorism Justice Freedom Welfare Suffering Poverty Injustices Violence Redistribution Rights Utility Revolution Progression Middle Eastern Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh BBC News Consequentialism justice freedom welfare terrorism poverty violence redistribution rights utility revolutionary struggle Arab Spring Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con02a	There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, There are clear and proven benefits to the health of the Filipino families, especially women  Both sides of this debate have spoken about the need to respect the rights and lives of women. It is, however, difficult to see how exactly opponents of the legislation reconcile this with their actions. Decades’ worth of research demonstrates that educational, health and nutritional levels all fall once a family outgrows its means. In the slums of Manila that research is unnecessary as it is all too apparent at a glance. However the research is there [i] to provide grisly commentary to the narrative folding out on the streets.  Investigations on a personal, national and global level demonstrate that effective family planning is at the heart of eradicating poverty [ii] . When families have less children they are more able to afford better education for those they do have and have a greater incentive to do so as they need their child to be able to support them when they are retired. [iii] Proposition is keen that this money should have been spent on eradicating poverty – they fail to realise, deliberately or otherwise, that that is exactly what it is being spent on.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘The Philippines’ Birth Control Battle’, Time, 6 June 2008.   [ii] Brown, Lester, ‘Smart Family Planning Improves Women’s Health and Reduces Poverty’, guardian.co.uk 14 April 2011.   [iii] Merrick, Thomas, W., ‘Population and P{overty: New Views on an Old Controversy’, International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol.28, No.1, March 2002, benefits Filipino families women's rights legislation family planning poverty eradication education nutrition slums Manila personal investigations national research global studies reproductive health contraception economic development social welfare demographic trends public policy healthcare access gender equality child welfare sustainable development family size birth rates socioeconomic impact aging population community health urban poverty reproductive rights government intervention socioeconomic factors family support developmental outcomes legislative impact demographic research health outcomes population control economic growth social services international perspectives family structure policy analysis health education family planning women's health poverty reduction education nutrition Filipino families slums of Manila birth control legislative debate women's rights reproductive health child support retirement planning population control international perspectives health legislation poverty eradication proactive family management socioeconomic impact governmental policies urban health issues Filipino families women's health rights of women family planning poverty eradication educational levels nutritional levels Manila slums legislative opponents research evidence family size economic support retirement security birth control public health population control poverty reduction family welfare global perspectives reproductive rights social development economic planning sustainable development healthcare access women's empowerment demographic trends public policy social services community health family resources educational opportunities child welfare economic incentives legislative impact poverty alleviation health initiatives reproductive health family structure socioeconomic status urban poverty Filipino families women's health rights of women family planning poverty eradication education levels nutritional levels Manila slums birth control population and poverty women's health and poverty family planning benefits reducing poverty through family planning educational advancements family size and poverty family planning and women's rights Filipino families women's health rights legislation opponents family planning poverty education nutrition Manila slums research effective family planning reducing poverty children education financial support elderly care Proposition spending priorities birth control global perspectives population control sustainable development women's empowerment reproductive rights public health policy socioeconomic impact Family planning women's health poverty reduction education nutrition reproductive rights Manila slums birth control legislative opposition socioeconomic benefits child welfare elderly support population control global health initiatives developmental economics public policy social welfare demographic studies family economics healthcare access Filipino families women's health rights of women family planning poverty eradication educational levels nutritional levels slums of Manila birth control demographic research global investigations family size child education retirement support economic incentives legislative opposition reproductive rights public health social development economic development policy impact demographic studies international perspectives poverty reduction strategies family welfare child welfare community health reproductive health services population control sustainable development socioeconomic status maternal health child mortality healthcare access family income quality of life government policies urban poverty rural poverty healthcare Filipino families women's health rights legislation opponents family planning poverty eradication education nutrition Manila slums research effective family planning child support retirement birth control population poverty controversy Filipino families women's rights poverty eradication family planning reproductive health education nutrition Manila slums children's education elderly support birth control legislation debate public health socioeconomic development international perspectives population control gender equality healthcare access financial stability community welfare sustainable development health Filipino families women's rights family planning poverty eradication education nutrition Manila slums research legislation birth control population control economic support retirement planning global investigations national studies personal narratives contraceptive access social welfare policy debate demographic trends public health initiatives developmental economics reproductive rights gender equality community development sustainable development quality of life child welfare elder care socioeconomic status family size resource allocation legislative impacts public opinion political discourse social impact economic outcomes health outcomes demographic studies contraceptive education poverty reduction strategies family
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro01a	The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. The concept of what is a journalist needs to be clarified to deal with the reality of new forms of mass communication. Assange gathers, collates and disseminates information, ergo, he is a journalist.  Few industries have been changed more radically by the advent of the Internet than journalism. The traditional role of the journalist, disseminating information to which they had special or privileged access, has changed beyond recognition. Now readers and viewers have direct access to much of that information and can access it at their own convenience and through their own choice of media. Sales of newspapers are in freefall and the stranglehold of a handful of broadcasters on political access has been lost forever. There are still extraordinary journalists finding news and genuinely affecting the society around them. For the most part, however, journalists increasingly comment on the news rather than directly collecting it. In many ways, Assange has taken journalism back to basics – acquiring information to which most people do not have access and making it public. The very fact that the powerful and the privileged dislike what he is doing so much could even be taken to suggest that he has to be doing something right as one of the roles of the fourth estate is to act as a check on government. [1]  At a time when much of the traditional media seems to have lost its sense of what its role is, Wikileaks is providing a timely reminder [2] .  [1] Hume, Ellen, ‘Freedom of the Press’, Issues of Democracy, December 2005,   [2] The Guardian. Julian Assange Wins Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize. Jason Deans. 2 June 2011. journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet media change news access traditional journalism newspaper sales broadcasters political access news commentary information acquisition public disclosure check on government fourth estate press freedom democracy issues Julian Assange Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism new forms of mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact traditional media news collection news commentary fourth estate press freedom role of media Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize political access news consumption media evolution public information access government oversight journalist clarification mass communication Assange information dissemination Internet impact journalism evolution reader access media choice newspaper decline broadcaster influence investigative journalism news commentary WikiLeaks fourth estate government oversight press freedom journalism role Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact traditional media news gathering public access fourth estate government check journalism evolution news commentary media role press freedom Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet traditional media news access readers viewers newspapers broadcasters society news collection comment basics powerful privileged fourth estate government check press freedom role media Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact traditional media news collection fourth estate government check media role press freedom journalism basics public access privileged access news commentary news gathering societal impact media evolution journalism ethics free press political access media diversity news sources journalism prizes Martha Gellhorn Guardian Julian Assange Hume Ellen Issues of Democracy journalist journalism mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact media evolution news collection public access traditional media fourth estate government check press freedom Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalist journalism mass communication Assange Wikileaks information dissemination Internet media news readers viewers newspapers broadcasters political access society news collection commenting powerful privileged fourth estate government check traditional media role freedom of press journalist journalism new forms of mass communication Assange WikiLeaks information dissemination Internet impact traditional media news collection fourth estate government check media role journalism basics press freedom Martha Gellhorn Journalism Prize journalism Assange Wikileaks mass communication internet traditional media news dissemination information access fourth estate press freedom journalism evolution news collection media role political access news commenting news gathering media industry changes journalist definition journalism basics government check public information media convenience reader choice news impact media reminder journalistic integrity press role media influence journalist responsibilities media transformation news sources journalist privilege media access news delivery information dissemination news impact media evolution journalism ethics news reporting media impact journalistic practices news production media landscape
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro04a	"Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" Having trial by jury for people accused of very small offences is a waste of resources.  Juries are very expensive and time consuming, and courts may not be capable of using them for all trials. Indeed, in both the UK and the United States, minor or petty offences can be tried without jury (such offenses are defined differently in different places; in the US petty offences are those carrying less than 6 months prison time or a fine of $5000)1. That is because in densely populated areas, the courts are simply not capable of handling all trials with juries 2. But even beyond the limitations already in place, there may be more small-scale trials which could function without juries, and free up resources. According to British government crime advisor Louise Casey, if all of the either-or cases (cases dealing with minor offences which can be tried in either a crown or a magistrates court) were shifted entirely to the latter, Britain would save £30m in the costs of setting up juries. Such money could be used to help out victims of serious crimes, or otherwise improve the justice system 3. For example, if more time and money were freed up in the United States, the courts might not need to pressure so many defendants into plea bargaining, or pleading guilty without a trial in exchange for less harsh sentencing or the dropping of other charges (in 1996, about two thirds of American criminal case dispositions involved guilty pleas) 4. That would allow more trials to take place, and more justice to be done.  1.  )  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Peter Wozniak, ""Trial by Jury Faces the Axe for Petty Crimes"" trial jury small offences waste resources expensive time consuming courts minor petty offences UK United States prison time fine densely populated limitations small-scale trials British government crime advisor Louise Casey either-or cases crown court magistrates court save costs justice system plea bargaining pleading guilty criminal case dispositions guilty pleas justice trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource allocation court efficiency legal costs jury expenses time consumption court capacity British legal system American legal system Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court crown court plea bargaining criminal justice legal reforms victim support justice system improvement trial by jury minor offences petty offences court resources jury expenses time consumption UK justice system US justice system petty offence exception jury trial right Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court crown court cost savings plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal case dispositions justice improvement serious crimes victim support trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource allocation court efficiency jury costs legal system reforms plea bargaining criminal justice UK legal system US legal system magistrates court crown court Louise Casey Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak judicial resources public spending legal procedures crime advisor judicial reform justice system improvement trial efficiency petty offence exception right to a jury trial court capacity densely populated areas legal expense trial alternatives victim support judicial administration legal policy crime policy judicial economy legal ethics judicial fairness trial process trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource allocation court efficiency legal costs judicial reform plea bargaining justice system improvement jury trial exceptions UK legal system US legal system Louise Casey Peter Wozniak Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception crown court magistrates court guilty pleas criminal case dispositions trial by jury small offences waste of resources juries expensive time consuming UK United States petty offences defined differently minor offences densely populated areas court limitations small-scale trials free up resources Louise Casey British government crime advisor either-or cases crown court magistrates court save costs help victims serious crimes improve justice system plea bargaining guilty pleas harsh sentencing dropping charges more trials justice done petty offence exception right to jury trial Peter Wozniak trial by jury faces axe petty crimes trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource allocation court efficiency legal costs justice system plea bargaining jury expenses minor offences trial process petty offence definition UK legal system US legal system criminal case dispositions jury trial alternatives Louise Casey Peter Wozniak Robert P. Connolly legal reform judicial resources court capacity magistrates court crown court legal savings victim support judicial fairness trial by jury minor offences petty crimes court resources expenses time consumption UK United States legal system crime advisor Louise Casey either-or cases magistrates court cost savings justice improvement plea bargaining guilty pleas criminal case dispositions Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak petty offence exception jury trial rights trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource efficiency court capacity jury costs UK legal system US legal system plea bargaining justice system improvement criminal case dispositions legal reforms Louise Casey Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak petty offence exception right to a jury trial magistrates court crown court victim support legal expenses judicial process optimization petty offense definition legal resource allocation court efficiency judicial economics judicial administration legal policy criminal justice legal trials juryless trials legal expenses reduction justice funding legal system savings trial by jury minor offences petty crimes resource allocation court efficiency jury costs legal system improvements plea bargaining criminal justice UK law US law Louise Casey Robert P. Connolly Peter Wozniak either-or cases magistrates court crown court legal reforms judicial procedures crime advisor petty offence exception right to jury trial legal expenses victim support justice system enhancement trial management court capacity legal statistics guilty pleas sentencing practices judicial economics legal policy judicial administration petty offense definition legal resource optimization judicial reform courtroom practices trial"
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro02a	A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. A strong leader has more benefits than harms  Putin is the strong leader that Russia has been waiting for. His electoral success and consistently high approval rates show that the people of Russia are ready for someone who can rid their society of increasing corruption and restore a sense of calm and equality. His ability to maintain a high level of support despite what some have called authoritarian tendencies shows that people are ready to sacrifice a certain degree of freedom for the promise of stability. Enthusiasm for Putin among the young also shows that he does not only appeal to those looking back to past certainties. strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasm past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting for electoral success high approval rates people of Russia rid society corruption calm equality maintain support authoritarian tendencies sacrifice freedom stability enthusiasm young past certainties strong leader Putin Russia benefits harms electoral success high approval rates corruption stability calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom young supporters past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasm past certainties strong leader benefits Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young supporters past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates people corruption calm equality support authoritarian tendencies freedom stability enthusiasm young past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies freedom stability young enthusiasm past certainties strong leader benefits Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian freedom young supporters past certainties strong leader benefits harms Putin Russia waiting electoral success high approval rates corruption calm equality authoritarian tendencies sacrifice freedom stability enthusiasm young past certainties strong leader Putin Russia electoral success high approval rates corruption stability authoritarian tendencies freedom young supporters past certainties
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con01a	CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP maintains European food security  The subsidies to agriculture are important for maintaining self-sufficiency to enable Europe to feed its own citizens. In the world of fluctuating markets, global climate change, commodity crisis such in 2008, the state intervention is even more important because that means that the needed goods can become unavailable. Without EU’s help the prices can fluctuate wildly which can be of concern mainly for poorer parts of EU, where the major part of household spending is still food and non-alcoholic beverages. To prevent this kind of situations only the continent-wide policy can be an effective measure. The markets of other countries can compensate losses from others and vice versa. The result of a secure supply of affordable food has been that the amount an average EU household devotes to food has halved since 1960. [1]  [1] European Commission, ‘CAP – how much does it cons’ ‘Food Prices’, ec.europa.eu, CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency state intervention market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis EU help price stability household spending food affordability continent-wide policy market compensation food supply affordable food EU household food prices European Commission CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support price stability poorer EU regions household spending food affordability continent-wide policy international market compensation secure food supply affordable food EU household food expenditure European Commission food prices CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support food prices household spending food affordability continent-wide policy market compensation affordable food supply CAP cost European Commission food prices statistics CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU help price stability poorer EU regions household spending food affordability continent-wide policy market compensation secure food supply affordable food EU household expenses European Commission food prices CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention market fluctuations EU support food prices household spending affordable food EU policy food supply stability commodity markets economic stability agricultural policy food affordability European Commission food prices dynamics CAP effectiveness CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency state intervention global climate change commodity crisis EU support food prices household spending affordable food market stability continent-wide policy food supply European Commission CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support food prices poorer EU regions household spending food and non-alcoholic beverages continent-wide policy market compensation affordable food EU household food expenditure European Commission food prices CAP costs CAP European food security agricultural subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support price stability food affordability poor EU regions household spending food and non-alcoholic beverages continent-wide policy market compensation food supply security affordable food EU household spending food prices European Commission CAP costs CAP European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support food prices household spending affordable food continent-wide policy market fluctuations food supply EU households food expenditure European food security agriculture subsidies self-sufficiency market fluctuations global climate change commodity crisis state intervention EU support price stability household spending affordable food CAP impact food supply European Commission food prices CAP effectiveness household expenditure food security policy continental policy market compensation
test-science-ascidfakhba-con01a	Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. Artists have a fundamental property right over their creative output  Whatever the end product, be it music, film, sculpture, or painting, artistic works are the creations of individuals and a property right inheres within them belonging to their creators. An idea is just an idea so long as it remains locked in someone’s mind or is left as an unfinished sketch, etc. But when the art is allowed to bloom in full, it is due to the artist and the artist only. The obsession, the time, the raw talent needed to truly create art is an incredible business, requiring huge investment in energy, time, and effort. It is a matter of the most basic, and one would have hoped self-evident, principle that the person who sacrificed so much to bring forth a piece of art should retain all the rights to it and in particular have the right to profit from it. [1] To argue otherwise would be to condone outright theft. The ethereal work of the artist is every bit as real as the hard work of a machine. Mandating that all forms of art be released under a creative commons license is an absolute slap in the face to artists and to the artistic endeavour as a whole. It implies that somehow the work is not entirely the artist’s own, that because it is art it is somehow so different as to be worthy of being shunted into the public sphere without the real consent of the artist. This is a gross robbing of the artist’s right over his or her own work. If property rights are to have any meaning, they must have a universal protection. This policy represents a fundamental erosion of the right to property, and attacks one sector of productive life that is essential for the giving of colour to the human experience. This policy serves only to devalue that contribution.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. copyright intellectual property artistic rights creative commons property rights artists' rights creative output artistic creation legal protection copyright law artistic works intellectual labor public domain legal ownership artistic expression property ownership creative rights cultural contribution legal recognition artistic property Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals idea unfinished sketch art artist obsession time raw talent business energy effort principle sacrifice profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent erosion property human experience contribution copyright intellectual property Greenberg Reason or Madness defense John Marshall Review artistic property creative output copyright artists' rights intellectual property creative commons public domain artistic creation property rights artistic endeavor legal protection artistic investment creative work artistic contribution copyright law artistic expression cultural contribution legal rights artistic talent creative freedom Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations idea manifestation artistic process business aspect energy investment time investment effort principle rights retention profit theft artistic endeavor creative commons public sphere artist consent universal protection property rights erosion human experience devaluation intellectual property copyright legal defense artistic contributions artistic property creative output copyright intellectual property artist rights creative commons public domain artistic creation legal protection creative investment artistic value theft property rights legal defense intellectual labor artistic endeavor public sphere creative rights human experience devaluation artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations artistic works idea unfinished sketch art artist obsession time talent creation business investment energy principle sacrifice rights profit theft machine creative commons public sphere consent erosion productive life human experience devalue copyright intellectual property Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations property right inheres creators artistic works ideas unfinished sketches art artist obsession time raw talent creation business investment energy principle rights profit theft machine creative commons license public sphere artist's consent property universal protection property rights erosion productive life human experience devaluation contribution intellectual property copyright Greenberg John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law Artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting individual creations copyright intellectual property artistic endeavor time effort talent investment profit theft creative commons public sphere universal protection erosion human experience devaluation artists property rights creative output music film sculpture painting creations individuals property right ideas unfinished sketch art artist investment energy time effort principle rights profit theft machine creative commons license public sphere consent erosion copyright intellectual property human experience devaluation copyright property rights creative commons artistic creation intellectual property artist rights legal protection creative output public domain ownership fair use artistic labor cultural contribution legal frameworks creative industries moral rights artistic freedom economic rights digital rights copyright law cultural policy
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro04a	"The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). The nature of God as it is conventionally described is logically contradictory:  A creator god is a logical absurdity, as demonstrated by empirical fact and rational reflection. Certainly God cannot exist outside of the Universe, as such a concept is effectively meaningless. In fact, physics explains that when the Universe expanded as an inflating field of space and time as the result of a quantum fluctuation, causality itself arose from the process, making a causative agent “prior” to the Universe not only unnecessary, but also impossible. Furthermore, the idea of an omnipotent God is logically contradictory because if God were omnipotent He would be able to create an entity greater than Himself, yet that is impossible. [1] The very attribute is logically unfounded, making the conventional explanation of God invalid. Thus atheism, the absence of belief in gods, is the only logically justified theological position.  [1] Savage, C. 1967. ""The Paradox of the Stone"". Philosophical Review 76(1). atheism logical contradictions creator god empirical facts rational reflection physics quantum fluctuation causality omnipotence paradox of the stone theological positions non-existence of god universe origin space-time expansion empirical evidence philosophical arguments scientific explanation theological debate cosmology divine attributes logical absurdity meaningfulness of theological concepts rational theology philosophical theology scientific atheism logical justification of atheism God nature logical contradiction creator empirical fact rational reflection universe physics quantum fluctuation causality omnipotence paradox stone atheism theological position logical justification conventional explanation C. Savage 1967 Philosophical Review Theism Atheism Omnipotence Logical Contradiction Creator God Empirical Fact Rational Reflection Universe Quantum Fluctuation Causality Inflation Space-Time Omnipotent God Paradox of the Stone Theological Position Logical Justification Absence of Belief gods Savage Philosophy Theological Arguments Existence of God Cosmology Metaphysics nature of God logical contradiction creator god empirical fact rational reflection existence outside Universe meaningless concept physics explanation quantum fluctuation causality emergence causative agent impossibility omnipotent God logical paradox omnipotence unfounded conventional theology invalid atheism justification philosophical paradox stone paradox Charles Savage theological argument science and religion philosophical theology logical reasoning empirical evidence atheism defense religious belief critique God's attributes logical analysis theological paradox scientific explanation universe origin quantum physics causality principle philosophical debate theological discussion empirical science rational theology atheism empirical evidence logical contradiction omnipotence quantum fluctuation theological arguments universe origin causality creator god philosophical paradox rational reflection spacetime inflation theological position universe expansion meaningless concept causative agent logical absurdity conventional God absence of belief justified theology paradox of the stone atheism logical contradictions omnipotence creator god empirical evidence rational reflection quantum fluctuation causality universe expansion theological positions paradox of the stone philosophical arguments absence of belief logically justified nature of God logical contradictions creator god empirical evidence rational reflection existence outside Universe physics quantum fluctuation causality omniscience omnipotence paradox of the stone theological arguments atheism logical justification theological positions philosophical review C. Savage God creator logical absurdity empirical fact rational reflection outside universe meaningless physics quantum fluctuation causality causative agent omnipotent Paradox of the Stone logically unfounded atheism logically justified theological position atheism logical contradictions omnipotence creator god empirical evidence rational reflection physics quantum fluctuation causality theological position paradox of the stone Savage 1967 atheism theism logical paradox omnipotence empirical evidence rational argument quantum fluctuation universe causality divine attributes philosophical theology paradox of the stone theological position logical absurdity creator god universe origin space-time inflation causative agent logical justification absence of belief gods theology philosophy of religion scientific explanation cosmology existence of God logical contradictions conventional theology"
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con01a	Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . Argument One: Contact leads to the dissemination of values  There is certainly some evidence to suggest the view that trade with a country can benefit human rights as increased wealth provides many with more choice and better standards of living. [i] Certainly that argument has been made by governments and multi-nationals based in the West. It is not unreasonable to suspect that this may relate to academic cooperation as well, as Richard Levin suggests in the introduction. However it seems likely that in this latter case, as in the former, that a gradualist approach is the sensible one to take. We build on existing strengths while agreeing to differ in certain areas. To extend the trade example, China, the US and the EU all manage to trade with each other despite differing approaches to the death penalty. They trust that through cooperation over time, changes can be achieved. This will happen slowly in some instances – as with the ‘drip, drip’ affect in China - or quickly in others as has been the case in Burma [ii] .  On key difference to note with the shift towards establishing elite universities around the world rather than shipping the world’s elite in to attend them in the UK and the US is that it opens opportunities to a much wider social group. For decades a small handful – children of the wealthy and political elite - have had the opportunity to have a Western education before returning home as well-educated tyrants and sycophants. Expanding the learning opportunities to the rest of the nation seems both just and reasonable.  [i] Sirico, Robert A., ‘Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement’, CATO Institute, Trade Briefing Paper no.2, 17 July 1998  [ii] Education has long been seen as a critical starting point for the development of human rights in any country as is examined in this UNESCO report . trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities wider social group Western education moral case for engagement education human rights development UNESCO trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group just reasonable UNESCO development education critical starting point moral case for engagement Sirico Robert A. CATO Institute Burma dissemination of values contact economic benefits social impact international relations academic exchange cultural influence global education policy-making ethical considerations societal improvement long-term effects elite access broader opportunities educational equity regional development diplomatic relations trade policies trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case for engagement education human rights development UNESCO China US EU death penalty Burma international relations economic development cultural exchange educational opportunities global elite tyrants sycophants economic engagement policy diplomatic relations academic exchange values dissemination social justice economic cooperation political elite free trade moral argument ethical engagement international development educational expansion social mobility education policy human rights advocacy international education global trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group just reasonable UNESCO development education moral case engagement Sirico Robert A. CATO Institute Burma contact dissemination values trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach trust cooperation elite universities social group Western education development UNESCO moral case engagement economic interaction cultural exchange educational expansion international relations policy impact social justice global development trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities social group Western education educated tyrants sycophants learning opportunities UNESCO education development human rights trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation changes elite universities Western education social group just reasonable education development UNESCO moral case engagement economic benefits cultural exchange gradual improvement international relations ethical trade educational opportunities societal impact global cooperation trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation change elite universities social group Western education educated tyrants learning opportunities UNESCO development moral case for engagement international relations economic impact cultural exchange political elite civic engagement global education humanitarian impact economic development societal change educational equity trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach elite universities social group Western education moral case for engagement development of human rights UNESCO report China US EU death penalty education dissemination of values contact Tyrants sycophants economic cooperation cultural exchange global education social justice international relations gradual change diplomatic engagement economic development societal impact policy influence academic freedom intellectual exchange global partnerships educational equity human rights advocacy economic benefits political reform social transformation long-term impact academic institutions trade human rights wealth choice standards of living academic cooperation gradualist approach China US EU death penalty cooperation elite universities Western education social group just reasonable education development human rights UNESCO
test-economy-beghwbh-con04a	If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, If Musk won’t build it who will?  Elon Musk himself is unwilling to build his Hyperloop. He has stated “Maybe I would just do the beginning bit, create a subscale version that is operating and then hand it over to someone else. Ironing out the details at a subscale level is a tricky thing. I think I would probably end up doing that. It just won’t be immediate in the short term because I have to focus on Tesla and SpaceX execution.” [1] If the visionary for the project is having little to do with the project itself it seems unlikely that the proposal will come to anything. The Hyperloop being such a low priority for Musk is also likely to put off anyone else who might be interested in being involved.  [1] Elliott, Hannah, ‘Hyperloop Update: Elon Musk Will Start Developing It Himself’, Forbes, 12 August 2013, Elon Musk Hyperloop SpaceX Tesla subscale version project development visionary leadership technology innovation transportation projects entrepreneur involvement Hyperloop priority project likelihood investor interest engineering challenges future transportation solutions Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX visionary low priority development involvement project proposal Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority visionary involvement development challenges investor interest technological innovation transportation future Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority visionary involvement development challenges investor confidence technological innovation transportation revolution Musk's focus project timelines partnership opportunities public interest engineering milestones futuristic transit Musk's hesitance leadership commitment market potential Elon Musk Hyperloop Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary project prioritization investor confidence technological innovation transportation future Elon Musk Hyperloop build subscale version Tesla SpaceX visionary project priority involvement development innovation transportation technology future planning entrepreneurial challenges investment stakeholders engineering projects technological breakthroughs Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority visionary involvement development timeline investor confidence technological challenges transportation innovation public interest funding prospects operational feasibility engineering complexity Elon Musk Hyperloop subscale version Tesla SpaceX project priority visionary involvement development challenges potential investors project future innovation leadership transportation technology Elon Musk Hyperloop Tesla SpaceX subscale version visionary project priority involvement development execution Hyperloop Elon Musk Tesla SpaceX subscale version project priority visionary involvement development challenges stakeholder interest technological innovation transportation future investment barriers project feasibility operational details startup opportunities engineering complexities Hyperloop competitors Musk's focus alternative investors technological pioneers
test-law-phwmfri-con03a	Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, Creates the perception that fines are like taxes, rather than a punishment  If we detach fines from the crimes committed, people are more likely to see fines as unrelated to justice. Rather, they will see fines as another mechanism by which the government makes money, this will be especially the case if as in New Zealand the money goes into government coffers without being hypothecated.1  This is similar to the way in which some people in the UK see speed cameras as less about preventing speeding, and more about getting money from motorists with one poll showing 49% of people believe they are primarily about revenue raising.2  This is harmful because it decreases the probability of people who deem the fine ‘worth it’ nevertheless abstaining from the criminal act.  1 ‘Frequently Asked Questions’, New Zealand Police,   2 ‘Drivers conflicted over cameras’, IAM Driving Road Safety, 11 August 2010, fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation speed cameras revenue raising criminal acts public perception law enforcement New Zealand UK motorists driving safety IAM Driving Road Safety New Zealand Police policy impact social behavior legal deterrents fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK public perception crime deterrence revenue raising poll IAM Driving Road Safety criminal acts fines worth it abstaining crime prevention drivers speed control perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK motorists poll Driving Road Safety criminal act abstaining worth it fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK revenue raising crime deterrence public perception criminal acts IAM Driving Road Safety New Zealand Police poll drivers speeding perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand UK speed cameras motorists poll criminal act abstaining road safety IAM Driving Frequently Asked Questions New Zealand Police fines taxes punishment justice government revenue hypothecation New Zealand speed cameras UK revenue raising criminal act abstaining public perception crime deterrence speed enforcement motorist fines poll results IAM Driving Road Safety New Zealand Police Frequently Asked Questions perception fines taxes punishment crimes government revenue speed cameras motorists justice abstaining criminal act New Zealand UK hypothecated poll revenue raising IAM Driving Road Safety New Zealand Police Frequently Asked Questions fines taxes punishment justice government revenue New Zealand speed cameras UK revenue raising criminal act public perception hypothecation speed limits driver behavior road safety IAM Driving Road Safety policy implications legal sanctions social contract deterrence fines taxes punishment justice government revenue speed cameras crime deterrence public perception New Zealand UK speeding motorists IAM Driving Road Safety crime prevention criminal acts financial penalties legal sanctions hypothecation road safety perception fines taxes punishment crimes justice government revenue New Zealand UK speed cameras motorists criminal act abstaining IAM Driving Road Safety poll revenue raising probability worth it
test-economy-beghwbh-pro01a	Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest possible transportation over a short distance  Public transportation has not been getting much faster over the last few decades. The fastest method of transport, supersonic jets in the form of Concorde ceased operation in October 2003. [1] Even if at some point a new generation of supersonic planes are built these will not be ideal for travelling between cities that are comparatively close together. The time spent getting the plane up and down from cruising altitude means they would take longer over these short distances than a slower option at ground level. The Hyperloop at more than 700mph will be twice as fast as high speed rail. To take the different options on the San Francisco-Los Angeles route cars take 5hours 30minutes, the proposed high speed train would take 2hours 38minutes, by plane takes 1hour 15minutes whereas the Hyperloop would only take 35minutes. [2]  [1] ‘End of an era for Concorde’, BBC News, 24 October 2003,   [2] Musk, Elon, ‘Hyperloop Alpha’, SpaceX, 12 August 2013,  p.8, 56 Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde operation new generation planes travelling cities close together time altitude slower option ground level Hyperloop 700mph twice high speed rail San Francisco Los Angeles route cars 5hours 30minutes high speed train 2hours 38minutes plane 1hour 15minutes 35minutes Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha fastest short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time ground level transport plane cruising altitude Concorde cessation transportation evolution Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha SpaceX travel options city proximity travel efficiency Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time ground level plane cruising altitude cars train Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha Hyperloop supersonic jets high speed rail public transportation Concorde Elon Musk SpaceX San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time short distance transportation plane travel car travel train travel Fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time planes cruising altitude cars train efficiency speed innovation Elon Musk SpaceX fastest transportation short distance travel public transportation speed supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high-speed rail San Francisco to Los Angeles travel time comparison Elon Musk Hyperloop Alpha car travel time plane travel time high-speed train fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles travel time cars planes Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha fastest transportation short distance public transportation supersonic jets Concorde hyperloop high speed rail San Francisco Los Angeles travel time cars plane Hyperloop Alpha Elon Musk SpaceX Fastest transportation short distance travel public transport evolution supersonic jets Concorde Hyperloop high-speed rail travel time comparison San Francisco-Los Angeles route ground level transport aircraft efficiency urban transportation future transit options fastest transportation short distance travel public transportation speed Concorde supersonic jet Hyperloop technology high speed rail San Francisco-Los Angeles route travel time comparison ground level transport plane cruising altitude supersonic plane limitations Elon Musk SpaceX Hyperloop Alpha
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con02a	Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty outweighs any potential harms  Whatever the potential harms that may arise from unrestrained free speech; they pale in comparison to the harm that arises from banning an individual from freely expressing his own mind.  It is a matter of the upmost individual liberty that one’s thoughts and feelings are one’s own, and that individuals are free to express those thoughts and feelings openly. A prohibition on this liberty is a harm of incalculable value – it strikes right to the core of what it means to be in individual person. Individual Liberty Free Speech Expression of Thoughts Censorship Harm of Censorship Freedom of Expression Individual Rights Personal Freedom Unrestrained Speech Thought Police Self-Expression Human Rights Constitutional Rights Intellectual Freedom Civil Liberties Harm Principle Government Control Individual Autonomy Freedom of Mind Liberty vs Safety Philosophical Freedom Moral Rights Political Freedom Societal Harm Individualism Speech Regulation Censorship Dangers Right to Speak Freedom of Ideas Expression of Feelings Legal Restrictions Individual Dignity Personal Beliefs Free Thought Expression of individual liberty free speech potential harms expression thoughts feelings prohibition incalculable harm personal identity core values individualism censorship autonomy self-expression individual liberty free speech expression thought feelings prohibition censorship harm personal freedom individualism rights unrestrained speech banning self-expression core values human dignity intrinsic worth mental autonomy individual liberty free speech harm principle expression freedom thought autonomy prohibition harms individual dignity core personhood unrestrained communication speech restrictions Individual liberty free speech expression thoughts feelings censorship prohibition harm personal freedom individual rights constitutional rights self-expression autonomy dignity democratic values civil liberties First Amendment human rights intellectual freedom societal harm government control individuality personal identity moral rights philosophical arguments freedom of conscience individual liberty free speech expression freedom harm principle unrestrained expression thought ownership feelings expression prohibition consequences incalculable harm core individuality individual liberty free speech expression thoughts feelings prohibition harm individualism censorship autonomy self-expression personal freedom human rights democratic values societal impact intrinsic worth dignity moral principles constitutional rights philosophical arguments civil liberties intellectual freedom societal norms legal constraints ethical considerations individual rights collective good balance justice equity public discourse open society critical thinking creativity innovation dissent protest resistance empowerment self-fulfillment identity self-determination personal growth social change activism awareness transparency accountability governance individual liberty free speech expression of thoughts prohibition of expression harm of censorship personal autonomy intrinsic value of freedom core of individuality unrestrained communication importance of open dialogue Individual Liberty Free Speech Expression Thought Harm Censorship Prohibition Personal Freedom Individuality Rights Values Constitutional Rights Civil Liberties Speech Restrictions Self-Expression Mental Freedom Human Rights Fundamental Rights Liberty vs. Harm Free Thought Open Society Democratic Values Autonomy Human Dignity Intellectual Freedom Press Freedom Public Discourse Societal Impact Individual Rights Collective Harm Ethical Considerations Moral Philosophy Legal Protections Constitutional Law Political Freedom Government Overreach Civic Engagement Personal Sovereignty Expression of Ideas 言论自由 Individual liberty free speech expression censorship personal freedom thought control harm principle unrestrained communication individual rights prohibition of expression core personhood mental autonomy societal harm liberty vs. harm expressive freedom constitutional rights moral philosophy political theory human dignity mental sovereignty
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro03a	Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Even the leaders of the Left have given up on Socialism as a creed and have now accepted the vast majority of modern Capitalist principles  Even the leaders of those European political parties that still call themselves socialist tend to avoid the word. Broadly speaking even the leaders of the left- outside Cuba and Colombia- accept the basic principles of Market economics and recognise that high-tax, high-spend economics simply does not work.  Like it or not borders are now open and the idea that the state can control the flow of capital is a thing of the past. As a result people generally are richer and the idea that there a solid class block is simply no longer relevant to their lives. Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Class block State control Free market Political parties Left Right Economic principles Fiscal policy Wealth distribution Social democratic Neo-liberalism Globalization Trade Investment Economic theory Political economy Labor markets Income inequality Public policy Economic growth Private enterprise State intervention Economic freedom Capital flow Border openness Political ideology Economic ideology Class consciousness Economic reform Fiscal austerity Welfare state Capitalism critique Socialism critique Economic debate Political discourse Economic transition Structural change Ide Left leaders Socialism Capitalist principles European socialist parties Market economics high-tax high-spend open borders capital flow control class block economic relevance Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend State control Capital flow Class block Political leaders Left Right European parties Cuba Colombia Economic principles Modern economy Open borders Wealth distribution Class relevance leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend borders capital flow state control class block economic policies political ideology modern capitalism socialism decline market acceptance economic freedom class relevance leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend borders open state control capital class block irrelevant lives richer leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend borders capital flow state control class block economic creed modern capitalism political ideology economic theory fiscal policy market principles social democracy economic reform political adaptation ideological shift economic openness class relevance capitalist acceptance socialist transition economic policy political economy economic performance ideological evolution Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Open borders State control Capital flow Class block Political parties Left leaders Economic principles Cuba Colombia Wealth distribution Class relevance Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend Open borders Capital flow Class block European socialist parties Political leaders Economic principles State control Modern capitalism Left leaders Cuba Colombia Leaders Left Socialism Capitalist principles European political parties socialist Market economics high-tax high-spend economics open borders capital flow state control class block irrelevant wealth distribution modern politics economic policy ideological shift global economy Socialism Capitalism Market economics High-tax High-spend economics Open borders Class block Political parties Leaders Left Cuba Colombia State control Capital flow Economic principles Modern politics Ideological shift Economic systems Fiscal policies Globalization
test-philosophy-npegiepp-con01a	The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, The assumption of the automaticity of Spill-over is wrong.  The core of Neo-functionalism that spill-over being the main driving force behind continuing integration assumed the automaticity of integration. Once integration has started it will be a self-continuing force that will eventually integrate the whole of Europe - is clearly wrong. Supranational functionalism 'assumed first, that national sovereignty, already devalued by events, could be chewed up leaf by leaf like an artichoke'. [1] The functional method of spill-over is very limited, its success in the relatively painless area in which it works relatively well lifts the participants to the level of issues to which it does not apply well any more. For example no common defence or foreign policy within the community project has been successful. This failure in high politics is fundamental, without a coordinated foreign and security policy the role of the EU in the world is open to question. Opposition too much further enlargement reduces the role the EU can play outside the union unless a common foreign policy can be agreed. [2]  [1] Hoffmann, S. ‘Obstinate or obsolete? The fate of the nation-state and the case of Western Europe.’, Daedalus, Vol. 95, No. 3, 1966, pp. 862-915, p882  [2] Pabst, Adrian, ‘The EU as a Security/Defence Community?’, Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies, 2/3 July 2004, Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty devaluation functional method high politics common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement international role Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty coordinated foreign policy EU enlargement security policy European integration high politics common defence international role of EU functional method limitations Pabst Hoffmann European integration Neo-functionalism Spill-over theory automaticity of integration self-continuing force supranational functionalism national sovereignty functional method limitations high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy EU role internationally Steven Hoffmann Adrian Pabst Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty European integration high politics common foreign policy EU enlargement security policy defence community Pabst Hoffmann Neo-functionalism Spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy European Union international relations political integration regionalism sovereignty devaluation policy effectiveness institutional theory European governance multifunctionalism interdisciplinary studies peace studies political science international studies European studies comparative politics governance policy-making institutional dynamics political evolution regional cooperation international organizations European integration institutional integration political integration functionalism multilevel governance EU enlargement challenges foreign and security policy Neo-functionalism spill-over theory automaticity of integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common defence policy EU foreign policy European integration enlargement opposition security community defence community EU role international relations integration challenges policy coordination European Union functional method limitations sovereignty devaluation artichoke analogy political integration economic integration social integration institutional integration regionalism multilateralism global governance international cooperation European security defence cooperation foreign policy effectiveness collective action problems policy spillover integration dynamics European governance supranational governance Neo-functionalism Spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement European Union international relations political integration sovereignty devaluation functional method limitations coordinated policy global role security community defence community international studies European politics institutional theory policy integration political science international relations theory European integration regional integration supranationalism intergovernmentalism European security defence policy European foreign policy EU enlargement EU global influence policy coordination international cooperation European governance Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty devaluation high politics common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement international role Adrian Pabst Stefan Hoffman Daedalus Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies Neo-functionalism Spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty functional method common defence foreign policy EU security policy enlargement high politics coordination role of EU world influence Adrian Pabst Stefan Hoffman Daedalus Luxembourg Institute for European and International Studies Neo-functionalism spill-over automaticity integration supranational functionalism national sovereignty high politics common defence foreign policy EU enlargement security policy defence community
test-international-aegmeppghw-con01a	"The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. The geographical definition of Europe must be limited and does not include Turkey  There is no obvious and widely accepted geographical definition of a frontier to Europe. Is Russia a European country? Are Georgia and Armenia? Are Cyprus and Malta? The fact that the Mediterranean country Italy became a member of a regional organisation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), was certainly not determined by geography, but was an act of political imagination. Today the location of a Mediterranean state in the North Atlantic is no longer considered as something ""odd"". Another example of changing perceptions of a region is the change from regarding the border of Europe as falling between East and West Germany; Europe broadened to include all the former Eastern European countries as potential members of the EU.  Given that part of Turkey’s territory is on what everyone accepts is the European mainland, why shouldn’t it be allowed to join the main European club? While Turkey's land area is almost entirely in Asia the European part does have immense historical significance, and Turkey has a population in Europe of about 14million, larger than many of the smaller EU members. It already belongs to NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe, and participates in the Eurovision Song Contest and European football competitions. Turkey is a westward-looking country. Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination East-West Germany European Union European mainland historical significance population Eurovision Song Contest European football westward-looking country geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination North Atlantic Mediterranean state Eastern Europe EU membership European mainland historical significance Eurovision Song Contest European football westward-looking country Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination East-West Germany EU European club historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking geographical definition Europe Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination East-West Germany European Union European mainland historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country geographical definition Europe Turkey frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination North Atlantic regional organisation East Germany West Germany Eastern European countries EU European mainland historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta NATO Italy Mediterranean political imagination East Germany West Germany EU European club historical significance population Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country geographical definition Europe Turkey frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO Italy Mediterranean political imagination East and West Germany European Union EU historical significance population NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe geographical definition frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Italy NATO political imagination Mediterranean North Atlantic East-West Germany EU Eastern European countries Turkey European mainland population historical significance NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country Europe geographical definition Turkey Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination East-West Germany EU European club European mainland historical significance population westward-looking country geographical definition Europe frontier Russia Georgia Armenia Cyprus Malta Mediterranean Italy NATO political imagination North Atlantic East Germany West Germany EU Turkey European mainland population historical significance NATO OECD Council of Europe Eurovision Song Contest European football competitions westward-looking country"
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro03a	The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. The American people support ICC membership.  In a democracy the voice of the people should carry weight in determining how the country acts internationally. According to a 2005 poll carried out by the Chicago Council on foreign relations 69% of the US population are in favour of US participation in the ICC. This clearly shows that the US people are unconvinced by the arguments on the theorized drawbacks of the International Criminal Court and are happy for it to be ratified. American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights global governance American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights justice system global cooperation American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ICC ratification public opinion international law human rights United States international treaties legal systems global governance American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratified drawbacks unconvinced American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights judicial oversight accountability political influence global cooperation treaty obligations legal jurisdiction American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ICC ratification public opinion international law human rights global justice American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council on Foreign Relations US population participation in ICC International Criminal Court drawbacks ratification ICC membership democracy people's voice international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion support drawbacks theorized concerns majority view American people international law justice system American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population US participation International Criminal Court ratification public opinion international law human rights justice system global cooperation treaty adherence legal accountability war crimes crimes against humanity American people ICC membership democracy voice of the people international actions 2005 poll Chicago Council foreign relations US population participation International Criminal Court public opinion ratification drawbacks arguments
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con04a	Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . Collisions heighten antagonisms.  When someone gets hurt in a collision at the plate, the injured player’s teammates are more likely to hold a grudge—and to try to get even. There are numerous opportunities to do that, whether by aiming a pitch at that player, or by seeking another opportunity to hurt him. When Posey was injured, the Giants’ General Manager Brian Sabean said, “If I never hear from Cousins [who hit Posey] again or if he never plays another game in the big leagues, I think we’ll all be happy.... We’ll have a long memory.” [1] This is exactly the unsportsmanlike behaviour engendered by these dangerous and unnecessary plays.  Former MLB catcher Mike Matheny noted that catchers don’t forget when they get hit, saying, “I think you just put a mark in the column that that kid took a run at a catcher. To me as a catcher I know the next time I get the ball I'm going to stick it to him. You make those notes as a catcher.” [2]  [1] “Source: Joe Torre to call Brian Sabean,” ESPN.com News Services, June 3, 2011,  .  [2] R.B. Fallstrom, “Matheny critical of Cousins’ hit on Posey,” Associated Press, May 30, 2011,  . collisions antagonisms injuries grudges retribution pitches players Posey Sabean Cubs Giants baseball MLB catchers Mike Matheny unsportsmanlike behavior dangerous unnecessary plays Joe Torre R.B. Fallstrom Associated Press ESPN.com sports retaliation aggression teamwork competition Collisions antagonisms injuries grudges revenge pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike dangerous unnecessary MLB catcher Mike Matheny take a run notes stick it to him collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge retaliation pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behavior dangerous plays MLB catcher Mike Matheny run notes stick it to him criticism sportsmanship Collisions antagonisms injured player teammates grudge retaliation pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean MLB catcher Mike Matheny unsportsmanlike behavior dangerous plays forget run next time notes Collisions antagonisms injury grudge retaliation pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike dangerous unnecessary MLB catcher Mike Matheny remember hit revenge sports baseball ethics violence sportsmanship Collisions antagonisms injured player teammates hold grudge get even pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous plays Mike Matheny catchers forget hit notes Joe Torre R.B. Fallstrom Matheny critical Associated Press baseball collisions antagonisms injuries grudges retribution pitching plays Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behavior Mike Matheny catchers memories retaliation sports ethics player safety Collisions antagonisms hurt injured player teammates grudge get even aiming pitch seeking opportunity Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous plays unnecessary plays MLB catcher Mike Matheny catchers hit run notes next time stick it to him retaliation baseball sportsmanship aggression competitive sports player safety game integrity collisions antagonisms hurt collision plate injured teammates grudge get even aiming pitch hurt Posey Giants Brian Sabean Cousins long memory unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous unnecessary plays MLB catcher Mike Matheny catchers hit run at catcher make notes catcher stick it to him collisions baseball antagonisms injuries grudges revenge pitches players Posey Sabean Cousins unsportsmanlike behaviour dangerous unnecessary plays MLB catchers Matheny retaliation remember hit run notes stick next time game big leagues ESPN Associated Press sports violence competition team spirit fairness ethics rules safety health careers impact consequences media reports interviews statements reactions criticism sportsmanship professional athletes responsibility leadership culture
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con04a	The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. The state can use blocking Twitter and its ilk as precedent to censor the internet in the “public interest”  The state always likes to expand its powers over speech, particularly when that speech is damaging to the government’s credibility. The freedom of speech is a critical right in all free societies precisely because it is the ultimate check ordinary citizens have to challenge the powers that be, to express dissent, and to organize with like-minded people dissatisfied with the way government is running. The internet has been the most powerful and valuable tool in the expansion of individuals’ power of their governments. [1] The state quakes at the raw people power services like Twitter provides. It is the last frontier largely free of the state’s power, and the state has sought to expand its influence. By blocking Twitter the government would be able to get its first foothold in blocking free speech online. [2] The power of that beachhead would serve to give it further credibility in censoring other services online in the public interest. It is much better that the government be kept entirely out of these services, than let them begin the slow creep of intervention that would be a serious threat to the freedom of individuals on the internet.  [1] Anti-Defamation League. “Combating Extremism in Cyberspace”. 2000.   [2] Temperton, J. “Blocking Facebook and Twitter During Riots Threatens Freedom”. Computer Active. 15 August 2011. state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government credibility freedom critical right free societies ultimate check ordinary citizens challenge powers that be express dissent organize dissatisfied internet powerful valuable tool expansion individuals government quakes raw people power last frontier influence blocking free speech online beachhead credibility censoring services kept out slow creep intervention serious threat individuals internet state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government credibility freedom critical right free societies check challenge powers that be express dissent organize like-minded dissatisfied running internet powerful valuable expansion individuals power governments quakes raw people power last frontier free influence foothold free speech online beachhead credibility censoring services kept out slow creep intervention serious threat individuals internet Anti-Defamation League Combating Extrem state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government’s credibility freedom of speech critical right free societies check ordinary citizens challenge powers that be express dissent organize dissatisfied government internet powerful valuable tool expansion individuals power quakes people power last frontier free state’s power influence foothold free speech online beachhead credibility censoring services better government kept out slow creep intervention serious threat individuals internet state power internet censorship public interest government control freedom of speech online dissent social media regulation individual rights governmental credibility online freedom citizen power internet governance digital rights speech suppression technology policy social control digital censorship online activism free expression internet policy state blocking Twitter censorship public interest government powers freedom of speech free societies dissent organizing internet individual power government control people power online services anti-defamation league combating extremism cyberspace blocking social media riots freedom threat digital rights online censorship government intervention state power free speech internet censorship government control public interest social media regulation Twitter online freedom citizen dissent government credibility people power extremism cyberspace riots social media封锁 government intervention individual rights online services freedom threat speech expansion check on government organize dissent digital rights information control state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government credibility freedom of speech critical right free societies ultimate check citizens challenge powers that be express dissent organize dissatisfied internet powerful valuable tool expansion individuals governments quakes raw people power last frontier free state influence foothold free speech online beachhead further credibility censoring services kept out serious threat freedom individuals internet anti-defamation league combating extremism cyberspace temp censorship internet freedom government control free speech social media regulation public interest state power online dissent digital rights blocking Twitter speech restriction internet governance user privacy online activism government credibility extremism social control digital censorship internet neutrality civil liberties state blocking Twitter precedent censor internet public interest expand powers speech damaging government credibility freedom critical right free societies ultimate check citizens challenge powers express dissent organize dissatisfaction internet powerful valuable tool individuals government quakes raw people power last frontier influence foothold free speech online beachhead credibility censoring services kept out slow creep intervention threat individuals Anti-Defamation League Combating Extremism Cyberspace Temperton Blocking freedom of speech internet censorship government control social media regulation public interest blocking Twitter online dissent people power state power free societies anti-defamation league combating extremism cyberspace computer active social media freedom government credibility citizen rights online services intervention threat digital rights internet freedom state influence speech suppression digital censorship online speech social media blocking internet regulation government expansion power check organized dissent government oversight citizen power 逵匿政府权力 在线言论自由 社交媒体监管 互联网自由 言论自由 公众利益 阻止推特
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro01a	"Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, Exposing non-smokers to second-hand smoke goes against their rights.  The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (a list of rights to which the United Nations has declared that all human beings should be entitled) states that ""Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family""1. More than 50 studies carried out worldwide have found that people are at an increased risk of lung cancer if they work or live with somebody who smokes2. Given these very serious health risks, it goes against people's human rights to be exposed to second-hand smoke when they have not chosen to breathe it in. To avoid this happening, smoking should be banned in public places, so that non-smokers can be sure that they will not have to breathe in second-hand smoke.  1 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights', General Assembly of the United Nations,   2 'Tobacco Smoke and Involuntary Smoking', World Health Organisation, Vol.83, 24 July 2002, second-hand smoke non-smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health and well-being lung cancer smoking in public places involuntary smoking World Health Organisation tobacco smoke risk factors public health policy non-smoker rights smoke-free environments health standards legal protections environmental tobacco smoke carcinogens exposure reduction indoor air quality Exposing non-smokers second-hand smoke rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights United Nations standard of living health well-being lung cancer studies serious health risks human rights smoking ban public places involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health and well-being lung cancer risk involuntary smoking public places smoking ban tobacco smoke World Health Organisation human rights violation environmental tobacco smoke passive smoking smoking legislation public health policy second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health and well-being lung cancer risk smoking in public places tobacco smoke involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking World Health Organisation second-hand smoke non-smokers human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban involuntary smoking tobacco smoke World Health Organisation second-hand smoke human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights health risks lung cancer public places smoking ban non-smokers involuntary smoking World Health Organisation"
test-religion-cmrsgfhbr-con01a	This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. This is a victory for democracy – a precious Filipino value - clear majorities in both houses and in the wider public support it  Opposition have conveniently glossed over one critical issue in this debate – that the RH Bill has significant popular support [i] . It also, as has been demonstrated that a majority of elected representatives support it. In itself these two facts provide evidence that modern Filipinos are sick of the fact that around half of the 3.4 million pregnancies each year are unplanned or the atrocious reality that 90,000 women a year seek the help of back street abortionists. When many of these go wrong, they were denied access to medical care and around 1,000 die each year as a result [ii] .  The values for the respect for the life of the mother, the value of life of the child, respect for the opinions of the majority, respect for democracy and placing the future of individuals and society above the outdated mythology of the Church would seem to be alive and well in the decision to pass this bill.  [i] Rauhala, Emily, ‘Culture Wars: After a decade of debate, the Philippines passes Reproductive Health Bill’, Time, 17 December 2012.   [ii] Ibid. democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life cultural values reproductive health Philippines legislative process public opinion church influence society individual rights democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life cultural values reproductive health Philippines legislation church influence societal progress democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortions maternal deaths respect for life maternal health reproductive rights Church influence public opinion legislative process victory for democracy Filipino value RH Bill popular support majority support unplanned pregnancies back street abortions maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health democratic values church influence societal progress women's health legislative achievement cultural debate Philippine politics public opinion reproductive rights maternal care healthcare access abortion safety legislative decision democratic process societal values cultural change democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values legislative process Philippines Time magazine Emily Rauhala Culture Wars democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values legislative decision Philippine society church influence reproductive rights victory democracy Filipino values majorities public support RH Bill opposition glossed over critical issue debate significant support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists denied medical care maternal deaths respect for life mother child majority opinions values future of individuals society outdated mythology Church Reproductive Health Bill Philippines culture wars decade of debate Emily Rauhala Time 17 December 2012 democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural change Philippines legislative progress public opinion church influence social values women's health democratic values reproductive rights democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortion maternal mortality respect for life respect for democracy societal progress Church influence reproductive health legislation cultural change public health women's rights political debate legislative success health care access maternal health reproductive rights societal values ethical considerations religious influence political representation public opinion legislative process health policy women's health reproductive choices abortion safety maternal care social justice health reform legal reform human rights population control family planning reproductive autonomy healthcare reform democracy Filipino values RH Bill popular support elected representatives unplanned pregnancies back street abortionists maternal mortality respect for life reproductive health cultural values legislative decision church influence societal progress
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro02a	Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . Governments have always struggled with the idea of press investigation and freedom of information, claiming Assange is not a journalist is simply a stunt.  We know that most governments struggle with the idea of not having control over information and are suspicious of the media. In a pre-Internet age working with a handful of proprietors made controlling information far easier.  Since the creation of the Internet, the idea of controlling the media has become harder, now there are those who can broadcast themselves directly; a mass of information and opinion that doesn’t rely on the patronage of publishers or political favour.  Assange has simply taken a journalistic position that makes sense for the new media age.  In contrast to the opinion driven mainstream press and much of the blogosphere, Wikileaks actually breaks new stories [1] . New media requires new skills and attitudes of its journalists because the relationship with their readers has changed dramatically but the core of the role, speaking truth to power, remains the same. Furthermore they do so in such a way as allows them to publish their source material and allow the reader themselves to make a judgement as to whether their story really reflects that material. This ability, reflecting effectively limitless capacity for providing textual information, meets the frequently heard desire for news without spin – routinely featured in research into people’s views on the press. This may be a new approach, just as Assange is a new type of Journalist but he is still a journalist.  [1] John Pilger and Julian Assange discuss citizen journalism here . press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist government control information control media suspicion pre-Internet age media proprietors Internet impact new media Wikileaks citizen journalism journalistic skills speaking truth to power news without spin source material publication media evolution Julian Assange John Pilger press investigation freedom of information Julian Assange journalist government control media suspicion pre-Internet age Internet impact new media age Wikileaks breaking stories new journalism skills reader relationship truth to power source material transparency news without spin citizen journalism press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist governments control over information Internet media control new media age Wikileaks breaking new stories new media skills speaking truth to power news without spin citizen journalism government control press freedom Julian Assange WikiLeaks new media journalism Internet impact information control media evolution citizen journalism press investigation freedom of information journalistic integrity source transparency news without spin public opinion on press Governments press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist media control Internet new media age Wikileaks news without spin citizen journalism John Pilger Julian Assange media skills speaking truth to power source material public opinion media proprietorship pre-Internet age media suspicion governmental information control media patronage political favour journalistic role media attitude news authenticity limitless information capacity press research media evolution journalistic integrity media broadcasting direct information broadcasting mass information opinion-driven press blogosphere news stories media patronage political favor government-media press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist new media age control over information Internet media control Wikileaks new skills new attitudes speaking truth to power source material news without spin citizen journalism media landscape digital journalism journalistic integrity government-media relations press investigation freedom of information governments control over information media suspicion pre-Internet age information control Internet impact media broadcasting direct information new media age Assange Wikileaks journalism journalistic skills reader relationship speaking truth to power news without spin public opinion citizen journalism John Pilger Julian Assange press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist governmental control media pre-Internet information control new media age Wikileaks breaking stories new journalism skills reader relationship speaking truth to power publishing sources news without spin citizen journalism journalistic integrity media evolution public trust in media press investigation freedom of information Assange journalism government control media suspicion Internet impact new media age Wikileaks journalistic skills reader relationship truth to power source material news without spin citizen journalism press investigation freedom of information Assange journalist governmental control media suspicion pre-Internet age information control Internet impact media broadcasting new media age journalistic position opinion-driven press blogosphere Wikileaks new stories new media skills reader relationship speaking truth to power source material transparency news without spin citizen journalism Julian Assange John Pilger
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro05a	Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies are secularly focused  Many societies are founded on secular values that do not permit the sponsorship of any religion by the state. British society aspires to this and has consciously acted to separate religion from state authority with many organisations such as the National Secular Society encouraging the suppression of any religious expression in public places.1 In this climate it is important that all citizens of the state are seen as equal. If some dress differently to others, deliberately identifying themselves as members of one religion, this can harm the unity and ethos of the state. This holds particularly true for institutions of the state like schools and government offices. In this way, it is possible to deduce that religious symbols are detrimental to the secular and equality focused identity of Western society.  1 'UK: One Law for all and the National Secular Society Back Bill that Aims to Curb Sharia Courts', 11th June 2011 , accessed on 23rd July 2011 Western societies secular values state-religion separation British society National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress societal unity state institutions religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts secularism religious neutrality state-religion separation equality public dress codes religious symbols societal unity Western culture National Secular Society Sharia courts legal uniformity civic identity institutional values public ethos religious expression suppression Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress state unity school regulations government office policies religious symbols impact secular identity equality focus Sharia courts legal uniformity Western societies secular focus separation of religion and state National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress institutional unity schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts one law for all Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress societal unity state institutions religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts legal equality Western societies secular values state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public places equality religious dress unity state identity schools government offices religious symbols secular identity equality-focused Sharia courts UK law Western societies secular values state sponsorship of religion British society National Secular Society religious expression public places citizen equality religious dress state unity school institutions government offices religious symbols secular identity equality Sharia courts UK laws religious neutrality public institutions cultural integration state-religion separation Western societies secular values state sponsorship of religion British society National Secular Society religious expression in public equality of citizens unity of state religious symbols secular identity Sharia courts religious dress institutional unity government offices schools religious identification detrimental to secularism equality-focused society secular societies state-religion separation National Secular Society religious expression suppression public equality religious dress state unity institutional neutrality religious symbolism Western secular identity Sharia courts legal uniformity secular values state religion separation National Secular Society religious expression public places equality citizens unity institutions schools government offices religious symbols Western society Sharia Courts One Law for All
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con05a	It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. It is impossible to acquire the information necessary to create a coherent economy  A planned economy requires that the planners have the information necessary to allocate resources in the right way. This is a virtually impossible task.  The world contains trillions of different resources: my labour, iron ore, Hong Kong harbour, pine trees, satellites, car factories – etc. The number of different ways to use, combine and recombine these resources is unimaginably vast.  And almost all of them are useless. For example, it would be a mistake to combine Arnold Schwarzenegger with medical equipment and have him perform brain surgery.  Centralised planning cannot possibly sort through the myriad of way of arranging resources to arrive at the most efficient usage. Only a decentralised price system can achieve this via the institution of private property and associated duties and rights. [1]  [1] Boudreaux, Donald J, ‘Information and Prices’. impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories combine recombine useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad arranging resources efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux information prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories ways to use combine recombine useless mistake centralised planning myriad arranging resources efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories ways combine recombine useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning sort myriad arrange efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices information resource allocation planned economy centralised planning price system private property economic efficiency resource combination economic theory Boudreaux information theory market mechanisms decentralised economy labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery resource usage economic coherence planned economy resource allocation information theory economic planning centralised planning decentralised price system private property market mechanisms resource combinations economic efficiency Donald J. Boudreaux information and prices economic resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery resource usage economic coherence impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners information necessary allocate resources right way virtually impossible task trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories unimaginably vast useless mistake Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad arranging resources efficient usage decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices information resources planned economy centralised planning decentralised price system private property efficiency allocation labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery trillions unimaginably vast useless most efficient usage rights duties Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices planned economy resource allocation information problem central planning decentralized price system private property market mechanism economic efficiency resource combinations labor iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery Boudreaux information and prices impossible acquire information create coherent economy planned economy planners information necessary allocate resources right way task world trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories useless mistake combine Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning sort myriad ways arranging resources efficient usage decentralised price system institution private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J impossible information coherent economy planned economy planners allocate resources virtually impossible task trillions resources labour iron ore Hong Kong harbour pine trees satellites car factories combine recombine useless Arnold Schwarzenegger medical equipment brain surgery centralised planning myriad arrange efficient decentralised price system private property duties rights Boudreaux Donald J Information and Prices
test-international-epglghbni-pro05a	Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency  A Unified Ireland would be better off economically. “Ireland is too small for two separate administrations….There is a draw towards the greater integration of services, structures and bodies on an all-Ireland basis in order to deliver quality services and economies of scale.” – Martin McGuinness, Deputy First Minister for Northern Ireland*  Having two electricity grids, two transport networks, two separate police and judiciary hamper economic growth and waste resources that could be better used in a unified system, as cost would lower as efficiency rises.  *McGuinness, 2010, Economic efficiency unified Ireland economic benefits integrated services economies of scale resource optimization reduced duplication administrative costs infrastructure integration Martin McGuinness 2010 economic growth cost reduction enhanced efficiency two administrations separate systems unified system cost savings service quality all-Ireland basis judiciary integration police integration transport network electricity grid Economic efficiency unified Ireland Martin McGuinness economic growth resource allocation cost reduction efficiency gains integration of services economies of scale separate administrations police force judiciary transport networks electricity grids all-Ireland basis quality services wasted resources Deputy First Minister Northern Ireland 2010 economic efficiency unified Ireland cost savings resource optimization integrated services economies of scale infrastructure consolidation transport networks electricity grids police integration judicial system unification Martin McGuinness 2010 statement economic growth administrative efficiency reduced redundancy improved service delivery all-Ireland basis quality services two administrations small nation integration Economic efficiency unified Ireland cost savings resource optimization shared infrastructure integrated services economies of scale administrative consolidation enhanced economic growth reduced redundancy improved public services all-island cooperation efficient governance economic integration cross-border collaboration maximized resources streamlined administration reduced operational costs improved economic performance enhanced competitiveness Economic efficiency unified Ireland Martin McGuinness economies of scale integrated services separate administrations electricity grids transport networks police judiciary economic growth resource allocation cost reduction efficiency gains Economic efficiency unified Ireland administrative integration service integration economies of scale resource optimization cost reduction infrastructure unification transport network integration electricity grid unification police unification judiciary unification economic growth resource efficiency Martin McGuinness 2010 Economic efficiency Unified Ireland Martin McGuinness economic growth resource allocation cost reduction scale economies administrative integration transport networks electricity grids police services judiciary systems service quality separate administrations all-Ireland basis resource waste economic benefits unified system efficiency gains administrative costs Economic efficiency unified Ireland Martin McGuinness integrated services economies of scale separate administrations resource wastage cost reduction enhanced efficiency all-Ireland basis transport networks electricity grids police judiciary economic growth streamlined systems fiscal benefits administrative savings cross-border cooperation shared infrastructure reduced redundancy Economic integration unified administration all-Ireland services infrastructure efficiency cost reduction resource optimization economies of scale enhanced economic growth improved service delivery streamlined governance reduced redundancy increased competitiveness shared resources collaborative development policy harmonization regional cooperation administrative consolidation fiscal efficiency public sector reform cross-border collaboration Economic efficiency unified Ireland integrated services economies of scale cost reduction resource optimization transport networks electricity grids police integration judiciary unification Martin McGuinness 2010 speech administrative consolidation economic growth quality services fiscal savings cross-border cooperation infrastructure sharing policy alignment governance streamlining
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro05a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where it is impossible to recruit an impartial jury.  Especially in cases of nationalist conflict or terrorist attacks, it may be extremely difficult to have a non-biased jury. In Northern Island, for example, jurors may sympathize with violent offenders and acquit them despite a preponderance of evidence. Similarly, it can be a struggle to appoint non-biased juries for terrorism trials post 9/11. In 2003, the ""Lackwana Six"" were accused of aiding a foreign terrorist organization. The magistrate noted that ""Understandably, the infamous, dastardly and tragic deeds and events of September 11, 2001 have caused a maelstrom of human emotions to ... create a human reservoir of strong emotional feelings such as fear, anxiety and hatred as well as a feeling of paranoia... These are strong emotions of a negative nature which, if not appropriately checked, cause the ability of one to properly reason to ... be blinded."" Questions about jury impartiality have been raised in multiple similar cases, even leading some defendants to claim that they pled guilty out of resignation that the jury would inevitably be biased and refuse to acquit.1 The implication is that in some trials, juries may be unable to make impartial decisions, thus making the trial unfair. The only way for justice to be done, in such cases, is to allow a judge to decide the verdict.  1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" jury impartiality trial fairness terrorism trials nationalist conflict biased jurors post 9/11 Lackwana Six judge decision-making jury verdict terrorism law British criminal law American criminal law jury selection judicial bias defendant rights impartial decision trial by judge jury emotions preponderance of evidence terrorism sympathy juror selection impartial trial terrorism cases national security judicial review courtroom fairness legal reforms jury challenge terrorism prosecution juror bias legal proceedings judicial system trial outcomes jury influence judicial process legal ethics courtroom justice terrorism trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland jury bias post 9/11 Lackwana Six fear anxiety hatred paranoia emotional feelings jury impartiality guilty plea biased jury judicial verdict terrorism trials British criminal law American criminal law Laura K. Donohue jury impartiality trial fairness biased jurors terrorist trials nationalist conflict jury selection post 9/11 trials Lackwana Six judge verdict impartial decision making trial by jury limitations courtroom emotions fear and anxiety in trials terrorism and justice British vs American criminal law jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland post 9/11 trials Lackwana Six emotional bias fair trial judge decision terrorism trials jury bias trial fairness British and American criminal law Laura K. Donohue trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland non-biased jury terrorism trials 9/11 Lackwana Six jury impartiality emotional bias judge verdict fair trial Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks non-biased jury Northern Ireland terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six emotional bias jury impartiality judicial decision fair trial terrorism and trial by jury British and American criminal law jury impartiality trial fairness terrorism trials nationalist conflict Northern Ireland Lackwana Six post 9/11 sentiment judge verdict biased jurors terrorism and trial by jury British and American criminal law juror sympathy preponderance of evidence human emotions maelstrom of feelings fear and anxiety paralysis of reason plea bargaining resignation to bias trial by jury impartial jury nationalist conflict terrorist attacks Northern Ireland non-biased jury terrorism trials post 9/11 Lackwana Six human emotions fear anxiety hatred paranoia jury impartiality defendants guilty plea judge decision justice Laura K. Donohue British criminal law American criminal law jury impartiality jury bias terrorist attacks nationalist conflict Northern Ireland Lackwana Six post 9/11 trials judge verdict trial fairness Trial by Jury Terrorism and Trial by Jury Laura K. Donohue jury impartiality nationalist conflict terrorist attacks non-biased jury Northern Ireland terrorism trials Lackwana Six September 11 human emotions fear anxiety hatred paranoia jury bias fair trial judge decision Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law"
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro03a	Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. Returning to the 1967 borders would bring peace to Israel.  If Israel were to withdraw to its 1967 borders, the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) would recognise Israel as legitimate within its remaining territories and end the conflict. In October 2010 Senior Palestine Liberation Organization official Yasser Abed Rabbo said that the Palestinians will be willing to recognize the State of Israel in any way that it desires, if the Americans would only present a map of the future Palestinian state that includes all of the territories captured in 1967, including East Jerusalem. “We want to receive a map of the State of Israel which Israel wants us to accept. If the map will be based on the 1967 borders and will not include our land, our houses and East Jerusalem, we will be willing to recognize Israel according to the formulation of the government within the hour... Any formulation [presented to us] – even asking us to call Israel the 'Chinese State' – we will agree to it, as long as we receive the 1967 borders ” added Rabbo. [1] Even Ismail Haniyeh, leader of the more extreme Hamas organisation, has said Hamas will accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders and will offer Israel a “long term truce” if it withdraws accordingly. [2] Significant international support for Israel withdrawing to the 1967 borders also exists, even from states with a history of hostility with Israel such as Iran and Saudi Arabia, who have made such a withdrawal a precondition of peace and recognition talks with Israel. [3] [4] Even then-Israeli Prime Miniser Ehud Olmert acknowledged in 2008 that “almost all” of the territory seized during the Six-Day War in 1967 will have to be given back to the Palestinians return for peace. [5] Therefore Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders as this would bring peace and security to Israel by ending the conflict with the Palestinians and neighbouring states.  [1] Haaretz. “PLO chief: We will recognize Israel in return for 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 13 October 2010.   [2] Amira Hass News Agencies, Haaretz. “willing to accept a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders”. Haaretz.com. 9 November 2008.   [3] Al-Quds. “Ahmadinezhad and the Implications of the Two-State Solution”. Pro-Fatah Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds. 29 April 2009  [4] UPI.com. “Saudi to Israel: Return to 1967 borders”. UPI.com. 5 November 2010.   [5] MacIntyre, Donald. “Israel will have to reinstate pre-1967 border for peace deal, Olmert admits”. The Independent. 30 Septemebr 2008. 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security Palestinians neighbouring states Ahmadi Nejad two-state solution Saudi Arabia pre-1967 borders 1967 borders peace Israel PLO recognition conflict resolution Palestinian state East Jerusalem Yasser Abed Rabbo Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory return security Palestinian rights negotiation terms two-state solution Ahmadinezhad Saudi peace initiative pre-1967 border peace deal conditions 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem recognition conflict Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security Palestinian territories two-state solution Ahmadinejad UPI Donald MacIntyre The Independent Haaretz Al-Quds Pro-Fatah pre-1967 border peace deal 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition Israeli withdrawal peace agreement conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory return Palestinian state peace and security pre-1967 borders two-state solution Palestinian recognition Israeli legitimacy conflict end neighboring states peace talks Al-Quds UPI The Independent MacIntyre Donald Haaretz Amira Hass News Agencies 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security two-state solution long term truce pre-1967 border peace deal 1967 borders Palestine Liberation Organization PLO recognition Israel legitimacy conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory return peace security state recognition Two-State Solution Ahmadinezhad Saudi conditions Israeli withdrawal 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition conflict territories East Jerusalem Yasser Abed Rabbo map state formulation Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security Palestinian state Donald MacIntyre The Independent Haaretz UPI Al-Quds Palestinian Israeli pre-1967 border peace deal agreement territories withdrawal negotiation Middle East diplomacy recognition talks 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict resolution Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Ismail Haniyeh Hamas long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia peace talks Ehud Olmert Six-Day War territory negotiations security Palestinian-Israeli conflict Middle East peace process 1967 borders peace Israel Palestinian Liberation Organisation PLO recognition conflict Yasser Abed Rabbo Palestinian state East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War security Palestinians neighbouring states Haaretz Amira Hass UPI The Independent MacIntyre Donald Ahmadinezhad Al-Quds Pro-Fatah two-state solution 1967 borders Palestinian Liberation Organization PLO recognition Yasser Abed Rabbo East Jerusalem Hamas Ismail Haniyeh long-term truce international support Iran Saudi Arabia Ehud Olmert Six-Day War peace negotiations Israeli-Palestinian conflict state recognition territorial withdrawal peace and security two-state solution Ahmadinezhad Saudi peace initiative pre-1967 border peace deal Israeli withdrawal Palestinian statehood
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro01a	Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) Stability is more important than reform  Since the fall of communism, Russia has plunged into a deep economic recession. The introduction of market reforms and privatization has led to a swift increase in inequalities coupled with an increase in corruption. The chaos of economic and political reform, along with the chaos of the break-up of former USSR, has left the majority of the population both disillusioned and distrustful of their government. In a period of such chaos, stability seems to be much more important than reform. A strong leader is the only solution to providing such stability, setting a clear direction and pulling a country at risk of falling apart together again. This is also proven from various polls among the Russian population – “…The most eye-catching statistic is the overwhelming majority of respondents who say that order is more important for Russia than democracy – 72 per cent, with 16 per cent responding conversely.” (1) stability reform communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption political reform USSR disillusionment government distrust strong leader order democracy polls Russian population stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political reform USSR collapse public disillusionment government distrust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion poll statistics stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR collapse government distrust strong leader order democracy public opinion Russian polls stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR collapse disillusionment government distrust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion Stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public opinion strong leadership order democracy Russian polls social trust government distrust economic stability political stability stability reform economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption political reform USSR break-up disillusionment distrust strong leader order democracy Russian population polls governance social stability political stability economic stability stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR dissolution public disillusionment government distrust strong leadership order democracy Russian public opinion stability reform post-communism economic recession market reforms privatization inequalities corruption political chaos societal disillusionment government distrust strong leadership direction setting national unity Russian public opinion order over democracy societal values post-Soviet transition political stability economic stability stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR breakup public opinion strong leadership democracy order stability reform post-communism Russia economic recession market reforms privatization inequality corruption political chaos USSR breakup public opinion strong leadership order democracy Russian polls governance social trust economic policy political stability
test-economy-beghwbh-con03a	There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, There have been similar suggestions before for intercity travel  The Hyperloop is not the first proposal to use tubes with low – or no – pressure in them. A very high speed train was proposed by Robert M. Salter in 1972. This as a train running in a vacuum would have gone substantially faster than anything that is currently being proposed travelling at around 3000 mph. [1]  Nor is this the first proposal for a pneumatic transport system; such trains were around in the 19th century. They were first proposed as far back as 1812 [2] and several short demonstration tracks were constructed such as the Beach Pneumatic Transit in New York which opened in 1870. [3] Such idea has not got off the ground in the past and there seems no reason why they should now when the basic technology is pretty much the same.  [1] Salter, Robert M., ‘The Very High Speed Transit System’, RAND Corporation, 1972,   [2] Medhurst, George, ‘Calculations and Remarks, Tending to Prove the Practicability, Effects and Advantages of a Plan for the Rapid Conveyance of Goods and Passengers: Upon an Iron Road Through a Tube of 30 Feet in Area, by the Power and Velocity of Air’, D.N. Shury, 1812,   [3] Mihm, Stephen, ‘New York Had a Hyperloop First, Elon Musk’, Bloomberg, 14 August 2013, Intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes high-speed train Robert M. Salter 1972 vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology history transit systems air-powered transport historical proposals innovation transportation evolution intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter 1972 vacuum trains 3000 mph pneumatic transport 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit 1870 historical transportation RAND Corporation George Medhurst Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk New York rapid conveyance iron road air power velocity technology evolution transit systems historical proposals transportation innovation Intercity travel Hyperloop Robert M. Salter Very High Speed Transit System vacuum train pneumatic transport system 19th century Beach Pneumatic Transit New York historical transportation proposals high-speed travel technological advancements vacuum tube transportation early pneumatic trains Salter's VHSST New York City transit history Bloomberg Stephen Mihm RAND Corporation George Medhurst 1812 pneumatic railway proposal intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter very high speed train vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 RAND Corporation 1972 George Medhurst 1812 Stephen Mihm Bloomberg 2013 intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter 1972 very high speed train vacuum 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century 1812 Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 basic technology RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk Hyperloop intercity travel low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter very high speed train vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk intercity travel Hyperloop low pressure tubes high speed train Robert M. Salter vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century trains 1812 proposal Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 RAND Corporation George Medhurst Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk technology history transportation innovation intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes very high speed train Robert M. Salter vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 technology stagnation historical transportation innovations RAND Corporation George Medhurst D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk Hydroloop Robert M. Salter Very High Speed Transit System 1972 vacuum train pneumatic transport 19th century Beach Pneumatic Transit 1870 George Medhurst 1812 air-powered trains historical transit innovations high-speed travel RAND Corporation D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg 2013 intercity travel Hyperloop low-pressure tubes Robert M. Salter very high speed train vacuum train 3000 mph pneumatic transport system 19th century trains Beach Pneumatic Transit New York 1870 RAND Corporation 1972 George Medhurst 1812 D.N. Shury Stephen Mihm Bloomberg Elon Musk
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro02a	Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, Dictatorships assure low cost political stability  Due to the lack of rotation in office, a dictatorship allows for a more stable government with more ability to plan for the long term, which is crucial for attracting foreign investment.  Given that a democracy requires regular elections, each election can change the economic environment of a country. A change in government may lead to a switch in policies, partisan appointments to government bodies, and a medium term focus always set on the next election.  Close elections can lead to disorder as votes are recounted and appeals lodged in the courts. After the 2006 Mexican presidential election, tight results lead to popular unrest and mass protests calling for a recount. The president elect had to deal with a large legislative faction that did not recognise him, and his opponent refused to concede defeat. [1] Without a stable framework, the lack of foreign confidence may impede development. The countries that have developed rapidly have tended to be those that have managed to attract this foreign direct investment thus in 2012 China managed to get $243 billion of FDI (18% of the total) against only $175 billion for the United States which is still a much bigger economy. [2]  Additionally the resources needed to operate a democratic society and run elections are a large expense for the state and society as a whole; the US presidential election costs $6bn, [3] money which would be much better spent investing in building infrastructure or businesses.  [1] See for example the case of Mexico’s 2006 elections. ‘Mass protest over Mexico election’, BBC News, 9 July 2006,  ‘Fracas mars Mexico inauguration’, BBC News, 2 December 2006,   [2] OECD, ‘FDI in Figures’, April 2013,   [3] Hebblethwaite, Cordelia, ‘US election: How can it cost $6bn?’, BBC News, 2 August 2012, dictatorships political stability low cost long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections policy changes partisan appointments election disputes foreign confidence economic development China FDI United States election costs infrastructure businesses Mexico 2006 presidential election protests BBC News OECD Cordelia Hebblethwaite dictatorships political stability low cost foreign investment long-term planning democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments election costs infrastructure business investment foreign direct investment FDI China United States Mexico 2006 election popular unrest mass protests legislative opposition stable framework foreign confidence economic development government stability election expenses state resources societal costs infrastructure development business growth dictatorship stability cost political long-term planning foreign investment democracy elections policy change partisan appointments electoral disputes protest foreign confidence development FDI China United States election costs infrastructure businessinvestment dictatorships political stability low cost lack of rotation stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounting court appeals popular unrest mass protests stable framework foreign confidence development foreign direct investment China United States resource expenses democratic society election costs infrastructure businesses US presidential election Mexico 2006 election FDI statistics OECD BBC News Hebblethwaite Cordelia dictatorships low cost political stability lack of rotation stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals Mexico 2006 election popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development foreign direct investment China FDI United States democratic society election costs infrastructure business investment dictatorships low cost political stability lack of rotation stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounts court appeals 2006 Mexican election popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development rapid development foreign direct investment China United States election costs US presidential election infrastructure businesses dictatorship political stability low cost long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments short-term focus election disputes disorder popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence infrastructure business investment electoral costs state expenses Mexico 2006 election China FDI US FDI US presidential election costs dictatorship political stability low cost long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy change partisan appointments medium-term focus election disputes popular unrest mass protests recount foreign confidence development FDI China United States Mexico 2006 election election costs infrastructure businesses dictatorships low cost political stability rotation office stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment change policies partisan appointments medium-term focus elections disorder recounts appeals courts 2006 Mexican presidential election popular unrest mass protests president elect legislative faction foreign confidence development rapid development foreign direct investment China FDI United States election costs US presidential election infrastructure businesses societal expense dictatorships low cost political stability lack of rotation stable government long-term planning foreign investment democracy regular elections economic environment policy changes partisan appointments medium-term focus close elections disorder vote recounts Mexico 2006 election popular unrest mass protests foreign confidence development foreign direct investment China United States election costs infrastructure businesses US presidential election
test-international-ghbunhf-con05a	As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf As world becomes more globalised, the need for a global forum for resolving problems becomes ever more important.  In a globalised economy nations depend on each other as never before, and the costs of war and conflict grow ever higher. So it is more important than ever than countries have a forum for resolving their disputes and simply talking to each other. Regional bodies such as the EU or ASEAN can perform some of these functions, and specialised bodies such as the WTO some others; but there can never be a substitute for the global forum provided by the UN. If the United Nations did not exist, we would have to invent it. [1]  [1] Hammarskjold, Dag. “Do We Need The United Nations?”. Address to the Students’ Association, Copenhagen, 2nd May 1959. www.un.org/depts/dhl/dag/docs/needun.pdf globalisation global forum resolving problems globalised economy interdependence costs of war conflict dispute resolution regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations Dag Hammarskjold UN必要性 international cooperation peace diplomacy globalization world forum international cooperation conflict resolution global economy interdependence war costs regional organizations EU ASEAN specialized organizations WTO United Nations global governance international peace Dag Hammarskjold UN necessity global community diplomatic dialogue world peace international disputes global security international relations global stability international law international organizations globalization international cooperation conflict resolution global forum United Nations regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO global interdependence peace diplomacy world peace international relations global governance Dag Hammarskjold globalisation global forum resolving problems globalised economy interdependence war costs conflict costs dispute resolution international dialogue regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations global governance international cooperation peacekeeping multilateralism Dag Hammarskjold UN necessity globalisation global forum conflict resolution international cooperation economic interdependence war costs regional organizations EU ASEAN specialized bodies WTO United Nations global governance peace diplomacy international relations global challenges multilateralism Hammarskjold UN necessity globalisation global forum resolving problems globalised economy interdependence war costs conflict costs dispute resolution regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations global forum importance Hammarskjold Dag UN necessity globalisation global forum resolving problems interdependence economic interdependence war conflict costs of war dispute resolution international communication regional bodies EU ASEAN specialised bodies WTO United Nations UN global governance international peace international cooperation Dag Hammarskjold necessity of UN UN's role global peacekeeping international diplomacy global stability global affairs international relations global challenges global solutions globalization international cooperation global forum dispute resolution international relations United Nations global governance regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO peace conflict prevention international dialogue global interdependence Hammarskjold United Nations importance global peacekeeping international law global economic interdependence cost of war international security multilateralism diplomatic relations global stability globalization international relations conflict resolution global forum United Nations regional organizations EU ASEAN WTO interdependence peace diplomacy Hammarskjold Dag UN necessity global cooperation world peace international cooperation global governance dispute resolution global economy war costs international community global challenges multilateralism international law global stability collective security international dialogue global issues global policy international forums global decision-making international organizations global agenda international treaties global integration international peacekeeping global security international norms global standards globalisation international cooperation conflict resolution global forum United Nations regional bodies EU ASEAN WTO Dag Hammarskjold global interdependence costs of war international dialogue necessity of UN
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro03a	"If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. If there were a God there would be irrefutable evidence of His existence and people would feel compelled to belief by the fact of it:  Many people do not believe in God, and the ranks of atheists are growing every day, particularly in the developed world. It seems that as human knowledge of the Universe expands and as social institutions develop and improve, people feel less dependent upon the crutch of religious faith, and place greater store in reason. [1] If God existed He would make His existence clear to all humanity, not just to a chosen few. In so doing His wisdom would naturally drown out an earthly knowledge, which would obviously be inferior to any that might be furnished by an omniscient being. [2] God has clearly never imparted His wisdom to people since no such divine wisdom exists in any holy book. Were there a correct holy book currently in use, it would necessarily be the only one, because everyone would acknowledge its superiority at once. Reality shows all holy books to be flawed works of flawed men. There is no glimmer of divine spark in any of them, and the only thing that separates most of them from the ravings of madmen is that large groups of people have chosen to believe them. The more reasonable conclusion is one of atheism, and that people believe in God out of ignorance, not revelation.  [1] Drange, Theodore. 1998. ""Nonbelief as Support for Atheism"". Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.  [2] Schellenberg, John. 2005. ""The Hiddenness Argument Revisited"". Religious Studies 41. atheism evidence God irrefutable proof belief non-believers developed world knowledge expansion social institutions religious faith reason omniscient being holy books divine wisdom flawed works madmen ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument atheism evidence existence belief irrefutable humanity knowledge universe social institutions reason religious faith crutch omniscient holy books flawed divine wisdom revelation ignorance nonbelief hiddenness argument philosopy theology schellenberg drange God irrefutable evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason existence all humanity chosen few divine wisdom earthly knowledge holy book flawed works divine spark atheism ignorance revelation Drange Theodore Nonbelief as Support for Atheism Schellenberg John Hiddenness Argument Revisited Religious Studies God existence evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason omniscient being divine wisdom holy books flawed madmen atheism ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument atheism evidence God belief nonbelief reason divine wisdom holy books revelation ignorance omniscient social institutions human knowledge Universe atheists developed world Theodore Drange John Schellenberg Hiddenness Argument Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy Religious Studies atheism evidence of God irrefutable proof divine existence belief in God non-believers growing atheism developed world human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason over faith divine clarity chosen few divine wisdom holy books flawed works divine spark madmen ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy Religious Studies God irrefutable evidence belief atheism developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions reason existence chosen few earthly knowledge omniscient being holy books divine wisdom flawed works madmen atheism ignorance revelation Drange Theodore Nonbelief atheism Schellenberg John Hiddenness Argument God irrefutable evidence belief atheists developed world human knowledge social institutions religious faith reason existence chosen few wisdom earthly knowledge omniscient being holy book divine wisdom flawed works divine spark atheism ignorance revelation Drange Schellenberg Hiddenness Argument atheism evidence God belief irrefutable existence atheists growing developed world human knowledge Universe social institutions religious faith reason clear existence chosen few divine wisdom holy book flawed madness ignorance revelation Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument philosophy religious studies atheism evidence God existence belief irrefutable proof religious faith human knowledge social institutions reason omniscient being holy books divine wisdom flawed works revelation ignorance Theodore Drange John Schellenberg hiddenness argument nonbelief"
test-science-ascidfakhba-con04a	Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. Artists often rely on copyright protection to financially support themselves and their families  Artists as they are often not paid for anything else may rely on their creative output to support themselves. This is certainly no crime, and existing copyright laws recognize this fact. Artists often rely wholly on their ability to sell and profit from their work. This policy serves to drain them of that potential revenue, as their work is shunted into creative commons, and available to all. Artists often also have families to support, and putting the added financial burden on them of stripping them of their copyright only serves to further those problems as they exist. A robust system of copyright is a much better protection to struggling and successful artists alike who like all talented individuals seek to assuage their material wants. Artists cannot live on appreciation alone. With much less secure copyright many would have to find other work. copyright protection financial support creative output copyright laws policy impact creative commons revenue potential financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output policy revenue creative commons financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support artists families creative output existing copyright laws policy creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust copyright system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work Artists copyright protection financial support families creative output policy impact revenue potential creative commons financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright alternative work Artists copyright protection financial support families creative output revenue copyright laws creative commons financial burden robust copyright struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support creative output existing copyright laws sell and profit potential revenue creative commons financial burden robust system struggling artists material wants appreciation alone secure copyright find other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output not paid existing copyright laws sell profit work crime policy drain potential revenue shunted creative commons available financial burden robust system better protection struggling artists successful artists talented individuals material wants appreciation secure copyright find other work copyright protection financial support creative output sell and profit existing copyright laws creative commons revenue potential financial burden robust copyright system material wants secure copyright other work artists copyright protection financial support families creative output existing laws policy creative commons revenue financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants appreciation secure copyright other work copyright protection financial support creative output copyright laws creative commons potential revenue financial burden robust system struggling artists successful artists material wants less secure copyright find other work
test-economy-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates urban areas living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death economic growth social cleavage poverty deprivation political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division Walker & Company Elsevier Science Ltd. World Development London 1999 2005 2010 Dikötter Frank Maxwell Daniel S0305-750X(9 Rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine social cleavage poverty village development economic growth Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy social cleavage wealth disparity rural poverty village deprivation population control growth disparity rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban development social cleavage economic disparity urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Organising through Division and Exclusion rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death economic growth poverty social cleavage urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division rural deprivation rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China’s Hukou system urban food security social cleavage rural poverty policy analysis Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Hukou system Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell urban-rural divide development economics social inequality Rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system social cleavage urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang policy poverty deprivation social inequality governance public health rural development urban-rural disparity economic growth social policy human rights migration development studies sociology political economy rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death social cleavage urban development poverty rural deprivation urban-rural disparity political economy food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Walker & Company Dikötter Frank rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban development social cleavage poverty rural deprivation political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban development social cleavage poverty economic growth rural deprivation policy analysis sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con04a	Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey would be an unstable Muslim state in a traditionally Christian union  Turkey’s citizens may be Muslims, but the state is as firmly secular as France in terms of its constitution and government. The new Justice and Development Party (AK) which is currently in government is not seeking to overturn the secular constitution, although it does want to amend some laws that positively discriminate against devout Muslims. These include rules such as the ban on women wearing headscarves in government buildings; restrictions on expressing religious belief which would break human rights laws within the EU.  Regardless of one's beliefs surrounding Turkey's possible ascension to the European Union, the fact that the nation's predominant religion is Islam is surely not one of the issues to be considered. Millions of Muslims already live within the EU; excluding Turkey from membership on the grounds of religion would suggest these European Muslims were second-class citizens in a Christian club. It would also presumably rule out future EU entry for Albania, Bosnia and Kosovo. If the EU is to be regarded as an institution that promotes freedom for the citizens of its member states then surely this also means that it promotes freedom of religion. If EU member states are fearful of building closer relations with Islam, which they will inevitably have to, proceeding with the world's most moderate and 'western' Islamic country is the most logical first step. The EU should welcome a state which could provide a positive example of how Islam is completely compatible with democracy, progress and human rights. Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union citizens Muslims secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK laws headscarves government buildings religious belief human rights EU European Union ascension Islam issue European Muslims second-class citizens Christian club Albania Bosnia Kosovo institution freedom religion closer relations moderate western Islamic democracy progress human rights positive example compatible Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union citizens Muslims secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK secular constitution amend laws headscarves government buildings religious belief human rights EU religion ascension European Union Muslims second-class citizens Christian club Albania Bosnia Kosovo freedom religion democracy progress human rights moderate Islamic western positive example compatible Islam EU membership relations Islam first step promote freedom of religion membership logical state democracy human rights progress compatible Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarf ban religious belief human rights European Union Islam democracy freedom of religion moderate Islamic country EU membership Albania Bosnia Kosovo second-class citizens Christian club religious compatibility democracy progress human rights EU expansion interfaith relations Turkey unstable Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK Party headscarf ban religious freedom EU membership Islam democracy human rights Albanian EU entry Bosnian EU entry Kosovar EU entry European Muslims Christian club moderate Islamic country Western Islamic country Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK headscarves religious belief human rights EU European Union ascension Islam membership freedom of religion democracy human rights moderate western Islam compatibility democracy progress Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party headscarf ban religious freedom EU membership Islam compatibility democracy human rights Turkey Muslim Christian Union secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK headscarf ban religious freedom human rights EU ascension Albanian Bosnian Kosovar Islam democracy progress human rights moderate Western compatibility example membership fear relations second-class citizens Christian club institution freedom religion states promote positive exclude grounds religion rules restrictions belief breaking laws citizens nation predominant consideration issue logical step building inevitably welcome provide Turkey Muslim state Christian union secular constitution Justice and Development Party AK Party headscarf ban religious freedom European Union EU membership Islam democracy human rights religious discrimination Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate Islam western Islam EU expansion Turkey Muslim Christian European Union secular constitution government Justice and Development Party AK Party headscarf ban religious freedom human rights Islam democracy progress human rights EU membership Albania Bosnia Kosovo moderate Islam western Islamic country Turkey Muslim Christian European Union secular Justice and Development Party AK headscarves human rights Islam democracy religious freedom Albanian Bosnian Kosovar second-class citizens moderate western compatibility progress
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro03a	China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China will simply get similar products elsewhere  In a global marketplace, if EU states don't sell China arms, others will. Russia and Israel [1] already sell China much high-tech military material, between 2001 and 2010 Russia sold over $16billion of arms to China. [2] As Israel is a key American ally, US criticism of Europe over lifting this ban is particularly unfair. It is in Europe's economic interest to gain part of the huge Chinese market and so safeguard European jobs. And if European arms industries cannot find export markets, their production for domestic military forces is simply not enough to support the cost of research and development, [3] so our indigenous arms sector may collapse.  [1] BBC News, ‘US ‘anger’ at Israel weapons sale’, 2004.   [2] Ottens, Nick, ‘Russian Arms Sales to China Drying Up’, 2010.   [3] Ashbourne, Alex, ‘Opening the US Defence Market’, 2011, p1. China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries export markets research and development indigenous arms sector BBC News Russian Arms Sales Opening the US Defence Market China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector export markets domestic military forces Russian arms sales US defence market Alex Ashbourne Nick Ottens BBC News China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries research and development indigenous arms sector US Defence Market Ashbourne Alex Ottens Nick BBC News China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector export markets domestic military forces Russian arms sales US defence market China arms sales global marketplace EU states Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector export markets domestic military forces BBC News Russian Arms Sales US Defence Market China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development indigenous arms sector US Defence Market China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries export markets domestic military forces research and development indigenous arms sector collapse BBC News US anger Russian arms sales drying up opening US defence market China global marketplace EU states arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries research and development indigenous arms sector export markets domestic military forces production costs BBC News Russian Arms Sales US Defence Market Ashbourne Alex Ottens Nick China global marketplace EU arms sales Russia Israel high-tech military US criticism economic interest Chinese market European jobs arms industries export markets research and development indigenous arms sector BBC News Russian Arms Sales Defence Market China arms trade global marketplace EU states military equipment Russia Israel high-tech military material US criticism European economy Chinese market European jobs arms industry research and development domestic military forces export markets indigenous arms sector economic interest defense industry international relations US allies weapon sales political influence economic sanctions technology transfer defense policy international trade market competition military cooperation strategic partnerships economic implications political implications
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con01a	"Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. Creating needle exchange may normalise drug-taking behaviour  Needle exchanges increase drug use. The state implicitly accepts that drug use is an acceptable practice when it aids drug users in practicing their habit. As such drug users feel less afraid of taking drugs. This can extend to first time users who might be encouraged by friends to take drugs using the morally grey area created by needle exchanges as an argument.  Further, it is principally wrong that the state should help those who choose to take drugs to begin with. In doing so these people are choosing to firstly harm themselves and secondly cause harm to society as well as contravene the law. The state should exist in such a way that should someone contravene the law they be punished, not rewarded with extra supplies from the taxpayer with no further strings.1  1. Toni Meyer. ""Making the case for opposing needle  exchange"". New Jersey Family Policy Council. November 16, 2007. needle exchange drug use normalization state acceptance drug user behavior first-time users moral implications state responsibility law enforcement public health harm reduction societal impact taxpayer funding legal contravention punitive measures policy opposition New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer needle exchange drug-taking behavior increase drug use state acceptance drug users first-time users moral grey area state responsibility harming society contravening law taxpayer-funded supplies punishment reward Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchange drug use normalization state endorsement reduced drug stigma first-time drug use encouragement moral responsibility self-harm societal harm legal contravention punishment vs reward taxpayer funds public health policy harm reduction debate drug legalization arguments ethical implications addiction support community impact crime prevention substance abuse treatment public safety concerns needle exchange normalize drug use state endorsement drug user behavior immoral state action harm reduction controversy legal compliance public health debate taxpayer funding drug use encouragement societal impact first-time drug users policy opposition New Jersey Family Policy Council Toni Meyer contravene law punishment versus reward ethical governance public safety concerns health risks addiction enabling societal norms criminal behavior state responsibility needle exchange drug use normalization state-sponsored drug use harm reduction controversy drug policy public health addiction support legal implications taxpayer funding societal impact drug decriminalization moral arguments against needle exchanges first-time drug users drug-related crime ethical governance punitive measures drug enforcement health economics social norms substance abuse treatment needle exchange drug use normalization state acceptance drug user behavior first-time users moral implication state responsibility harm reduction legal contravention taxpayer funding policy opposition Toni Meyer New Jersey Family Policy Council needle exchange drug use normalize behavior state involvement harm reduction public health drug policy societal impact legal implications moral arguments addiction treatment community safety public opinion ethical considerations taxpayer funding policy effectiveness drug-related crime health education preventive measures substance abuse treatment harm minimization needle exchange drug use normalization state approval drug user behavior first-time users moral implications legal contravention public harm taxpayer funding policy opposition harm reduction societal impact drug legalization public health addiction support community values law enforcement moral grey area drug culture social norms needle exchange drug use normalization state involvement drug harm societal impact legal implications taxpayer funding punishment vs reward first-time users peer influence moral grey area public health policy substance abuse treatment harm reduction strategies community safety drug legalization debate ethical considerations public health ethics drug policy reform addiction support services needle exchange drug use normalise behaviour state acceptance drug user first time user moral argument state responsibility law contravention taxpayer funding punishment harm reduction public health substance abuse social impact policy debate legal drugs health ethics community standards crime prevention"
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro02a	This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. This ban would lower healthcare costs.  The health problems that smokers experience cost taxpayers (where healthcare is provided by the government) or the individual (for private healthcare) a lot of money. Decreasing the number of smokers – as a result of a reduction in both “social smokers” (those who smoke when out with friends) and “passive smokers” (those who do not smoke themselves but are exposed to the second-hand smoke of others) – will lead to a decrease in these healthcare costs. This has been reported – for example – in Arizona, where a study found that hospital admissions due to diagnoses for which there is evidence for a cause by smoking have decreased since the statewide smoking ban, and that costs have thus decreased [1] .  [1] Herman, Patricia M., and Walsh, Michele E. “Hospital Admissions for Acute Myocardial Infarction, Angina, Stroke, and Asthma After Implementation of Arizona’s Comprehensive Statewide Smoking Ban. American Journal of Public Health. 101(3). March 2011. smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions Arizona smoking-related diagnoses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma statewide smoking ban public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers individual costs social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke healthcare reduction Arizona study hospital admissions smoking-related diseases public health policy cardiovascular diseases respiratory diseases myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive smoking ban public health impact smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses Arizona statewide smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma public health cost reduction health benefits non-smokers public smoking restrictions health policy smoking reduction preventive healthcare economic impact health outcomes respiratory diseases cardiovascular diseases tobacco control medical expenses healthcare efficiency public health interventions long-term health effects anti-smoking laws health statistics smoking prevalence health improvement fiscal savings health expenditure healthcare utilization public health research smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers individual costs social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke healthcare reduction Arizona study hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma statewide smoking ban public health healthcare economics tobacco control non-smokers protection public places smoking health policy medical expenses smoking cessation benefits environmental tobacco smoke respiratory diseases cardiovascular diseases public health intervention cost-effectiveness analysis health outcomes health behavior change prevention strategies health insurance healthcare system economic burden of smoking health disparities policy evaluation public smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke hospital admissions Arizona statewide smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers individual costs social smokers passive smokers health problems Arizona hospital admissions acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma smoking-related diagnoses statewide smoking ban cost reduction public health second-hand smoke smoking reduction health benefits policy impact medical expenses non-smokers environmental tobacco smoke cardiovascular diseases respiratory issues public policy health economics smoking cessation societal impact health care utilization preventive medicine government intervention health statistics epidemiology public places indoor smoking health advocacy legislative effects tobacco control cardiovascular healthcare costs taxpayers private healthcare smokers social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke smoking ban hospital admissions Arizona comprehensive statewide smoking ban acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma healthcare savings public health tobacco control environmental tobacco smoke non-smokers health economics medical expenses public policy health benefits respiratory diseases cardiovascular diseases smoking cessation public places smoke-free laws health outcomes epidemiology health research disease prevention cost-effectiveness health intervention health disparities population health public health policy medical costs health statistics smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers individual costs social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke Arizona hospital admissions smoking-related diseases acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive statewide smoking ban public health cost reduction Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health smoking ban healthcare costs social smokers passive smokers hospital admissions Arizona smoking ban health problems taxpayers private healthcare second-hand smoke public health cardiovascular diseases respiratory issues policy impact cost reduction tobacco control epidemiology public policy medical expenses smoking cessation smoking ban healthcare costs taxpayers private healthcare social smokers passive smokers second-hand smoke healthcare reduction Arizona hospital admissions smoking-related diagnoses acute myocardial infarction angina stroke asthma comprehensive smoking ban public health Patricia M. Herman Michele E. Walsh American Journal of Public Health
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con01a	Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. Blocking social networks will not work  How are the police to block social networks when riots are ongoing? The idea that blocking an individual network like Twitter would stop online networking and reporting during riots is laughable and misunderstands the rapidity with which the internet community adapts to changed circumstances and attempts at censorship. Blocking Twitter might work once, but never again. This is why there have been suggestions that the police would go further and either cut off the internet or phone networks as they would effectively need to impose a communications blackout in order for it to be successful, much as the Chinese does in Tibet when there is unrest. [1] Even then the action may not work, rioters will likely simply post pictures and encouragement for the next night’s rioting once the internet and mobile connections are restored as governments would have to do if they did not want to affect the law abiding majority during the day.  [1] Branigan, T., “China cut off internet in area of Tibetan unrest”, The Guardian, 3 February 2012. blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest Branigan The Guardian pictures encouragement law abiding majority blocking social networks police riots censorship internet Twitter communication blackout Chinese Tibet unrest law abiding mobile connections pictures encouragement rioting blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest rioters pictures encouragement government law abiding majority blocking social networks police tactics riot control internet censorship online networking communication blackout Chinese internet control Tibetan unrest mobile networks law-abiding citizens digital adaptation emergency measures government intervention network restriction blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community censorship communication blackout internet cut off phone networks Chinese Tibet unrest rioters pictures encouragement law abiding majority Branigan The Guardian blocking social networks police block social networks riots ongoing twitter censorship internet community adaptation communications blackout cut off internet phone networks chinese tibet unrest rioters adapt government action law-abiding majority online networking reporting during riots internet restoration mobile connections online censorship social media adaptability riot control technological censorship social networks blocking police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community censorship communications blackout internet cut off phone networks Chinese Tibet unrest rioters pictures law abiding majority Branigan The Guardian blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest rioters pictures encouragement government law abiding majority blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting censorship internet community adaptation suggestions cut off internet phone networks communications blackout Chinese Tibet unrest rioters pictures encouragement internet restoration government law abiding majority blocking social networks police riots Twitter online networking reporting internet community adaptation censorship internet blackout phone networks communication restrictions government action rioters internet restoration law-abiding citizens China Tibet unrest
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro02a	Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. Overcomes prejudice  Affirmative action is required to overcome existing prejudice in universities’ admissions procedures. There is clear prejudice in the job market, as shown in a study by Marianne Bertrand, an associate professor at the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and Sendhil Mullainathan of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. [1] [2] Following this line of thinking, it is therefore not a far-fetched idea that admissions departments in top universities are likely to be discriminating against applicants from minority backgrounds, even if this process is not deliberate. A senior academic will look to see in applicants qualities they see in themselves, so, given the overwhelmingly white, affluent, male makeup of the academic community, minorities are at a disadvantage even if the admissions officer is not intending to discriminate against them. Prejudice towards certain types of applicants is blatantly unfair, and also undermines meritocracy (as explained above). Since we do not expect applicants from minority backgrounds to actually be worse applicants, it makes sense to require universities to take more of them, so as to protect the system from any bias that may exist.  [1] Bertrand, M. “Racial Bias in Hiring”. Spring 2003.   [2] BBC News Magazine. “Is it wrong to note 100m winners are always black?” August 27, 2011. affirmative action racial bias university admissions job market discrimination minority applicants meritocracy academic community hiring prejudice discrimination minority backgrounds admissions procedures prejudice fairness bias racial diversity educational equity social justice equal opportunity diversity in education underrepresented students systemic inequality unconscious bias policy solutions institutional racism equality in education inclusive admissions representation in academia overcoming discrimination fair admissions practices equitable hiring racial equality bias in education affirmative action policies minority representation prejudice in academia diversity initiatives inclusive practices equitable opportunities addressing bias merit-based admissions overcoming prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community diversity unintentional discrimination meritocracy racial bias in hiring equality in education diversity in universities bias mitigation strategies prejudice affirmative action universities admissions job market Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan University of Chicago Massachusetts Institute of Technology discrimination minority backgrounds academic community meritocracy bias hiring racial bias BBC News Magazine affirmative action university admissions job market prejudice Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices discrimination educational equity diversity in higher education unconscious bias socioeconomic factors gender bias ethnic diversity academic selection fair admissions social justice prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices top universities diversity in admissions bias in admissions fair admissions equal opportunity educational equity affirmative action university admissions job market prejudice Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan racial bias minority applicants academic community meritocracy hiring discrimination top universities admissions bias prejudice in hiring racial discrimination applicant disadvantage white affluent male university admissions procedures protecting system from bias overcomes prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market bias Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan discrimination minority applicants academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring practices BBC News Magazine 100m winners black athletes overcomes prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan University of Chicago Massachusetts Institute of Technology admissions bias minority applicants white affluent male academics meritocracy racial bias hiring BBC News Magazine 100m winners black athletes prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market discrimination Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority applicants academic community racial bias meritocracy hiring practices demographic representation educational equity prejudice affirmative action university admissions job market Marianne Bertrand Sendhil Mullainathan minority backgrounds academic community meritocracy racial bias hiring discrimination top universities applicant qualities bias protection diversity initiatives systemic bias admission procedures educational equity socioeconomic factors gender bias racial diversity academic merit cultural bias implicit bias recruitment practices employment discrimination educational opportunity social justice equality in education ethnic diversity selection criteria admission standards fair representation minority students white applicants affluent backgrounds male dominance academic selection merit-based admissions equality in admissions
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro04a	A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 A ban would be simple to enforce.  A ban would be simple to create and enforce. Religious symbols are for the most part meant to be shown therefore it is simple for police or authorities to check that someone is not wearing them. There are many societies that have had bans on a religious symbol in public buildings, for example in France where there is a ban on religious symbols in schools has been in force since 2004. In France the ban is made even easier to enforce by restricting it to 'conspicuous' religious apparel.1 Moreover when the ban is only when entering public buildings it can be enforced by the teacher, or the building's security guards rather than being an issue for the police to deal with.  1 BBC News, 'French scarf ban comes into force', 2 September 2004 , accessed 28/8/11 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards public building BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies bans public buildings France 2004 schools conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards public buildings BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous symbols police enforcement security guards teacher enforcement legal precedents implementation ease policy compliance ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities public buildings France schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards BBC News French scarf ban ban enforcement religious symbols public buildings France school ban conspicuous religious apparel teacher enforcement security guard checks ban enforcement ban creation religious symbols public display police checking conspicuous symbols France ban religious apparel public buildings schools teacher enforcement security guards policy implementation legal restrictions public safety cultural norms religious freedom societal norms governmental regulation public policy legislative measures enforcement mechanisms compliance monitoring religious expression secular environments ethnic diversity multicultural societies legal precedents constitutional rights freedom of expression civil liberties human rights international comparisons policy effectiveness symbolic representation public institutions governmental authority legal enforcement cultural integration social cohesion policy impact societal values legislative ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities public buildings France schools 2004 conspicuous apparel teacher security guards public buildings BBC News French scarf ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities check wearing societies bans public buildings France ban religious symbols schools 2004 conspicuous religious apparel entering public buildings teacher security guards police issue BBC News French scarf ban 2 September 2004 accessed 28/8/11 ban enforce create religious symbols police authorities societies France public buildings schools conspicuous religious apparel teacher security guards French scarf ban
test-society-epsihbdns-con01a	Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, Freedom of movement is an intrinsic human right  Every human being is born with certain rights. These are protected by various charters and are considered inseparable from the human being. The reason for this is a belief that these rights create the fundamental and necessary conditions to lead a human life. Freedom of movement is one of these and has been recognised as such in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [1] If a family finds themselves faced with starvation, the only chance they have of survival might be to move to another place where they might live another day. It is inhuman to condemn individuals to death and suffering for the benefit of some nebulous collective theory. While we might pass some of our freedoms to the state, we have a moral right to the freedoms that help us stay alive – in this context freedom of movement is one of those.  [1] General Assembly, “The Universal Declaration of Human Rights”, 10 December 1948, freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights universal declaration of human rights article 13 fundamental conditions human life survival starvation moral right state collective theory human rights intrinsic rights charters inseparable rights fundamental conditions human life Article 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival starvation moral right state freedoms collective theory inhuman condemnation death suffering moral obligation movement freedom survival relocation humanitarian legal protection dignity equality mobility citizenship borders displacement refugees asylum global citizenship universal values intrinsic dignity natural rights civil liberties personal autonomy social contract governmental authority human security ethical responsibility philosophical justification legal framework international law human rights law freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival human dignity moral rights state authority collective theory individual freedoms right to life necessary conditions fundamental rights charters inseparable rights human life starvation relocation condemnation suffering death ethical considerations legal protections international law human rights law mobility rights personal liberty societal benefits individual welfare humanitarian principles global standards civil liberties social justice equity human security displacement migration refugee rights asylum human rights violations freedom of travel freedom of movement human rights universal declaration of human rights intrinsic rights survival fundamental conditions human life moral right state authority individual freedoms collective theory starvation right to survival article 13 general assembly 1948 declaration Freedom of movement human rights fundamental conditions Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival morality state authority individual freedoms collective theory human dignity legal charters intrinsic rights starvation relocation human life moral right government powers civil liberties societal norms ethical principles personal liberty mobility rights humanitarian law constitutional rights humanitarian aid social justice legal protections freedom of residence migration rights personal autonomy freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights survival moral right state authority individual freedoms human dignity basic rights legal protection mobility rights collective theory human life conditions freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival starvation moral right state authority individual liberties collective theory human dignity fundamental conditions inseparable rights legal protection charter rights human life 搬迁自由 生存权 人权宣言 道德权利 国家权力 个体自由 集体理论 人类尊严 基本人权 法律保护 权利宪章 人生存条件 不可分割的权利 freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival moral right state collective theory human life fundamental conditions starvation relocation inhuman condemnation rights and freedoms legal protection charter rights inseparability human dignity mobility rights survival rights ethical considerations societal norms legal frameworks human rights law international law human rights protection basic needs dignity movement rights individual liberties personal freedom collective benefit state authority human rights advocacy human rights philosophy essential rights natural rights civil rights mobility freedom of movement human rights intrinsic rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 survival moral right state authority collective theory human life conditions freedom of movement human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 13 intrinsic rights moral right survival state rights collective theory human life conditions charters inseparable rights starvation migration human dignity legal rights ethical considerations individual rights societal benefits freedom limitations
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro02a	A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. A UN standing army would be ideally suited to respond to contemporary crises.  Changes in modern warfare dictate the need for an impartial, rapidly-deploying, multi-national force. Modern warfare is no longer the trench battles of battalions aligned to a flag, it is increasingly police actions designed to prevent the resort to warfare in the first place or enforce ceasefires once they have begun. As such, the impartiality of a UN standing army would be highly valuable, offering both parties in the conflict a neutral peacemaker and peacekeeper. Contrast this to the perceived differences in attitude between troops from Britain, the US, Russia and France to warring sides in the Balkans. It would be free of accusations of meddling and self-interest that accompany the participation of troops from neighbouring states in UN interventions (for example, Nigeria in West African missions). A UN standing army could overcome local civilian suspicion, free from the threat of propaganda from those opposed to it and free from the restraints of state power on those troops involved.  Furthermore, a UN standing army would be able to deploy much faster than current peacekeeping missions which are held back by the bureaucracy of finding troops, equipment and funding. The present system takes months to put forces in the field, and these are often inadequate to the task in hand, as member states have pledged fewer troops than were requested and they then struggle to co-ordinate across cultural and linguistic barriers. This has meant the UN has often acted too late, with too little force, and has thereby failed to avert humanitarian disasters in such places as Central Africa, Bosnia, Sierra Leone and Somalia. A UN standing army would be permanently available and able to deploy rapidly to contain crises before they turn into full-scale wars and humanitarian disasters. Without an independent army, the UN has ‘no capacity to avert such catastrophes’ 1 for it simply cannot raise forces quickly or effectively enough.  [1] Johansen, R. C. (2006). A United Nations Emergency Peace Service to Prevent Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p.23. UN standing army modern warfare impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions ceasefires neutrality peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences warring sides Balkans meddling self-interest Nigeria West African missions propaganda state power faster deployment bureaucracy troops equipment funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia preventing full-scale wars UN capacity raising forces genocides crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national neutral peacemaker peacekeeper conflict resolution international intervention unbiased humaneitarian disasters rapid response peacekeeping missions crisis containment UN efficiency Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia UN Emergency Peace Service genocide prevention crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national neutral peacemaker peacekeeper conflict resolution Balkans Nigeria West African missions propaganda state power rapid deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia UN capacity genocides crimes against humanity Johansen United Nations Emergency Peace Service UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force multi-national police actions ceasefire enforcement neutral peacemaker peacekeeper conflict impartiality peacekeeping effectiveness rapid deployment humanitarian disasters cultural barriers linguistic barriers UN Emergency Peace Service genocide prevention crimes against humanity rapid crisis response UN capacity member state contributions funding challenges troop coordination international peacekeeping global security conflict prevention humanitarian intervention UN reform military neutrality international cooperation peacekeeping missions rapid reaction forces UN efficiency crisis management international stability troop pledges conflict zones peacekeeping mandates UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences attitude warring sides Balkans neutrality peacemaking peacekeeping meddling self-interest neighboring states UN interventions Nigeria West African missions civilian suspicion propaganda state power faster deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troops equipment funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia prevent genocides crimes against humanity United Nations Emergency Peace UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires UN neutrality peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences international troops Balkans conflict UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda resistance state power rapid deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troop availability funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia UN capacity avert catastrophes independent army United Nations Emergency Peace Service prevent genocide crimes against humanity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartiality rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions ceasefire enforcement neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences troop attitudes warring sides Balkans meddling self-interest neighbouring states UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda restraints of state power rapid deployment bureaucracy finding troops equipment funding inadequate forces co-ordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers late response humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia full-scale wars preventing catastrophes raising forces UN capacity UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national trench battles police actions ceasefire enforcement impartiality neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences troop attitudes Balkans neutrality meddling self-interest local civilian suspicion propaganda state power deployment speed bureaucracy troop coordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia preventing wars independent army averting catastrophes capacity raising forces effectiveness UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial force rapidly-deploying multi-national police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper impartiality perceived differences troop attitudes Balkans conflicts free from accusations meddling self-interest neighbouring states UN interventions local civilian suspicion propaganda state power faster deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy troops equipment funding humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent army avert catastrophes raise forces effective United Nations Emergency Peace Service prevent genocide crimes UN standing army contemporary crises modern warfare impartial rapidly-deploying multi-national force police actions prevent warfare enforce ceasefires neutral peacemaker peacekeeper perceived differences warring sides Balkans free of accusations meddling self-interest neighbouring states UN interventions Nigeria West African missions overcome local suspicion propaganda state power troops faster deployment peacekeeping missions bureaucracy finding troops equipment funding inadequate forces co-ordination cultural barriers linguistic barriers humanitarian disasters Central Africa Bosnia Sierra Leone Somalia independent army avert
test-international-epglghbni-pro04a	Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland would bring about an end to sectarian violence  A united Ireland doesn’t have to marginalize the Protestant population. If they are included more in the political process there can be debate, discussion and an airing of grievances which can then be resolved.  There is little sense of attachment to the UK, and British institutions. Much like the Scottish and Welsh, the Northern Irish feel Northern Irish. This shows that the ties to Britain are not emotional, but political. It is clear that Unionists just want to have power over how they run their lives. If Unionists are included in the political process in a united Ireland they will have no grievances and there will finally be a lasting peace. Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionists power self-governance lasting peace uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievance resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist power lasting peace political process marginalized communities national unity conflict resolution power sharing emotional ties political ties Scottish identity Welsh identity united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievance resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist power political process lasting peace united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionists power lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion airing of grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity ties to Britain emotional ties political ties Unionists power over lives lasting peace Scottish Welsh marginalization inclusion Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionists power lasting peace Uniting Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievances resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Scottish Welsh Unionists power self-governance lasting peace united Ireland sectarian violence Protestant population political inclusion debate discussion grievance resolution attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionist inclusion power over lives lasting peace sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances sense of attachment British institutions Scottish Welsh Northern Irish identity ties to Britain Unionists power lasting peace inclusivity united Ireland marginalization emotional ties political ties sectarian violence Protestant population political process debate discussion grievances attachment to UK British institutions Northern Irish identity Unionists power lasting peace
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con04a	Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation has made socialism impractical to implement  Global economic forces have rendered socialism powerless. Financial speculation, and investment flows can make or break economies, and the agents who channel these monies want to see countries liberalise, privatise and de-regulate more. This is being shown by the speculative attacks on Eurozone countries where the markets are showing they can force governments to implement tough austerity or even force changes in government without an election as has happened in Greece and Italy where technocrats have taken over as Heads of Government. [1]  These more flexible markets generate higher levels of growth and prosperity, and provide higher returns on investment, encouraging more. Countries which try to resist globalisation and liberal economic markets, as in ‘old Europe’, suffer stagnant growth and higher unemployment as a result. Old socialist-style economic models of tight economic regulation and central planning are unsustainable.  [1] Frankel, Jeffrey, ‘Let European technocrats weave their magic’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 29 November 2011, Globalisation socialism impractical economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets government austerity technocrats growth prosperity higher returns investment resistance liberal markets old Europe stagnant growth unemployment unsustainable economic models tight regulation central planning globalisation socialism impractical global economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies agents liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments tough austerity changes government election Greece Italy technocrats Heads of Government flexible markets growth prosperity returns investment resist old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment unsustainable economic models regulation central planning globalization socialism economic forces financial speculation investment flows economic liberalization privatization deregulation Eurozone speculative attacks markets government changes technocrats Greece Italy economic growth prosperity investment returns old Europe stagnant growth unemployment economic regulation central planning sustainability globalisation socialism impractical global economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity technocrats heads of government flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment old Europe stagnant growth high unemployment economic models tight regulation central planning unsustainable Globalisation socialism impractical economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity investment returns resist globalisation liberal economic markets old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment unsustainable economic regulation central planning globalisation socialism economic forces financial speculation investment flows liberalise privatise deregulate Eurozone speculative attacks austerity government changes technocrats flexible markets growth prosperity investment returns old Europe economic regulation central planning unsustainable models globalisation socialism impractical global economic forces financial speculation investment flows liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments tough austerity technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment resist globalisation liberal economic markets old Europe stagnant growth higher unemployment unsustainable economic models tight economic regulation central planning Jeffrey Frankel European technocrats Sydney Morning Herald globalisation socialism impractical economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments austerity changes technocrats Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns investment resist liberal economic markets old Europe stagnant growth unemployment unsustainable tight economic regulation central planning globalisation socialism impractical economic forces powerless financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate speculative attacks Eurozone markets governments tough austerity changes government election technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment resist old Europe stagnant growth unemployment unsustainable central planning economic models Frankel European technocrats Sydney Morning Herald globalisation socialism impractical economic forces financial speculation investment flows economies liberalise privatise deregulate Eurozone speculative attacks markets governments austerity technocrats Heads of Government Greece Italy flexible markets growth prosperity returns on investment old Europe stagnant growth high unemployment unsustainable economic models central planning
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro01a	"Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf Needle exchanges prevent the transmission of disease  A needle exchange as mentioned in the introduction allows drug users to trade in dirty needles for new ones. This can prevent disease simply by preventing transfer of fluids from one drug user to another. As such, if one drug addict has HIV and has not yet been diagnosed it becomes less likely that he will transmit the disease to another person. Further, many drug addicts fail to even consider the possibility of infection via dirty needles, the mere presence of a needle exchange in the nearby vicinity causes drug addicts to be more aware of the dangers associated with dirty needles.  Further, the liberalising effect that needle exchanges have on public opinion can often cause societal change that allows needles to be bought over the counter. This is especially good in targeting drug users who do not wish to reveal that they have an addiction and allows them use of clean needles.  To back this up it has been found by some researchers that, there has been a one-third reduction in HIV prevalence in New Haven, Connecticut, after its NEP had been in operation for only 4 months. Researchers found an 18.6% average annual decrease in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had introduced an NEP, compared to an 8.1% annual increase in HIV seroprevalence in cities that had never introduced NEPs. HIV prevalence among NEP attenders in a Canadian city was low, even though high-risk behaviors were common. Injecting drug users in Seattle who had formerly attended an NEP were found to be more likely than non-exchangers to reduce the frequency of injection, to stop injecting altogether, and to remain in drug treatment, while new users of the NEP were five times more likely to enter drug treatment than never-exchangers.""1  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf needle exchanges disease transmission drug users dirty needles new needles HIV undiagnosed HIV infection awareness societal change over-the-counter needles addiction clean needles HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP HIV seroprevalence injecting drug users drug treatment non-exchangers new users high-risk behaviors frequency of injection drug treatment retention needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission drug users clean needles public health addiction societal change over-the-counter needles HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP HIV seroprevalence Canadian city Injecting drug users Seattle drug treatment high-risk behaviors Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease prevention HIV drug users clean needles public opinion societal change HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP injecting drug users drug treatment seroprevalence high-risk behaviors Seattle never-exchangers Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease prevention clean needles HIV transmission drug users public health societal change over-the-counter needles addiction awareness HIV seroprevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP impact drug treatment injecting drug users high-risk behaviors Seattle NEP attendance drug treatment entry needle exchanges disease prevention HIV drug users clean needles public opinion societal change over-the-counter needles HIV prevalence NEP injecting drug users drug treatment high-risk behaviors reduction in injection frequency stopping injection entering drug treatment needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission dirty needles clean needles drug users public opinion societal change over the counter HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP Canadian city Seattle drug treatment high-risk behaviors injection frequency Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease transmission drug users dirty needles new needles HIV prevention undiagnosed HIV infection awareness public opinion societal change over-the-counter needles addiction privacy HIV prevalence New Haven Connecticut NEP HIV seroprevalence injecting drug users Seattle drug treatment high-risk behaviors Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease prevention HIV transmission public health drug users clean needles HIV seroprevalence New Haven Connecticut Canadian city Seattle drug treatment high-risk behaviors public opinion over-the-counter needles addiction awareness societal change injecting drug users NEP attenders non-exchangers reduction in HIV prevalence drug injection frequency HIV prevention addiction treatment Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease transmission HIV drug users clean needles public opinion societal change HIV prevalence NEP injecting drug users drug treatment high-risk behaviors seroprevalence New Haven Seattle Canadian city HIV reduction O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges disease transmission HIV prevention drug users clean needles public opinion societal change HIV seroprevalence New Haven NEP Injecting drug users drug treatment Seattle high-risk behaviors Canadian city HIV prevalence Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health"
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro02a	It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in cases where there is a real danger of jury tampering or intimidation.  It is very difficult to carry out trial by jury if people involved in the case continuously attempt to tamper with the jury, or unduly influence its decision. For example, the UK home office has stated that trying to protect jurors from tampering can be extremely disruptive to the jurors themselves, who may in extreme cases need police protection 24 hours a day. Cases involving international terrorism, drug smuggling or organized crime are the most likely to present such problems 1. In the infamous trial of Italian anarchists Vanzetti and Sacco, one of the jurors had a bomb thrown at his house, despite a huge number of security measures taken by the Massachusetts government 2. Another example is the 2008 case of a large armed robbery at Heathrow. After three mistrials, which cost £22m and the last of which collapsed after a serious attempt at jury tampering, it was decided that the case would be tried by a judge alone 3. If eliminating the jury is the only way to ensure that a) a trial occurs and b) jurors are safe, particularly when it is the defendants' fault that a fair trial by jury is untenable, it may be necessary to do so. jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury legal proceedings UK home office juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco jury security Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge alone trial fair trial defendant fault trial safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco juror safety Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendant influence jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Sacco and Vanzetti Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault trial safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury juror safety police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime UK home office Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault eliminating jury jury tampering intimidation trial safety juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Sacco and Vanzetti Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial defendants' fault trial efficiency legal system judicial integrity public safety criminal justice jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury court security juror protection police protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trials fair trial defendant misconduct court costs trial disruption security measures juror safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime UK home office juror protection Vanzetti and Sacco armed robbery Heathrow mistrials judge alone fair trial defendants' fault safety trial occurrence legal procedures criminal cases judicial system security measures prosecution defense court proceedings judicial integrity public safety legal reform courtroom security judicial administration jury selection judicial oversight verdict integrity trial integrity legal ethics judicial ethics judicial decision-making legal challenges legal ethics judicial challenges judicial discretion jury tampering intimidation trial by jury legal system judicial process security measures juror safety international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Heathrow armed robbery mistrials judge-alone trial fair trial judicial integrity public safety legal reform criminal justice defendant influence judicial efficiency trial integrity legal safeguards juror protection judicial proceedings high-risk cases legal challenges judicial decisions legal ethics trial procedures judicial administration legal controversies juror intimidation judicial security courtroom safety legal disputes judicial oversight legal protections judicial jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury limitations UK home office juror protection 24-hour police protection international terrorism cases drug smuggling cases organized crime cases Vanzetti and Sacco trial Heathrow armed robbery case mistrials judge-alone trials fair trial defendant fault juror safety jury tampering jury intimidation trial by jury UK home office juror protection international terrorism drug smuggling organized crime Vanzetti and Sacco Sacco and Vanzetti trial Heathrow armed robbery 2008 Heathrow trial judge-alone trial fair trial juror safety defendants' fault mistrials legal proceedings criminal justice system
test-science-ascidfakhba-con03a	The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. The lack of control over, and profit from, art will serve as a serious disincentive to artistic output  Profit is as much a factor in artists’ decision to produce work, if not more so, than the primordial urge to create. Without the guarantee of ownership over one’s artistic work, the incentive to invest in its creation is certainly diminished. Within a strong copyright system, individuals feel free to invest time in their pursuits because they have full knowledge that the final product of their labours will be theirs to enjoy. [1] Without copyright protections the marginal cases, like people afraid to put time into actually building an installation art piece rather than doing more hours at their job, will not opt to create. If their work were to immediately leave their control, they would most certainly be less inclined to do so. Furthermore, the inability of others to simply duplicate existing works as their own means they too will be galvanized to break ground on new ideas, rather than simply re-tread over current ideas and to adapt existing works to markets. Art thrives by being new and original. Copyright protections shield against artistic laziness and drive the creative urges of the artistically inclined to ever more interesting fields.  [1] Greenberg, M. “Reason or Madness: A Defense of Copyright’s Growing Pains”. John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law. 2007. artistic output profit incentive copyright ownership investment creation installation art duplication originality creativity intellectual property artist motivation economic factors creative industry legal protection artistic disincentives market adaptation cultural production creative labor artistic creation economic incentives copyright law intellectual property creative motivation artistic production legal protections profit motive artistic investment originality in art creative disincentives copyright importance artistic labor creative output artistic rights economic factors in art artistic decisions copyright benefits artistic expression legal ownership artistic value creative industries art market copyright impact artistic innovation artistic fear marginal artistic cases artistic laziness creative fields art duplication artistic integrity creative freedom artistic entrepreneurship art economics legal control over art artistic entrepreneurship art creation incentives art production economics artistic control profit art disincentive artistic output copyright ownership investment creation installation art marginal cases duplication originality creativity intellectual property legal protections artistic laziness market adaptation creative urges new ideas artistic control profit from art artistic output copyright protection incentive to create ownership of work investment in creation copyright system marginal cases installation art duplicate works original art creative urges artistic laziness intellectual property copyright law art creation economic incentive artist motivation artistic output profit control copyright ownership incentive investment creation installation art marginal cases duplication originality creativity intellectual property artistic laziness market adaptation new ideas creative urges legal protections Greenberg John Marshall Review of Intellectual Property Law artistic output profit incentives copyright protections creative investment ownership rights artistic disincentives new and original art intellectual property artists' decision-making creative urges artistic laziness economic factors in art legal protections for artists artistic creation motivation market adaptation of art artistic creation profit copyright ownership incentives artistic output investment creative work copyright protections originality creativity intellectual property artistic disincentives marginal cases artistic laziness new ideas market adaptation creative urges time investment legal protections artistic freedom economic factors production motivation creative pursuits legal guarantees artistic labor creative expression economic incentives artistic innovation property rights artistic control creative industries artistic value cultural production legal framework creative economy artistic identity creative output legal security artistic enterprise copyright law artistic decisions economic rewards legal artistic creation copyright protections profit motivation incentive to create ownership rights creative investment installation art marginal cases artistic output original works intellectual property creative urges artistic laziness new ideas market adaptation copyright profit artistic output disincentive ownership creation investment installation art originality creativity intellectual property legal protections artistic incentives market adaptation creative industries economic factors artist motivation legal frameworks cultural production lack of control profit artistic output disincentive copyright ownership investment creation time installation art job duplication originality creativity intellectual property greenberg defense copyright protections artistic laziness market adaptation
test-economy-beghwbh-con02a	"Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity or room for expansion  The plans for the Hyperloop provide that “The capacity would be 840 passengers per hour which more than sufficient to transport all of the 6 million passengers traveling between Los Angeles and San Francisco areas per year.” With only 28 people per capsule and a maximum of one capsule every 30 seconds there is not much room for expansion. It would seem surprising if this service only carried 6million passengers a year. The Taiwan High Speed Rail running between Taipei and Zuoying carried 41.6 million passengers in 2011 [1] considering that Taiwan has a population of 23 million compared to the combined population of the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles metropolitan areas of 26million this does not seem an unreasonable comparison. [2] Even if we assume it will not be used at all for commuting and take the Eurostar as the point of comparison the Hyperloop still has only two thirds of the capacity it would need as Eurostar’s ridership is currently approaching 10million. [3]  [1] ""Table 2-8 Passenger Traffic of High-Speed Rail"" . Monthly Statistics of Transportation & Communications . MOTC Department of Statistics .  [2] ‘Annual Estimates of the Population of Combined Statistical Areas’, Census.gov, 2012,   [3] ‘’Strong’ 2012 for Eurostar’, Global Rail News, 25 March 2013, Lack of capacity room for expansion Hyperloop passenger transport San Francisco Los Angeles Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population comparison passenger traffic ridership capacity needs travel demand transport statistics census data metropolitan areas transport planning infrastructure limitations future expansion passenger volume urban mobility transportation systems high-speed rail travel patterns transport capacity demand projections transit services metropolitan travel regional transport passenger flow transit demand rail transport transport efficiency Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers travel San Francisco Los Angeles Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting ridership population metropolitan areas capsule frequency transportation statistics census global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers transportation Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population ridership Comparison LA San Francisco capsule frequency commuter usage travel demand Lack of capacity room for expansion Hyperloop passenger transportation LA to SF travel Taiwan High Speed Rail population comparison Eurostar commuting ridership comparison transportation statistics census data global rail news passenger traffic high-speed rail urban transportation metropolitan areas travel demand capacity planning infrastructure limitations future expansion transit systems passenger volume travel patterns regional transportation capacity analysis transit capacity transportation demand urban mobility transportation efficiency travel frequency transit system capacity passenger flow transportation studies travel projections infrastructure capacity transportation infrastructure transit ridership urban transit Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers per hour per year Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar comparison commuting population statistical data transportation rail ridership metropolitan areas capsule frequency Hyperloop capacity expansion passenger transportation comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting ridership population metropolitan areas capsule frequency efficiency infrastructure demand supply future planning transit systems travel patterns urban mobility Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers Los Angeles San Francisco Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population statistical comparison transportation ridership capsule frequency passenger traffic metro areas census data global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passenger transport Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population metropolitan areas ridership LA San Francisco capsules frequency comparison efficacy travel demand infrastructure limitations Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers Los Angeles San Francisco Taiwan High Speed Rail population Eurostar commuting ridership comparison transportation statistics census combined statistical areas global rail news Hyperloop capacity expansion passengers transportation comparison Taiwan High Speed Rail Eurostar commuting population census ridership throughput frequency capsule metropolitan areas LA San Francisco traffic statistics annual estimates rail service travel demand supply infrastructure planning"
test-international-emephsate-pro01a	The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 The admission of Turkey will help the economy of the EU develop more dynamically.  Turkey has a booming economy with one of the fastest growing economies of the world [1] . Turkey has a young, skilled and vibrant workforce contributing in the fields of innovation, industry and finance. Having a young and growing population means that Turkey is in the opposite situation to the European Union, whose population is declining. As a result Turkey joining would be very complementary to the European Economy. In Turkey 26.6% of the population are under 15 [2] while in the EU only 15.44% is. [3] This is significant because the population of the European Union as a whole will be declining by 2035 [4] and because of the aging population the working population will be declining considerably before this. Aging obviously means that the EU will not be able to produce as much, but also that much more of EU resources will be devoted to caring for the elderly with a result that there is likely to be an drag on GDP per capita of -0.3% per year. [5] One way to compensate for this is to bring new countries with younger populations into the Union.  [1] GDP growth (annual %). The World Bank.  Accessed on: September 3, 2012.  [2] ‘Turkey’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [3] ‘European Union’, The World Factbook, 24 August 2012,   [4] Europa, ‘Population projections 2008-2060 From 2015, deaths projected to outnumber births in the EU27’, STAT/08/119, 26 August 2008,   [5] Carone, Giuseppe, et al., ‘The economic impact of aging populations in the EU 25 Member States’, Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs, n.. 236, December 2005,  p.15 Turkey EU economy development population workforce GDP growth innovation industry finance young skilled vibrant declining aging 互补 resources elderly GDP per capita compensation countries union dynamic boom fast-growing World Bank World Factbook projections Economic and Financial Affairs member states impact aging populations Member States STAT Europa Carone Giuseppe Turkey EU economy development population workforce innovation industry finance young growing aging decline GDP resources elderly care compensation countries population projections economic impact aging populations member states births deaths statutory report economic and financial affairs Turkey EU economy development workforce innovation industry finance young population declining population aging population GDP growth resources elderly care GDP per capita population projections economic impact aging populations member states Turkey EU economy dynamic development booming economy young workforce skilled labor innovation industry finance population growth declining EU population aging population GDP growth economic complementarity workforce demographics economic projections population projections EU resources elderly care GDP per capita new member states economic impact aging populations EU member states demographic balance economic vitality workforce replenishment economic productivity demographic trends economic benefits population statistics economic forecasts economic policy EU expansion demographic challenges economic challenges economic opportunities EU demographics Turkey demographics economic integration economic growth population dynamics Turkey EU economy development workforce innovation industry finance population young aging GDP resources elderly drag compensation countries Union projections deaths births member states impact financial affairs Turkey EU economy development workforce young population GDP growth aging population complementarity labor force innovation industry finance population decline economic impact aging workforce productivity resource allocation demographic trends EU membership demographic balance GDP per capita economic projections population projections member states economic affairs economic and financial affairs Turkey EU economy development population workforce innovation industry finance young aging productivity GDP resources elderly decline compensation membership vitality demographic balance growth vitality European Union Turkey's economy population dynamics economic impact aging population working population GDP per capita demographic trends EU expansion economic complementarity workforce demographics economic benefits population decline economic challenges demographic changes economic projections population projections economic and financial affairs economic and demographic studies Turkey EU economy development dynamic booming workforce innovation industry finance young population declining aging GDP growth resources elderly compensation membership projection impact financial affairs member states Turkey EU economy development workforce young population growth GDP aging population complementarity labor force demographic trends economic impact resources productivity GDP per capita population projections births deaths aging societies policy integration potential economic benefits challenges workforce participation innovation industry finance contribution 活力 动态发展 人口结构 劳动力市场 经济增长动力 欧盟成员国 人口老龄化 年轻人口比例 经济活力 社会福利 劳动生产率 人口统计特征 经济预测 成员国优势互补 人口红利 经济合作 未来发展 经济负担 Turkey EU economy development workforce innovation industry finance population young declining aging GDP resources elderly drag compensation countries union population projections economic impact aging populations
test-international-ghbunhf-con04a	Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. Solution to problems of UN is to reform outdated structures.  It is undeniably true that some of the UN’s procedures need to be improved, and standards of financial transparency improved. However, this is true of many governments and international organisations, not just the UN. The answer to the UN’s problems is not to give up on it but rather reform it for the 21st century, including perhaps changing or augmenting the permanent membership of the Security Council to reflect the reality of the modern world. [1]  [1] London, Jacqueline. “Reform of the United Nations Security Council”. International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute. 29th June 2007. UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures 21st century reform Security Council membership modern world representation global governance institutional change international cooperation diplomatic restructuring peacekeeping evolution global politics international law state sovereignty multilateralism global security democratic representation global equity UN reform outdated structures improved procedures financial transparency government improvements international organizations 21st century reform Security Council membership modern world reflection UN improvements global governance international cooperation institutional change diplomatic strategies multilateral reforms UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures 21st century reforms Security Council membership permanent membership changes modern world reflection global governance UN reform outdated structures procedural improvements financial transparency international organizations government reform 21st century adaptation Security Council membership modern world reflection global governance enhancement UN reform outdated structures financial transparency procedural improvements government reforms international organizations 21st century adaptation Security Council membership modern world representation global governance international cooperation institutional change Jacqueline London International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute UN reform outdated structures financial transparency government improvement international organizations Security Council permanent membership 21st century adaptation global governance international relations diplomatic change institutional modernization policy update procedural enhancement organizational development strategic reformation global politics multilateral reform international community governance improvement security council reform membership augmentation contemporary alignment institutional evolution systemic overhaul global order restructuring international framework update UN procedural changes transparency enhancement structural adjustment membership expansion strategic alignment policy refinement governance transformation international cooperation diplomatic strategy organizational renewal global strategy UN adaptation UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organizations government procedures 21st century reforms Security Council membership global governance institutional change international law diplomatic relations global politics international cooperation peacekeeping global security international community United Nations Charter international relations theory multilateralism human rights sustainable development global health environmental protection economic sanctions peacebuilding conflict resolution regional representation global democracy international justice Security Council expansion veto power global equity international solidarity world order global citizenship UN reform outdated structures procedural improvements financial transparency government reforms international organizations 21st century reform Security Council permanent membership modern world reflection international affairs foreign policy Jacqueline London UN reform outdated structures financial transparency government procedures international organizations Security Council permanent membership modern world 21st century Jacqueline London International Affairs and Foreign Policy Institute UN reform outdated structures financial transparency international organisations government procedures Security Council membership 21st century reforms global governance institutional change diplomatic improvements
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro02a	If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: If there is a benevolent deity, then there should not be the kinds of evil observable in the world and He would likely show more interest in His creation than He appears to have done so far:  If God, or the gods, were good there would be no evil in the world. Disasters would not kill millions of innocents, disease and hunger would not claim the lives of children every day, war and genocide would not slaughter people indiscriminately as they have done for countless bloody millennia. The world is awash with blood, pain, and suffering. No loving God would make a world so imperfect and troubled. [1] The world’s ills are perfectly explained by the natural, amoral development of the Universe, of life, and of humanity. The reality of the Universe, however, is incompatible with a God of goodness, as He is conventionally described by today’s predominant religions, which stem from the Abrahamic tradition.  [1] Tooley, Michael. 2009. “The Problem of Evil”. Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Available: benevolent deity evil observable world God gods good disasters innocents disease hunger children war genocide Universe natural development amoral humanity problem of evil Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Tooley Abrahamic tradition religious explanation moral evil natural evil theodicy divine omnipotence divine goodness human suffering moral argument atheism theism religious studies philosophy of religion benevolent deity evil observable good god no evil world disasters innocent deaths disease hunger children deaths war genocide bloody millennia world suffering loving god imperfect world troubled world natural development amoral universe life development humanity development reality universe incompatible god goodness abrahamic religions problem of evil stanford encyclopedia philosophy michael tooley benevolent deity evil observable loving God world's ills natural development Universe life humanity moral development Abrahamic religions God of goodness conventional description Problem of Evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable God's interest good gods no evil disasters disease hunger war genocide blood pain suffering loving God imperfect world troubled world natural development amoral universe life humanity conventional God predominant religions Abrahamic tradition problem of evil Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Michael Tooley benevolent deity evil observable disasters disease hunger war genocide suffering loving God imperfect world natural development amoral universe problem of evil Tooley Abrahamic religions Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy moral arguments against God theodicy philosophical theology ethical monotheism divine providence free will defense natural evil moral evil omnipotence omniscience omnibenevolence atheism agnosticism religious philosophy theological debate divine attributes moral perfection anthropocentrism cosmology human suffering benevolent deity evil observable God's interest no evil world disasters disease hunger war genocide innocent suffering loving God imperfect world natural amoral development Universe life humanity problem of evil Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Abrahamic tradition religions theological paradox moral argument atheism theodicy philosophical theology criticism of religion divine omnipotence divine omniscience divine benevolence human suffering natural evil moral evil divine hiddenness free will defense soul-making theodicy logical problem of evil benevolent deity evil observable world creation good gods no evil disasters innocents disease hunger children war genocide blood pain suffering loving God imperfect world troubled world natural development amoral universe life development humanity development reality universe incompatible God goodness conventional description predominant religions Abrahamic tradition problem of evil Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Michael Tooley 2009 benevolent deity evil observable divine interest creation good God no evil disasters innocent deaths disease hunger child mortality war genocide suffering imperfect world troubled existence natural development amoral universe life humanity problem of evil Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Abrahamic religions divine goodness theological inconsistency benevolent deity evil observable world creation God gods goodness disasters disease hunger war genocide pain suffering natural development Universe life humanity moral Abrahamic tradition problem of evil Michael Tooley Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy benevolent deity evil observable divine interest creation care god's goodness absence of evil disasters disease hunger child mortality war genocide world suffering loving God imperfect world natural development amoral universe humanity evolution reality universe Abrahamic religions theological problem moral argument philosophy of religion Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Michael Tooley problem of evil
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro03a	Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 Dictatorships can prevent social unrest  Dictatorships are better at controlling discipline and order within society. They generally promote a state based on hierarchical values, through strict policies based on security. This allows them to prevent financial losses due to strikes and riots, and reduce crime rates, making the country more stable.  Singapore is a de-facto one party state, in which the ruling People’s Action Party, is accused of stopping the operation of opposition parties. A former Foreign Minister of Singapore has asked “How many Singaporeans really want free speech anyway? They want orderliness, a decent living” [1] . This both makes the country more competitive because there are more productive days and more attractive to invest in as expats will want to live in countries with little crime. Moreover when it comes to attracting immigration for sectors of the economy there is none of the opposition that would occur in democracies.  Autocracy may be the only way to stabilize some countries that have never had a democratic government. It has been suggested by Mancur Olson, a leading economist, that “anarchy not only involves loss of life but also increases the incentives to steal and to defend against theft, and thereby reduces the incentive to produce [2] ”. A dictatorship may be the only way to restore order and create a political framework stable enough for trade and investment.  [1] Huff, W.G. (1994). The economic growth of Singapore: trade and development in twentieth century”. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. p. 358  [2] Olson, M. (2000). Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. p. 64 dictatorships social unrest control discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People's Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expatriates crime immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy theft production Mancur Olson political framework trade investment democracy communist capitalist dictatorships social unrest control discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days investment expats crime immigration economy autocracy stabilization countries democratic government anarchy loss of life incentives theft production Mancur Olson economic growth trade investment political framework Dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore de-facto one party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization democratic government Mancur Olson anarchy loss of life theft economic incentives trade investment political framework dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productivity investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization countries democratic government anarchy loss of life incentives theft production trade investment Mancur Olson Power and Prosperity Communist Capitalist Dictatorships dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy loss of life incentives theft production trade investment Mancur Olson Power and Prosperity communist capitalist dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness living standards competitiveness investment expatriates crime immigration economy sectors democracies autocracy stabilization countries democratic government anarchy loss of life theft production Mancur Olson Power and Prosperity trade investment dictatorship social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days foreign investment immigration economy Mancur Olson anarchy loss of life theft economic incentives political stability trade investment autocracy stabilization democracies economic growth development political framework security investment trade dictatorship benefits autocracy advantages economic stability political order governance law dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates country stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party opposition parties free speech orderliness decent living economic competitiveness productive days foreign investment expats crime immigration sectors economy autocracy stabilization countries democratic government anarchy loss of life incentives theft economic production Mancur Olson political framework trade investment dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness productive days investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy loss of life incentives theft production Mancur Olson political framework trade investment democracy economic growth dictatorships social unrest discipline order hierarchical values strict policies security financial losses strikes riots crime rates stability Singapore one-party state People’s Action Party free speech orderliness decent living competitiveness investment expats immigration economy autocracy stabilization anarchy theft production Mancur Olson political framework trade investment
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-pro01a	Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. Although there are protests as a result of the banking crisis and the resulting financial meltdown, they have no cohesive ideology  There is clearly a difference between the general malaise of those protesting the result of the financial crisis and any form of coherent ideology or manifesto for government. The only people pretending that protesters in Athens or Rome – or the Occupy movement worldwide – are in some meaningful way Socialists are aging class warriors from the seventies.  The Occupy movement may well count many social liberals [i] among its members, and these individuals are almost certainly unhappy about many aspects of modern Capitalism but that doesn’t make Occupy, or the Athens street protestors Socialist.  [i] Occupy Wall Street Website. “Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism”. 12 November 2011. protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government socialists aging class warriors Occupy movement social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown no cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street Forum Post Liberalism is Not Socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto for government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism protests banking crisis financial meltdown cohesive ideology general malaise coherent ideology manifesto government Athens Rome Occupy movement Socialists aging class warriors seventies social liberals modern Capitalism Occupy Wall Street liberalism socialism
test-economy-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement urban Hukous corruption illegal sales bribery alienation social exclusion increased segregation crime Fei-Ling Wang Hukou system social stratification demography Springer Wu Treiman control people's movement developing nations capacity confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system urban illegal sales bribery alienation society outlaws crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman demography 1955-1996 Springer control people's movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law corruption China Hukou urban illegal bribery alienation society outside law crime segregation Wu Treiman Household Registration System social stratification control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law upheld unevenly corruption China Hukou system urban Hukous sold illegally officials bribed people alienated society life outside law increased segregation more crime Wang Fei-Ling Wu s.l. Treiman Household Registration System social stratification 1955-1996 developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion selective law enforcement corruption China Hukou system illegal Hukou sales official bribery urban migration legal alienation social exclusion increased crime law ineffectiveness segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer 1955-1996 control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law upheld ignored corruption China urban Hukous illegally sold officials bribed alienated from society life outside the law step to other crimes increased segregation more crime Wang Fei-Ling Organising through Division and Exclusion Wu Treiman Household Registration System Social Stratification 1955-1996 Springer Demography developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion law enforcement urban Hukous corruption illegal sales bribery social alienation life outside the law increased crime social stratification segregation Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman China Hukou system social exclusion demographic studies developing nations limited capacity state of confusion urban Hukous corruption illegal sales bribery alienation societal exclusion increased segregation crime law enforcement social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Household Registration System China Hukou Demography 1955-1996 social issues policy failure migration control urban migration law enforcement challenges informal economy informal settlements urban poverty governance public policy legal informality social integration socioeconomic disparities urban-rural divide control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system illegal sales bribery urban migration alienation social exclusion crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman control people's movement developing nations limited capacity system management state of confusion law enforcement partial compliance corruption China Hukou system illegal sales bribery urban migration alienation society outside the law crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Demography Springer"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro02a	"China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China has changed a lot since Tiananmen  China has changed over the past two decades, becoming more open to the world and more open domestically. For example it is experimenting with democratic elections at village level and since 1998 begun extending these to townships. [1] It has also effectively scrapped the repressive one-child policy. Internationally China is a responsible member of the international community, as befits a permanent member of the UN Security Council. At the United Nations, although it occasionally abstains from votes, it very rarely threatens to use its veto power in the Security Council, it has only used the veto six times since 1971 when the PRC joined the UN [2] - unlike the USA, for example. Its ""peaceful rise"" can also be seen in its hosting of the six-nation talks over North Korea's nuclear programme. And China is increasingly willing to operate within regional diplomatic frameworks covering East Asia, SE Asia and Central Asia.  [1] Horsley, Jamie P., ‘Village Elections: Training Ground for Democratization’, 2001   [2] Sun, Yun, ‘China’s Acquiescence on UN SCR 1973: No Big Deal’, 2011. China Tiananmen change two decades openness world domestic democratic elections village level townships one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power United Nations peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia UN SCR 1973 China Tiananmen changes past two decades openness international community domestic reforms village elections township elections one-child policy international relations UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear program regional diplomacy East Asia Southeast Asia Central Asia democratization international responsibility PRC United Nations UN SCR 1973 China Tiananmen democratic elections village level one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia UN SCR 1973 democratization responsible member open domestically open to the world village elections experimenting international relations global governance peacekeeping economic reforms social changes political reforms human rights foreign policy globalization cultural shifts technological advancements urban development rural development environmental policies social policies healthcare reforms education reforms China changes Tiananmen open society village elections township democracy one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia democratization international relations UN involvement global responsibility China Tiananmen democratic elections village level township one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China change Tiananmen democracy village elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen change two decades openness world domestic village elections democratic experiments one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme East Asia SE Asia Central Asia regional diplomacy Horsley Jamie P. Sun Yun China Tiananmen change two decades openness world domestic democratic elections village level townships one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power United Nations peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen democratic elections village level townships one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia China Tiananmen democratic elections village level township elections one-child policy international community UN Security Council veto power peaceful rise six-nation talks North Korea nuclear programme regional diplomacy East Asia SE Asia Central Asia democratization UN SCR 1973 China's international relations China's domestic changes"
test-international-aegmeppghw-con03a	"Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey has a poor human rights record  Turkey’s human rights record is improving rapidly, with the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of restrictions on the use of the Kurdish language. ""Encouraged by the EU, Turkey has pursued legislative and constitutional reforms liberalizing the political system and relaxing restrictions on freedom of the press, association, and expression. Turkey signed and ratified Protocols 6 and 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It abolished the death penalty and adopted measures to promote independence of the judiciary, end torture during police interrogations, and reform the prison system. In addition, Turkey has significantly reduced the scope of its antiterrorism statutes, which had been used to curtail political expression, and it amended the Penal Code and Codes of Criminal and Administrative Procedure. Police powers have been curbed and the administration of justice strengthened, due partly to the dismantling of state security courts."" [1]  The Kurdish minority is also enjoying better treatment. “The protection and promotion of the rights of the Kurds, which make up about a fifth of Turkey's population, have also progressed… In June, an appeals court ordered the release of Leyla Zana and three other Kurdish parliamentarians who were jailed ten years ago after the Kurdistan Workers' Party was banned."" [2]  Surely countries with a history of bad human rights activities should be embraced by the EU, in the hope that the EU will have a positive influence on them. It is true that banning them from membership is an effective punishment but that will not enforce any change. If we wish to see compliance with Human Rights conventions we have to ensure that countries that may contravene them are under its jurisdiction in the first place. Once they are members we can then encourage better behaviour through punishing any further contraventions.  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004  [2]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey human rights record improving death penalty Kurdish language EU legislative reforms constitutional reforms political system freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture police interrogations prison system antiterrorism statutes political expression Penal Code Codes of Criminal Procedure Codes of Administrative Procedure police powers administration of justice state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction punishment behavior change Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judicial independence police reforms antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure Kurdish minority Leyla Zana state security courts EU membership human rights conventions compliance punishment behavior encouragement jurisdiction accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey human rights EU influence Kurdish minority legislative reforms abolition death penalty Kurdish language rights press freedom judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers state security courts Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavior improvement punishment contraventions Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence police torture prison system antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions jurisdiction compliance punishment positive influence behavior encouragement Turkey human rights EU death penalty Kurdish language legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians Kurdistan Workers' Party EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavior improvement punishment contraventions Turkey human rights EU influence Kurdish rights legislative reforms death penalty abolition freedom of expression police reforms judicial independence antiterrorism laws Penal Code amendments administrative procedure state security courts EU membership human rights conventions political liberalization press freedom association rights torture prevention prison reform Kurdish parliamentarians EU jurisdiction behavior enforcement accession dreams David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey human rights improvement EU influence death penalty abolition Kurdish language legislative reforms constitutional reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judicial independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership human rights conventions jurisdiction compliance behavioral improvement punishment contraventions Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU influence legislative reforms freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana EU membership human rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavior enforcement Turkey human rights EU influence Kurdish minority death penalty freedom of expression legislative reforms judicial independence torture prevention prison reform antiterrorism laws Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers state security courts Leyla Zana Kurdish parliamentarians EU membership Human Rights conventions compliance jurisdiction behavioral improvement punishment contraventions accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey human rights improvement death penalty Kurdish language EU legislative reforms constitutional reforms political system freedom of press association expression European Convention on Human Rights judiciary independence police torture prison system antiterrorism statutes Penal Code Criminal Procedure Administrative Procedure police powers justice administration state security courts Kurdish minority Leyla Zana Kurdistan Workers' Party EU membership human rights conventions compliance punishment behavior encouragement"
test-law-tlcplghwfne-con02a	Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. Needle exchanges will increase the incidence of drug use  Beyond increasing drug use through condoning the practice, needle exchanges also facilitate drug use by gathering all the drug addicts in a single area. This allows drug dealers to operate more efficiently and as such gives them more time to explore new markets for their drugs. As well as this, people are encouraged to keep on taking drugs as they feel the risk to them from doing so has been significantly decreased by the exchange. Given the lower risk, those drug users that are still somewhat rational actors will be more likely to take drugs because of the lower potential harm.  Further, in the long run, needle exchanges through these mechanisms make it harder to eradicate drug use entirely in the future. By causing addicts and the public to accept drugs needle exchanges ingrain drugs in society as any removal of the facility in the future will be seen as the state coming down too harshly on drug addicts and can be opposed much more easily.1  1. Lawrence Aaron, “Why a Needle Exchange Programme is a Bad Idea.” RedOrbit. August 26, 2005. needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice gather drug addicts facilitate drug dealing lower perceived risk rational drug users entrench drug culture societal acceptance hinder drug eradication public opposition state intervention difficulty needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice gather drug addicts facilitate drug dealing lower drug risk encourage drug taking rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal drug acceptance remove needle exchange state harshness drug addict opposition needle exchanges drug use condoning practice facilitating drug use drug addicts drug dealers new markets lower risk rational actors potential harm eradicating drug use addicts public acceptance state intervention opposition Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit August 26 2005 needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice facilitate drug use gather drug addicts drug dealers efficiency explore new markets lower drug risk rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal drug acceptance state harshness oppose facility removal needle exchanges increase drug use condoning drug practice facilitate drug use gather drug addicts drug dealers operate efficiently explore new markets lower risk perception rational drug users long-term effects eradicate drug use societal acceptance remove facilities state intervention public opposition Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit August 26 2005 needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice facilitate drug use gather drug addicts drug dealers explore new markets encourage drug use lower perceived risk rational drug users long-term drug eradication societal acceptance removal opposition state intervention drug addiction public perception harm reduction RedOrbit Lawrence Aaron needle exchanges drug use increasing drug use condoning drug use facilitating drug use gathering drug addicts drug dealers operating efficiently exploring new markets encouraging drug use lowering risk rational drug users long-term effects eradicating drug use societal acceptance removing needle exchanges state intervention opposing removal needle exchanges drug use condoning drug practice facilitating drug use drug dealers new markets reduced risk perception rational drug users societal acceptance eradication difficulty public opinion state intervention Lawrence Aaron RedOrbit needle exchanges increase drug use condone drug practice facilitate drug use gather drug addicts drug dealers operate efficiently explore new markets encourage drug use lower risk rational actors lower potential harm eradicate drug use ingrain drugs society remove facility state harshly oppose removal needle exchange drug use condoning drug practice drug dealer efficiency market exploration reduced drug risk rational drug users societal acceptance drug eradication public perception state policy harm reduction addiction treatment public health legal implications community impact long-term effects societal norms ethical considerations
test-economy-bhahwbsps-pro03a	This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. This ban would encourage smokers to smoke less or give up smoking altogether.  Not being able to smoke in public will make it more difficult for smokers to keep up with their habit. For example, if they are no longer able to smoke in the pub, smokers would have to go outside – possibly in the rain or other uncomfortable weather – and be away from their non-smoking friends every time they wanted to have a cigarette. So, a smoking ban would encourage smokers to smoke less frequently and maybe even give up. This can be seen in countries already with smoking bans. For example, a study in England found that in the nine months after the smoking ban was introduced, there was a 5.5% fall in the number of smokers in the country, compared to the much lower fall of 1.6 % in the nine months before the ban [1] . This can only be a good thing, since giving up smoking decreases the risk of death, even for those suffering from early stage lung cancer [2] .  [1] Daily Mail. “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit.” Daily Mail. 4 July 2008.  [2] Parsons, A., Daley, A., Begh, R., and Aveyard, P.. “Influence of smoking cessation after diagnosis of early stage lung cancer on prognosis: systematic review of observational studies with meta-analysis.” British Medical Journal. 340. 21 January 2010. smoking ban public smoking restrictions reduce smoking quit smoking health benefits non-smokers smoking cessation lung cancer risk England smoking ban smoker behavior weather impact social factors health statistics systematic review observational studies meta-analysis smoking ban public smoking restrictions smoker behavior change smoking cessation health benefits non-smoking environments social influence weather impact smoker isolation England study smoking reduction lung cancer risk mortality reduction public health policy tobacco control smoking ban public smoking restrictions smoke-free policies smoking cessation reduced smoking prevalence health benefits lung cancer risk reduction environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke exposure smoker behavior change non-smoker social interaction weather impact on smoking smoking habits alteration post-ban smoking trends England smoking statistics health improvement mortality rate decrease early stage lung cancer survival tobacco control measures public health intervention effectiveness smoking ban public smoking restrictions reduced smoking frequency smoking cessation health benefits decreased smoker numbers environmental discomfort social isolation smoke-free legislation cancer risk reduction smoking ban public smoking smokers smoke less give up smoking pub uncomfortable weather non-smoking friends smoking frequency England study fall in smokers health benefits lung cancer death risk smoking cessation early stage lung cancer meta-analysis observational studies smoking ban encourage smoking reduction public smoking restrictions smoking cessation health benefits decreased smoking prevalence England smoking ban reduced smoker numbers smoking outside uncomfortable weather separation from friends lung cancer risk reduction systematic review observational studies meta-analysis smoking cessation impact early stage lung cancer death risk reduction public health improvement non-smoking environments tobacco control policy secondhand smoke reduction smoking behavior change environmental tobacco smoke clean air initiatives public health interventions health promotion strategies smoking ban public smoking restrictions reduced smoking frequency smoking cessation health benefits decreased smoker numbers England smoking ban reduced smoker percentage non-smoking environments social smoking weather conditions smoker isolation health risks lung cancer smoking cessation impact public health improvement secondhand smoke reduction tobacco control policies smoker behavior change smoking ban public smoking smoker behavior smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer risk quit smoking social smoking environmental factors tobacco control public health policy smoker discomfort weather impact non-smoking friends smoking frequency smoking reduction England smoking ban smoker demographics health statistics systematic review observational studies meta-analysis health improvement mortality reduction cancer prognosis tobacco legislation behavioral change addiction management smoking ban public smoking smoke less quit smoking smoker behavior health benefits smoking cessation lung cancer risk reduction England study public health social factors weather conditions non-smoking friends 禁烟 公共场所吸烟 减少吸烟 戒烟 吸烟者行为 健康益处 戒烟 肺癌 风险降低 英国研究 公共卫生 社会因素 天气条件 非吸烟朋友 smoking ban public smoking smoker behavior smoking cessation health benefits lung cancer smoking prevalence environmental tobacco smoke non-smokers weather conditions social interaction England smoking ban health policy public health quitting smoking tobacco control smoking restrictions secondhand smoke smoke-free policies cancer risk reduction
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-pro01a	Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. Equality of opportunity  Affirmative action is required for equality of opportunity. Under the status quo, it is easier for students who go to better schools to get into university. This is reflected in data from the UK - Oxford and Cambridge universities (the top academic institutions) take more than 50% of their students from private schools, despite 93% of UK schoolchildren state educated. [1] In addition, there is a clear underrepresentation of ethnic minorities in these universities. [2] A similar story is evident with regards to ethnic minorities in the USA - white students are more likely to graduate from high school and go to college than black and Hispanic ones. [3] [4] These examples reflect the opportunities granted to wealthier children from particular socioeconomic and racial groups, whose superior education and less disruptive home lives give them a leg-up. It is unfair that such random aspects, which have nothing to do with talent or hard work, have such a determining influence on one’s life chances. Moreover, it undermines meritocracy – by allowing the rich to be advantaged, we create a society in which wealth, rather than ability, is rewarded.  [1] Sagar, P. “The truth about Oxbridge admissions: a reply To Dave Osler”. Liberal Conspiracy. May 21, 2010.   [2] Vasagar, J. “Twenty-one Oxbridge colleges took no black students last year”. The Guardian. December, 2010.   [3] Orfield, Gary, et al., 'Losing Our Future; How Minority Youth Are Being Left Behind by the Graduation Rate Crisis', Urban Institute, 25 February 2004,   [4] Marklein, M.B. “Minority enrollment in college still lagging”. USA TODAY. October, 2006. equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state schools Oxford Cambridge ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial groups education inequality meritocracy wealth advantage graduation rates college enrollment minority youth graduation rate crisis Equality of opportunity Affirmative action University admissions Private schools State schools Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Meritocracy Educational inequality Oxbridge College enrollment Racial disparities Graduation rates USA UK Higher education Social mobility Disadvantaged students Talent Hard work Wealth advantage Life chances Underrepresentation College access School quality Home environment Opportunity gap Educational attainment Policy solutions Fairness Diversity Inclusion Social justice Equality opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state schools ethnic minorities socioeconomic status meritocracy education inequality Oxbridge college enrollment racial disparity socioeconomic disparity underrepresentation high school graduation college graduation wealth advantage talent hard work life chances random factors social mobility educational opportunities institutional bias systemic inequality policy solutions educational reform access to higher education diversity in education educational equity socioeconomic barriers racial barriers academic achievement opportunity gap socioeconomic background racial background educational outcomes fair admissions equitable admissions merit-based admissions privilege academic Affirmative action equality of opportunity university admissions private schools state schools Oxbridge ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial groups meritocracy educational inequality graduation rates college enrollment underrepresentation wealth advantage talent hard work life chances social mobility higher education US education UK education privilege disparity academic institutions opportunity gap educational disadvantage socioeconomic factors racial factors college access school quality home environment graduation crisis minority youth college lag education statistics university diversity academic achievement access to education educational opportunities college attendance socioeconomic barriers race Equality of opportunity Affirmative action University admissions Private schools State schools Oxbridge Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Racial groups Meritocracy Educational inequality Graduation rates College enrollment Disadvantaged students Underrepresentation Wealth advantage Home environment Talent Hard work Life chances Social mobility Higher education Policy reform Equity Diversity Inclusion Systemic barriers Opportunity gap Academic achievement Racial disparity Socioeconomic disparity College access Institutional bias Educational resources Community support Role models Mentoring Scholarships Financial aid equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state education UK education Oxford Cambridge ethnic minorities socioeconomic status racial groups education inequality meritocracy wealth advantage college enrollment USA education minority students high school graduation underrepresentation socioeconomic factors home environment talent hard work life chances society wealth vs ability education crisis college lagging minority youth Equality of opportunity Affirmative action University admissions Private schools State schools Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Educational inequality Meritocracy Oxbridge College enrollment Racial disparity Graduation rates USA UK Wealth advantage Home environment Talent Hard work equality of opportunity affirmative action university admissions private schools state schools ethnic minorities socioeconomic status Oxbridge meritocracy education inequality graduation rates college enrollment racial disparities socioeconomic disparities educational advantages home life influence wealth advantage talent and hard work life chances underrepresentation higher education academic institutions school diversity social mobility USA education UK education policy implications educational reform institutional bias academic achievement socioeconomic barriers racial barriers educational outcomes college graduation high school graduation college access university diversity admissions criteria education reform merit-based admissions socioeconomic factors equality opportunity affirmative action education university admissions socioeconomic status racial inequality meritocracy private schools public schools ethnic minorities Oxbridge college enrollment graduation rates socioeconomic factors racial diversity educational equity college access underrepresentation talent hard work life chances wealth advantage social mobility Equality of opportunity Affirmative action Educational inequality University admissions Private schools State schools Ethnic minorities Socioeconomic status Meritocracy Oxbridge USA education High school graduation rates College enrollment Racial disparities Socioeconomic disparities Educational disadvantagement Discrimination Social mobility Fairness in education Talent Hard work Life chances Wealth influence Merit-based society
test-law-sdfclhrppph-pro01a	"The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 The character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done  ""The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic."" [1] Shouting fire in a crowded cinema when there is no fire, and you know it, is wrong because doing so creates a clear and present danger of harm to others.  Likewise, in the US (and many other countries) there is no protection for ‘false commercial speech’ (i.e. misrepresentation) and the contents of adverts can be regulated in order to ensure that they are truthful and do not deceive consumers. [2] On that basis, restrictions can be placed on how tobacco products may be advertised, and people may be prevented from promoting illegal and fraudulent tax advice.  [1] U.S. Supreme Court, Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47, 1919,  [2] U.S. Supreme Court, Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly, AG of Massachusetts, 533 U.S. 525, 200 free speech clear and present danger false commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice fraudulent promotion U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly consumer protection First Amendment speech restrictions public safety ethical responsibility legal boundaries commercial speech misleading advertisements free speech clear and present danger false commercial speech misleading advertisements tobacco advertising restrictions illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly constitutional law First Amendment speech regulation public safety consumer protection fraud misrepresentation legal precedents judicial opinions communication ethics free speech false speech clear and present danger shouting fire crowded theater harm to others false commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation truthfulness consumer protection tobacco advertising illegal tax advice fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech clear and present danger false commercial speech illegal and fraudulent tax advice tobacco advertising restrictions U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly First Amendment legal limitations on speech public safety consumer protection misrepresentation theatre fire analogy lawful regulation commercial speech non-misleading adverts public health legal precedents constitutional law speech that incites violence false shouting fire crowded cinema harm to others truthful advertising deceptive practices commercial regulation advertising law free speech limitations judicial interpretation constitutional rights legal doctrine act circumstances free speech false speech theatre panic clear and present danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation truthfulness consumer deception tobacco advertising illegal advice fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly AG of Massachusetts context circumstances clear and present danger free speech false speech shouting fire crowded cinema harm US Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly false commercial speech advertising regulation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice consumer protection legal restrictions First Amendment speech limitations public safety commercial speech misrepresentation act circumstances stringent protection free speech falsely shouting fire theatre panic crowded cinema wrong clear present danger harm others US false commercial misrepresentation regulated truthful deceive consumers restrictions tobacco products advertised preventing promoting illegal fraudulent tax advice Supreme Court Schenck v United States Lorillard Tobacco Co Reilly AG Massachusetts act circumstances free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear and present danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation advertising regulation truthful deceive consumers tobacco advertising illegal fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly AG of Massachusetts act circumstances free speech shouting fire theatre panic clear and present danger harm false commercial speech misrepresentation regulated truthful tobacco products illegal fraudulent tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly free speech clear and present danger false commercial speech misrepresentation tobacco advertising illegal tax advice U.S. Supreme Court Schenck v. United States Lorillard Tobacco Co v Reilly"
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro01a	China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China can’t be ignored  Europe has a developing strategic partnership with China. China is Europe’s largest trading partner with EU exports in goods of €113.1billiion and imports of €281.9billion and in services of €20.2billion and €16.3billion respectively, [1] and as China's rapid growth continues it is playing an increasingly important part in the global economy and in international affairs. Clearly it is in the EU's interests to work together with this emerging superpower. Ma Zhaoxu a Foreign Ministry spokesman called it ‘the obstacle to the sound growth of the China-EU relationship,’ [2] after more than fifteen years, it is time to lift it. China has repeatedly said that it will never enjoy a normal trading relationship with the EU until the ban is lifted. Europe’s first responsibility is to its own citizens economic wellbeing which would benefit from greater trade ties between China and the European Union.  [1] European Commission, ‘China’, 2011   [2] Xinhua, ‘China calls for end to “prejudiced” EU arms embargo’, 2010 China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship European citizens economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports services global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China calls end embargo prejudiced normal trading relationship China-EU relations strategic partnership trading partner EU exports trade balance global economy international affairs emerging superpower Foreign Ministry spokesman Ma Zhaoxu China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China calls end prejudiced embargo China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua prejudiced China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman sound growth China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship economic wellbeing trade ties China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports services global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry spokesman China-EU relationship EU arms embargo normal trading relationship economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua China Europe strategic partnership trading partner EU exports imports global economy international affairs emerging superpower Ma Zhaoxu Foreign Ministry China-EU relationship sound growth obstacle EU arms embargo prejudiced normal trading relationship economic wellbeing trade ties European Union European Commission Xinhua
test-international-gpdwhwcusa-pro03a	A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. A UN standing army would be more effective in operations themselves.  A UN standing army would be more effective than the variety of troops staffing missions under the current system. At present most UN operations are supplied by developing nations who hope to make a profit from the payments they receive for their services, but who are under-equipped and badly trained. Forces from the major powers are provided sparingly and only after substantial public pressure or when there exists an incentive for their use. A UN standing army would be better prepared, both in regards to training and equipment, and its soldiers would have greater motivation as they would have made a choice to enlist, rather than being conscripts forced by their own states to fight someone else’s war. A single UN force would also have better command and control than in current situations, when different national forces and their commanders often fail to work effectively together in the field for cultural and linguistic reasons. Successful forces such as the French Foreign Legion, the Indian army and the Roman army show that issues of language and culture need not be problems in combat situations. They can be overcome through a strong professional ethos and a commitment to a mutual cause, values that can only be expected to develop if troops prepare, train and fight together. UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation voluntary enlistment conscripts single force command and control national forces cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat readiness international peacekeeping military efficiency troop quality operational unity strategic advantage logistical coordination peace enforcement global security unified command international cooperation military doctrine operational readiness cohesion soldier morale tactical proficiency UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation enlistment conscripts command and control national forces cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat situations values prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation choice to enlist conscripts single force command and control national forces cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause values prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation choice to enlist conscripts command and control national forces commanders cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause values prepare train fight together UN standing army effectiveness operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit payments services under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation enlistment conscripts single force command and control national forces cultural reasons linguistic reasons French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat situations UN standing army effectiveness operations variety of troops current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation enlistment conscripts mutual cause command and control cultural differences linguistic differences professional ethos combat situations French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army UN standing army effective operations current system profit-driven troops developing nations major powers public pressure better prepared trained equipped motivated soldiers voluntary enlistment command and control cultural differences linguistic barriers professional ethos mutual cause French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army UN standing army effective operations better trained well-equipped motivated soldiers voluntary enlistment professional ethos mutual cause command and control cultural cohesion linguistic diversity operational readiness international peacekeeping military effectiveness troop contributions developing nations major powers public pressure profit incentives combat readiness historical successful forces French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army peacekeeping missions UN system troop deployment international cooperation military training equipment standards soldier motivation conscription issues field operations national forces mission staffing profit-driven contributions substantial public pressure incentive-based deployment single force command UN standing army effective operations trained troops equipped forces motivated soldiers single command professional ethos mutual cause combat readiness international cooperation military efficiency peacekeeping reforms troop contributions developing nations major powers public pressure cultural barriers linguistic differences historical examples French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army UN standing army effectiveness operations current system developing nations profit payments under-equipped badly trained major powers public pressure incentive better prepared training equipment motivation enlistment conscripts single force command and control cultural differences linguistic differences French Foreign Legion Indian army Roman army professional ethos mutual cause combat situations values preparation fight together
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con02a	Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. Blocking social networks denies people the ability to mobilize on genuine social issues  The state may not be the best placed to gauge the legitimacy of riots. Oftentimes riots are the result of massive social pressures, like poverty or limited integration of immigrant communities. When these issues are not properly addressed, or outright ignored by the ruling elites, they boil over. Positive things can come from riots. They can put the issues on the table and bring them screaming into the public consciousness. This is the difference between the Arab Spring that was considered legitimate and the London riots that were not, apart from the initial peaceful protests the riots did not have an agenda to create change. [1] The government suppressing legitimate demonstrations, whether they do it with physical force or internet repression, ultimately serves only to push away the problem, to continue to ignore it. [2] Blocking social networks therefore only seeks to muzzle the expression of outrage that is sometimes entirely justified. The media attention and organizing power of social networks serves to get people engaged, motivated, and visible. The government should not seek to stop that. They should seek to prevent protest and demonstration from spilling into violence. Blocking access to social networks will not aid in that endeavour.  [1] Stylianou, A., “Cyber Regulation and the Riots”, Legal matters, Autumn 2011.   [2] Dugan, L. “Blocking Twitter During Riots a Bad Idea, Study Proves”. Media Bistro. 2011. social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration government internet repression expression outrage media attention organizing power protest demonstration violence cyber regulation Twitter study blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state gauge legitimacy riots massive social pressures poverty immigrant communities ruling elites public consciousness Arab Spring London riots legitimate demonstrations internet repression expression of outrage media attention organizing power protest violence cyber regulation study proof Blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues ruling elites positive public consciousness Arab Spring London riots demonstrations internet repression media attention organizing power government violence cyber regulation study Media Bistro Blocking social networks mobilize on genuine social issues state gauge legitimacy riots social pressures poverty limited immigrant integration ignored ruling elites positive outcomes from riots Arab Spring London riots government physical force internet repression media attention organizing power prevent protest violence study proves social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration ruling elites positive outcomes public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government suppression internet repression media attention organizing power protest demonstration violence cyber regulation study Twitter Blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state gauge legitimacy riots social pressures poverty limited integration immigrant communities ruling elites positive outcomes Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests government suppression demonstrations internet repression problem continuation justified outrage media attention organizing power prevent violence access restriction inefficacy social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities government Arab Spring London riots demonstrations internet repression media attention organizing power protest violence cyber regulation blocking Twitter study blocking social networks mobilize social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant communities issues ruling elites positive public consciousness Arab Spring London riots government internet repression physical force problem media attention organizing power protest demonstration violence access study bad idea blocking social networks mobilize social issues state gauge legitimacy riots social pressures poverty immigrant integration issues public consciousness Arab Spring London riots legitimate demonstrations internet repression government media attention organizing power 抗议 demonstration violence access Twitter study Blocking social networks mobilize genuine social issues state legitimacy riots social pressures poverty limited integration immigrant communities ruling elites positive outcomes riots public consciousness Arab Spring London riots peaceful protests change suppressing demonstrations physical force internet repression push away problem ignore muzzle outrage justified media attention organizing power engaged motivated visible prevent violence study cyber regulation
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con03a	Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. Affirmative action will not work  The underlying issue which affirmative action tries to gloss over is the embedded social problems which put the poor and ethnic monitories in continual disadvantages generation after generation. This policy merely papers over the cracks by masking the fact that the failures of state-funded schooling and attempts at integration have led to a situation in which ethnic minorities and the poor are so vastly underrepresented in universities. The state should do more to address these underlying problems, rather than covering up its failures with a tokenistic policy. Better funding of state schools, real parental choice in education, and accountability through the publication of comparable examination data would all drive up standards and allow more underprivileged children to fulfil their potential. [1] [2]  [1] Gryphon, M. “The Affirmative Action Myth”. Cato Institute Policy Analysis. No 540. April 13, 2005.   [2] Rosado, C. “Affirmative Action: A Time for Change?” March 3, 1997. affirmative action social problems economic inequality ethnic minorities underprivileged state-funded schooling integration university representation policy effectiveness education funding parental choice school accountability examination data educational standards potential fulfillment policy critique Gryphon Cato Institute Rosado Affirmative Action Myth policy alternatives affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities generational disadvantage state-funded schooling university underrepresentation policy failures tokenistic solutions education funding parental choice school accountability examination data educational standards underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis affirmative action myth time for change Affirmative action social problems ethnic minorities poverty state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities state intervention education funding parental choice accountability examination data Gryphon Cato Institute Rosado policy analysis educational standards underprivileged children potential fulfillment tokenistic policy embedded disadvantages generational disadvantage schooling failures integration failures myth change necessity affirmative action social problems underrepresented minorities state-funded schooling integration failures tokenistic policy funding state schools parental choice education accountability examination data underprivileged children potential fulfillment policy analysis Cato Institute educational reform societal inequalities ethnic disparities economic disadvantage policy critique academic achievement comparative studies Affirmative action social inequality education reform minority representation state-funded schooling integration challenges educational accountability parental choice examination data Gryphon Rosado policy analysis underprivileged children academic achievement systemic issues affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities education state-funded schooling integration university representation policy effectiveness funding parental choice accountability examination data standards underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis change debate affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities generational disadvantage state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities policy failure tokenism education funding parental choice school accountability examination data standards underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis change necessity affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities underrepresentation universities state-funded schooling education integration policy efficacy state responsibility school funding parental choice educational accountability examination data underprivileged children potential fulfillment Cato Institute policy analysis change advocacy Carlos Rosado affirmative action social inequality ethnic minorities poverty education funding state schools parental choice accountability examination data policy analysis underprivileged children university representation integration schooling failures tokenistic policy Cato Institute policy alternatives education standards potential fulfillment societal issues Rosado Gryphon affirmative action social problems poverty ethnic minorities education state-funded schooling integration underrepresentation universities policy funding state schools parental choice accountability examination data standards underprivileged children potential Cato Institute policy analysis change Gryphon Rosado
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro03a	Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause division within Western society.  Religious symbols can be seen as possible tools for fuelling division within society. When some women wear the Hijab it creates pressure on other Muslim women to also cover their heads. Pressure comes both socially from wanting to look like other women in their community and religiously from imams and family leaders pressing for observance. As such, Muslims themselves are divided and religious oppression against women is internalized.1 Approving of Muslim head coverings in society cements the Hijab as an essential tenet of Islam, in the minds of non-Muslims as well as believers. However, many different schools of Islam exist and as on other issues, they often disagree how to interpret the Koran's dress prescriptions. Moderate interpretations accept modest forms of modern dress while severe interpretations require full covering with the Burka or similar veil. Banning the veil furthers the cause of moderate interpretations and prevents the entrenchment of severe interpretations.  1 Rumy Hassan, 'Banning the hijab', Workers Power 283 February 2004, accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious oppression internalized beliefs non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil entrenchment of interpretations Workers Power Rumy Hassan religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Islamic interpretations Koran modest dress severe interpretations Burka banning the veil moderate interpretations entrenchment Religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders observance internalized oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning moderate Islam severe Islam religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women religious pressure social pressure religious observance religious oppression head coverings Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil moderate Islam severe Islam cultural integration religious freedom societal norms gender equality religious expression identity multiculturalism secularism public policy religious accommodation cultural sensitivity human rights freedom of religion women's rights religious pluralism societal cohesion interfaith relations religious garments religious practices cultural practices religious identity political debate social cohesion religious religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure religious pressure Muslim women internalized oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil Rumy Hassan Workers Power Religious symbols division Western society Hijab social pressure religious oppression women Muslim community non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil moderate Islam severe Islam cultural conflict religious garments societal norms Muslim practices feminist perspectives religious freedom legal debates cultural integration European politics religious identity public policy secularism religious pluralism religious symbols division Western society Muslim women Hijab social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression internalized oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka banning the veil Workers Power Rumy Hassan Religious symbols division Western society Hijab pressure Muslim women community imams family leaders observance religious oppression internalization Muslim head coverings essential tenet Islam Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations Burka veil banning moderate interpretations severe interpretations religious symbols division western society hijab pressure muslim women religious oppression internalized division non-muslims koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning the veil rumy hassan workers power religious symbols division Western society Hijab Muslim women social pressure religious pressure imams family leaders religious oppression non-Muslims Koran dress prescriptions moderate interpretations severe interpretations banning veil entrenchment moderate Islam severe Islam
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con03a	Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness is an important aspect of Socialism, it would be hard to find a period in recent history when the majority have been so aware that their interests are not the same as the uber-rich  It has rarely been so clear that the interests of the few are not the same as those of the vast bulk of either European societies or the world outside it. At a time of rising unemployment, a handful of people who are already fantastically rich continue to pay themselves obscene salaries and bonuses. Of course there is nothing in this that is unusual, it’s just not usually done in so cavalier a fashion.  Although there is nothing mechanical in the process, most Socialist thinkers have been clear that the popular realisation that there really is a class distinction between what the Occupy protesters refer to as the 1% and the rest of us is an important first step towards establishing Socialism.  Whatever the media and political classes may pretend, Socialism is not – and never was – a single party or policy. It is a process. And that process is being seen on the streets across Europe Class consciousness Socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realisation process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich clarity European societies world outside rising unemployment fantastically rich obscene salaries bonuses caviler fashion Socialist thinkers popular realisation class distinction Occupy protesters 1% process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness uber-rich interests European societies world rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realisation process media political classes single party policy streets Europe Class consciousness Socialism recent history majority awareness interests mismatch uber-rich European societies global perspective rising unemployment wealth disparity obscene salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realization process of Socialism media portrayal political classes streets of Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% popular realisation class distinction process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world outside rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers media political classes process streets Europe class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness ultra-rich interests divergence European societies global context rising unemployment wealthy salaries bonuses inequality Occupy protesters 1% class distinction socialist thinkers popular realization process of socialism media portrayal political classes street demonstrations Europe Class consciousness Socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world rising unemployment fantastically rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction Socialist thinkers popular realisation process media political classes streets Europe class consciousness socialism historical context wealth disparity unemployment elite compensation Occupy movement social justice political awareness European social movements socialism process public realization class distinction social change class consciousness socialism recent history majority awareness interests uber-rich European societies world rising unemployment rich salaries bonuses Occupy protesters 1% class distinction popular realisation socialist thinkers process media political classes streets Europe
test-international-epglghbni-pro03a	It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, It would be easier to protect the rights of religious minorities within a united Ireland  Unrest in Northern Ireland was started by the appalling treatment of the Catholic minority there. When there was a Northern Ireland Parliament there was some gerrymandering, while the discrimination in representation was slight very few nationalists were able to get senior jobs, in the civil service for example in 1927 fourteen of the 229 officers of staff officer rank or above, or 6 per cent, were Catholic, while in 1959 there were forty-six Catholics out of 740 in such ranks, or once again, 6 per cent.* Over the years reforms have been introduced but there is still huge stigma against the Catholic community in Northern Ireland, who have little representation in politics, because it is dominated by Unionist rhetoric.  The best way to ensure equal treatment of the Catholics in Ireland is to unite majority Protestant Northern Ireland with Catholic majority Republic of Ireland, where they will be better represented in politics and not stigmatized by their neighbors.  *Whyte, 1983, religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland Catholic minority unrest appalling treatment Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering discrimination representation civil service reforms stigma Catholic community Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland politics neighbors Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious minorities Catholic minority Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms stigma Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland politics neighbors Whyte 1983 United Ireland religious minorities Catholic minority Northern Ireland Parliament gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms political representation Unionist rhetoric equal treatment stigma Catholic community majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland unification political inclusion religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination Civil Service representation reforms stigma Catholic community Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Ireland unification Protestant majority Catholic majority political representation Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious minorities protection rights Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Catholic community Protestant majority political representation stigma unification Ireland Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious minorities Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority treatment gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms Unionist rhetoric Catholic community stigma equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland Catholic minority unrest gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation reforms stigma Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland politics neighbors Whyte 1983 religious minorities united Ireland Northern Ireland Catholic minority Protestant majority gerrymandering discrimination civil service political representation Unionist rhetoric equal treatment Catholic community stigma reforms political unification minority rights social integration historical context Whyte 1983 united Ireland religious minorities protection of rights Northern Ireland unrest Catholic minority gerrymandering discrimination representation in politics civil service reforms stigma Unionist rhetoric equal treatment majority Protestant Catholic majority Republic of Ireland political representation neighbor relations Whyte 1983 United Ireland religious rights minority protection Northern Ireland unrest Catholic treatment gerrymandering discrimination civil service representation Catholic community stigma Unionist politics majority Protestant Catholic majority political representation equal treatment Ireland unification
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro03a	"Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges are better at delivering justice than juries are.  Juries are not technically trained in evaluating evidence.1 Additionally, judges are trained to recognize and suppress their own prejudices, evaluate information given to them, recognize prosecutorial strategy etc., better allowing them to make objective decisions. Furthermore, some studies suggest that juries actually work against the innocent; a 1979 study found that ""more than 5 per cent of defendants found guilty by juries were considered by professionals to have been convicted in questionable circumstances.""2This is hardly surprising given that jurors are ordinary citizens who are forced to sit through what are often dull and protracted trials, and who may have little interest in actually listening to what is being said (Joanne Frail, a juror convicted for contempt of court stated that she 'drew more than she wrote [during the trial]').3 Perhaps we should trust in the expertise of screened and trained justices instead.  1Sir Louis Blum Cooper QC, ""A Judge Can Do the Work of 12 Amateurs, and Better  2Baldwin and McConville, ""Jury Trials""  3BBC, ""Juror Admits Contempt of Court Over Facebook Case"" Judges juries justice evaluating evidence legal training prejudices prosecutorial strategy objective decisions jury bias wrongful convictions juror disinterest trained justices judicial expertise legal amateurs courtroom trials professional assessment juror conduct contempt of court social media influence judicial expertise jury prejudice evidence evaluation judicial objectivity juror training professional judges jury reliability judicial efficiency juror disinterest courtroom competence legal professionals judicial training jury misconduct judicial decision-making juror attention legal justice judicial fairness jury conviction rates juror qualifications judicial professionalism jury tampering judicial oversight juror engagement legal strategy judicial integrity jury based justice judicial impartiality courtroom dynamics legal scrutiny jury vs judge judicial competence jury assessment legal standards judicial standards juror behavior courtroom evidence judicial responsibility jury duty judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions wrongful convictions juror disinterest trained justices legal professionals judicial expertise jury trials court procedures legal system judicial training juror misconduct courtroom dynamics legal ethics judicial competence jury reliability judges justice juries technical training evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions prosecutorial strategy jury bias wrongful conviction juror disinterest legal expertise screened justices amateur jurors judicial efficiency court procedures legal professionals jury trials juror misconduct court contempt digital communication trial integrity judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury studies wrongful convictions juror interest trial participation trained justices legal expertise judicial efficiency jury reliability professional assessment juror behavior courtroom dynamics legal professionals justice system improvement judges juries delivering justice technically trained evaluating evidence trained judges recognize prejudices evaluate information prosecutorial strategy objective decisions studies juries work against innocent defendants guilty questionable circumstances jurors ordinary citizens dull trials protracted trials little interest listening trial Joanne Frail juror contempt of court Facebook case trust expertise screened justices trained justices judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression prosecutorial strategy objective decisions jury studies wrongful convictions juror disinterest trial monotony professional opinions legal expertise trained justices amateur jurors courtroom conduct digital distractions legal professionals jury reliability judicial training legal system courtroom dynamics jury impairment legal judgment judicial oversight juror misconduct evidence interpretation legal education judicial qualifications jury pool courtroom procedures legal fairness judicial discretion jury deliberation legal accuracy judicial competence juror attention legal justice courtroom efficiency judicial integrity juror judges juries justice evidence evaluation technical training prejudice recognition objective decisions prosecutorial strategy innocent defendants questionable convictions juror interest trial duration expert justices amateur jurors Louis Blum Cooper Baldwin McConville Joanne Frail contempt of court Facebook case judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury studies innocent defendants questionable convictions juror behavior trial process judicial expertise amateur jurors professional judges courtroom procedures legal training prosecutorial strategy juror contempt social media impact legal system efficiency judges juries justice evidence evaluation prejudice suppression objective decisions jury reliability wrongful convictions juror engagement judicial expertise trial efficiency legal professionals courtroom dynamics juror misconduct social media influence legal system improvement"
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro02a	You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, You are not going to be arrested because the government has access to your communications  Clearly much of the time you really do have nothing to worry about when it comes to intelligence agencies having information about you. People are not regularly arrested without just cause and we have little evidence that democratic governments use this information to put pressure on their citizens. There have been no known cases of this happening since the start of the war on terror. [1] When it comes to foreign governments this is even less of a cause for concern; while your own government might be interested in various aspects of your life to help it with the services it provides foreign governments only have one motivation; their own national security. If you are not a threat to that national security the chances of them ever taking any action against you are essentially nonexistent.  [1] Posner, Eric, ‘I Don’t See a Problem Here’, The New York Times Room for Debate, 10 June 2013, government surveillance communication privacy intelligence agencies citizen rights democratic governance war on terror national security foreign governments personal data protection legal implications Eric Posner New York Times debate privacy concerns digital era civil liberties lawful interception data retention privacy laws information misuse public trust government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies civil liberties national security war on terror foreign government intervention arrest without cause democratic oversight Eric Posner New York Times debate government access communications arrest intelligence agencies information democratic governments war on terror foreign governments national security threat action Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate government access communications intelligence agencies information arrested just cause democratic governments pressure citizens war on terror foreign governments national security threat action Eric Posner The New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies communication monitoring arrest without cause democratic oversight national security foreign government interference war on terror civil liberties Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate privacy rights surveillance state justified arrests preventative measures security vs privacy unconstitutional practices public safety intelligence gathering government surveillance privacy concerns intelligence agencies arrest without cause democratic oversight national security foreign government interest war on terror Eric Posner New York Times debate government access communications intelligence agencies information arrested just cause democratic governments pressure citizens war on terror foreign governments national security threat action Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate government surveillance personal privacy intelligence agencies arrest without cause democratic oversight war on terror foreign government motives national security threat assessment Eric Posner Room for Debate New York Times government surveillance privacy rights intelligence agencies civil liberties national security democratic oversight war on terror foreign governments citizen surveillance Eric Posner New York Times Room for Debate legal protections privacy concerns government intrusion government surveillance privacy rights intelligence agencies national security war on terror civil liberties democratic oversight foreign intelligence personal data communication privacy legal protections public safety digital security cybersecurity constitutional rights surveillance laws privacy concerns data protection civic freedoms governmental accountability
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con02a	Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 Unenforceable  Smoking bans are often unenforceable in higher income countries. This is because they require expensive manpower or CCTV in order to stop those flouting the ban, with scarce resources a police force will almost always have other more important crimes to deal with. If Berlin 1 and New York City 2 cannot enforce them, most African cities won’t be able to either.  Ghana's advertising ban has been flouted in the past. When asked in a survey about advertising 35% of Ghanaians recalled hearing a tobacco advert on radio or television despite such ads being banned. 3  1 AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   2 Huff Post New York, 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011,   3 Kaloko, Mustapha, 2013,  , p.18 unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey flouting enforcement resources crime priorities unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco advert survey flouting law enforcement resources crime priorities public policy tobacco control unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco survey radio television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Mayor Bloomberg enforcement challenges public health policies regulatory compliance resource allocation urban governance law enforcement priorities public spaces parks smoking regulations compliance monitoring policy effectiveness tobacco control health advocacy legislative enforcement government resources public compliance law implementation illegal advertising media monitoring enforcement mechanisms policy evaluation city policies smoke-free environments health legislation law enforcement strategies Unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries expensive manpower CCTV police force priorities Berlin New York City African cities Ghana's advertising ban flouted tobacco ads survey recall AFP Spiegel Online Huff Post New York NYPD parks smoking ban Mustapha Kaloko 2013 unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force priority crimes Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco survey radio television enforcement issues resource allocation public health policy unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police resources Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban flouted tobacco adverts survey Spiegel Online Huffington Post Mayor Mustapha Kaloko unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries expensive manpower CCTV scarce resources police force priority crimes Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey flouted enforcement issues resource allocation public health policies legal compliance regulatory challenges unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police resources crime priorities Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco adverts survey flouting enforcement challenges public health policy implementation regulatory compliance resource constraints urban governance unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco survey radio television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Kaloko Mustapha unenforceable smoking bans higher income countries manpower CCTV police force Berlin New York City African cities Ghana advertising ban tobacco advert radio television Spiegel Online Huffington Post Kaloko Mustapha 2013
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro01a	Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. Israel has no right to the occupied territories.  Because Israel won the land during war, it is considered occupied territory under international law, and it is illegal for Israel to annex it. [1] In July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered an Advisory Opinion observing that under customary international law as reflected in Article 42 of the Regulations annexed to the Hague IV Convention, territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised. Israel raised a number of exceptions and objections, but the Court found them unpersuasive. The Court ruled that territories had been occupied by the Israeli armed forces in 1967, during the conflict between Israel and Jordan, and that subsequent events in those territories, had done nothing to alter the situation. [2] Even the Israeli Supreme court has ruled that “Judea and Samaria [a.k.a. The West Bank] areas are held by the State of Israel in belligerent occupation.” [3] Therefore, Israel has no better claim to these lands than that it won them in a war, which is an illegitimate claim under international law, and also illegitimate as a thinly-disguised, morally abhorrent “might makes right” argument. The fact that Arab states initiated the 1967 war does not justify Israel responding by annexing Palestinian territory. [4] A just settlement would have been a return to the previous borders in exchange for security guarantees, etc. Instead, Israel unjustly used the opportunity to take land from an innocent people. One bad act does not justify another bad act in return. Moreover, it is notable that the nations which Israel took Gaza and the West Bank from in 1967 (Egypt and Jordan, respectively) were not representative nations of the areas' majority inhabitants, the Palestinian people. [5] It is thus illegitimate for Israel to claim ownership of Palestinian land because it defeated non-Palestinian nations in a war, and Israel should therefore return to its pre-1967 borders, leaving Gaza and the West Bank to the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] International Court of Justice. “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”. International Court of Justice, United Nations Organisation. July 2004.   [3] The Supreme Court of Israel. “Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel”. The Supreme Court of Israel. June 2005.   [4] BBC News. “1967: Israel launches attack on Egypt”. BBC News On This Day. 5 June 1967.   [5] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011. occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli armed forces 1967 conflict Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation Palestinian territory pre-1967 borders Gaza Arab states 1967 war innocent people security guarantees just settlement Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers Egypt Jordan Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention 1967 conflict Israeli armed forces Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation Arab states 1967 war annexing Palestinian territory pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers security guarantees just settlement moral argument might makes right non-Palestinian nations legitimate claim land ownership BBC News Legal Consequences of occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank 1967 war Palestinian territory pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers condemnation security guarantees moral argument might makes right just settlement Arab states illegitimate claim innocent people legal consequences construction of a wall United Nations Organisation Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel attack on Egypt Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Article 42 Hague IV Convention Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers BBC News Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel launches attack on Egypt 1967 conflict customary international law security guarantees Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Article 42 Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Palestinian territory just settlement pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers security guarantees legal consequences Wall Palestinian Territory Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Israeli armed forces Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Palestinian territory Arab states Egypt Jordan Palestinian people pre-1967 borders settlements Western powers legal consequences construction of a wall Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel BBC News On This Day Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague Convention belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court West Bank Judea and Samaria 1967 war Palestinian people pre-1967 borders security guarantees Gaza Egypt Jordan settlements Western powers BBC News United Nations Organisation Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Article 42 belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank 1967 war Arab states Palestinian people just settlement pre-1967 borders Gaza Egypt Jordan settlements Western powers security guarantees BBC News Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel legally occupied territory Israeli armed forces humanitarian law international justice territorial disputes illegal annexation moral arguments might makes right historical context Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention Article 42 Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank belligerent occupation 1967 war Jordan Arab states just settlement pre-1967 borders Palestinian people Gaza Egypt BBC News Israeli settlements Western powers attack on Egypt Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel occupied territories international law annexation International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion Hague IV Convention belligerent occupation Israeli Supreme Court Judea and Samaria West Bank 1967 war Arab states Palestinian territory pre-1967 borders Palestinian people Israeli settlements Western powers legal consequences construction of a wall Mara'abe vs The Prime Minister of Israel Israel launches attack on Egypt
test-international-emephsate-pro02a	Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey is actually part of the European continent both geographically and historically.  Geographically, Turkey is astride the divide between Europe and Asia, it is uncontestable that Turkey is in part a European country and so has the right to become a member of the European Union. Turkey’s biggest city, Istanbul, is located within Europe. One of the core values of the EU stands as “every country on the European continent after having completed all the necessary preparations has the right to join the EU’’ [1] . Furthermore, Turkey and its predecessors, the Ottoman Empire and Byzantine Empire were major European and World powers from the end of the Roman Empire until the breakdown of the World War I. The Ottoman Empire took part in the European state’s system from its birth even if as in some ways an outsider, until the end of the eighteenth century Turkey was considered to be much more a part of the European system than Russia. [2] Turkey since the first world war has been orientated towards the west using western methods to modernize including for example making the state secular; building a law system based not on Islamic law but on Swiss civil law. [3] Turkey can therefore be said to be as much a western nation as an Islamic one.  [1] The EU: A Community of Values. EU Focus.  Accessed on September 3, 2010.  [2] Anderson, M.S., The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618, Longman London, 1998, p.57  [3] Huntington, Samuel P., The Clash of Civilizations and the remaking of world order, Simon & Schuster London, 1996, pp.144-145 Turkey European continent geography history European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system secularization westernization Islamic law Swiss civil law Western nation Islamic nation modernization civilization clash European powers World War I state secularism legal system reforms historical European integration cultural identity geopolitical positioning international relations historical context European historical inclusion geopolitical history European legal traditions European statehood historical European powers European system participation Western orientation European Union integration European cultural values European historical narrative European political systems European Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system western orientation secularization Swiss civil law western nation Islamic nation modernization European history membership EU criteria geographical division Europe Asia state system European powers World War I western methods civilization clash Samuel Huntington M.S. Anderson EU Focus The EU: A Community of Values The Origins of the Modern European State System 1494-1618 The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European powers Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system modernization western methods secular state Swiss civil law western nation Islamic nation EU membership European values historical European integration geopolitical identity Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union membership Istanbul core values of EU European nations Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system Western orientation secular state Swiss civil law Western nation Islamic influence Samuel Huntington M.S. Anderson modern European history state modernization Turkey European continent geographical location historical context European Union membership Istanbul core values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European powers state system secular state Swiss civil law western methods modernization Islamic law cultural identity European system World War I Samuel Huntington clash of civilizations state secularization legal system international relations historical significance European values political integration geographic proximity cultural influence historical continuity European identity geopolitical significance European history regional integration Western orientation European community historical legacy cultural transformation legal framework political reform European politics Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European system Western orientation secular state Swiss civil law Western nation Islamic nation European state system modernization civilizational identity membership right geographical divide European powers World War I state secularism law system civilizational clash European integration historical context geopolitical significance Turkey European continent geography historical context European Union Istanbul European values World powers Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire European state system World War I western orientation secular state Swiss civil law western nation Islamic nation EU membership modernization cultural integration geopolitical significance historical continuity European identity civilizational clash Huntington Anderson EU values state modernization legal system religious reform geopolitical alignment historical narrative cultural heritage political evolution regional influence international relations European integration historical treaties state legitimacy cultural exchange political reforms legal Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system western methods secular state Swiss civil law Islamic law Western nation Islamic nation modernization European powers World War I Samuel P. Huntington M.S. Anderson EU membership European integration cultural identity geopolitical significance European continent geographical division historical context European Union membership Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire Roman Empire European state system western orientation modernization secular state Swiss civil law western nation Islamic influence civilizational identity Huntington Anderson EU Focus Turkey European continent geographically historically European Union Istanbul European values Ottoman Empire Byzantine Empire European state system secularization westernization Swiss civil law Islamic law western nation Islamic nation European Union membership European integration cultural identity geopolitical position
test-international-ghbunhf-con03a	Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. Many UN organs carry out valuable work around the world.  The United Nations is far more than simply a debating forum; it does a massive amount of vital work around the world through its other organs. Examples of these are the World Health Organisation (WHO), UNESCO, UNICEF, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) among many others. [1]  Even if the slow speed of diplomacy at the UN General Assembly can sometimes be frustrating, the idea that the United Nations as a whole has “failed” simply does not take account of all these very important bodies. Furthermore, the UN remains one of the most respected of international organisations among ordinary citizens.  [1] “United Nations: Structure and Organisation”. United Nations, 2011. United Nations UN organs World Health Organization WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR UN General Assembly international diplomacy global health education children's welfare international justice refugee protection international respect organizational effectiveness diplomatic processes global governance international cooperation peace security human rights sustainable development humanitarian aid international law global issues United Nations Structure United Nations Organization international community international relations global policy international support organizational impact citizen perception international trust organizational success UN achievements UN UN organs valuable work United Nations debating forum World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international organisations respected citizens UN organs World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR United Nations UN international organisations global impact diplomatic efforts respected organisations vital work global health education children's rights international justice refugee protection UN organs World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice UNHCR United Nations global work international organisation respected vital work diplomacy UN General Assembly structure and organisation international bodies peace health education children refugees justice international law global issues humanitarian aid international cooperation global governance debate policy international relations global challenges sustainable development human rights environmental protection economic and social development peacekeeping conflict resolution international security global health cultural heritage child welfare refugee support legal disputes international tribunal global UN organs World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR UN General Assembly United Nations international organisations respected vital work global impact diplomacy frustration debate structural organisation effectiveness international respect citizen perception United Nations UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR global impact international cooperation diplomatic efforts public perception respected organisation UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international organisations respected United Nations structure organisation UN organs World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ UNHCR High Commissioner for Refugees United Nations UN General Assembly international diplomacy global respect UN efficacy UN structure UN organisation international organisations global impact UN successes UN contributions UN achievements UN organs valuable work world impact United Nations debating forum vital work World Health Organisation WHO UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice ICJ High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR diplomacy UN General Assembly international organisations respected ordinary citizens structure organisation effectiveness global issues peace development human rights health education children refugees justice international law global governance UN success UN achievements UN criticism UN challenges UN relevance UN organs valuable work World Health Organisation UNESCO UNICEF International Court of Justice High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR international organisations United Nations respected vital work diplomacy UN General Assembly failed structures organisation
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro05a	"A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 A code of conduct is needed not a ban  The current arms ban is purely symbolic. China is already able to buy a range of military items from Europe ($555 million worth in 2003) [1] and the USA, which has a similar ""ban"" on weapons sales to China. This is because the EU’s current ban is not legally binding and it is up to each EU member to define and implement the embargo meaning the embargo is not effective. [2] An arms ban is therefore a blunt instrument that does not work. Instead future sales should be regulated by a tough EU code of conduct which prevents military equipment being sold to any state which might use it for external aggression or internal repression. Such a code of conduct for all arms exports has already existed since 1998. [3] Such a code of conduct will be a much better guarantee that China is not sold arms unless EU states are sure they will not be misused.  [1] Tkacik, ‘E.U. Leadership Finds Little Public Support for Lifting China Arms Ban’, 2005.   [2] Archick, Kristin, et al., ‘European Union’s Arms Embargo on China’, 2005, p5.   [3] Ibid, p21 code of conduct arms ban military items Europe USA China EU embargo legally binding arms sales external aggression internal repression EU code of conduct arms exports Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union public support lifting China arms ban effectiveness blunt instrument regulation military equipment state misuse code of conduct arms ban symbolic ban military items China Europe USA EU member legally binding embargo blunt instrument future sales regulation external aggression internal repression EU code of conduct arms exports guarantee misuse public support Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union China Arms Ban arms ban code of conduct EU embargo military items weapons sales China Europe effectiveness external aggression internal repression EU member states legally binding regulation Tkacik Archick European Union public support arms exports code of conduct arms ban military items EU member legally binding embargo arms exports external aggression internal repression public support China arms ban European Union weapons sales military equipment misuse EU states symbolic ban blunt instrument regulation trade restrictions code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items Europe USA weapons sales China legally binding EU member embargo effectiveness blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression guarantee misuse public support Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union arms embargo 1998 arms ban symbolic ban military items China Europe USA weapons sales EU member legally binding embargo ineffective future sales tough EU code of conduct military equipment external aggression internal repression guarantee misuse public support Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union's Arms Embargo code of conduct arms ban military items Europe USA China EU member legally binding embargo effective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misuse Tkacik Archick Kristin European Union public support lifting ban 2005 p5 p21 code of conduct arms ban military items EU embargo legally binding arms sales China EU member external aggression internal repression arms exports public support European Union weapons sales code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items China Europe USA legally binding EU member embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulated tough EU code military equipment state external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misused public support lifting bans European Union Tkacik Kristin Archick code of conduct arms ban symbolic military items China Europe USA weapons sales EU ban legally binding member states embargo ineffective blunt instrument future sales regulation EU code military equipment state external aggression internal repression arms exports guarantee misuse Tkacik Kristin Archick European Union public support 2005 p5 p21"
test-economy-thsptr-pro05a	A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. A well-implemented progressive taxation scheme serve to promote economic growth  Progressive taxation can serve very effectively to increase the economic welfare and development of societies. It does so in three ways. First, it lifts the poor out of poverty by redistributing the tax burden from them onto the wealthy who are more able to pay, and gives them more disposable income to put back into the economy, which increases the velocity of money in the system, increasing growth. [1] Second, workers will be more likely to work harder since they will feel the system is more equitable; perceptions of fairness are very important to individuals. People will still work and save since they will want the goods and services they always did in the presence of progressive taxation, and will thus not be less motivated as detractors of progressive systems suggest. Third, progressive taxes serve as an automatic stabilizer in the event of recessions and temporary downturns in the market, in the sense that a loss of wages due to unemployment or wage cuts places an individual in a lower tax bracket, dampening the blow of the initial income loss. The American economy is a perfect example of how progressive taxation promotes broader economic growth; data shows that average yearly growth has been lessened since the 1950s after the reduction in progressively in the tax system. In the 1950s annual growth was 4.1%, while in the 1980s, when progressively in taxes fell dramatically, growth was only 3%. [2] Clearly, a progressive tax regime is best for workers and the economy generally.  [1] Boxx, T. William and Gary Quinlivan. The Cultural Context of Economics and Politics. Lanham: University Press of America. 1994.  [2] Batra, Ravi. The Great American Deception: What Politicians Won’t Tell You About Our Economy and Your Future. New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1996. progressive taxation economic growth tax burden redistribution disposable income velocity of money perception of fairness worker motivation automatic stabilizer recession wage cuts income loss tax brackets American economy average yearly growth tax system changes economic welfare development poverty reduction equitable system worker productivity market downturns fiscal policy economic policy tax policy wealth distribution social equity economic stability progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare social development poverty reduction tax burden wealth redistribution disposable income velocity of money worker motivation economic equity automatic stabilizers recessions market downturns unemployment wage cuts tax brackets income loss American economy historical economic data tax system evolution 1950s economic growth 1980s economic growth tax progressivity economic policy fiscal policy tax reform economic inequality public finance macroeconomics economic history economic theory social welfare fiscal impact economic stability tax incidence labor progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare poverty reduction income redistribution wealth distribution disposable income velocity of money fairness work motivation savings automatic stabilizer unemployment wage cuts tax brackets income loss American economy tax system historical data annual growth economic policy fiscal policy political economy tax regime economic development social equity tax burden economic stability recession management wage distribution economic inequality macroeconomics fiscal stimulus public finance tax progression economic justice income inequality economic efficiency tax structure tax reform economic theories economic models economic progressive taxation economic growth redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money labor motivation tax fairness automatic stabilizer recession tax brackets American economy historical growth rates tax policy income inequality economic welfare social development fiscal policy economic stability worker incentives progressive taxation economic growth poverty reduction wealth redistribution disposable income velocity of money worker motivation economic fairness automatic stabilizer recession tax brackets income loss American economy historical economic data tax policy economic policy fiscal policy income inequality economic welfare social development tax system efficiency economic motivation economic stability economic performance post-war economic history tax reform economic theories fiscal impact societal impact economic justice economic equity progressive taxation economic growth economic welfare redistribution poverty alleviation disposable income velocity of money worker motivation equity automatic stabilizer recessions unemployment tax brackets American economy historical growth rates tax policy fiscal policy income inequality economic development public finance economic growth progressive taxation poverty reduction income redistribution wealth inequality disposable income velocity of money economic welfare social equity worker motivation economic stability automatic stabilizer recession unemployment tax brackets income loss historical economic data tax policy fiscal policy economic development public finance American economy tax reform economic history tax rate economic research fiscal impact social policy economic inequality economic dynamics political economy economic justice progressive taxation economic growth redistribution poverty alleviation disposable income velocity of money work motivation perceptions of fairness automatic stabilizer unemployment wage cuts tax brackets American economy historical growth rates tax policy economic welfare societal development income inequality tax burden equitable system economic stability economic performance tax reform fiscal policy economic indicators tax rates income distribution labor market consumer spending tax bracket adjustments economic equity social welfare government revenue tax efficiency economic theory fiscal stimulus economic models policy analysis economic research empirical evidence economic justice progressive taxation economic growth redistribution poverty reduction disposable income velocity of money worker motivation tax equity automatic stabilizer recessions economic data historical tax rates income inequality fiscal policy economic welfare societal development taxation impact economic motivation tax brackets income loss American economy tax regime economic performance political economy tax policy effects economic growth progressive taxation tax burden wealth redistribution disposable income velocity of money economic welfare equity worker motivation automatic stabilizer recessions income loss tax brackets american economy historical data tax policy economic development social welfare fiscal policy income inequality
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con03a	Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. Why should those who foot the bill have chunks of airtime from which they are, effectively, excluded.  How can it be okay for a broadcaster, funded by a compulsory levy on anyone who owns a television, to willingly produce programmes they know will cause offence to that consumer?  The charge of blasphemy is far more than saying ‘I didn’t enjoy this’ or ‘not my kind of show’, it is a deeply held belief that what has been said is a deliberate and willful attack on values and beliefs that the viewer holds sacred and fundamental to who they are.  All major broadcasters, including the BBC, routinely test shows and monitor audience response and yet, in this particular regard, feel relaxed about producing material that certain viewers would consider it not only uncomfortable but sinful to watch. By definition, those viewers cannot watch those shows or, quite probably, that station and yet they are still expected to pay for it.  Even if a British viewer were to choose never to watch the BBC again because of the offence caused by programmes such as Jerry Springer: The Opera, they would still be paying the salaries of those who had caused the offence in the first place. That cannot be reasonable by any standard. foot the bill chunks of airtime excluded broadcaster compulsory levy television produce programmes cause offence consumer charge of blasphemy deeply held belief deliberate attack values beliefs viewer sacred fundamental major broadcasters BBC test shows monitor audience response uncomfortable sinful watch viewers pay British viewer choose never watch offence programmes Jerry Springer: The Opera salaries reasonable standard compulsory levy excluded airtime broadcaster responsibility offensive programmes deep-seated beliefs audience testing viewer values sinful content payment without viewing reasonable funding viewer exclusion programme offense blasphemy charges compulsory payment public broadcaster viewer rights offensive material programme testing audience reaction content sensitivity television license compulsory levy broadcaster ethics offensive programming audience exclusion blasphemy viewer values sacred beliefs programme testing audience monitoring Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding viewer choice pay-for-service reasonable standards broadcast regulation public funding offensive content viewer rights compulsory levy audience offense program testing blasphemy sacred values broadcaster responsibility content monitoring entertainment ethics television regulation viewer choice funding fairness offensive programming cultural sensitivity public service broadcasting consumer protection media accountability compulsory levy television license offensive content blasphemy viewer values audience response Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding public broadcaster program censorship religious beliefs media regulation consumer rights broadcast standards offensive programming taxpayer funding viewer offense program testing content warnings media ethics public service broadcasting viewer choice mandatory payment content regulation offensive material viewer discomfort public funding programme production audience exclusion media accountability broadcasting ethics television regulation content sensitivity viewer protection media offense broadcast offense public trust media responsibility programme monitoring viewer beliefs media content BBC compulsory levy television license offensive content viewer beliefs blasphemy audience response Jerry Springer: The Opera funding fairness broadcast regulation consumer rights public service broadcasting content regulation program testing cultural sensitivity media ethics viewer offense financial contribution public broadcaster programming standards viewer exclusion compulsory payment viewer choice media responsibility free speech public funding broadcaster accountability program offense viewer tolerance media offense television content broadcast ethics media policy viewer values program impact media production viewer rights broadcasting standards content warning viewer perception media impact programming policy search accuracy expansion terms query enrichment foot the bill excluded airtime broadcaster compulsory levy television produce programmes cause offence consumer charge of blasphemy deeply held belief deliberate attack values beliefs sacred fundamental monitor audience response uncomfortable sinful viewers pay for content British viewer BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera offence salaries reasonable Offence Blasphemy Viewer Beliefs Sacred Compulsory Levy TV Licence BBC Jerry Springer: The Opera Programme Censorship Audience Response Monitoring Sin Uncomfortable Funded Taxpayer Broadcasting Ethics Content Regulation Free Speech Public Service Broadcasting Cultural Sensitivity Inclusivity Diversity Sacred Values Offensive Content Consumer Rights Media Responsibility bill payers excluded airtime compulsory levy offensive programmes broadcaster responsibility audience offence deeply held beliefs sacred values audience testing uncomfortable content sinful viewing payment for unwanted content Jerry Springer: The Opera BBC funding viewer choice reasonable standards blasphemy offence compulsory levy viewer values deliberate attack audience response viewer choice funding fairness programme content broadcaster responsibility
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con01a	Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. Social media can be powerful educational resources.  Many teachers have been using social media as an extension of the classroom, some of them setting up discussion pages, or allowing students to contact them about homework or things that they did not understand in the classroom, it allows the teachers to provide extra help whenever the student needs it. This keeps students interested and makes learning fun by using a tool that they are already fond of. The enormous success of tools like ‘The Khan Academy’, which uses youtube videos to deliver lectures to kids, is proof of that [1] . It also allows even those students who are too shy to speak out in class or ask for help, to participate3. Tools like facebook and twitter have the advantage of being ready-made platforms that lend themselves well to extending classroom discussions through groups, pages, pictures, and videos. Not all schools have access to the funding to set up such pages separately and not all teachers have the skills to create them. It would be a mistake for schools to dismiss their use and their value.  [1] Khan, Salman. ”Turning the Classroom Upside Down.” The Wall Street Journal. 9 April 2011. social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student-teacher communication homework help learning engagement fun learning Khan Academy youtube videos shy students classroom participation Facebook Twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills classroom discussions digital tools educational technology online learning interactive learning virtual classrooms educational innovation blended learning student support academic resources modern education technology in education digital literacy learning management systems online education e-learning virtual learning environments educational apps social learning collaborative learning educational content digital content educational videos pictures online discussions social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning tools Khan Academy youtube lectures educational videos shy students classroom participation facebook twitter educational platforms school funding teacher skills digital learning online education educational technology modern teaching methods social media educational resources classroom extension teacher-student interaction homework help learning engagement shy students participation facebook twitter classroom discussions educational platforms funding teacher skills Khan Academy online learning educational technology digital literacy student support interactive learning social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student contact extra help student engagement learning tools shy students classroom participation Facebook Twitter platform advantages school funding teacher skills educational value Khan Academy YouTube lectures classroom discussions educational technology modern learning methods online education digital classrooms student interaction educational platforms free resources accessible learning technology in education innovative teaching virtual learning environments educational innovation digital literacy 21st century learning online learning communities educational apps interactive learning digital citizenship teacher-student communication educational content creation multimedia learning educational resources social media classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning tools Khan Academy youtube lectures shy students facebook twitter school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational technology digital learning online education modern teaching methods interactive learning social media educational resources classroom extension discussion pages student contact homework help learning engagement Khan Academy youtube lectures shy students participation Facebook Twitter ready-made platforms school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational value digital learning online education social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages student contact homework help learning engagement fun learning shy students participation Facebook Twitter Khan Academy YouTube videos school funding teacher skills classroom discussions educational technology online learning platforms social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning fun shy students participation Facebook Twitter platforms classroom discussions Khan Academy YouTube videos lectures school funding teacher skills educational value digital tools online learning educational technology interactive learning student support virtual classroom educational platforms educational content student interaction educational innovation modern education 21st-century learning educational technology online learning digital literacy teacher-student interaction classroom engagement educational platforms social media in education shy students educational resources Khan Academy extended classroom homework help learning tools educational funding teacher skills social media benefits classroom discussions educational videos student participation online discussions social media educational resources teachers classroom extension discussion pages homework help student engagement learning tools The Khan Academy shy students participation Facebook Twitter ready-made platforms classroom discussions school funding teacher skills educational value digital learning online education educational technology supplementary teaching tools interactive learning student support virtual classrooms online resources educational platforms academic engagement tech in education modern teaching methods blended learning digital literacy educational innovation online interaction student empowerment learning management systems educational apps virtual learning environments digital classrooms teacher-student communication educational content
test-society-epsihbdns-con03a	"Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. Rural life is miserable and has higher mortality rates than cities  This planet does not find worse living standards anywhere than in the rural areas of developing countries. These are the areas where famine, child mortality and diseases (such as AIDS) plague the people. [1] China’s Hukou system has condemned millions of people to premature death by locking them in areas that never will develop. [2] While the cities enjoy the benefits of 12% growth, the villages are as poor and deprived as ever. [3] It is a poorly concealed policy aimed at maintaining a gaping social cleavage and allowing the rich to remain rich.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Dikötter, Frank. Mao's Great Famine. London : Walker & Company, 2010. 0802777686.  [3] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005. rural life mortality rates urban areas developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban development rural poverty social cleavage economic disparity political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang division and exclusion rural poverty urban-rural disparity developing countries child mortality AIDS famine China Hukou system social inequality economic growth policy analysis sub-Saharan Africa political economy food security urban development rural deprivation social cleavage premature death rural development Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell rural life mortality rates urban areas developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system urban growth rural poverty social cleavage urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division premature death undeveloped areas rich-poor gap undeveloped villages rural life misery higher mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social cleavage poverty deprivation economic growth political economy Mao's Great Famine exclusion division Fei-Ling Wang Frank Dikötter Daniel Maxwell Rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system social cleavage urban development poverty political economy Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division premature death wealth disparity urban-rural gap policy analysis socioeconomic inequality rural deprivation urban benefits rural poverty development disparities rural life mortality rates cities developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security social cleavage poverty rural development political economy Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division rural life mortality rates cities developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine social cleavage rich poor villages growth Walker & Company Fei-Ling Wang exclusion division political economy rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death urban growth rural poverty social cleavage economic disparity political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine Fei-Ling Wang exclusion policies rural life mortality rates developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China’s Hukou system premature death urban development social cleavage poverty rural deprivation political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Mao's Great Famine organizing through division exclusion Fei-Ling Wang rural life mortality rates cities living standards developing countries famine child mortality diseases AIDS China Hukou system premature death economic growth poverty social cleavage urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy Mao's Great Famine exclusion Fei-Ling Wang organization division"
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro01a	When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. When you know terrorists are likely to be members of particular national and ethnic groups, it is simply more practical to focus searches on those groups.  The reality is that all of the major terrorist attacks against Western targets in recent years have been perpetrated by young, Muslim men. It doesn’t require any prejudice at all to realise that they are the most sensible group to check and recheck.  Although it is important to respect people’s rights and liberties regardless of ethnicity or religious belief, a sensible security policy must force police officers and security officials to make decisions based on factual information. Everybody- including most members of the groups identified by profiling- has an interest in not being blown up on an aeroplane. They will, therefore, accept that this is a regrettable necessity. Airport staff can only stop so many people and it makes sense to target groups that terrorists are likely to be part of. terrorism young Muslim men ethnic profiling security rights liberties factual information airport screening prevention safety public opinion acceptance necessity checks rechecks major attacks Western targets recent years policy police officials decisions respect prejudice practical sensible groups national identification profiling 吹风 discourse debate ethics efficacy measures enforcement impact consideration implications role responsibility strategies implementation concern controversy balance approach methodology challenge response framework criteria standards terrorist profiling ethnic profiling security measures Muslim men Western targets factual information airport security public safety rights and liberties targeted searches sensible policy regrettable necessity prevention strategies risk assessment demographic analysis counterterrorism tactics threat identification intelligence-led policing security efficiency passenger screening safeguarding measures terrorism security policy profiling ethnic groups religious belief young Muslim men factual information rights and liberties airport security targeted searches practical measures safety prevention acceptance necessity regrettable measures public safety ethnic profiling religious profiling counter-terrorism risk assessment decision-making police procedures security checks passenger screening threat prevention public interest safety measures selective screening targeted profiling preventive security efficient screening traveler safety controversial measures ethical considerations security efficacy policy debate civil liberties profiling ethics security practices genuine threat safety priorities targeted security public protection terrorist profiling security policy young Muslim men factual information ethnic groups religious belief rights and liberties airport staff major terrorist attacks Western targets sensible security regrettable necessity police officers security officials national groups aeroplane safety profiling acceptance terrorists national groups ethnic groups young men Muslim men Western targets security policy police officers factual information rights liberties ethnicity religious belief airport staff profiling regrettable necessity public safety risk assessment targeted searches terrorist attacks Western targets young Muslim men security policy factual information police decisions ethnic profiling airport security public safety individual rights liberty concerns targeted searches regrettable necessity passenger safety terrorists national groups ethnic groups young men Muslim men Western targets security policy police officers factual information rights liberties ethnicity religious belief profiling airport security safety public interest regrettable necessity targeted searches practical approach preventive measures ethical considerations community cooperation 航空安全 身份识别 防恐措施 公众安全 种族背景 宗教信仰 防范策略 安检程序 旅客安全 社会和谐 Terrorism security policy ethnic profiling religious profiling young Muslim men factual information public safety airport security rights and liberties prejudice terrorist attacks Western targets regrettable necessity sensible checks profiling ethics practical search strategies inclusive security measures diverse screening methods risk assessment threat prevention community engagement counter-terrorism operational effectiveness equal treatment human rights individual freedoms safety measures targeted screening non-discriminatory practices legal considerations social impact operational guidelines terrorist profiling security personnel passenger safety civil liberties balanced approach proactive measures terrorist recruitment demographic terrorist attacks Western targets young Muslim men security policy factual information ethnic profiling public safety airport security targeted searches regrettable necessity rights and liberties sensible decisions factual basis preventive measures demographic focus practical approach security efficiency risk assessment community safety preventive screening terrorists national groups ethnic groups young Muslim men security policy factual information profiling airport staff terrorist attacks Western targets rights liberties ethnicity religious belief police officers security officials aeroplane sensible group practical searches regrettable necessity
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro02a	Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, Non violent methods of disrupting riots must be tried before using force  When riots are on-going then the police needs to act but the safety of everyone involved should be considered to be paramount. If a riot will not disperse peacefully then the police often find they need to use batons, water cannon, or even in extremis tear gas or rubber bullets. It is the police’s duty to bring back public order by stopping riots through these methods. However this should not be at the expense of a much more preventative approach that shutting down social media networks would allow. If during instances of rioting the police are able to prevent those rioters from encouraging their friends to join them so expanding the riots then this is the right course of action to take. Rioters used social media like activists, to outmanoeuvre the police targeting areas where there was little police presence. Cutting off their means of communication would make this much harder and less effective. [1] This has been used effectively in the past; the San Francisco BART, shut down mobile phones on its network to prevent protests which it feared could lead to clashes with commuters, it may well have been the reason why there were no such protests, but it did spark outrage over violations of freedom of speech. [2]  [1] O’Rourke, Simon, “Empowering protest through social media”, Edith Cowan University Research Online, 2011,  P.51  [2] Cabanatuan, M., “BART admits halting cell service to stop protests”, SFGate, non-violent disrupting riots force police public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative approach social media communication networks riot expansion police presence activists San Francisco BART mobile phones protests freedom of speech communication shutdown public outrage non-violent riot-disruption police-procedures public-safety crowd-control batons water-cannon tear-gas rubber-bullets public-order preventative-measures social-media communication-shutdown protest-prevention civil-disobedience freedom-of-speech BART-cell-service-interruption crowd-manipulation activist-strategies riot-expansion-prevention non-violent riots police safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative approach social media communication protests freedom of speech San Francisco BART mobile phones activists rioters police presence clashes commuters outrage shutdown effectiveness disrupting methods force peaceful dispersal communication shutdown outmanoeuvre targeting instances rioting encouraging expanding friends network prevention action duty expense public safety riot control ethical considerations civil liberties digital disruption crowd control strategic policing proactive non-violent protest methods police intervention public safety riot control use of force batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets social media regulation preventing riot expansion communication shutdown freedom of speech San Francisco BART cell service shutdown protest prevention public order ethical policing crowd control strategies non-violent disrupting riots force police safety batons water-cannon tear-gas rubber-bullets public-order preventative social-media networks communication encouraging friends expanding outmanoeuvre police-presence freedom-of-speech protests commuters mobile-phones BART SFGate Edith-Cowan-University Simon-O’Rourke M-Cabanatuan non-violent methods disrupting riots police intervention public safety use of force batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets maintaining order preventative measures social media networks riot prevention communication disruption activists police presence protest management BART case cell service shutdown freedom of speech non-violent methods disrupting riots police intervention public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets preventative approach social media networks rioting police presence communication shutdown San Francisco BART mobile phones protests freedom of speech public order social media activism riot prevention communication disruption civic rights crowd control technological intervention ethical policing community impact protest management digital surveillance public trust legal implications civil liberties riot dynamics social media influence public response emergency measures law enforcement strategies proactive measures reactive measures communication strategies democratic rights non-violent riot-disruption police-tactics force-averse public-safety batons water-cannon tear-gas rubber-bullets social-media-control preventative-strategies communication-restriction activist-maneuvers police-presence BART-cell-service-shutdown protest-prevention freedom-of-speech-violation public-order-maintenance non-violent riots disruption police force public safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets social media communication prevention protests mobile phones BART freedom of speech activists rioters online networks public order communication shutdown legal concerns civil rights non-violent disruption riots police force safety batons water cannon tear gas rubber bullets public order preventative approach social media communication riot expansion activists police presence mobile phones BART freedom of speech protests commuters outrage cell service clashes
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro02a	Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 Religious symbols cause problems in schools.  As well as division in society in general, religious symbols are also a source of division within school environments. The Hijab causes schools many problems. It is potentially divisive in the classroom, marking some children out as different from the others and above the rules that the school enforces for everyone else. This may lead to alienation and bullying. Full headscarves may also be impractical or dangerous in some lessons, for example PE, swimming, or in technology and science lessons where machinery is being operated. In the same way, there have been discussions as to whether to ban the display of Crucifixes in public classrooms. Authorities in Italy have followed through with the ban saying that such a Christian symbol segregates those who are not Christian.1  1 'Decision due in Crucifix ban case', Times of Malta, March 17th 2011 , accessed on 24th July 2011 religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom issues alienation bullying PE swimming technology science machinery Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian symbol segregation ban religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom issues alienation bullying PE swimming technology lessons Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian symbol segregation non-Christian Religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Christian segregation Italy ban legal case Times of Malta religious symbols school problems societal division classroom division Hijab issues school environment children alienation bullying PE lessons swimming lessons technology lessons science lessons Crucifix ban public classrooms Christian symbol non-Christian segregation Italy authorities legal cases religious attire educational policies cultural sensitivity religious freedom school safety student inclusion classroom management educational equity religious practices secular education religious expression policy-making legal challenges international perspectives religious diversity educational impact cultural conflict institutional rules student rights religious symbolism social integration educational conflict religious neutrality school dress religious symbols schools division society Hijab classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation non-Christian ban legal case Times of Malta religious symbols school problems societal division Hijab classroom division alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery Crucifix public classrooms Italy Christian symbol non-Christian segregation religious symbols problems in schools division in society hijab school division classroom alienation bullying PE swimming technology lessons crucifix ban Italy Christian symbol segregation religious neutrality education policy cultural sensitivity freedom of religion secular education religious symbols school problems societal division classroom division hijab issues school environments children alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology lessons science safety crucifix ban public classrooms Christian segregation Italy Times of Malta March 17th 2011 Crucifix ban case religious symbols schools division society hijab classroom alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology lessons science lessons machinery crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregates non-Christian ban religious symbols division schools society Hijab problems alienation bullying full headscarves PE swimming technology science Crucifixes public classrooms Italy Christian segregation ban
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro03a	Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism  Skin whitening can be seen as an attempt to fit in with a form of a neo-colonialist mind-set; a form of cultural imperialism driven by capitalism.  These products, often sold by big international FMCG (fast moving consumer goods) companies feed off a neo-colonialist mind-set – one of a cultural inferiority complex. These products form part of the process of tying African people into a globalised consumer world where non-westerners feel compelled to buy western products that they don’t need. They are therefore kept in a colonial situation where they are dependent on the west both mentally and in terms of the products they buy. That is reason enough for nations that have been victims of colonialism by the Global North to take action against them. Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mindset Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG Cultural inferiority complex Globalized consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependence Product dependence Global North Colonial victims Action against colonialism Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG International companies Cultural inferiority complex Globalized consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Dependency Mental dependence Products Global North Victims of colonialism Action against colonial products Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG Fast moving consumer goods Cultural inferiority complex Globalised consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependence Product dependence Global North Victims of colonialism Action against colonial products Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependence product dependence Global North anti-colonial action Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG Cultural inferiority complex Globalized consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependence Product dependence Global North Victims of colonialism Action against neo-colonialism Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mind-set cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependency product dependency Global North victims of colonialism action against colonial products Monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mindset cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG fast moving consumer goods cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial dependency mental dependency economic dependency action against colonialism Global North victims of colonialism monetizing colonialism skin whitening neo-colonialist mind-set cultural imperialism capitalism FMCG companies cultural inferiority complex globalized consumer world non-westerners western products colonial situation mental dependence product dependence Global North action against colonialism Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG Cultural inferiority complex Globalized consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependency Product dependency Global North Victims of colonialism Action against colonialism Monetizing colonialism Skin whitening Neo-colonialist mind-set Cultural imperialism Capitalism FMCG Cultural inferiority complex Globalized consumer world Non-westerners Western products Colonial situation Mental dependence Product dependence Global North Victims of colonialism Action against colonial products
test-international-epdlhfcefp-con01a	The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. The post of a High Representative is merely a shadow of what it should have been, and its failure shows the EU's inability to consolidate foreign policy.  While seemingly groundbreaking, the current agreement on the EU reform treaty was nothing but a lame attempt to salvage a much bolder initiative: an EU Constitution. The rejection of the EU Constitution in the Dutch and French referendums, as well as the extreme difficulty in getting even its watered-down version accepted, shows the extent to which the member states of the EU are not yet ready to think and act in unison. The UK representatives successfully insisted that the language of the reform treaty clearly states that major foreign policy decisions will continue to be taken at the state level. High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states EU unity UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level European Union political integration international relations European governance treaty negotiation constitutional reform public opinion national sovereignty European diplomacy institutional reform European politics consensus building multilateral decision-making European Community policymaking legislative process European integration supranational governance European law intergovernmental cooperation European citizens democratic legitimacy European institutions European Council European Parliament European Commission treaty of Lisbon European foreign affairs European defense High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level unison consolidation failure shadow groundbreaking lame attempt watered-down version rejection inability think and act High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states unison UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU foreign policy High Representative EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU consolidation post effectiveness treaty agreement bold initiative watered-down version unison thinking policy rejection major decisions language insistence representative success High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison political integration European Union international relations diplomacy treaty negotiations sovereignty national interests High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level EU foreign policy High Representative EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum EU reform treaty member states UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level consolidation unison shadow failure groundbreaking lame attempt watered-down version major decisions language treaty High Representative EU foreign policy EU reform treaty EU Constitution Dutch referendum French referendum UK representatives foreign policy decisions state level
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro04a	Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. Suicide undermines the sanctity of the human body  Like abortion, euthanasia, cloning and genetic engineering, suicide undermines the sanctity and inviolability of the human body. It is legitimate to legislate against such actions because the sanctity of the human body is an intrinsic constituent part of the respect for human dignity, which is the sine qua non of social life in any country. suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life moral values bioethics human rights societal norms ethical considerations legal framework personal autonomy public policy intrinsic value Respect for persons suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethical concerns moral issues legal restrictions bodily integrity human rights bioethics philosophical debates public policy intrinsic value societal norms suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life bioethics moral philosophy legal ethics public health human rights suicide sanctity of human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering human dignity social life legislation moral actions bioethics human rights intrinsic value bodily integrity suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life respect intrinsic constituent undermining inviolability suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life moral arguments bioethics legal restrictions personal autonomy suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life respect intrinsic constituent undermine inviolability suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethical concerns moral philosophy bioethics legal regulation human rights societal values intrinsic worth personal autonomy public policy humanitarian principles suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethical concerns moral values legal restrictions bodily integrity bioethics human rights philosophical debates societal norms public policy health care ethics suicide sanctity human body abortion euthanasia cloning genetic engineering legislation human dignity social life ethics moral philosophy bioethics legal regulation human rights bodily integrity
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro03a	Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Collisions are not as dangerous as they’re feared to be.  Some hits lead to injury, but the vast majority do not. One commentator challenged proponents of a rule change “to name as many as five MLB catchers in the last 30 years who have had their careers ended or shortened as a result of a home plate collision. Personally, I can’t think of one.” [1] In posing some—though not a substantial—risk, home plate collisions are very much like other aspects of the sport. Every time a pitcher throws a pitch, the batter could get struck and hurt. Every time two outfielders converge on a fly ball, there’s a risk of injury. Baseball, as with many other sports, inherently involves the risk of injury. It makes little sense to focus on this play, which doesn’t often result in significant injury.  Moreover, catchers are trained to position their bodies in ways that minimize the injury risk from crashes. [2] If catchers do as they’re trained, they’re very unlikely to get hurt.  [1] Joe Janish, “Buster Posey Aftermath: What Should Be Done?,” On Baseball, May 30, 2011,  (internal quotation marks omitted).  [2] See, for example, “Relays, Cutoffs, and Plays at Home,” Baseball-Catcher.com,  . Baseball home plate collisions injury risk catcher safety rule changes sports injures pitcher-batter collisions outfielder collisions training for safety Buster Posey MLB Joe Janish Baseball-Catcher.com relays cutoffs plays at home sports risk management injury prevention sports safety professional baseball collision injuries game safety sports training sports rules baseball rules catcher training injury statistics sports commentary sports liabilities risk in sports sports regulations safety measures sports ethics sports law sports medicine athlete protection collision prevention baseball injuries catcher protection baseball home plate collisions catchers injury risk rule change sports safety MLB training Buster Posey Relays Cutoffs Plays at Home Baseball-Catcher.com On Baseball Joe Janish sports injuries risk management game dynamics player protection baseball collisions home plate catchers injuries risk safety sport training MLB rule change injury prevention game analysis player health occupational hazards collision risks professional sports safety measures injury statistics baseball home plate collisions injury risk rule change catcher safety sports safety training risk management baseball injuries player health collision prevention sport regulations professional baseball MLB injury statistics player careers safety measures game dynamics competitive sports sports medicine athlete protection home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries injury risk baseball safety trained catchers minimized injury risk sport risk pitch risk fly ball risk inherent sports risk rule change Buster Posey Joe Janish Baseball-Catcher.com relays cutoffs plays at home baseball home plate collisions injury risk MLB catchers rule change sport safety trained catchers collision prevention game inherent risk batter injury outfielder injury sport injury Buster Posey baseball catcher training plays at home relays and cutoffs baseball safety measures collisions danger injury MLB catchers rule change home plate risk sport baseball pitch batter outfielders fly ball trained crashes minimized unlikely Buster Posey relays cutoffs plays at home baseball home plate collisions injury risk rule change MLB catchers career-ending injuries trained catchers minimized risk inherent sport risks injury prevention batter injuries outfielder injuries pitcher injuries sport safety risk management baseball safety catcher training collision safety sport injuries safety measures player safety sport rules game risks defensive strategies baseball plays catcher positioning safe play practices sport commentary injury statistics sport regulations protective equipment sport ethics player health sport controversies risk assessment sport governance safety protocols baseball ethics collision risks sport injuries prevention home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries risk of injury baseball safety pitching risks outfielder collisions injury minimization catcher training Buster Posey rule changes baseball rules sports injuries inherent risk Joe Janish Baseball-Catcher.com home plate collisions MLB catchers career-ending injuries injury risk baseball safety pitch risk outfield collisions sports injury catcher training minimized injury risk rule changes Buster Posey baseball regulations sport safety measures
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro01a	"The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), The government has a right to make decisions in the best interest of the people  Man is a social being. Therefore people live in communities where decisions that affect the many, are taken by representatives of the many. Thus, a social contract exists between the people and their government. [1] In exchange for part of their autonomy and freedom, the government ensures that policies are made in the best interest of people, even if this might come at the expense of short-term interests for some individuals. This is a typical example of this kind of case. The trend is emptying the countryside, stopping the production of agricultural goods and hollowing the amenities provided by the cities. Even if each individual has a personal incentive to move to the cities, the harm to the cities is greater than their accumulated individual gains. It is in these cases that the state must act to protect its people and ensure long term benefits.  [1] D'Agostino, Fred, Gaus, Gerald and Thrasher, John, ""Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract"", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2012 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), social contract government role collective welfare individual autonomy policy-making rural depopulation urbanization impacts long-term benefits state intervention public interest communal living representative governance philosophical foundations ethical considerations societal impact rural-urban migration community sustainability governance ethics civic responsibility social philosophy government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests individuals trend countryside agricultural production amenities cities personal incentive harm long term benefits state action protection contemporary approaches social contract theory philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive long term benefits state action social contract theory political philosophy public policy community welfare collective decision-making governance civic duty communal living urbanization rural decline societal impact ethical governance social welfare contemporary social contract Gaus D'Agostino Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy collective action problems public goods common good policy intervention political ethics social responsibility government best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend countryside agricultural production city amenities individual incentives urban migration collective harm state intervention long-term benefits social contract theory political philosophy public policy community well-being economic development rural depopulation urbanization governance ethical governance collective action problems public goods externalities social welfare political obligation civic duty societal balance shared responsibility policy-making stakeholder interests sustainable development community resilience social cohesion public interest distrib government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests countryside agricultural goods amenities cities individual incentive harm long term benefits state action protection Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Edward N. Zalta social contract government decision-making best interest of people individual autonomy collective welfare policy-making rural depopulation urbanization impacts long-term benefits state intervention communal living representative democracy social being individual vs. collective interests philosophical approaches Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Zalta government decisions best interest people social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies short-term interests trend emptying countryside agricultural production city amenities individual incentives urban migration long-term benefits state intervention social contract theory political philosophy public policy collective welfare Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy D'Agostino Fred Gaus Gerald Thrasher John government decision-making public interest social being communities representatives social contract autonomy freedom policies long-term benefits short-term interests rural depopulation agricultural production urban amenities individual incentives collective harm state intervention protection long-term benefits social contract theory political philosophy public policy community welfare governance societal benefits individual vs collective urbanization rural development socio-economic impact civic responsibility communal well-being strategic planning sustainable development legislative action societal impact ethical governance community engagement participatory democracy inclusive policies public welfare civic duty government social contract community representatives autonomy freedom policies social being rural depopulation urbanization agricultural production city amenities short-term interests long-term benefits state intervention public interest individual incentives collective harm philosophical approaches D'Agostino Gaus Thrasher Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy government social contract community representative decision-making autonomy policy-making public interest rural depopulation urbanization long-term benefits individual incentives collective harm state intervention social contract theory philosophical approaches public policy community welfare urban-rural dynamics societal impact governance"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con01a	Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. Violent imagery can serve different purposes.  Calls for a ban on music that references or glorifies violence are frequently based on an overly simplistic understanding of contemporary and popular musical genres. It is instructive that the loudest voices of protest raised against violent content in hip hop and rock music are, overwhelmingly, white, middle class, middle-aged newspaper columnists. Any ban created under these circumstances would reduce the diversity and depth of popular musical genres, by preventing musicians from commenting- in any way- on violent events.  Banning particular musical tracks due only to the fact that they discuss violent acts would be damaging to the creative industries and would not reflect methods currently used to classify and restrict content appearing in other media. Criminal acts are punished when an act results in a damaging outcome and because that act is performed with a particular dishonest or malicious intention. Generally, someone cannot be found guilty of murder if they did not intend to kill their victim. Similarly, it is unusual for films or videogames to be censored or banned because they happen to depict violent acts. The intention that underlies the use of graphic images or words must also be examined. As BBC director general Mark Thompson noted when discussing the controversial religious content of Jerry Springer: The Opera with freespeechdebate.com  “… Jerry Springer I saw without feeling that it was offensive to me because the intention of the piece was so clearly a satire about an American talk show host and his world rather than the religious figures as such.”  Classification boards will look at the context in which an offensive act is shown. The violence of war is portrayed vividly in Saving Private Ryan, but the film has not been banned on this basis. Private Ryan portrays violence and suffering in order to remind us of the inhumanity that pervaded the Second World War. It uses violence to make a didactic point, to move its audience to sympathy and disgust. If a film were to use images of extreme violence or suffering as a form of entertainment, inviting the audience to take pleasure in brutality, a classification board would try to restrict or censor its content.  Comparably, “violent” music can use brutal language and themes to make moving and engaging observations about the world. Violent music does not automatically glorify violence, nor does it cause its audience to see violence as something that is glamorous.  Listened to out of context, without any attempt to critically analyse the imagery of the song and the intentions of the artists, it is easy to condemn many acclaimed examples of popular music as containing violent lyrics. By giving into the populist pressure that is represented and generated by newspaper columnists and talk show hosts, we risk creating a chilling effect, not only on mainstream hip hop culture, but on any other musical form that dares to discuss themes that fall outside narrowly and arbitrarily defined limits of social acceptability. violent imagery purposes ban music references glorifies violence simplistic contemporary popular musical genres white middle class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth diversity depth creative industries content classification criminal acts intention malicious graphic images films videogames censored intention context Saving Private Ryan inhumanity Second World War entertainment classification boards brutal language themes moving engaging critically analyse populist pressure chilling effect mainstream hip hop social acceptability Violent imagery music ban censorship artistic expression creative freedom cultural diversity social commentary hip hop rock music white middle class columnists protest violent content musical genres creative industries content classification media restriction criminal acts malicious intent murder intent graphic images offensive content context inhumanity war moving engaging critical analysis chilling effect social acceptability free speech public discourse Violent imagery music censorship hip hop rock music white middle class newspaper columnists musical diversity creative industries content classification violent acts criminal intent film censorship videogame censorship Jerry Springer: The Opera religious content Saving Private Ryan war violence didactic point brutal language lyrical analysis artistic intentions social acceptability chilling effect mainstream hip hop free speech violent imagery music censorship hip hop rock music white middle class protest ban musical diversity creative industries content classification criminal acts intention context graphic images films videogames Jerry Springer: The Opera Saving Private Ryan war portrayal didactic point entertainment brutal language thematic analysis critical analysis populist pressure social acceptability chilling effect Violent imagery music ban contemporary genres popular music hip hop rock protest white middle-class middle-aged newspaper columnists diversity depth creative industries content classification criminal acts intention murder films videogames censorship religious content Jerry Springer: The Opera satire war Saving Private Ryan inhumanity didactic point entertainment brutality violent lyrics social acceptability chilling effect mainstream culture musical form themes social norms critical analysis artistic expression free speech content restriction creative freedom cultural impact public opinion violent imagery music ban simplistic understanding musical genres protest white middle class middle-aged columnists diversity creative industries content classification criminal acts malicious intention films videogames censorship Jerry Springer: The Opera satire war portrayal Saving Private Ryan didactic point audience reaction violent music critical analysis chilling effect social acceptability violent imagery music ban hip hop rock white middle class newspaper columnists diversity depth musical genres creative industries content classification criminal acts murder intention films videogames censored banned graphic images context offensive act satire religious figures Saving Private Ryan inhumanity Second World War brutal language themes social acceptability chilling effect mainstream culture narrowly defined limits social acceptability violent imagery music censorship hip hop rock music white middle class newspaper columnists musical diversity creative industries content classification criminal acts intent film censorship video game censorship Jerry Springer: The Opera Saving Private Ryan war violence didactic point violent lyrics social acceptability chilling effect Violent imagery music ban contemporary genres popular music hip hop rock protest white middle class newspaper columnists diversity depth creative industries content classification criminal acts intention malicious films videogames censorship graphic images context offensive Saving Private Ryan inhumanity World War II brutal language themes critically analyse chilling effect social acceptability Violent imagery musical genres hip hop rock music white middle class newspaper columnists diversity creative industries content classification criminal acts intention films videogames censorship offensive content satire war portrayal Saving Private Ryan brutality critical analysis social acceptability chilling effect
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con03a	Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. Restriction based on social disgust prevents socially liberal ideas from flourishing  Great, socially liberal movements have always been controversial, and always been supported, encouraged and propagated by art. Art is a realm wherein an artist’s expression is less limited by social structures (like the necessity of pleasing your box; of being ‘commercially viable’). Subsequently it has easily, and often, been utilised as a means of changing public opinion.  Some of these movements, for example, the breaking down of stereotypes and norms surrounding sexuality (in particular female sexuality) and gender that Sarah Lucas, Tracey Emin and others contributed to in the liberalising 80s and 90s, attract social disgust. In any situation where a taboo is being attacked, this will happen. The converse however, is not the case: it is almost impossible to provoke social disgust by maintaining the status quo.  As a result, restriction of art that provokes social disgust will disproportionately attack the socially liberal, and thus help to maintain the status quo, regardless of whether it is worthy of such protection. social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion taboos status quo Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms commercial viability restriction of art controversial movements maintaining the status quo protection of status quo socially liberal movements artist expression social structures commercial art taboo subjects provoking social disgust art censorship liberal expression feminist art sexuality in art gender in art social change through art progressive art art and controversy art and society censorship and creativity artistic freedom societal norms social disgust socially liberal ideas art and social change Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalizing 80s and 90s breaking down stereotypes female sexuality gender norms taboo subjects maintaining the status quo restriction of artistic expression socially liberal movements public opinion commercial viability artistic expression social structures controversial art censorship and art progressive movements social taboos artistic activism freedom of expression social conservatives cultural guardians art and controversy societal norms progressive art liberal values social change through art status quo maintenance restrictive policies art and politics art social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion gender norms female sexuality Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin status quo restriction of art taboo commercial viability social structures liberal movements controversy expression social disgust social liberalism art as catalyst public opinion change breaking stereotypes female sexuality gender norms maintaining status quo liberal movements taboo subjects artistic expression commercial viability societal structures Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 80s and 90s art restriction of art status quo protection social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion taboos status quo restriction Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms commercial viability social structures controversy expression change taboo attack protection worthiness social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberalising 80s and 90s taboo status quo restriction of art social structures commercially viable gender norms female sexuality controversy artistic expression social disgust socially liberal ideas art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms taboo status quo artistic expression commercial viability social structures controversial movements liberalising restriction provoking maintaining status quo protection worthiness Social disgust social liberalism art movements public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 1980s 1990s female sexuality gender norms taboo status quo artistic expression commercial viability controversy censorship freedom of expression social structures societal norms liberal ideas provocation cultural change artistic impact progressive movements conservative values social disgust socially liberal ideas art influence public opinion taboo status quo restriction creative expression commercial viability gender norms sexuality Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin liberal movements 1980s 1990s social structures controversy artistic freedom feminist art societal change provocation censorship socially liberal movements art public opinion Sarah Lucas Tracey Emin 80s and 90s female sexuality gender norms taboo restriction status quo social structures commercial viability controversy expression social disgust Firestore creativity censorship progressive change artistic freedom cultural norms societal impact artistic expression taboo subjects liberalization gender roles artistic influence social change freedom of expression controversial art socio-political art feminist art contemporary art social progress cultural evolution artistic innovation artistic rebellion societal norms art and society provocative art
test-international-epglghbni-pro02a	The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, The partition of Ireland was undemocratic  The people of Northern Ireland should have decided whether or not they wanted to be united with Northern Ireland, rather than it being battled out in the British Parliament and the country partitioned by the Government of Ireland Act of 1920* that created a separate parliament for the six counties of Northern Ireland.** It was because the vote was not put to the Irish that the Unionists could twist arms and manipulate British politicians into allowing the six counties to remain part of the UK. After partition, the Unionists fixed electoral boundaries so there would never be a Republican majority in an electorate. This was unjust and illegitimately prevented a pro-Republic vote passing in future.  * Government of Ireland Act, 1920,   ** Ferriter, ‘Ireland in the Twentieth Century’, partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists electoral boundaries Republican majority Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century pro-Republic vote unjust legitimacy partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland self-determination British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation electoral boundaries Republic injustice pro-Republic Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century Partition of Ireland undemocratic process Northern Ireland self-determination British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation electoral boundaries Republican majority unjust illegitimate pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic process people's decision Northern Ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists British Parliament electoral boundaries Republican majority pro-Republic vote unjust partition Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century Ireland history political manipulation British politics Irish unionism Irish republicanism partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland union British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists electoral boundaries manipulation politicians Republican majority pro-Republic Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition of Ireland undemocratic process people's right to decide Northern Ireland unity British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionist influence electoral manipulation unjust boundaries republican majority Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century Ireland partition Government of Ireland Act 1920 Northern Ireland undemocratic referendum British Parliament Unionists electoral boundaries Republican majority Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century unjust pro-Republic vote partition of Ireland undemocratic process Northern Ireland Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionist manipulation British Parliament electoral boundary fixing pro-Republic vote unjust practices Irish self-determination Ferriter Ireland history partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland united British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists manipulation British politicians electoral boundaries Republican majority pro-Republic vote Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century partition Ireland undemocratic Northern Ireland British Parliament Government of Ireland Act 1920 Unionists electoral boundaries Republican majority electorate Ferriter Ireland in the Twentieth Century pro-Republic vote manipulation British politicians justice legitimacy
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con02a	The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. The idea that wealth should be more fairly and evenly distributed has never had so many supporters and the failure to do so has rarely been more keenly felt  In the model of Blair and Clinton, it didn’t matter if the rich got a lot richer, as long as the poor got a bit richer. That model has now been shown not to work and the rather timid new leaders of the left are starting to return to concepts of fairness and equality rather than the rather bland concepts of ‘opportunity’ and ‘choice’.  Europe is increasingly governed by unelected technocrats who seem to think that the opinions of a handful of international bankers are somehow more important than the jobs and livelihoods of millions. This may always have been the case but it tends not to show during times of plenty. Now these latent inequalities are becoming apparent and people are angry.  It is perhaps one of the great ironies of history that one of the aspirations of early nineteenth century Socialists- nationalising the banks- required Capitalists to actually achieve it. wealth distribution supporters inequality Blair Clinton rich poor model failure new leaders fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution income inequality social justice political leadership left-wing policies fairness equality opportunity choice technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods socialists capitalists nationalising banks historical irony wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor fairness equality left leaders technocrats bankers jobs livelihoods socialists nationalising banks capitalists wealth distribution social inequality political leadership economic policies Blair and Clinton model fairness and equality social justice opportunity and choice technocratic governance financial sector influence public anger historical irony capitalist intervention nationalizing banks socialist aspirations wealth distribution wealth inequality supporters failure fairness equality Blair Clinton rich poor model new leaders left concepts opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history early nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution social inequality political leadership left-wing ideology economic opportunity European governance technocratic rule banker influence public anger historical irony socialist aims capitalist actions nationalizing banks wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor model new leaders left fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger history early nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution supporters failure inequality Blair Clinton rich poor model new leaders left fairness equality opportunity choice Europe unelected technocrats international bankers jobs livelihoods latent inequalities anger irony nineteenth century Socialists nationalising banks Capitalists wealth distribution social inequality political leadership fairness equality opportunity choice unelected technocrats international bankers economic policies socialists capitalists bank nationalization historical irony public anger latent inequalities economic prosperity leadership timidity Blair model Clinton model wealth distribution social inequality economic fairness political leadership leftist ideology opportunity vs equality European governance technocratic rule public anger historical irony capitalist nationalization socialist aspirations
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro03a	"Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook is good for democracy  Social networks aid our society on multiple levels, one of them being the democratic process. This happens both in autocracies, where the democratic process is basically nonexistent and in western liberal democracies where Facebook acts as a megaphone for the will of the population.  Firstly, when talking about oppressive regimes, Facebook allows the population to organize themselves in massive protests which can, in time, overthrow the government. This is of particular importance as the population cannot organize protests ""offline"" in the real world, because government forces would quickly find them and stop the protests before they even started. These people need a safe house, where government intervention is minimized, so that they can spread the news and organize the protests. The online environment is the best options. We have seen this happening in the Arab Spring(1), Brazil (2), Turkey(3) as well as for protests in democracies as in Wisconsin(4)  For western liberal democracies too Facebook plays a very important role in aiding the democratic process. Even in a democracy the government often engages in unpopular policies. Unfortunately, as we are talking about countries with tens of millions of people, citizens often feel they can’t make a difference. Luckily, here's where Facebook comes in. It connects all the people who share the same disapproval of government actions, removing the feeling that you can do nothing as there is no one backing you. Millions can come together to voice their opinions. Therefore there is more likely to be dissent. Moreover, the internet allowed individuals to start massive campaigns of online petition gathering, which they will later use as an irrefutable argument to the government showing the desire for change. There are a lot of sites, one of the biggest being Avaaz.org which facilitates this process, which use Facebook as a medium through which the petition is shared and so grows.  (1) Sonya Angelica Diehn “Social media use evolving in Egypt”, DW , 04.07.2013   (2) Caroline Stauffer “Social media spreads and splinters Brazil protests”, Reuters ,June 22, 2013   (3) “Activists in Turkey use social media to organize, evade crackdown As protests continue across Turkey against the government”   (4)Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin oppressive regimes government intervention online environment safe house spread news organize protests citizens government actions dissent online petitions Avaaz.org change DW Reuters Wikipedia Sonya Angelica Diehn Caroline Stauffer activists crackdown Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online environment government intervention Avaaz.org online petition gathering dissent unpopular policies citizen engagement social media Egypt Reuters Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online organization government policies online petitions Avaaz.org social media Egypt Reuters Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government policies dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media Egypt citizen engagement internet public opinion political change activist organization digital activism online campaigning government accountability civil rights freedom of speech political participation democratic strengthening online mobilization community building information dissemination public awareness political expression regime change civil disobedience social change online communities political activism civil society grassroots movements digital communication protest organization petition Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin oppressive regimes online organizing government intervention safe house news spreading online environment unpopular policies citizens' impact dissent online petitions Avaaz.org government change social media use Egypt Reuters Turkey protests Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks society democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin online environment dissent online petitions Avaaz.org social media Egypt Reuters Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin Avaaz.org social media government policies dissent online petitions Egypt Reuters Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies megaphone population protests government Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin oppressive regimes safe house online environment citizens policies dissent online petitions Avaaz.org campaign change social media organization petition gathering government intervention irrefutable argument desire for change Sonya Angelica Diehn DW Caroline Stauffer Reuters activists crackdown Wikipedia Facebook democracy social networks democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests oppressive regimes Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin government intervention online environment dissent online petitions Avaaz.org citizen engagement political change social media organization public opinion government accountability democracy social networks Facebook democratic process autocracies western liberal democracies protests Arab Spring Brazil Turkey Wisconsin dissent online petitions Avaaz.org government policies citizen engagement social media organization free speech public opinion political change digital activism online organizing civic participation government accountability grassroots movements information dissemination political expression democratic participation technology and democracy protest movements citizen empowerment social media impact political mobilization digital democracy online mobilization political dissent civic engagement participatory democracy technology and politics online campaigning petition gathering"
test-international-amehbuaisji-con04a	ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials violate the due process guarantees of the US constitution  US ratification of the Rome Statute would lead to the possibility of Americans being subject to trials with procedures that violate the American Constitution. For example, there are no jury trials at the ICC – a majority vote of the judges is enough to convict - is a violation of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution.  The independence and neutrality of some of the judges may be doubtful if they come from countries with definite foreign policy interests that run contrary to those of the US. This is particularly pertaining to judges who are from backgrounds where judicial independence from the executive is not a defining feature of the legal system who will be more likely swayed by political considerations.  There is, in addition, a lack of rules against double jeopardy, and the glacial rate of progress made by the ICC with lengthy waits in pre-trial detention for defendants, affecting the right to a speedy trial. It has also been argued that the procedures for special measures to protect witnesses hamper the defence. ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judges independence neutrality foreign policy judicial independence executive double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality foreign policy judges executive influence double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC US Constitution due process Rome Statute jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality foreign policy executive influence double jeopardy speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process guarantees US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans subject violation Sixth Amendment no jury trials majority vote conviction independence neutrality judges foreign policy interests judicial independence executive influence lack rules double jeopardy lengthy pre-trial detention right speedy trial special measures witnesses hamper defence ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence foreign policy neutrality double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process guarantees US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judge independence neutrality foreign policy interests judicial independence executive influence political considerations rules against double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention defence rights witness protection measures ICC due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans trials procedures Sixth Amendment jury trials judges independence neutrality foreign policy interests judicial independence executive legal system political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence ICC US Constitution due process Rome Statute jury trials Sixth Amendment judicial independence neutrality foreign policy double jeopardy speedy trial pre-trial detention witness protection defence rights ICC trials due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans jury trials Sixth Amendment judge independence neutrality foreign policy legal system executive political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial witness protection defence rights ICC due process US Constitution US ratification Rome Statute Americans trials Sixth Amendment jury trials majority vote judges independence neutrality foreign policy judicial independence executive legal system political considerations double jeopardy pre-trial detention speedy trial special measures witnesses defence
test-international-ghbunhf-con02a	The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. The UN has been at the forefront of promoting respect for international law and human rights.  When the United Nations was founded in 1945, the idea of “international law”, in so far as it had any meaning, was little more than the customary behaviour of states towards each other. Over the succeeding 60 years, the UN and its various offices and organs have taken a lead role in codifying and promoting the concept of international law and the protection of human rights. For example, the crime of genocide was first enshrined in international law in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. [1]  [1] United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, “What is Genocide?”. UN international law human rights 1945 customary behavior states codifying protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide United Nations international law human rights 1945 customary law states' behavior codification human rights protection genocide 1948 Convention prevention punishment crime United States Holocaust Memorial Museum legal history global governance international justice diplomatic relations peacekeeping human dignity legal norms state sovereignty international courts human rights treaties humanitarian law civil rights global security legal frameworks international relations diplomacy war crimes crimes against humanity Responsibility to Protect (R2P) international legal system UN Charter human rights advocacy legal development international UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting concept protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment Crime United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting concept protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide UN international law human rights founding 1945 customary behaviour codification promotion genocide 1948 Convention prevention punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Genocide UN international law human rights United Nations 1945 customary behaviour states codifying protection crime of genocide 1948 Convention Prevention and Punishment United States Holocaust Memorial Museum UN international law human rights 1945 customary behaviour states codifying promoting genocide 1948 Convention prevention punishment crime United States Holocaust Memorial Museum What is Genocide
test-politics-oapghwliva-con03a	Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 Has made little difference in the past  The precedent of the Line Item Veto Act under President Clinton should warn against a constitutional amendment. The sums saved were laughably small, $355 million, in the context of the entire federal budget, $1.7 trillion, (0.02% of spending)1 but nonetheless provoked considerable friction between elected representatives and the White House. There was unhappiness that the large majority of his cuts were of earmarks requested by Republican members, and an allegation that the Administration had threatened a Congressman with the veto of an item dear to them unless they supported an unrelated piece of legislation.  1Virginia A. McMurty, 'Enhancing the President's Authority to Eliminate Wasteful Spending and Reduce the Deficit', Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management, Government Information, Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Committee Hearing 15/3/2011, p.9 line item veto federal budget constitutional amendment president clinton earmarks government spending fiscal policy legislative-executive relations budget cuts republican members congress deficit reduction wasteful spending executive authority legislative process white house federal financial management government information federal services international security senate homeland security governmental affairs committee hearing virginia mcmurty Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget spending cuts earmarks Republican members White House friction wasteful spending deficit reduction Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Senate Homeland Security Governmental Affairs Committee line item veto president clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings legislative friction earmarks republican members administrative threats virginia mcmurty deficit reduction wasteful spending line item veto president clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings earmarks republican members white house friction wasteful spending deficit reduction congressional threats virginia mcmurty government information homeland security governmental affairs Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Republican members White House friction wasteful spending deficit reduction legislative leverage executive power Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Government Information Federal Services and International Security Committee Hearing 15/3/2011 p.9 budget cuts legislative process political bargaining fiscal policy government accountability line item veto president clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings earmarks republican members white house friction wasteful spending deficit reduction legislative tactics executive power congress relations fiscal policy government spending budget cuts political leverage constitutional law public finance legislative process government accountability financial management budgetary control political science public administration fiscal responsibility legislative history government reform policy analysis budgetary politics inter-branch conflict fiscal governance legislative oversight congressional studies executive-legislative relations budgetary impact government efficiency fiscal discipline political negotiations Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Republican members White House deficit reduction wasteful spending government affairs legislative process fiscal policy executive authority interbranch conflict political leverage congressional support budget cuts fiscal management governance public finance Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget budget savings interbranch conflict earmarks Republican members legislative threats wasteful spending deficit reduction government finance presidential powers legislative process budgetary impact political leverage fiscal policy government accountability budget cuts line item veto precedent President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget savings friction White House earmarks Republican members administrative threats Virginia McMurty government spending deficit reduction presidential authority wasteful spending Line Item Veto Act President Clinton constitutional amendment federal budget earmarks Republican members White House friction wasteful spending deficit reduction Virginia A. McMurty Subcommittee on Federal Financial Management Government Information Federal Services and International Security Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee Hearing
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro01a	There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? There is no physical risk  In terms of physical risk it is almost certainly true that you have nothing to fear from government having loads of information. With the exception perhaps of the Russian FSB and despite the James Bond films intelligence agencies in democracies are not in the habit of bumping people off this mortal coil. In this sense it does not matter at all what information the intelligence services have on you; no matter how naughty you may have been it is not going to be worth some kind of physical retaliation. Essentially the argument here is that it does no harm, and even does some good, so why should it not continue? physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy concerns surveillance data collection civil liberties security measures personal data digital privacy state surveillance intelligence operations public safety physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies bumping people off physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy debate surveillance security concerns public safety individual rights data collection governmental oversight physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation harm benefit surveillance privacy security democracy ethics information collection no physical risk government information intelligence agencies democratic countries physical retaliation information security privacy concerns public safety data collection surveillance practices civil liberties informational harm security vs privacy FSB James Bond bumping people off mortal coil naive trust surveillance benefits ethical considerations physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy debate surveillance civil liberties physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm good privacy debate data collection security concerns civil liberties physical risk government information Russian FSB intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy debate physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information privacy harm assessment benefit evaluation physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond films intelligence agencies democracies physical retaliation information services harm benefits privacy surveillance democratic safeguards civil liberties physical risk government information Russian FSB James Bond intelligence agencies democracies bumping people off physical retaliation harm good continuation
test-international-gmehbisrip1b-pro02a	Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Failure to withdraw blocks legitimate Palestinian aspirations to statehood.  The Palestinian people since 1967 have demonstrated through resistance to Israeli occupation their desire for an independent state of their own. [1] Throughout the years polls have consistently showed respectable Palestinian majorities in favour of a negotiated two-state settlement, which would offer them an independent state as well as allowing Israel to continue to exist as an independent state alongside the new Palestinian nation. [2] Israel's refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders means that the majority of Palestinian people are compelled to live under the control of a state they do not wish to be a part of, a violation of their right to self-determination under international law. The 1993 Vienna Declaration, which reaffirmed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the UN Charter (and so sets the standard in current international law), unequivocally gives all peoples the right to self-determination: “All people have the right to self-determination. Owing to this right they freely establish their political status and freely provide their economic, social and cultural development...World Conference on Human Rights considers refusal of the right to self-determination as a violation of human rights and emphasizes the necessity of effective realization of this right”. [3] Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said in 2006 that the pre-1967 borders uphold the “legitimate aspiration of the Palestinian people for a secure, united, democratic and economically viable state coexisting peacefully with Israel.” [4] By this measure, the Palestinian majority in the occupied territories have the right to self-determination (by democratic processes), and Israel's suppression of that right through its refusal to withdraw to the 1967 borders should be seen as a human rights violation. Consequently, Israel should withdraw to its 1967 borders in order to end its violation of the rights of the Palestinian people.  [1] BBC News. “Israeli settlements condemned by Western powers”. BBC News. 2 November 2011.   [2] Kennedy, Hugh. “The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In”. Da Capo Press. 2007.  [3] United Nations World Conference on Human Rights. “VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION”. United Nations. 14-25 June 1993.   [4] Agence France-Presse, NDTV. “Brazil recognises Palestinian state on 1967 borders”. NDTV. 5 December 2010. Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation self-determination 1967 borders two-state solution human rights international law Vienna Declaration UN Charter Palestinian resistance Israeli settlements democratic processes Brazilian recognition Palestinian majority occupied territories coexistence Arab conquests Hugh Kennedy Agence France-Presse NDTV World Conference on Human Rights UN human rights violation legitimate aspirations secure state economically viable peaceful coexistence Western condemnation political status social development cultural development right to self-determination World Conference on Human Rights 1993 Luiz Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights two-state settlement resistance polls majority Brazilian President Lula democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal occupied territories coexistence United Nations World Conference on Human Rights recognition negotiation viable state economic social cultural development political status secure united democratic peace Israeli settlements Western powers Arab Conquests history spread of Islam global impact international relations Middle East conflict diplomacy sovereignty territorial integrity Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law 1993 Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula da Silva pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal Israeli settlements Western powers condemnation Great Arab Conquests spread of Islam UN Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Conference on Human Rights VIENNA DECLARATION AND PROGRAMME OF ACTION Brazil recognition Palestinian state peaceful coexistence Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority democratic processes human rights violation Israel withdrawal Palestinian people rights Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation resistance self-determination international law Vienna Declaration Human Rights 1967 borders two-state settlement negotiation withdrawal self-determination Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva 2006 legitimate aspirations secure united democratic economically viable coexisting peacefully human rights violation suppression democracy United Nations World Conference Agence France-Presse NDTV recognition Palestine international community diplomacy Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation resistance two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula legitimate aspiration secure state democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal occupied territories coexistence Western powers Arab Conquests UN Charter World Conference on Human Rights Programme of Action recognition NDTV Agence France-Presse Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation resistance two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders democratic processes human rights violation Israeli settlements Western powers condemnation Arab Conquests Hugh Kennedy UN World Conference Brazil recognition NDTV Agence France-Presse Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation resistance two-state settlement independence 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights self-governance Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal Palestinian statehood Israeli occupation two-state solution self-determination international law 1967 borders human rights Vienna Declaration Brazilian recognition democratic processes United Nations World Conference on Human Rights Israeli settlements Palestinian majority economic viability peaceful coexistence political status social development cultural development human rights violation withdrawal legitimate aspirations resistance negotiation coexistence democracy independence control violation standards rights political status economic development social development cultural development international standards legal rights international community state recognition international support United Nations Charter Palestinian aspirations statehood Israeli occupation two-state settlement 1967 borders self-determination international law Vienna Declaration human rights Brazilian President Lula pre-1967 borders Palestinian majority occupied territories democratic processes human rights violation withdrawal UN Charter Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Conference on Human Rights coexistence economic viability democratic state Western powers Arab Conquests spread of Islam international recognition Palestinian state
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro01a	Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 Collective bargaining is not a right  Whilst the freedom of association exists under the state and it is true that people should be allowed to communicate with one another and form groups to forward their personal and political interests, it is not true that the freedom of association automatically grants access to the decision making process.  Unions in this instance are problematic because whilst other groups do not have access to special privileges, unions are able to exert a significant and disproportionate amount of influence over the political process through the use of collective bargaining mechanisms. This argument applies to private unions as well, although to a lesser extent, and the banning of collective bargaining for private unions would be principally sound. In the case of unions in the private sector they can cause large amounts of disruption which has a large knock on impact on the economy giving leverage over politicians for whom the economy and jobs are always important issues. For example unions in transport in the private sector are just as disruptive as in the public sector. Even more minor businesses can be significant due to being in supply or logistics chains that are vital for important parts of the economy.1 The access to the decision making process that unions are granted goes above and beyond the rights that we award to all other groups and as such this right, if it can be called one at all, can easily be taken away as it is the removal of an inequality within our system.  Further, even if collective bargaining were to be considered a “right,” the government can curtail the rights of individuals and groups of people should it feel the harm to all of society is great enough. We see this with the limits that we put on free speech such that we may prevent the incitement of racial hatred.2  Shepardson, David, “GM, Ford warn rail strike could cripple auto industry”, The Detroit News, 30 November 2011,   Denholm, David “Guess What: There is no ‘right’ to collective bargaining.” LabourUnionReport.com 21/02/2011 collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions private unions political influence economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention rights curtailment free speech societal harm rail strike auto industry labor unions bargaining rights public sector private sector political process special privileges economic impact political leverage minor businesses logistics incitement of racial hatred social inequality principled soundness bargaining mechanisms collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions private unions economic disruption political influence supply chains inequality government intervention free speech rights societal harm labor strikes auto industry rail strike collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges political influence private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention harm to society free speech incitement of racial hatred rail strike auto industry collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains decision making access inequality government intervention societal harm free speech limitations rail strike auto industry impact no right to collective bargaining collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges political influence private unions economic disruption labor strikes supply chains logistics government intervention individual rights societal harm free speech legal limits auto industry rail strike GM Ford LabourUnionReport collective bargaining freedom of association union influence political process private unions economic disruption decision making process legal rights government regulation societal harm free speech limitations labor disputes economic impact transportation unions supply chains logistics industrial relations worker rights legal curtailment public sector unions private sector unions economic leverage political leverage labor laws union privileges worker communication group formation personal interests political interests decision-making access inequality union access rights curtailment societal benefit transportation industry auto industry rail strike labor negotiations worker representation collective action collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges political influence private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality rights government intervention free speech societal harm rail strike auto industry GM Ford LabourUnionReport.com David Denholm collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process unions special privileges private unions public sector economic disruption supply chains government intervention free speech societal harm legal limits labor rights political influence economic leverage industry impact transportation unions private sector unions legislative restrictions collective bargaining freedom of association decision making process union influence political process private unions economic disruption supply chains inequality government intervention individual rights societal harm free speech railway strike auto industry legal limits labor rights political leverage economic impact public sector unions private sector unions legislative action worker associations economic stability logistics industrial disruption policy-making union privileges non-union groups economic sectors collective negotiations labor laws rights curtailment societal welfare labor disputes political economy transportation unions business operations supply chain logistics economic importance collective bargaining freedom of association unions political influence private unions economic disruption supply chains decision making process rights inequality government intervention free speech societal harm labour disputes auto industry rail strike
test-international-emephsate-pro03a	Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position and energy benefits  There would be immense strategic benefits both to Europe and to Turkey if she were allowed to join the European Union. Turkey is already a important regional power with a lot of influence in the Middle East and Central Asia and it is already a member of NATO, which most members of the EU are also a part of. [1] This is in part because Turkey is in an immensely strategic geographic situation as the border between Europe and Asia. Historically this has meant Turkey is ideally located for trade, today it means it is strategically close to the oil and gas fields advanced economies like the EU’s depend on.  Turkey is therefore vital for Europe’s energy security. According to the EU energy minister “Turkey comes first in these countries for cooperation” on energy issues because of its location. [2] This is because Turkey is an important transit point for Oil coming through the Bosporus from the Caspian Sea and Russia and also for gas. Turkey acts as a bridge both to the Caspian and the Gulf and creates a second option for importing gas into Europe through pipelines that Europe needs as shown by the cut offs caused by Russian disputes with Belarus and Ukraine. Having gas pipelines through Turkey to the EU, such as the Nabucco pipeline, would shatter Russia’s gas monopoly in Europe. [3]  [1] Solana, Javier, ‘Why Turkey must join the European Union’, CNN World, 13 June 2011,   [2] Kurtaran, Gökhan, ‘Turkey vital for energy, EU commissioner says’, Daily News, 10 February 2012,   [3] Tekin, Ali, and Williams, Paul A., ‘Europe’s External Energy Policy and Turkey’s Accession Process’, Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #170, 2009, Strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade oil gas energy security EU energy minister Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security EU energy minister oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia pipeline Nabucco pipeline Russia’s gas monopoly Belarus Ukraine gas imports external energy policy accession process Strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade oil gas energy security EU energy minister transit point Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly external energy policy accession process Turkey European Union strategic benefits Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy issues EU energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO strategic geography trade energy security oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas transit Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly Belarus Ukraine EU energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security EU energy minister Oil Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy policy accession process strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade oil gas energy security EU energy minister transit point Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly energy issues cooperation strategic benefits historical importance advanced economies border Asia disputes Belarus Ukraine imports second option vital location oil and gas fields partnership economic dependence international relations diplomatic relations political influence security stability infrastructure energy routes Strategic benefits Europe Turkey European Union Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic location trade energy security oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia Nabucco pipeline Russia gas monopoly energy cooperation EU energy policy Turkey accession Strategic position energy benefits Europe Turkey European Union regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade oil gas fields energy security EU energy minister cooperation Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia gas transit Nabucco pipeline Russia's gas monopoly external energy policy Turkey European Union strategic benefits regional power Middle East Central Asia NATO geographic situation trade energy security oil gas Bosporus Caspian Sea Russia pipelines Nabucco pipeline Russian disputes Belarus Ukraine gas monopoly energy issues cooperation EU energy minister Gökhan Kurtaran Javier Solana Ali Tekin Paul A. Williams Center for European Studies
test-economy-bepighbdb-pro01a	Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, Dictatorships are more effective than democracies at mobilizing resources for investment.  Dictatorships are superior to democracies in that they can make decisions and implement policies quicker. They can easily modify institutional and legal frameworks towards development goals, as there is no need for a political consensus behind their actions. This also insulates government from special interests that must be reconciled with in democracies. This allows dictatorships to create a pro-investment legal, economic and institutional framework such as low taxes, exchange rate manipulations and import tariffs, without facing political opposition.  For example, fracking, a technique used to extract hard to obtain gas, has generated widespread opposition in the West, leading to it being banned in France [1] . An autocratic government would find it easier to allow cheap access to this energy, boosting industry, as it could disregard this opposition.  Dictatorships can also control resources to allow for better health and education services, by determining curricula, salaries and supplies. Cuba has one of the best healthcare systems in the world, with more doctors per capita than much of the Western world [2] , and in 2009 Shanghai came first in the PISA test [3] .  [1] Castelvecchi, Davide, ‘France becomes first country to ban extraction of natural gas by fracking’, Scientific American, 30 June 2011,   [2] The Economist, ‘Reshoring manufacturing: Coming Home’, 19 January 2013,   [3] Brouwer, Steve, ‘The Cuban Revolutionary Doctor: The Ultimate Weapon of Solidarity’, Monthly Review, Vol.60 No.8, January 2009, dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test autocratic government political opposition resource control Cuba healthcare Shanghai education manufacturing reshoring solidarity revolutionary doctors Monthly Review The Economist Scientific American dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test autocratic government political opposition resource control Dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai autocratic government political opposition manufacturing reshoring solidarity dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access industry health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking gas extraction energy access industrial boost resource control health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai autocratic governance political stability economic development governance efficiency public services infrastructure development industrial growth energy policy environmental opposition autocratic advantages democratic constraints policy agility economic planning social services dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulations import tariffs political opposition fracking energy autocratic government opposition health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors per capita Shanghai PISA test resource control manufactured goods reshoring solidarity revolutionary doctors manufacturing economic development political stability governance public services dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment legal framework economic framework institutional framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems Cuba doctors per capita PISA test Shanghai dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment framework low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy access health services education services curricula salaries supplies healthcare systems doctors per capita PISA test Cuba Shanghai Dictatorships democracies resource mobilization investment decision-making policy implementation institutional frameworks legal frameworks development goals political consensus special interests pro-investment frameworks low taxes exchange rate manipulation import tariffs political opposition fracking energy autocratic government health services education services curricula salaries supplies Cuba healthcare doctors Shanghai PISA test
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con01a	Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. Paternalistic  Personal autonomy has to be the key to this debate. If people want to smoke – and the owner of the public place has no issue with that – it is not the role of the state to step in. While smoking is dangerous, people should be free in a society to take their own risks, and live with their decisions. All that is required is ensuring that smokers are educated about the risks so that they can make an informed decision. paternalism personal freedom individual rights government intervention smoking regulations public health risk awareness informed consent autonomy self-determination state control personal responsibility health education voluntary risk-taking societal norms libertarianism regulatory ethics civil liberties harm principle tobacco use paternalism personal autonomy smoking rights state intervention informed decision-making risk awareness public health individual freedom self-determination governmental role tobacco regulation personal responsibility public place policies smoker education health risks societal norms legal restrictions voluntary choice autonomy ethics public safety risk-taking behavior libertarianism regulatory ethics health education individual rights collective welfare non-interventionism personal autonomy paternalism individual freedom state intervention smoking regulations public health risk-taking informed decision-making education on health risks smoker rights non-smoker rights property owner rights government overreach personal responsibility harm reduction civil liberties public place policies secondhand smoke health education risk awareness paternalism personal autonomy smoking public places state intervention informed decision risk-taking individual freedom health education societal norms legal boundaries personal responsibility second-hand smoke public health policy individual rights government role tobacco control self-determination risk awareness regulatory balance paternalism personal autonomy smoking public places state intervention individual freedom risk-taking informed decision education health risks societal norms personal responsibility paternalism personal autonomy smoking debate state intervention individual freedom risk-taking informed decision-making public health education on risks societal norms personal responsibility government role liberty harm principle paternalism personal autonomy individual rights public health smoking risk-taking informed decision state intervention freedom of choice public places owner rights education on risks self-determination societal norms health risks voluntary exposure regulatory policies smoker's rights non-intervention harm principle paternalism personal autonomy individual freedom state intervention smoking public health risk-taking informed decision-making education self-determination government regulation personal responsibility liberty societal norms citizen rights health risks voluntary choice smoking regulations public place policies paternalism personal freedom public health smoking regulations individual rights informed consent risk awareness state intervention personal responsibility autonomy societal norms health education legal restrictions tobacco use public policy ethical considerations civil liberties harm reduction paternalism personal autonomy smoking public health individual rights state intervention risk-taking informed decision-making education public policy tobacco freedom of choice societal norms health warnings
test-international-eiahwpamu-con02a	Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). Deeper issues unresolved  Microfinance provides a quick-fix solution for the poor. The individual, or community, is provided with a loan to invest in their future. However, although access to capital is a key concern for enabling entrepreneurialism it is not the silver bullet. Microfinance schemes will fail without providing a stable political and economic environment that makes a good climate to invest in.  Microfinance is essentially short-termist. It encourages investment but only in things that will bring a quick return. With interest rates as high as 30% the person taking the loan needs to pay it back as quickly as possible. This can sometimes be against an individual’s long term interests, for example access to microfinance often reduces primary school attendance as this is a long term investment that will not pay back the loan money (IOE, 2011). microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurship economic stability political stability short-termism high interest rates long-term interests education primary school attendance Deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix poverty community investment political stability economic environment short-termism entrepreneurialism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance loan repayment developmental impact sustainable solutions financial inclusion poverty alleviation economic development microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurship stable environment political stability economic stability short-termism quick return high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education investment future community development financial sustainability economic empowerment poverty alleviation financial inclusion developmental impacts social benefits microcredit rural development public policy financial services economic growth income generation savings financial education credit access microenterprise market access risk management poverty traps informal economy underdevelopment social capital cultural factors institutional barriers regulatory framework economic opportunities social deeper issues microfinance quick-fix solution poor community investment stable political environment economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurialism political stability economic stability short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 Deeper issues Microfinance Quick-fix solution Poor Loan Investment Future Access to capital Entrepreneurialism Silver bullet Stable political environment Economic environment Investment climate Short-termist Quick return High interest rates Long term interests Primary school attendance Long term investment IOE 2011 microfinance quick-fix poverty loans investment entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance IOE 2011 deeper issues unresolved microfinance quick-fix solution poverty community investment capital access entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism investment high interest rates loan repayment long-term interests primary school attendance education long-term investments financial sustainability microfinance quick-fix poverty loans entrepreneurialism political stability economic environment short-termism high interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance investment climate social development sustainable solutions financial inclusion economic growth community development financial education debt trap policy reform institutional support sustainable development market access regulatory framework risk management capital access poverty alleviation microcredit microloans economic empowerment social impact financial services rural development gender equality income generation asset building borrower protection financial sustainability microenterprise livelihood improvement social capital community microfinance quick-fix poverty community loans investment capital entrepreneurship political stability economic environment short-termism interest rates long-term interests primary school attendance education financial sustainability socio-economic development microloans poverty alleviation strategies
test-international-eghrhbeusli-pro04a	Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. Cooperation is the best way to gain influence  Cooperating with China is the best way to gain influence with the regime in order to promote democracy and human rights, engage it internationally, etc. The Chinese respond very badly to being publicly lectured or threatened, [1] but they will listen to those friendly nations who have earned their trust in ways like these. China for example often follows Russia, since the beginning of the 1990s its biggest arms supplier, when it comes to voting in the United Nations Security Council. Thus both vetoed sanctions against Syria in 2011 and shortly after Russia shifted its position to urging Assad to carry out reforms China followed. [2] The influence of the United States over other East Asian states in encouraging their democratization also shows that friends can apply influence on issues such as human rights as well as where interests coincide; The United States played a key role in sheparding Philippine dictator Marcos out of office and then encouraged Korean President Chun Doo Hwan to stick to a single term of office and not to use force against the opposition in 1988. [3] Lifting the ban is an investment in the future of the Europe-China relationship, and could be of benefit to the whole world, not just the EU.  [1] Byrnes, Sholto, ‘David Cameron’s China visit’, 2010.   [2] Chulov, Martin, ‘China urges Syria regime to deliver on promised reforms’, 2011.   [3] Oberdorfer, Don, The Two Koreas, 2001, pp.163-4, 170. cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats friendly nations Russia United Nations Security Council Syria sanctions veto East Asian states democratization United States Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship investment global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecture threat Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Europe-China relationship David Cameron Martin Chulov Don Oberdorfer Philippines Korea Marcos Chun Doo Hwan cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines Marcos Korea Chun Doo Hwan reform Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council Syria sanctions United States East Asia democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU Cooperation China influence regime democracy human rights international engagement public criticism trust friendly nations Russia United Nations Security Council Syria sanctions United States East Asia democratization Philippines Ferdinand Marcos South Korea Chun Doo Hwan European Union global benefit cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines Korea future investment Europe-China relationship global benefit cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lectures threats Russia United Nations Security Council Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines South Korea Europe-China relationship investment global benefit cooperation influence China regime democracy human rights international engagement trust friendly nations public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council veto sanctions Syria United States East Asian states democratization Philippine dictator Marcos Korean President Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship EU investment future world benefit cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust public lecturing threats Russia United Nations Security Council veto sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines Marcos Korea Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship global benefit EU cooperation influence China democracy human rights international engagement trust Russia United Nations Security Council sanctions Syria United States East Asia democratization Philippines Marcos Korea Chun Doo Hwan Europe-China relationship investment global benefit
test-international-aegmeppghw-con05a	Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey would have the largest population of all member states and would therefore hold a disproportionate amount of voting power  Turkey is a large country in European terms, but even if its population would make it the largest single EU member by 2020, this would still only give it some 15% of the total in an enlarged EU of 25 countries or more. This is a much smaller proportion than Germany represented in the EU of 15 before the 2004 enlargement (21.9%) [1] , so it is ridiculous to argue that Turkey would dominate EU decision-making. It would not gain full status for many years anyway; an inauguration period, in which it had semi-membership status, would introduce it slowly to the process. Turkey would not be able to change EU policy to suit itself as soon as it arrives.  [1]  European Union (EU-15) & Constituent Nation Population from 1950 & Projections to 2050, Demographia, 2001 Turkey population EU member states voting power European Union enlargement demographics Germany decision-making semi-membership policy influence projections Demographia 2001 EU-15 constituent nations 2020 25 countries 15% total 21.9% representation 2004 enlargement Turkey population EU member states voting power EU enlargement Germany EU-15 Demographia 2004 enlargement semi-membership decision-making policy influence Turkey EU member states population voting power European terms largest single EU member 2020 15% total enlarged EU 25 countries Germany EU-15 21.9% 2004 enlargement dominate EU decision-making full status inauguration period semi-membership status change EU policy Demographia 2001 EU-15 population projections 2050 Turkey EU member states voting power population European terms EU enlargement 2020 total population enlarged EU 25 countries Germany EU-15 2004 enlargement 21.9% decision-making full status semi-membership inauguration period EU policy Demographia 2001 constituent nation population projections 2050 Turkey population EU member states voting power disproportionate largest country European terms 2020 15% enlarged EU 25 countries Germany 21.9% EU-15 2004 enlargement dominate decision-making full status inauguration period semi-membership EU policy Demographia 1950 projections 2050 Turkey EU member states voting power population enlarged EU Germany EU decision-making semi-membership EU policy EU-15 population projections Turkey EU member states voting power population enlarged EU Germany EU decision-making semi-membership EU policy Demographia EU-15 projections 2004 enlargement 2020 25 countries 15% total population 21.9% representation inauguration period demographic data European Union population member state projections 1950-2050 Turkey EU population voting power member states enlarged EU Germany decision-making semi-membership policy change EU-15 Demographia projections 2020 2004 enlargement 25 countries 15% total 21.9% representation inauguration period single EU member disproportionate amount ridiculous argument slowly introduced suit itself arrival beneficial expansion search efficacy query keywords Turkey population EU member states voting power largest single member 2020 15% enlarged EU 25 countries Germany EU-15 21.9% 2004 enlargement Dominance decision-making full status inauguration period semi-membership EU policy Demographia 1950-2050 projections Turkey EU member states voting power population enlarged EU Germany EU decision-making semi-membership EU policy Demographia EU-15 population projections 2004 enlargement 2020 population EU inaugural period disproportionate influence EU membership process EU nations European Union demographics
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con02a	The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. The law would violate freedom of speech and association.  Under this law a random person who the student has never met, even a potential predator, would be allowed to send a message via facebook or twitter. And yet a teacher doing the same thing, regardless of the content of that message, would be instantly committing an offence. Every person is allowed to speak to and associate with whomever they choose. That is a fundamental right that the government is not allowed to take away [1] . A person’s status as a teacher should not be an excuse to violate their rights.  [1] Solove, Daniel. “Missouri Bans Teachers from Friending Students on Social Networking Webistes.” The Huffington Post. 02 August 2011. freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication online predator concerns legislative overreach fundamental rights government intervention Missouri teacher social networking ban Daniel Solove commentary freedom of speech association rights social networking teacher restrictions student communication privacy rights legal restrictions constitutional rights Missouri law teacher-student interaction online messaging digital communication legal violation fundamental rights teacher offenses Solove Daniel Huffington Post 2011 law social media policies law freedom of speech association social networking teachers students messaging rights legislation Missouri potential predator offense fundamental rights government intervention Daniel Solove The Huffington Post freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication legal restrictions constitutional rights Missouri teacher law social networking regulations first amendment digital communication laws freedom of speech association social media teachers students predators communication legal rights Missouri social networking friending legislation constitutional rights education privacy internet safety legal discrimination professional boundaries digital communication laws freedom of speech association rights social networking teacher-student communication legal restrictions constitutional rights online messaging Missouri teacher ban digital privacy educator rights student safety potential predator random person fundamental rights government overreach Solove Daniel Huffington Post August 2011 freedom of speech association rights social media messaging teacher-student communication legal discrimination First Amendment constitutional rights Missouri teacher law Daniel Solove social networking restrictions online communication laws teacher rights student safety predator protection digital privacy legislative overreach freedom of speech freedom of association social media teachers students online communication legal restrictions Missouri Daniel Solove constitutional rights educator rights digital privacy legislation law enforcement 铊 freedom of speech association rights teacher-student communication social media restrictions legal violations constitutional rights Missouri social networking law teacher rights student safety online communication laws freedom of speech association teacher student social media facebook twitter messaging privacy constitutional rights legal limitations education solove huffington post missouri teacher-student communication digital ethics online safety predatory behavior legal discrimination professional boundaries first amendment statutory restrictions civil liberties internet law public policy teacher rights student rights cyber law informational privacy communication regulation
test-economy-thsptr-pro04a	Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: Progressive taxation promotes a more equal, more harmonious society  Progressive taxation provides real equality of opportunity, and serves to level the playing field so that social classes are not fixed. Everyone deserves a chance to climb the economic ladder, but without a regime of progressive taxation this is nearly impossible. [1] If tax revenues are generated by flat or regressive taxes the poor will necessarily have to contribute substantial portions of their own income to the state, cutting into their ability to consume and save. Social services must still be financed, and the best way to do that is through a progressive tax regime that makes those most able to pay more pay more; if more of the burden is placed on the poor and disadvantaged, as it must in a flat-rate system, fewer people will be able to climb out from the social strata in which they are born. [2] The more equal society created by these taxes is thus more equitable, since it affords people greater opportunities. It is also more harmonious, since well-funded services keep people from feeling desperate and to turn to such things as crime. But greater equality itself can also be beneficial, as it reduces distinctions between groups in society, and prevents stratification into social classes based on wealth. People who are more alike can sympathize and empathize more with one another. Progressive taxation thus promotes a very real and powerful social message that can greatly benefit social cohesion.  [1] Young, H. Peyton. 1990. “Progressive Taxation and Equal Sacrifice”. The American Economic Review 80(1): 253-266.  [2] Benabou, Roland. “Social Mobility and the Demand for Redistribution: The Poum Hypothesis”. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 2001. Available: progressive taxation equal opportunity social harmony economic ladder flat tax regressive tax tax revenue social services economic equality social mobility social strata poverty wealth distribution social cohesion crime prevention social stratification redistribution economic sacrifice public finance fiscal policy progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field social mobility economic ladder tax revenue flat tax regressive tax social services tax burden poor disadvantaged equitable society social cohesion reduced crime social stratification wealth distribution social classes empathy sympathy solidarity redistribution public services economic fairness fiscal policy social justice income inequality economic growth poverty reduction social welfare community well-being progressive tax rate tax reform economic opportunity social inclusion economic stability economic policy tax policy public finance government revenue progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field social classes economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes poor contribution state contribution consumption ability savings ability social services progressive tax regime tax burden disadvantaged social strata equitable society social cohesion reduced distinctions social mobility wealth stratification sympathy empathy social message redistribution Poum Hypothesis social mobility demand economic review quarterly journal economics progressive taxation equal opportunity social harmony economic ladder flat tax regressive tax social services tax revenue social mobility economic equality social cohesion wealth stratification social classes income distribution equitable society public services tax burden economic justice social integration progressive taxation equal opportunity social harmony economic ladder tax revenue flat tax regressive tax social services income distribution social mobility poverty reduction social cohesion wealth stratification economic equality fiscal policy public services tax burden socioeconomic status intergenerational mobility equitable society social welfare tax fairness economic justice social integration community solidarity economic disparity progressive tax rates tax equity social inclusion public finance economic stability economic growth social policy fiscal reform income inequality tax structure economic opportunity social welfare programs tax systems economic development social progressive taxation equal society harmony equality of opportunity social mobility economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes social services poverty consumption savings equitable well-funded services crime prevention social cohesion wealth distribution social classes empathy sympathy social message redistribution social mobility demand for redistribution poum hypothesis economic review quarterly journal of economics progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity social mobility economic ladder flat taxes regressive taxes tax revenues social services wealthy contribution tax burden poor and disadvantaged equitable society crime reduction social cohesion social stratification wealth distribution social classes economic inequality social mobility opportunity gap income distribution tax policy public services community solidarity tax fairness economic justice social welfare progressive tax regime economic growth wealth redistribution social inequality economic opportunity fiscal policy income inequality tax equity social harmony economic stability public funding social Progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes poor contribution consumption savings social services tax burden disadvantaged social strata equitable society social cohesion reduced crime social mobility wealth stratification social classes empathy sympathy equal sacrifice redistribution social mobility hypothesis progressive taxation economic equality social harmony opportunity leveling playing field social mobility tax revenues flat tax regressive tax poverty consumption savings social services funding crime prevention social cohesion wealth stratification empathy community economic ladder public finance social policy redistribution social welfare inequality economic justice fiscal policy public services social class economic opportunity social integration tax burden economic stability communal benefit progressive tax rates equitable sacrifice social capital citizen solidarity income distribution social division public good tax equity social inclusion economic growth progressive taxation equal society harmonious society equality of opportunity level playing field social classes economic ladder tax revenues flat taxes regressive taxes social services tax burden disadvantaged social mobility social strata equity social cohesion crime prevention social stratification wealth distribution social message equal sacrifice social mobility redistribution poum hypothesis
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro01a	Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. Free speech is not useful in this context, as riot is never legitimate in a free society  Riots should not be tolerated in a free society as there are already legal and peaceful methods of dissenting such as through demonstrations, petitions, and contacting your representative in Parliament. It demonstrates a fundamental unwillingness to engage with not only the apparatus of the state, but society more generally. Rioters have no regard for the public, and the violence and damage they cause harms everyone. Riots tend to do little to actually challenge the state, but rather they tend to harm the most disadvantaged, those who happen to be in the vicinity of the mobs. The freedom of speech social media provides to its users is being fundamentally misused in the context of riots. [1] When speech is used to organize violence, it must be curtailed for the sake of society as individuals security and safety is more important that freedom of speech that is briefly curtailed. Violence damages long after the event whereas those who have their freedom of speech curtailed for a few hours can swiftly voice their opinions once the riot has ended and the block lifted.  [1] Thomson, A. and Hutton, R., “UK May Block Twitter, Blackberry Messaging Services in Future Riots”. Bloomberg. 11 August 2011. free speech riot legitimacy free society legal dissent peaceful methods demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation state apparatus public disregard violence societal harm disadvantaged social media misuse speech curtailment individual security prolonged damage temporary restriction opinion expression riot aftermath Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots Bloomberg August 2011 free speech riots legitimate free society legal dissent peaceful methods demonstrations petitions contacting representatives Parliament state engagement societal engagement public regard violence damage disadvantaged social media misuse organizing violence curtailment societal safety individual security long-term damage temporary speech restriction block messaging services UK Bloomberg Thomson Hutton Blackberry Twitter 2011 riots free speech riots legitimate free society peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives state apparatus public regard violence damage disadvantaged challenge state social media freedom of speech organizing violence curtailment society security safety long-term damage temporary curtailment UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech legitimate riot free society peaceful dissent legal methods demonstrations petitions parliamentary representation state apparatus engagement public disregard societal harm disadvantaged impact violence consequences social media misuse speech curtailment security priority temporary speech restriction long-term damage riot aftermath communication block technological restrictions public safety measures Free speech riot free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representative public harm violence social media misuse organizing violence curtail freedom of speech security safety long-term damage disadvantaged block social media future riots free speech riots legitimate free society legal methods demonstrations petitions contacting representatives public harm disadvantaged social media misuse organizing violence curtailment security safety long-term damage brief curtailment voicing opinions block messaging services UK riots free speech riots legitimacy free society legal methods dissent demonstrations petitions parliament state engagement public regard violence damage disadvantaged social media misuse organizing violence speech curtailment societal security individual safety long-term damage temporary restriction opinion voicing UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots Thomson Hutton Bloomberg 2011 Free speech riots legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions contacting representatives state apparatus social engagement public regard violence damage disadvantaged state challenge social media speech misuse organizing violence curtailment security safety long-term damage temporary curtailment opinion expression block lifting UK Twitter Blackberry Messaging future riots free speech riot legitimate free society legal methods peaceful dissent demonstrations petitions representative Parliament apparatus of state society public violence damage disadvantaged vicinity social media misuse organize violence curtail society security safety block messaging services future riots Thomson Hutton UK Twitter Blackberry riots free speech legitimate free society legal dissent peaceful methods demonstrations petitions Parliament public harm violence disadvantaged social media speech misuse curtailment security safety long-term damage short-term curtailment UK social media block messaging services Thomson Hutton Bloomberg 2011
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con01a	Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Produces Employment  Tourism is the second largest employer in the country. The industry produces over 400,000 jobs for Tunisians1. This employment figure is vital to Tunisia which has a large number of students in higher-education, around 346,000 in 2010, and a consequentially high expectation of employment2. Tourism also has a positive effect on other linked industries such as transport, creating jobs in these sectors as well. This creation of employment allows more people to sufficiently contribute to society through taxes and the purchasing of goods through their wages. This, in turn, produces economic growth and should therefore be encouraged.  1) Padmore,R. ‘Tunisia tourism industry looks to rebuild’, BBC, 22nd August 2013  2) Global Edge, ‘Tunisia: Economy’, data accessed 27 January 2014 Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students 2010 transport sector economic growth taxes purchasing power wages social contribution Padmore BBC Global Edge economy rebuild sector links job creation positive impact employment tourism Tunisia jobs students higher-education transport economic growth taxes wages society rebuild Padmore BBC Global Edge economy Tunisia employment tourism second largest industry jobs Tunisians higher-education students expectation transport sectors society taxes wages economic growth rebuild BBC Global Edge economy Tunisia tourism employment second largest employer 400 000 jobs higher-education 346 000 students high employment expectations transport sector economic growth tax contribution purchasing power wages industry rebuilding BBC Global Edge economy data Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer 400 000 jobs higher-education 346 000 students 2010 employment expectation transport economic growth taxes wages BBC Global Edge economy job creation linked industries society contribution purchasing power economic encouragement rebuild tourism industry impact Tunisian economy youth employment sector growth vocational training employment statistics economic development job market industry contribution workforce unemployment reduction economic benefits tourist arrivals hospitality industry service sector economic stability government Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students transport economic growth taxes wages contribution society BBC Global Edge economy rebuild positive effect linked industries creation of employment purchasing goods vital figure expectation sectors encourage Tunisia employment tourism jobs economy growth secondary sector transport tax wages higher-education students society contribution BBC Global Edge rebuild industry vital expectation linked industries purchasing goods encourage Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer 400 000 jobs higher-education students economic growth transport sector job creation contributions taxes purchasing power wages rebuild BBC Global Edge economy linked industries society contribution tourism employment Tunisia jobs students higher-education transport economic growth taxes wages Padmore Global Edge Tunisia employment tourism second largest employer jobs Tunisians higher-education students 2010 transport economic growth taxes wages BBC Global Edge rebuild economy linked industries society contribution purchasing goods encouragement
test-education-pteuhwfphe-con04a	Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. Graduates may move abroad to avoid tax payments  As taxes are collected nationally there is no reason why a UK graduate could not simply upon graduating leave the country and avoid paying the education tax. If enough people exploited this obvious loophole in the system the Government could end up severe deficit in the education budget which ultimately could lead to lower investment which would have a detrimental effect on the quality of education on offer. The proposed system then is simply not a practical one seeing as this massive and clear to see loophole exists with it. tax avoidance international migration education funding government deficit investment in education quality of education policy loopholes graduate employment national tax systems fiscal impact of migration Graduates move abroad avoid tax payments taxes collected nationally UK graduate leave country education tax loophole system Government severe deficit education budget lower investment detrimental effect quality of education practical massive clear to see loophole proposed system tax avoidance international migration education tax government deficit investment in education quality of education policy loopholes graduate mobility national taxes fiscal impact education funding economic behavior public finance tax policy tax avoidance international migration education funding government deficit investment in education quality of education policy loopholes graduate mobility national tax systems fiscal impact of emigration tax evasion international migration education funding government deficit investment reduction quality of education policy loopholes graduate mobility national tax systems fiscal policy tax avoidance graduate mobility national taxes education funding budget deficit investment reduction quality decline systemic loophole practicality issues policy exploitation graduates move abroad tax avoidance education tax UK government deficit investment reduction education quality loophole exploitation practicality concerns tax avoidance education tax graduate mobility international migration fiscal impact government deficit education investment policy loophole national budget quality of education tax avoidance international relocation education tax UK graduates government deficit education investment quality of education policy loophole fiscal impact graduate migration tax avoidance education tax UK graduates international migration fiscal deficit government revenue education investment quality of education policy loopholes practicality of tax systems
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro02a	Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. Profiling would have caught many of the perpetrators of terrorism in recent years.  Profiling takes account of many more characteristics than an individual’s ethnicity. Targeted checks would have caught, for example, the so called Christmas Day Bomber. Individuals who pay in cash for a one way flight while carrying no luggage, as Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab [i] did, are a fairly small group and it makes sense to target them.  Profiling is a great deal more subtle than a decision to target a single ethnic group. It is entirely possible to identify patterns in the behaviour of terrorists, drug mules and smugglers, and to respond to that accordingly.  Obviously, the more refined the profile can be, the better. It is incredibly unlikely that an affluent, Caucasian businessman with a return ticket for the following day is either a suicide bomber or a drug smuggler. Both common sense and statistics show this to be the case.  [i] “Obama vows to repair intelligence gaps behind Detroit airplane incident”. The Washington post, 30 December 2009. profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage subtle profiling ethnic group terrorist behavior drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one way flight no luggage behavioral patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab refined profile behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism prevention behavioral characteristics targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight no luggage refined profiling behavior patterns terrorist identification drug mules smugglers ethnic profiling affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage subtle profiling ethnic group behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident profiling terrorism perpetrators ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profile affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Obama Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one way flight no luggage refined profile behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident Obama Washington Post terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab cash payment one-way flight no luggage behavior patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers refined profiling affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one-way flight luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab refined profile patterns terrorist behaviour drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident terrorism perpetrators profiling ethnicity targeted checks Christmas Day Bomber cash payment one way flight no luggage Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab refined profile behaviour patterns terrorists drug mules smugglers affluent Caucasian businessman return ticket suicide bomber drug smuggler common sense statistics intelligence gaps Detroit airplane incident Obama
test-society-epsihbdns-con02a	"It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. It is practically impossible to control people's movement  One of the major problems with the proposal lies in the very fact that we are indeed dealing with developing nations. These nations have very limited capacity to manage this kind of system. What will happen instead, will be a state of confusion, where the law will be upheld in some parts while ignored in others. The case in China clearly shows that corruption follows in the wake of this kind of legislation, where urban Hukous are sold illegally or officials are frequently bribed to ignore the law. [1]  Furthermore, it only causes those who choose to move to the cities, in spite of the law, to be alienated from society and live a life outside of the law. Once outside of the law, the step to other crimes is very small as these people have little to lose. [2] In short, the law will only work in some cases and where it works it will lead to increased segregation and more crime.  [1] Wang, Fei-Ling. “Organising through Division and Exclusion: China's Hukou System"". 2005.  [2] Wu. s.l., and Treiman, The Household Registration System and Social Stratification in China: 1955-1996. Springer, 2004, Demography, Vol. 2. control people's movement developing nations capacity system management state of confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou illegal sales bribery urban migration social alienation crime segregation social stratification Fei-Ling Wang Wu Treiman Household Registration System Demography population movement immigration control developing countries governance capacity policy implementation legal enforcement urban migration rural-urban migration social stratification corruption illegal activities hukou system social exclusion crime legal alienation segregation demographic studies sociological impacts policy effectiveness law enforcement China governance challenges urban development rural development social integration migration laws sociopolitical issues economic disparities administrative systems public policy legal framework social cohesion urban planning rural-urban divide developing nations limited capacity confusion partial enforcement corruption illegal Hukou sales bribery urban migration social alienation lawlessness increased crime segregation social stratification China Hukou system impossible control people's movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law upheld law ignored China corruption urban Hukous illegal sales bribery alienation society life outside law increased segregation more crime Wang Fei-Ling organizing division exclusion Hukou system Wu Treiman social stratification household registration 1955-1996 Springer Demography control people's movement developing nations limited capacity confusion law enforcement corruption China Hukou system illegal sales bribery urban migration social alienation illegal status crime segregation social stratification developing nations limited capacity movement control urban migration corruption illegal Hukous social alienation increased segregation crime Fei-Ling Wang Hukou system social stratification Demography Treiman Wu control people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement urban-rural divide corruption illegal Hukou sales bribery social alienation urban migration crime segregation social stratification law effectiveness Fei-Ling Wang s.l. Wu Treiman China Hukou system 1955-1996 Developing nations limited capacity confusion partial law enforcement corruption China Hukou system illegal sales bribery urban migration social alienation increased segregation crime Fei-Ling Wang social stratification Demography Springer Wu Treiman people's movement developing nations limited capacity state of confusion law enforcement China corruption urban Hukous illegal sales bribery alienation social exclusion increased segregation crime Fei-Ling Wang Wu s.l. Treiman Household Registration System social stratification Demography movement control developing nations limited capacity legal confusion corruption illegal Hukous bribery urban migration social alienation lawlessness crime segregation Fei-Ling Wang household registration social stratification Demography"
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con02a	A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. A ban will be ineffective  A new legal prohibition on any type of behaviour or conduct can only be set up by investing large amounts of political capital in order to transform vague proposals into a legislative document and then into a fully-fledged law. This expense can only be justified if the ban is effective – if it is seen as a legitimate use of a state’s power; is enforceable; and if it brings about some form of beneficial social change. The change being sought in this instance is a reduction in the violence, criminality and social disaffection that some people associate with hip hop music and its fans.  Laws do not create changes in behaviour simply because they are laws. It is unlikely that the consumers of hip hop will refrain from listening to it. The ease with which music can be distributed and performed means that any ban on violent songs will, inevitably, be ineffective. File sharing networks and cross border online stores such as eBay and Silk Road already enable people to obtain media and controlled goods with little more than a credit card and a forwarding address. The total value of all of the music illegally pirated during 2007 is estimated to be $12.5 billion. The same network of file sharing systems and data repositories would be used to distribute banned music if proposition’s policies became law.  Current urban music genres are already defined and supported by grassroots musicians who specialise in assembling tracks using minimal resources before sharing them among friends or broadcasting them on short-range pirate radio stations. Just as the internet contains a resilient, ready-made distribution network for music, urban communities contain large numbers of ambitious, talented amateur artists who will step into fill the void created by large record company’s withdrawal from controversial or prohibited genres.  Although a formal ban on the distribution of music has yet to happen within a western liberal democracy, similar laws have been created to restrict access to violent videogames. Following widespread reports of the damaging effects that exposure to violent videogames might have on children, Australia banned outright the publication of a succession of violent and action-oriented titles. However, in several instances, implementation of this ban led only to increased piracy of prohibited games through file sharing networks and attempts by publishing companies to circumvent the ban using websites based in jurisdictions outside Australia. Similar behaviour is likely to result in other liberal democracies following any ban on music with violent lyrics.  If banned, controversial music will move from the managed, regulated space occupied by record companies and distributors- where business entities and artists’ agents can engage in structured, transparent debate with classification bodies- to the partly hidden and unregulated space of the internet. As a consequence it will be much more difficult to detect genuinely dangerous material, and much harder for artists who do not trade in violent clichés to win fans and recognition.  As discussed in principle 10, effective control and classification of controversial material can only be achieved if it is discussed with a high specificity and a nuanced understanding of the shared standards that it might offend. This would not be possible under a policy that effectively surrenders control of the content of music to the internet. ban ineffective political capital legislative document fully-fledged law legitimacy enforceability beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music consumer behavior music distribution file sharing networks illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities amateur artists violent videogames liberal democracy internet regulated space unregulated space control classification controversial material nuanced understanding shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music laws behavior file sharing networks cross border online stores music piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio stations urban communities amateur artists violent videogames liberal democracy internet distribution network managed space unregulated space content control classification nuance specificity shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop consumer behavior file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio distribution network urban communities controversial genres violent videogames piracy internet classification content control shared standards ban ineffective hip hop violence criminality social disaffection political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities violent videogames piracy internet unregulated dangerous material control classification shared standards controversial material artists recognition record companies distributors high specificity nuanced understanding ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music laws behavior file sharing networks illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities violent videogames Australia censorship regulated space internet control classification controversial material content nuance shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document fully-fledged law legitimacy enforceability social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop behavior file sharing eBay Silk Road music piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities talented artists violent videogames Australia classification internet transparency control content nuance standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document law legitimacy enforceability social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music behavior file sharing piracy online stores credit card forwarding address grassroots musicians pirate radio internet distribution network urban communities amateur artists violent videogames western liberal democracy record companies controversial genres regulated space unregulated space internet dangerous material artists violent clichés fans recognition control classification controversial material shared standards policy content music internet ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop behaviour file sharing illegal piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio urban communities amateur artists violent videogames jurisdiction regulated space internet dangerous material artists recognition control classification controversial material shared standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change violence criminality social disaffection hip hop music laws behavior file sharing networks online stores music piracy grassroots musicians pirate radio stations violent videogames liberal democracy classification internet control content artists transparency debate nuance standards ban ineffective political capital legislative document enforceable beneficial social change reduction violence criminality social disaffection hip hop laws behavior music distribution file sharing networks illegal piracy grassroots musicians urban communities amateur artists violent videogames Australia increased piracy controversial music regulated space internet dangerous material control classification shared standards nuanced understanding
test-international-eiahwpamu-con01a	Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. Realistic barriers  There are significant barriers to introducing microfinance. Microfinance can’t reach everywhere; a lack of infrastructure, or poor infrastructure, can mean that microfinance initiatives often can’t reach where need is greatest. Those who are poorest most need money just to get buy, not to invest. They would be unable to repay even tiny loans. It returns to the question of who is the poorest, and what do we know about them - where they are, what they need, and why are they poor?  Secondly, structural constraints limit the ability for microfinance to be sustainable and provide a long term solution. Bad governance, inadequate structures to regulate microfinance, and political instability, mean the theoretical benefits of microfinance may not become a lived reality.  Thirdly, who is involved in the supply? The involvement of multiple actors - NGOs, communities, the state, and private sector, complicates how microfinance is being run and therefore the effectiveness. Tensions emerge with such partnerships as each actor has the different objectives and motivations. realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest people structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations tensions effectiveness long-term solution Realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty loan repayment poorest populations structural constraints sustainability bad governance regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations effectiveness realistic barriers significant barriers microfinance lack of infrastructure poor infrastructure poorest people need money unable to repay poorest identification structural constraints sustainability long-term solution bad governance inadequate regulation political instability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions different objectives motivations microfinance barriers infrastructure poverty investment loan repayment poorest communities governance regulation political stability sustainability long-term solution structural constraints multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships effectiveness objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment repayment poorest location needs poverty causes structural constraints sustainability bad governance regulation political instability microfinance actors NGOs communities state private sector partnership tensions objectives motivations realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure limitations poorest populations repayment challenges poverty identification structural constraints sustainability issues bad governance inadequate regulation political instability multiple actors NGO involvement community participation state role private sector engagement partnership tensions varying objectives effectiveness complications realistic barriers microfinance infrastructure poverty investment loan repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability bad governance regulation political instability multiple actors NGOs communities state private sector effectiveness partnerships objectives motivations microfinance barriers infrastructure poverty investment loan repayment poorest structural constraints sustainability governance regulation political stability supply actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations microfinance infrastructure poverty repayment governance regulation political stability actors NGOs communities state private sector partnerships objectives motivations
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro03a	Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, Prohibiting suicide sends the message that it is not an acceptable behaviour  Individual action is shaped by what norms and standards are set by society. By prohibiting suicide, society sends out a message that it is not an acceptable action. Legislation is a useful social tool, in that it proscribes the limits of individual action. And by failing to prohibit suicide, society fails to add the ultimate sanction of its laws into the balance of any decision whether or not to commit suicide. Many of those who have tried and failed to commit suicide never attempt it again. This suggests that many who kill themselves do so because of their particular short-term circumstances, perhaps while ill, suffering financial problems or under emotional stress, rather than through a considered and rational decision. More than 30% of suicides are precipitated by intimate partner problems, more than 10% by jobs problems and 10% by financial problems. [1] Given this, even a small deterrent will help to save many lives that are currently wasted needlessly.  [1] Canters for Disease Control and Prevention, ‘Suicide: Data Sources’, 26 August 2011, suicide prevention societal norms legislation impact suicide deterrence mental health emotional distress financial difficulties partner issues job problems suicide rates public health policy legal sanctions behavioral norms social messaging individual decision-making mental illness emotional stress rational choice suicide attempts failed suicide attempts suicide prevention strategies socioeconomic factors CDC data public health intervention suicide prevention societal norms legislative impact individual behavior mental health financial stress emotional distress rational decision-making intimate partner issues job problems public health policy legal deterrent suicide attempts mental illness social responsibility community support crisis intervention legal sanctions psychological factors social factors prevention strategies suicide prevention societal norms legal prohibitions individual behavior mental health emotional distress financial difficulties relationship issues job problems suicide legislation public health social norms legal sanctions suicide deterrence mental illness societal influence legal framework prevention strategies suicide attempts mental wellbeing emotional stability economic stress intimate relationships job security legal measures mental health support psychological factors social pressures legal boundaries mental health awareness emotional support community support legal intervention mental health policies suicide risk factors suicide prevention laws mental healthcare legal protection mental health services suicide rates prohibiting suicide societal norms individual action legislation social tool legal sanctions suicide prevention short-term circumstances emotional stress financial problems intimate partner problems job issues deterrent effect life preservation public health mental health suicide rates legal intervention behavioral norms social responsibility mental illness crisis situations suicide attempts failed attempts repeated attempts societal message acceptable behavior legal boundaries individual freedom ethical considerations policy-making governmental role community support psychological factors social factors environmental factors legislative impact suicide legislation mental health policies public policy health care intervention suicide legislation social norms individual action prohibition societal message acceptability psychological distress financial stress intimate partner problems job issues suicide prevention legal sanctions deterrent effect mental health emotional stress rational decision-making public health CDC data prohibiting suicide societal norms individual action legislation legal limits suicide prevention short-term circumstances emotional stress financial problems intimate partner problems job issues deterrent effect saving lives suicide data CDC public health mental health social norms legal sanctions suicide legislation emotional distress rational decision societal message unacceptable behavior social tools legal proscription suicide attempt suicide prevention laws societal influence behavioral standards mental health issues crisis situations societal expectations legal intervention suicide prevention policies health policy legislative impact emotional support financial stress relationship issues job loss suicide prevention societal norms legislative impact mental health financial distress emotional stress intimate relationships job issues legal deterrent public health policy behavioral norms social influence mental illness suicide attempts rational decision-making emotional crises legal sanctions social responsibility psychological factors socioeconomic factors suicide prohibition societal norms individual behavior legislative influence legal sanctions suicide deterrence mental health financial stress emotional distress partner problems job issues public health policy suicide prevention legal measures social messaging behavioral norms psychological impact intervention strategies suicide statistics CDC data suicide prohibition societal norms individual behavior legislation impact legal sanctions suicide prevention mental health financial stress emotional distress intimate partner issues job problems deterrent effects public policy health policy behavioral norms social regulation legal limits mental illness crisis intervention suicide statistics CDC data suicide prevention mental health social norms legislation individual action societal influence legal deterrent emotional stress financial problems intimate partner issues rational decision-making CDC data suicide statistics public health policy behavioral norms legal sanctions mental illness crisis intervention life-saving measures societal responsibility
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con02a	Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of speech  Artists ought to be allowed to express themselves, and display the world they see, as they see it.  Freedom of speech is considered integral to the modern democracy, and with good reason! Free speech makes a vital contribution to a plurality of ideas. It is only when a great number of ideas are expressed and challenged, such that people’s beliefs remain fluid, and can be formed and reformed, that we are able to arrive at such a point where we are likely to progress. This ‘marketplace of ideas’ prevents us from stagnating; from continuing harmful practices and modes of thought simply because they are traditional.  The more free speech is limited, the less able we are to access this plurality of ideas, and thus the less able we are to truly challenge harmful habits. Freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas intellectual progress challenging norms free thought speech limitations cultural stagnation harmful traditions belief fluidity public discourse creative expression societal evolution critical thinking open dialogue thought diversity innovative ideas traditional practices modern values expressive rights communication liberty idea exchange mental agility progressive thinking unrestricted creativity democratic principles citizen voice idea competition thought suppression belief formation cognitive flexibility societal change opinion diversity expressive liberties intellectual freedom democratic discourse speech rights artistic liberties challenged beliefs idea freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech challenging beliefs harmful practices modes of thought societal progress intellectual fluidity tradition stagnation censorship idea diversity cultural evolution critical thinking speech limitations harmful habits Freedom of expression artistic freedom marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas democratic values speech regulation censorship intellectual diversity creative expression societal progress harmful practices traditional modes of thought belief fluidity speech limitations critical discourse open debate 思想自由 艺术自由 意见市场 多样性思想 民主价值 言论管制 审查 知识多样性 创意表达 社会进步 有害行为 传统思维模式 信仰流动性 言论限制 批判性 Freedom of speech artistic expression democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech limitations challenging harmful practices cultural progress intellectual freedom expression of beliefs traditional practices cognitive diversity speech restrictions societal stagnation idea circulation democratic values creative freedom public discourse harmful modes of thought freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech social progress challenging norms cultural evolution intellectual diversity preventing stagnation harmful practices traditional modes of thought belief fluidity idea competition societal reform speech limitations Idea pluralism expressive rights mental flexibility belief reformulation cognitive diversity progressive thinking critical discourse traditional practices innovative thought harmful traditions intellectual challenge democratic values artistic creation public discourse idea exchange freedom of information 言论自由 表达自由 艺术自由 民主 思想多元 想法市场 自由言论 Freedom of speech artistic expression democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech challenging beliefs harmful practices tradition censorship progress intellectual diversity creative freedom societal evolution cultural critique public discourse ideological plurality speech limitations idea stagnation harmful habits thought reform belief fluidity Freedom of speech Artists Self-expression Modern democracy Plurality of ideas Free speech Marketplace of ideas Intellectual progress Challenging beliefs Harmful practices Cultural stagnation Modes of thought Traditional practices Limiting free speech Idea circulation Cognitive fluidity Societal progress Democratic values Censorship Artistic freedom Public discourse Intellectual diversity Thought evolution Critical thinking Societal norms Free expression Idea competition Idea diversity Cultural evolution Harmful traditions Speech limitations Idea stagnation Democratic health Free thought Debate Discussion Creative expression Intellectual Freedom of speech artistic expression democracy plurality of ideas free speech marketplace of ideas progress challenging beliefs harmful practices traditional modes of thought limitations on free speech intellectual stagnation societal progress creative freedom public discourse censorship ideological diversity critical thinking cultural evolution ethical reform freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy marketplace of ideas plurality of ideas challenging beliefs harmful practices intellectual progress speech limitations cultural stagnation traditional modes of thought freedom of expression artistic freedom democracy plurality of ideas marketplace of ideas free speech limitations challenging norms societal progress harmful practices traditional modes of thought
test-religion-grcrgshwbr-pro01a	Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 Many symbols are seen as a symbol of oppression on women.  Religious symbols are seen to, in some cases, increase the equality divide between genders. As an example, the Muslim Hijab is considered by some as a very powerful symbol for the oppression of women, particularly in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan where it is compulsory. Therefore, when it is worn in Western countries that encourage democracy and equality, the wearing of the Hijab is seen as almost counter-productive to the goals of democratic society. For this reason Belgium has recently banned the wearing of the full Muslim veil, much like France in 2010.1 Often Muslim dress rules for women are seen as more severe than those for men. Inequality between men and women is a form of discrimination and liberal societies should fight all forms of discrimination.  1 ' Belgian ban on full veils comes into force', BBC News Europe, 23rd July 2011, accessed on 23rd July 2011 oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 dress rules men discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies fight discrimination symbols oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 Muslim dress rules inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium ban France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive Belgium ban full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab compulsory Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy full Muslim veil Belgium ban France 2010 dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies oppression women religious symbols gender equality Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality Belgium full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies symbols oppression women religious symbols equality divide genders Muslim Hijab oppression of women Saudi Arabia Afghanistan compulsory Western countries democracy equality counter-productive democratic society Belgium banned full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules severe men inequality men and women discrimination liberal societies fight discrimination oppression women religious symbols equality gender divide Muslim Hijab Saudi Arabia Afghanistan Western countries democracy Belgium full Muslim veil France 2010 Muslim dress rules men inequality discrimination liberal societies
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro02a	Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . Collisions are a part of the game.  First, collisions are part of the tradition of baseball. They have been part of the game for a very long time. Fans, players, and managers all expect home plate hits to occur from time to time. “Some things are part of the game. There’s not a whole lot you can do,” said Red Sox catcher Jason Varitek, who has been on the receiving end of numerous crashes in his career. [1] Varitek’s manager at the time, Terry Francona, agreed: “Nobody wants to see anybody get hurt, but you got to play the game.” [2] And former catcher Brad Ausmus, who had also been hit multiple times in his career, echoed the sentiment: “[I]t's part of the game.… When you put on the shin guards and chest protector, you know that if there’s a play at the plate and you’re blocking the plate, you could take a hit at any moment.” [3] As the Associated Press put it, many people believe “home plate collisions are as much a part of baseball tradition as peanuts and Cracker Jacks and the seventh-inning stretch.” [4]  Second, home plate hits are an essential element of playing the game hard. Without them, baseball would be much less deserving of its nickname “hardball.” One commentator notes, “[An injury is] extremely unfortunate, but it's the result of a hard-nosed play that is as old as the game itself. To take away the potential for a high-intensity, physical play in an otherwise non-physical sport would be a mistake.” [5] In that vein, collisions are also part of the dynamic between the offense and defense that, once removed, will make the game much poorer: “A baserunner wants to get there at all costs, whereas a catcher wants to protect it at all costs. The mutual discomfort that's evoked in both the catcher and the baserunner as a play at the plate develops is one of the intriguing peculiarities that makes the game of baseball so great.” [6]  [1] Antonio Gonzalez, “Posey’s injury stirs debate on baseball collisions,” Associated Press, May 27, 2011,  .  [2] Ibid.  [3] Jayson Stark, “On a collision course,” ESPN.com (Rumblings & Grumblings blog), May 28, 2011,  .  [4] Ibid.  [5] Ricky Doyle, “Buster Posey’s Injury Unfortunate, But Home-Plate Collisions Still Have Place in Baseball,” NESN, May 29, 2011,  .  [6] Ibid . baseball collisions tradition home plate hits catcher baserunner physical play game dynamics player safety fan expectations sports ethics hardball non-physical sport defense offense mutual discomfort baseball peculiarities sport tradition injury high-intensity play sports culture baseball history protective gear catcher's equipment sport management player perspectives manager opinions baseball commentators sports commentary collision rules baseball strategy game hardiness sportsmanship competitive spirit sport injuries sports safety baseball debates collision debate baseball evolution sport evolution sport innovation traditional sports baseball collisions home plate tradition game history catcher baserunner physical play hard-nosed intensity offense defense mutual discomfort baseball peculiarities sport tradition non-physical sport injury player safety game dynamics baseball culture baseball rules collision rules baseball strategy competitive play sport ethics baseball ethics player expectations fan expectations baseball management baseball commentary baseball commentary history baseball innovation baseball evolution baseball safety measures sport safety sport risks competitive sports traditional sports sports tradition sports culture sports ethics sportsmanship athlete well baseball collisions home plate tradition part of the game hardball physical play catcher baserunner injury defense offense mutual discomfort baseball dynamics play intensity sport tradition player safety game evolution fan expectation player roles baseball history game rules game integrity sports ethics competitive spirit sportsmanship baseball safety collision debate game traditions baseball culture sports injuries baseball strategy defensive tactics offensive tactics catcher responsibilities baserunner tactics sports commentary baseball commentary baseball rules baseball equipment protective gear baseball evolution game elements baseball tradition home plate collisions game expectations player safety hardball element offensive defensive dynamic catcher baserunner conflict sports tradition physical play baseball history fan expectations game integrity baseball rules injury risk baseball culture competitive spirit baseball tradition collisions home plate hits game fans players managers expectation injury play hard catcher baserunner defense offense physical dynamic sport peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch intensity non-physical mutual discomfort intriguing peculiarities Posey debate injury place baseball collisions hardball 捕手 跑垒员 防守 进攻 体育 碰撞 游戏传统 home-plate碰撞 高强度 肉搏战 比赛元素 物理性 动态 双方不适 比赛精彩 baseball collisions tradition home plate hits player safety game dynamics hardball offense defense baseball history catcher baserunner baseball culture peanuts cracker jacks seventh-inning stretch high-intensity play non-physical sport baseball debate injury risk game integrity sport tradition baseball folklore physical play baseball baseball, collisions, home plate, tradition, game, hardball, physical play, catcher, baserunner, injury, sports, defense, offense, safety, intensity, dynamics, debate, rules, baseball history, player safety, competitive spirit, sports culture, baseball ethics, baseball strategy,逮攻对决, 进垒碰撞, 捕手防护, 跑垒员决心, 球场传统, 竞技体育, 体育精神, 安全规则, 竞技文化, 运动伦理, 运动策略 Note: The last keywords are the translation of baseball collisions tradition home plate hits catcher safety player expectations game intensity hardball offense-defense dynamic baseball peculiarities sport tradition collision frequency fan expectations injury risk game evolution baseball debates baseball rules physical play in baseball baseball catcher base runner baseball strategy baseball history baseball injuries baseball ethics sport culture baseball commentary major league baseball MLB safety baseball collisions controversy baseball protection baseball equipment baseball collisions impact baseball game integrity baseball violent plays baseball competition baseball sportsmanship baseball rules discussion sport safety measures baseball collision debate baseball collisions tradition game home plate hits player safety fans managers catchers Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus associated press peanuts cracker jacks seventh-inning stretch hardball high-intensity play physical play offense defense mutual discomfort intriguing peculiarities buster posey injury debate sport dynamics baseball collisions tradition home plate hits players managers fans Jason Varitek Terry Francona Brad Ausmus Associated Press peanuts Cracker Jacks seventh-inning stretch hardball non-physical sport offense defense baserunner catcher Buster Posey injury debate physical play dynamic 不舒服 intriguing peculiarities game quality
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro02a	Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. Restrictions on migration would benefit people in the cities economically and socially  Cities are very appealing to poor people. Even if their living standards in cities might be unacceptable, they get closer to basic goods, such as fresh water, sanitation etc. However, these things exist because there are productive people in the cities who work and pay taxes. What happens when too many people come at the same time is that public money is stretched too thinly and these basic goods can no longer be provided. This leads to severe humanitarian problems such as malnutrition, thirst, lack of medication, etc.  However, this humanitarian crisis does not only harm those directly affected, it also creates an unattractive environment for business. Thus, people who enter the city cannot find work, as production does not grow in relation to the people who enter. They become excluded from society and often turn to crime, which further erodes the economy. [1]  Limiting migration to reasonable levels give the cities a chance to develop progressively and become the kind of places that people in rural areas currently believe them to be.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1. migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive citizens tax contributions public funds humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment employment opportunities social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urbanization Sub-Saharan Africa urban food security political economy migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poor population living standards basic goods productive citizens tax contribution public funding humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment employment rates social exclusion crime rates economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urbanization challenges Daniel Maxwell political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa migration restrictions urban development economic benefits social benefits poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation taxation public funding humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment crime economic erosion social exclusion progressive development urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa political economy migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poor people living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contributions public resources humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment urban unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy world development daniel maxwell migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive citizens tax contributions public resources humanitarian issues malnutrition thirst medication business environment employment opportunities social exclusion crime economic decline progressive development rural perceptions urban realities political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa Maxwell World Development Restrictions on migration economic benefits social benefits urban migration poverty in cities basic goods public services productive urban population tax contribution humanitarian problems malnutrition lack of medication unattractive business environment urban crime social exclusion progressive urban development rural perceptions of cities urban food security sub-saharan africa daniel maxwell migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban poverty living standards basic goods sanitation fresh water productive citizens tax contribution public funds humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urban development political economy urban food security sub-saharan africa migration restrictions urban economic benefits social benefits city appeal poverty living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive people tax contributions public funds humanitarian problems malnutrition thirst lack of medication business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive urban development rural perceptions urban food security political economy sub-saharan africa migration restrictions economic benefits social benefits urban appeal poverty living standards basic goods public funding humanitarian problems malnutrition sanitation crime social exclusion urban development rural perceptions business environment tax contributions productive population urban food security sub-saharan africa political economy development studies urban planning poverty alleviation sustainable cities economic growth social integration humanitarian crisis urban population migration policies social services infrastructure urbanization city management policy making economic stability social cohesion urban resilience inclusive growth public health economic migration development economics urban Restrictions migration economic benefits social benefits urban areas poor population living standards basic goods fresh water sanitation productive individuals tax contributions public funds humanitarian crisis malnutrition thirst lack of medication unattractive business environment unemployment social exclusion crime economic erosion progressive development rural perceptions urbanization Daniel Maxwell political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa
test-philosophy-pppgshbsd-con01a	Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism has changed historically to meet the challenges of the moment and is addressing those of the 21st century in new ways  It should perhaps come as no surprise that the days of standing outside shopping centres and train stations handing out soggy newspapers have passed into the annals of political history – although some still do it.  Equally, trades union are no longer seen as being as central to European Socialism as they once were. However, the militancy seen over the last few years suggest, if anything, that what was a diversified ‘anti-capitalist’ movement is now coalescing around a rather clearer set of goals of which the basics of the anti-capitalism movement are merely a part. In the light of the globalisation of Capitalism, the left is increasingly rediscovering its internationalist roots which were lost to a great extent in the seventies and eighties in national struggles to save industries and jobs. Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics shopping centres train stations newspapers political history trades unions European Socialism militancy anti-capitalist movement globalisation Capitalism left-wing internationalism national struggles industries jobs socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political activism trade unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism social movements political history economic policies labor militancy globalization impact industrial changes job preservation political strategies social change ideological shifts progressive politics Socialism historical changes 21st century challenges political activism union roles European politics anti-capitalism globalization Capitalism internationalism industrial struggles job preservation political movements ideological shifts socialist strategies Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics shopping centres train stations handing out newspapers political history trades unions European Socialism militancy anti-capitalist movement globalisation Capitalism internationalism national struggles industries jobs Socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political activism traditional methods trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industrial protection job security political movements socioeconomic change ideological adaptation modern socialist strategies worker rights economic globalization political reorientation socialism historical evolution 21st century challenges political tactics shopping centres train stations soggy newspapers political history trades unions European socialism militancy anti-capitalist movement coalescing goals global capitalism internationalist roots national struggles industries jobs Socialism historical changes 21st century challenges political strategies shopping centres train stations newspaper distribution political history trade unions European Socialism militancy anti-capitalist movement globalisation Capitalism internationalism national struggles industries jobs socialism historical changes 21st century challenges political tactics trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industry jobs political movements newspaper distribution political history leftist internationalism economic globalization labor militancy socio-political evolution political adaptation historical evolution 21st century challenges political strategy adaptation traditional activism decline trade unions relevance anti-capitalist movement global capitalism impact internationalist roots revival national struggles industry and job preservation historical evolution 21st-century challenges political strategies grassroots activism trades unions European socialism anti-capitalism global capitalism internationalism national struggles industry protection job security
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro02a	They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, They fuel colourism in society  Allowing the use of racial overtones – the perception that a product will bring a person towards a “white ideal” is harmful for several reasons. It could cause communities to generate a form of inferiority complex, and it reinforces the structural difference rather than aiming to minimize it. While it may sound absurd, in the US darker-skinned African Americans (and darker skinned latinos) are less well educated and have lower incomes [1] . Elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere, such as in Brazil, race is seen as an issue of colour and socio-economic background, not ancestry highlighting a much more obvious link between whitening creams and racism [2] .  Is it not the role of the state to reduce that discrimination, not to fuel it? Banning such creams would help prevent such harmful effects by discouraging the notion that people should aim to make themselves lighter skinned.  [1] Hunter, Margaret L., “If you’re light you’re alright: light skin color as social capital for women of color”, Gender and Society, 2002,  , p.35  [2] Telles, Edward, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Colour in Brazil, 2004, online sample chapter, colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos lower income education Brazil race socio-economic background ancestry whitening creams racism state discrimination banning social capital women of color skin color light skin Margaret Hunter Edward Telles colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination skin color social capital women of color Brazil ancestry banning creams harmful effects colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans latinos education income racism Brazil socio-economic background ancestry state intervention discrimination whitening creams ban social capital women of color skin color colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference African Americans Latinos education income Brazil socio-economic background ancestry state responsibility discrimination skin whitening creams social capital women of color skin color significance colourism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans lower incomes Brazil socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning social capital women of color skin color Edward Telles Margaret L. Hunter colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans lower incomes Brazil socio-economic background ancestry whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning harmful products colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference discrimination darker-skinned African Americans Latinos education income Brazil socio-economic background ancestry whitening creams racism state intervention banning creams social capital women of color skin color Race in Another America Edward Telles Margaret L. Hunter Gender and Society colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socioeconomic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning skin lightening social capital women of color Brazil ancestry Margaret Hunter Edward Telles colorism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans Latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning social capital skin color Brazil ancestry education income gender society colourism racial overtones white ideal inferiority complex structural difference darker-skinned African Americans latinos socio-economic background whitening creams racism state intervention discrimination banning social capital skin color Brazil Edward Telles Margaret Hunter
test-international-epglghbni-pro01a	Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. Britain is morally obliged to permit the secession of northern Ireland  The age of colonialism is over. We recognize that the dominance of one country over another is morally wrong. Ireland was already in the hands of the Irish people before English earls and kings invaded. The Irish had a right to the ownership of their land because they cultivated it and so put their labor into it. The use of force to seize that land from the people’s control is unjust because it denies them the right they had to their land. They had no choice to voluntarily hand over their land either.  To right this historical wrong, the British government should relinquish Northern Ireland, just as they have decolonized the rest of the world ending the British empire except for a few scattered outposts. Since Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 Northern Ireland is the only remaining colony with a significant population and independent identity. moral obligation secession Northern Ireland colonialism British Empire historical wrongs Irish land rights self-determination decolonization British government Hong Kong independence Irish identity justice voluntary surrender land cultivation ownership forced seizure political control restoration national sovereignty British colonialism Irish sovereignty Northern Ireland secession decolonization moral obligation historical wrongs land rights self-determination British Empire post-colonial Hong Kong handover Irish independence national identity political autonomy moral obligation secession Northern Ireland end of colonialism British Empire historical wrongs land rights Irish sovereignty decolonization voluntary handover Hong Kong Chinese handover remaining colony significant population independent identity Britain moral obligation secession Northern Ireland end of colonialism moral wrong Irish land rights labor investment unjust seizure voluntary relinquishment decolonization British Empire Hong Kong Chinese sovereignty significant population independent identity Britain Northern Ireland secession moral obligation colonialism decolonization Irish people land rights historical wrongs British Empire self-determination Hong Kong sovereignty independence political ethics territorial integrity international law self-governance cultural identity nationalism Britain moral obligation Northern Ireland secession colonialism dominance Irish people land rights cultivation labor force historical wrong British government decolonization British Empire Hong Kong China colony population independent identity Britain Northern Ireland secession colonialism moral obligation decolonization historical wrongs Irish land rights British Empire Hong Kong self-determination independence autonomy voluntary transfer unjust seizure labor rights ownership control political dominance international law human rights ethnic identity regional conflicts peace process territorial disputes sovereignty governance democracy representation indigenous peoples occupation liberation diplomatic relations treaties negotiations referendums minority rights cultural heritage national identity historical context geopolitical changes international community United Nations colonial legacy post-colonial Britain moral obligation Northern Ireland secession colonialism historical wrong land rights Irish people British Empire decolonization Hong Kong sovereignty self-determination justice voluntary consent political dominance territorial control ethnic identity international relations historical justice post-colonial studies European history Irish history British politics territorial disputes peace process Good Friday Agreement Ulster unionism nationalism minority rights democratic principles human rights ethical governance liberation movements global decolonization national self-determination political geography geopolitical tensions cultural heritage economic development Britain secession Northern Ireland colonialism moral obligation Irish land rights decolonization British Empire historical wrongs Hong Kong self-determination sovereignty independence political autonomy territorial integrity ethnic identity post-colonialism national self-determination international law human rights democratic principles regional autonomy peace process Good Friday Agreement Brexit European Union cross-border cooperation mutual recognition cultural heritage economic development social cohesion conflict resolution political stability governance public opinion referendum international relations United Nations self-governance territorial disputes human Britain Northern Ireland secession colonialism moral obligation decolonization Irish land rights historical wrongs British Empire Hong Kong self-determination independence sovereignty Irish identity British government territorial disputes post-colonial ethnic conflict governance devolution autonomy
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con02a	"Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. Public and private institutions should hire people based on skills not gender to achieve positive economic impact  Businesses advance when they hire the best person for a job who can unite people and create value. These qualities are individual and enhanced through training rather than not gender-specific. Letting both private and public companies to hire according to their needs and those who meet them is a more efficient way to ensure economic growth.  In some countries in the EU the proportion of women with relevant education is lower and such a measure will bring structural inefficiencies in the short to mid - term for the companies and the overall economy. The empirical data from Norway, for example, reveals that after being exposed to a severe limitation on their choice of directors, boards experienced large declines in value. [1] Often women hired after the quotas implementation had less upper management experience than the previously hired employees. However, since the average size of boards did not increase, male employees were dismissed and less experienced female professionals hired, so that companies could fulfil the quotas.  [1] Ahern, Kenneth, and Amy Dittmar. ""The Changing of the Boards: The Impact on Firm Valuation of Mandated Female Board Representation."" The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2012. public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business growth workforce diversity individual qualities training and development hiring efficiency economic growth gender quotas board representation female directors quota implementation upper management experience board value Norway Ahern and Dittmar empirical data structural inefficiencies short-term effects mid-term effects company performance labor market gender equality policy impact corporate governance public institutions private institutions hiring practices skill-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business growth workforce diversity individual qualifications training gender-specific policies EU women's education structural inefficiencies Norway board representation female quotas company value upper management experience workforce quotas public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender neutrality economic impact business advancement workforce quality individual qualifications training hiring efficiency economic growth gender quotas workforce composition EU workforce women's education structural inefficiencies Norway board quotas board value female board representation male dismissals upper management experience quota implementation empirical data corporate governance public institutions private institutions skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business growth employee value creation individual qualities training enhancement hiring flexibility company needs workforce efficiency EU women education structural inefficiencies Norway board quotas director limitations board value decline female board representation upper management experience quota implementation male employee dismissal less experienced hires company quotas fulfillment public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-neutral hiring economic impact business efficiency workforce diversity individual qualifications training economic growth EU gender quotas female representation corporate boards management experience Norway board quota firm valuation gender quotas impact upper management experience board composition economic inefficiencies public institutions private institutions hiring based on skills hiring based on gender economic impact businesses best person for the job uniting people creating value individual qualities enhanced through training not gender-specific hiring according to needs efficient way economic growth proportion of women relevant education structural inefficiencies empirical data Norway limitation on choice of directors boards declines in value quotas implementation upper management experience average size of boards male employees dismissed less experienced female professionals fulfilling quotas skills-based hiring gender-neutral recruitment economic growth workforce diversity corporate value board representation gender quotas management experience empirical evidence Norway board quotas female directors hiring efficiency short-term inefficiencies public institutions private companies job performance gender equality professional qualifications business value creation workforce unity hiring criteria training importance European Union women's education structural inefficiency male employees female professionals quota fulfillment corporate governance economic impact value decline upper management board size quota impact recruitment practices skill enhancement gender-specific policies hiring needs company needs business advancement public institutions private institutions hire based on skills gender neutrality economic impact business growth unite people create value individual qualities training gender-specific hiring needs economic efficiency EU countries women education structural inefficiencies Norway female board representation firm value upper management experience quotas male dismissal female professionals company performance empirical data board size Ahern Dittmar mandated representation quarter journal economics 2012 public institutions private institutions hiring based on skills gender-neutral hiring economic impact business advancement uniting people creating value individual qualities training gender-specific efficient hiring economic growth EU countries women's education structural inefficiencies Norway board representation female quotas company value upper management experience male employees quota implementation less experienced professionals company quotas public institutions private institutions hiring practices skills-based hiring gender-based hiring economic impact business advancement best candidate team unity value creation individual qualities training economic efficiency EU countries women's education structural inefficiencies Norway example corporate board value director quotas upper management experience gender quotas firm valuation board representation employment diversity talent acquisition workforce quality gender equality policy impact empirical evidence corporate governance business performance economic growth gender diversity professional qualifications management experience hiring criteria workforce composition gender-neutral hiring organizational success talent management labor market"
test-international-ghbunhf-con01a	The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. The UN has performed a valuable service in preventing wars and in peacekeeping.  It is clearly unrealistic to imagine that the United Nations could prevent all wars, but nonetheless it has been successful at negotiating peaceful resolutions to international disputes. It has also authorised military force to defend countries from unprovoked attacks; Kuwait and South Korea, to name just two, owe their freedom to UN action. Finally, UN peacekeepers do vital work all over the world from Cyprus to Korea. [1]  [1] “What is Peacekeeping?”. United Nations, 2011. UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea United Nations conflict resolution global security humanitarian intervention international peace diplomacy UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea What is Peacekeeping United Nations 2011 UN United Nations peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action Cyprus Korea peacekeepers vital work global operations conflict resolution international security humanitarian missions diplomatic efforts UN peacekeeping international disputes military force authorization Kuwait liberation South Korea defense UN peacekeepers Cyprus Korea international security conflict resolution global stability humanitarian missions preventive diplomacy international cooperation UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea United Nations peace resolution global security humanitarian aid conflict resolution international peace diplomatic efforts security council peace enforcement humanitarian intervention global stability international law peace operations peacebuilding post-conflict recovery disarmament preventive diplomacy cross-border conflicts regional stability human rights international cooperation sustainable peace military intervention non-violent conflict resolution global governance international community peace support conflict prevention crisis management UN peacekeeping international disputes military force peaceful resolutions unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea UN action freedom Cyprus Korea vital work United Nations preventing wars service realistic expectations peace negotiations authorised interventions global security international peace conflict resolution humanitarian efforts UN missions stability ceasefire agreements post-conflict support disarmament protection of civilians international law diplomatic solutions regional stability peace enforcement security council resolutions military observers peacebuilding reconciliation governance support human rights monitoring electoral assistance rule of law development aid emergency response UN peacekeeping war prevention international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea resolution conflict stability humanitarian security diplomacy global cooperation UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea freedom UN action peacekeepers Cyprus Korea What is Peacekeeping United Nations 2011 UN peacekeeping preventing wars international disputes military force unprovoked attacks Kuwait South Korea UN action freedom UN peacekeepers Cyprus Korea Peacekeeping mission United Nations effectiveness global security international cooperation conflict resolution humanitarian aid UN history UN achievements international law global governance international relations diplomatic efforts security council peace maintenance UN troops international stability conflict prevention post-conflict reconstruction UN mandates global peace initiatives international peace UN contributions world peace regional conflicts UN operations international community global peacekeeping UN impact UN UN peacekeeping international disputes military force Kuwait South Korea Cyprus Korea conflict prevention UN peacekeepers global security international relations diplomacy peace negotiations UN Charter UN Security Council humanitarian intervention international law UN missions post-conflict stabilization
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con02a	It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, It protects rural communities  People in EU are hard to convince that staying in rural areas and working as a farmer is a viable life choice. The profit is often low, the starting costs are high and work is hard. The income of a farmer is usually around half of the average wage in a given country and the number of these farmers fell by 20% in the last decade. [1] By having CAP we have an additional incentive for the people to stay in villages. The direct payments help the people with the starting of business, subsidies helps them to sell their goods at reasonable prices. The process of urbanisation is at least slowed and that, by extend, helps to preserve traditional culture of such communities and thus diversity of European culture itself.  [1] Murphy, Caitriona, ‘Number of EU farms drops 20pc’, Independent, 29 November 2011, rural communities EU farming CAP Common Agricultural Policy farmer income rural exodus urbanisation European culture diversity agricultural subsidies direct payments starting a farm farming viability traditional culture preservation farmer profits high starting costs hard work farming rural life choice farmer population decline rural communities EU farmers viable life choice profit starting costs work income average wage CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture diversity European culture Murphy Caitriona Independent 2011 rural communities EU farmers CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture European culture farmer income starting costs viability of farming rural exodus agricultural policy farm profitability rural development cultural diversity economic incentives agricultural subsidies farm support rural population decline rural communities EU farmers viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture European culture diversity farm decline Caitriona Murphy Independent 2011 rural communities farming viability EU farmer income CAP incentives direct payments agricultural subsidies urbanization cultural preservation European diversity starting costs farming profits rural depopulation traditional culture rural communities EU farmers viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income average wage CAP incentives direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture European culture diversity number of farmers declining EU farms drop 20% rural communities EU farming viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income average wage decline in farmers CAP incentive direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture cultural diversity European culture farm support rural economy agricultural policy rural communities EU farmers viable life choice low profit high starting costs hard work low income CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture cultural diversity European culture farm reduction economic incentives rural preservation agricultural support policy benefits farmer retention rural communities EU farmers viability farming income starting costs CAP direct payments subsidies urbanisation traditional culture European culture diversity farm profitability farmer incentives rural population decline rural development CAP Common Agricultural Policy farmer income agricultural subsidies rural population urbanization traditional culture agricultural viability farming incentives European farm decline rural economy agricultural support farm sustainability rural lifestyle European cultural diversity
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con04a	Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, Pack labelling or taxation a better alternative  If it’s not enforceable, enforceable solutions ought to be used instead. It would be easier to enforce pack labelling and branding requirements, from larger and clearer health warnings to even brand-free packs. Of course, American-style lawsuits by governments against tobacco manufacturers could be tried, as suggested in Nigeria 1 .  1 IRIN, “NIGERIA: Govt hits tobacco companies with whopping law suit”, irinnews.org, 9 November 2007, pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits government action tobacco manufacturers Nigeria legal measures smoking regulation public health policy tobacco control strategies pack labelling taxation enforcement health warnings brand-free packs lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action Nigeria IRIN tobacco control regulatory measures public health strategies legal approaches Pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action Nigeria IRIN legal measures tobacco control public health policy regulatory enforcement pack labelling tobacco taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government lawsuits tobacco control public health policy regulatory enforcement tobacco industry regulation pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria IRIN government action tobacco control public health policy pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government action tobacco control policy enforcement public health measures pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria lawsuit government action tobacco control policy enforcement public health measures regulatory strategies pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria government action tobacco control policy alternatives public health measures legal strategies enforcement mechanisms pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs lawsuits tobacco manufacturers government action tobacco control policy alternatives public health measures regulatory enforcement legal strategies tobacco litigation Nigeria tobacco lawsuit pack labelling taxation enforceable solutions health warnings brand-free packs American-style lawsuits tobacco manufacturers Nigeria IRIN government action tobacco control policy alternatives public health measures legal strategies
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro07a	Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. Even if atheism was wrong and God did exist His seeming lack of interest and interaction with the Universe as far as humans can perceive means his existence is irrelevant:  It seems as if life goes on whether God exists or not. Theologians, philosophers, and laypeople have been fighting both in academia and on the actual battlefield over the question of God’s existence, yet in all the centuries no definitive answer one way or the other has been given by either side. [1] It seems there is little value to belief one way or the other, so arguing for God’s existence seems simply to be a waste of time. If God were proved to exist, or not to exist, little in life would change at all. Thus a position of atheism serves to relieve the hassle of pointless debate.  [1] Borne, Étienne. 1961. Atheism. New York: Hawthorn Books. atheism theism God existence relevance human perception universe interaction theologians philosophers laypeople debate academia battlefield definitive answer belief value waste of time proof life changes position of atheism Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence irrelevant theologians philosophers debate belief proof life change position relief hassle pointless Borne Étienne 1961 Atheism Hawthorn Books atheism theism God's existence divine interaction human perception relevance of belief theological debate philosophical argument evidence for God value of belief futility of debate atheism benefits Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God's existence irrelevant lack of interest human perception theologians philosophers debate waste of time belief value life changes pointless argument atheism position Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence relevance human perception interaction universe theologians philosophers laypeople academia battlefield debate definitive answer belief value pointless argument proof life change atheism position Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God's existence divine interaction human perception theological debate philosophical discussion academic controversy belief value proof of existence life's consistency pointless argument atheistic stance Étienne Borne religious dispute battlefield conflict secular perspective atheism God existence relevance human perception theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer belief value waste of time pointless debate relieve hassle Étienne Borne Atheism Hawthorn Books 1961 atheism God existence relevance human perception universe theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer value of belief arguing waste of time proof of existence life impact pointless debate Étienne Borne Atheism book atheism God existence irrelevance human perception theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer value of belief waste of time proof of existence life changes pointless debate Étienne Borne Atheism book Hawthorn Books atheism God existence relevance human perception universe theologians philosophers laypeople academic debate battlefield definitive answer belief value waste of time proof life changes pointless debate Étienne Borne 1961 Atheism Hawthorn Books
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-pro01a	The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ The academic tradition of the West  The growth of universities as beacons of free speech has been a fundamental part of their history in the West; notably during the renaissance, reformation and enlightenment. The democratisation of that process with the expansion of the university sector in recent decades is merely the latest stage in an ongoing process.  However, that entire process has been driven (along with the artistic, cultural and scientific changes they have inculcated) on the basis that universities allow for the free exchange of ideas and flourish in environments where that approach is standardised throughout society [i] . Marxist scholars have gone further in calling for a critical pedagogy in which perspectives other than academic orthodoxy are normalised within universities.  Such institutions produce the best graduates because they have the best academics and the best academics will stay where they are free to publish whatever their research is and express their own views. For example in the 1990s 55.7% of those who had immigrated to the USA from the USSR described themselves as academics, scientists, professional or technical workers. [ii] Those academics in turn respect the intellectual tradition of dissent and critical scrutiny of which they are the inheritors. To take something else and slap the name ‘Yale’– or for that matter Oxford, Harvard or ETH Zurich – on it and pretend that nothing has changed devalues the qualification. Without the intellectual dissent and freedom of academic inquiry it is intellectually dishonest to call the degree the same thing.  [i] The Nebraskan. Doug Anderson. Learning depends on the free exchange of ideas, Nebraskan says.  [ii] Harvard, ‘Russians and East Europeans in America’ academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual honesty qualification devaluation Russians East Europeans USA immigration academics scientists professional workers Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich academic tradition western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment university expansion democratisation free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates academic freedom research publication intellectual dissent critical scrutiny academic immigration USA USSR intellectual tradition degree devaluation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich learning Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard study academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation academic inquiry Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich Russian academics East European academics USA immigration academic freedom research publication academic respect intellectual heritage academic tradition western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics academic freedom publish research intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree value intellectual honesty academic inquiry learning Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR immigrants professional workers technical workers Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny academic inquiry degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans Harvard USSR immigration academics scientists professional workers academic tradition universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas Marxist scholars critical pedagogy best graduates academic orthodoxy intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty academic inquiry Russians East Europeans USA USSR academics scientists professional workers Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny qualification devaluation intellectual dishonesty academic inquiry Russian immigrants USA USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich academic tradition West universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny intellectual dishonesty degree devaluation Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans USA USSR academics scientists professional workers academic tradition West universities free speech history renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy Marxist scholars academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research publication intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual dishonesty Yale Oxford Harvard ETH Zurich Nebraskan Doug Anderson Russians East Europeans USA USSR Harvard study academic tradition Western universities free speech renaissance reformation enlightenment democratisation university sector free exchange of ideas critical pedagogy academic orthodoxy best graduates best academics research freedom intellectual tradition dissent critical scrutiny degree devaluation intellectual honesty Russian academics East European academics immigration USA USSR Harvard Yale Oxford ETH Zurich
test-international-eiahwpamu-con03a	Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. Debt cycles and the curse of microfinance  Microfinance is incorporating free market ideologies and subprime (lending to those who may not be able to repay) lending at a smaller scale. Unstable crises’ form as a result, and debt is intensified for the poorest - of which are given access to credit they are not able to repay. This is a problem with all lending, microfinance is no exception.  In India the pressures of microfinance repayment has become linked to suicide and early mortality (Biswas, 2010). The stress of looking for microcredit, and then how to pay it back, has created a crisis within the microfinance industry. Regulation is required on the microfinance organisation: controlling the distribution of credit and the use of threats if the individual defaults. debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises intensified debt poverty credit access lending risks regulation credit distribution default threats microfinance stress repayment pressure India microfinance suicide early mortality Biswas 2010 microcredit crisis microfinance industry microfinance regulation debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty credit access lending risks microfinance problems India microfinance repayment pressure suicide early mortality microcredit stress microfinance crisis regulation credit distribution control default threats debt cycles microfinance subprime lending poverty credit access repayment stress financial crises regulation microcredit India suicide early mortality Biswas 2010 credit distribution threat of default debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification poverty lending practices credit access repayment pressures suicide early mortality microcredit stress microfinance industry crisis regulation credit distribution default threats free market ideologies debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressures suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access repayment pressure India suicide early mortality regulation microcredit default threats financial regulation microfinance industry crisis debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises debt intensification lending practices credit access poverty repayment pressures India microcredit suicide early mortality microfinance regulation credit distribution default threats debt cycles microfinance free market ideologies subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending risks microcredit repayment pressure suicide early mortality regulation credit distribution default threats microfinance industry crisis Biswas 2010 debt cycles microfinance subprime lending credit access poverty lending regulation financial crises microcredit repayment suicide early mortality India Biswas 2010 credit distribution default threats Debt cycles microfinance subprime lending unstable crises poverty credit access lending practices microcredit repayment pressure India suicide early mortality financial regulation credit distribution default threats microfinance industry Biswas 2010
test-environment-ehwsnwu-con01a	Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground Nuclear Storage is Expensive.  Underground nuclear storage is expensive. This is because the deep geological repositories needed to deal with such waste are difficult to construct. This is because said repositories need to be 300m underground and also need failsafe systems so that they can be sealed off should there be a leak. For smaller countries, implementing this idea is almost completely impossible.  Further, the maintenance of the facilities also requires a lot of long term investment as the structural integrity of the facilities must consistently be monitored and maintained so that if there is a leak, the relevant authorities can be informed quickly and efficiently.  This is seen with the Yucca mountain waste repository site which has cost billions of dollars since the 1990s and was eventually halted due to public fears about nuclear safety. [1]  [1] ISN Security Watch. “Europe’s Nuclear Waste Storage Problems.” Oilprice.com 01/06/2010 Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulty failsafe systems 300m depth small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears cost billions of dollars 1990s Europe nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems 300m depth small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca Mountain nuclear waste public fears nuclear safety Europe storage problems billions of dollars 1990s halted due to concerns underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m underground failsafe systems leak containment small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance Yucca mountain nuclear safety public fears cost billions of dollars halted project Europe nuclear waste storage problems Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties failsafe systems 300m underground small countries limitations long-term investment structural integrity maintenance monitoring leak detection Yucca mountain nuclear safety concerns public fears billions of dollars halted project Europe's nuclear waste storage problems underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulty failsafe systems small countries long-term maintenance structural integrity leak detection Yucca Mountain public safety concerns nuclear waste management Europe's nuclear waste storage problems cost implications billion-dollar projects decades-long projects halted projects environmental impact regulatory challenges technological advancements safety protocols international comparisons radioactive waste nuclear energy policy-making public opinion environmental advocacy government spending infrastructure development geological challenges engineering solutions risk assessment long-term planning sustainable practices energy policies waste disposal methods nuclear industry global perspectives Underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulties 300m underground failsafe systems smaller countries implementation challenges long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca Mountain public fears nuclear safety Europe's nuclear waste storage ISN Security Watch Oilprice.com underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories 300m underground failsafe systems small countries long-term investment structural integrity Yucca Mountain billions of dollars public fears nuclear safety Europe's nuclear waste storage problems ISN Security Watch oilprice.com 2010 underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulty 300m underground failsafe systems small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears billion-dollar costs 1990s Europe nuclear waste storage problems deep geological repositories difficult construction 300m underground failsafe systems small countries long-term investment structural integrity maintenance leak detection Yucca mountain public fears nuclear safety Europe nuclear waste storage problems underground nuclear storage deep geological repositories construction difficulty 300m depth failsafe systems sealing leaks small countries implementation challenges long-term investment structural integrity maintenance monitoring Yucca Mountain nuclear safety public fears billions of dollars 1990s Europe nuclear waste storage problems
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro01a	The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, The head of state/government must be accountable to the people  Secrecy in relation to the leader’s health shows a distrust or distain of the electorate. Not being open about health issues almost invariably means that the administration is lying to those who elected them, those who they are accountable to. A couple of days before John Atta Mills died Nii Lantey Vanderpuye a candidate for Mills’ party stated “He [Mills] is stronger and healthier than any presidential candidate”, information that in retrospect was clearly untrue. 1  1 Takyi-Boadu, Charles, ‘Confusion Hits Mills’, Modern Ghana, 21 July 2012, accountability transparency health leader electorate trust misleading presidential candidate Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye administration Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu Secrecy distain lying open health issues death confusion stronger healthier untrue retrospective accountability head of state government transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit presidential candidates health misinformation John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye political ethics governance integrity public health disclosure accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit health disclosure presidential health Mills Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Ghana politics public health information political candidates electoral accountability health secrecy political ethics government honesty public right to know political leadership scrutiny head of state government accountability leader's health public trust electoral responsibility transparency in leadership health secrecy political deceit presidential health Mills' health controversy Nii Lantey Vanderpuye John Atta Mills political statements health misinformation electoral integrity leadership ethics public deception accountability in governance political honesty health transparency accountability transparency leader's health public trust electoral responsibility political deceit Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye health secrecy presidential candidates Modern Ghana accountability transparency health secrecy leader's health public trust election presidential candidates misinformation political accountability public health governance electoral process Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency health leader electorate trust deception presidential candidate Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency health secrecy leader's health distrust electorate lying presidential candidate John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu political ethics public trust governance health disclosure political accountability democracy leadership integrity accountability transparency health leadership electorate distrust deception presidential candidates John Atta Mills Nii Lantey Vanderpuye Modern Ghana Charles Takyi-Boadu accountability transparency health leadership trust electorate deception presidential candidates Mills Vanderpuye Modern Ghana
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con01a	If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. If this work had been an attack on Mohammed it would never have been broadcast, the BBC is applying double standards.  A week before the broadcast of the opera, protest by Sikhs in Birmingham about the play Bezthi by the Birmingham Rep, brought the show to a close. Like many organisations, the BBC panics when it believes it has caused offence to some religions and yet Christianity – by far the world’s most populous and diverse creed [i] - is routinely ignored or expected to ‘take it on the chin.  Christian symbols and imagery are routinely profaned by major broadcasters, publishers and others in a way that would simply not be tolerated if they were directed at ‘minority’ faiths in the UK.  Article Four (4) of the BBC’s charter [ii] stipulates quite clearly that all of the UK’s communities should be reflected in all of its activities. Despite this the interests of the community that is represented by the established church of the country, headed by the monarch, receives the least support or consideration from the institution.  [i]   [ii] BBC Charter. BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offense broadcasting censorship Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi Christian symbols religious diversity BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community representation profanity media bias religious imagery BBC Mohammed double standards Sikhs Birmingham Bezthi protest Christianity Christian symbols profanity media bias religious representation BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community reflection religious offense broadcasting standards minority faiths UK religions BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offences broadcasting regulations Sikh protests Birmingham Rep Bezthi Christian symbols religious tolerance BBC Charter Article Four established church community representation media bias religious diversity UK faiths profanity public broadcasting BBC double standards religious sensitivity Christianity Mohammed Sikhs Birmingham Rep Bezthi protest religious offense Christian symbols profanation media bias Article Four BBC Charter established church monarch community representation BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious offence broadcasting Sikh protest Bezthi Birmingham Rep Christian symbols profanation minority faiths BBC Charter Article 4 established church monarch BBC Mohammed double standards Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi Christianity Christian symbols religious offence BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community representation media bias religious profanity broadcasting standards religious diversity minority faiths offensive content BBC double standards Mohammed attack broadcast Sikhs Birmingham protest Bezthi Birmingham Rep Christianity profaned religious imagery minority faiths BBC Charter Article Four UK communities established church monarch support consideration BBC double standards Mohammed Christianity religious bias broadcasting regulations Sikh protests Bezthi Birmingham Rep religious offense Christian symbols profanation media representation Article Four BBC Charter religious communities established church monarch media scrutiny faiths in UK BBC double standards religious bias Mohammed Christianity Sikhs Birmingham Rep Bezthi Christian symbols profanity minority faiths BBC Charter Article Four established church monarch community representation offence broadcast regulations religious offences media scrutiny religious equality BBC double standards Mohammed Sikh protest Birmingham Rep Bezthi Christianity religious offence Christian symbols profanity minority faiths BBC charter community representation established church monarch broadcasting standards religious diversity UK communities media bias cultural sensitivity
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro04a	No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, No one will ever actually look at the information  If the concern is privacy then there really should be little concern at all because there is safety in numbers. The NSA and other intelligence services don’t have the time or motivation to be tracking down all of our foibles. [1] If the intelligence agencies are watching everyone then they clearly do not have the personnel to be watching the actual communications. Instead certain things or patterns will raise alarm bells and a tiny number will be investigated more closely.  [1] Walt, Stephen M., ‘The real threat behind the NSA surveillance programs’, Foreign Policy, 10 June 2013, privacy surveillance NSA intelligence services safety in numbers communication tracking personnel limitations pattern recognition investigation Walt Stephen M NSA surveillance programs Foreign Policy threat assessment privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services tracking communications surveillance alarm bells investigation Walt Foreign Policy 2013 privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance personnel communication tracking patterns investigation Walt Stephen M. Foreign Policy threat surveillance programs privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services tracking communications patterns investigation personnel surveillance Walt Foreign Policy NSA privacy intelligence services surveillance safety in numbers communication tracking threat Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance tracking communications patterns investigation personnel Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy NSA surveillance programs real threat foibles privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance communication tracking personnel limitations pattern recognition investigative focus Walt Stephen M NSA surveillance programs Foreign Policy privacy safety in numbers NSA intelligence services surveillance communication tracking personnel limitations pattern recognition investigation Walt Stephen M Foreign Policy NSA surveillance programs real threat public concern privacy issues government monitoring intelligence gathering mass surveillance digital privacy online security privacy surveillance NSA intelligence services safety in numbers personnel limitations communication tracking pattern recognition investigation Walt Stephen M NSA surveillance programs Foreign Policy privacy surveillance NSA intelligence agencies safety in numbers personnel communication tracking patterns alarm bells investigation Walt Stephen M. Foreign Policy 2013
test-economy-thsptr-pro03a	The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. The state should promote the efficient distribution of income in order to maximize the utility derived by society from its economic resources  All goods suffer from diminishing marginal utility, and this includes money. The more money someone, the less happy they are made from each successive addition of wealth after a certain point. One might be able to buy a second car or a second house with extra money, but eventually one runs out of things one particularly wants to buy or own. [1] When wealth is unevenly distributed in society, the wealth of society is inefficiently distributed. The aim of the state must be to attempt to maximize the aggregate utility of its citizens insofar as it is able without damaging the economy. With progressive taxation, wealth is effectively reallocated to poorer people, who gain more utility than the wealthy lose in the process. The state has a right to do this not only because it generates a more efficient distribution of income than the market does, but also because income is partly a collective good. [2] Ownership rights to property and the ability to expand them is only possible within the framework of the state; thus the state can make a moral ownership claim to some of the products of the services it provides, and does so most effectively through the mechanism of progressive taxation.  [1] Thune, Kent. “The Diminishing Marginal Utility of Wealth”. The Financial Philosopher. 2008. Available:   [2] Weisbrod, Burton. Public Interest Law: An Economic and Institutional Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1978. state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources goods diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth inefficient progressive taxation reallocation poorer people aggregate moral ownership property public interest law economic institutional analysis state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources goods diminishing marginal utility money happiness wealth inequality inefficient aggregate progressive taxation poorer people moral ownership property collective good framework services economic analysis public interest law state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness progressive taxation reallocate poorer people aggregate utility economy moral ownership property rights public interest economic analysis efficient distribution income societal utility economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth redistribution aggregate utility progressive taxation market inefficiency collective good ownership rights property state intervention moral claim public interest state promote efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness economic inequality aggregate utility citizens progressive taxation reallocate poorer people moral ownership property rights public interest economic analysis institutional analysis progressive taxation wealth redistribution diminishing marginal utility aggregate utility efficient distribution of income state intervention economic resources public interest collective good property rights market inefficiency moral ownership economic policy social welfare state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility market collective good ownership rights property moral claim public interest economic analysis state efficient distribution income maximize utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility economy collective good ownership rights property moral claim public interest economic analysis institutional analysis progressive taxation income distribution utility maximization diminishing marginal utility wealth reallocation economic efficiency collective good ownership rights public interest law economic resources social utility state intervention property rights market inefficiency moral claim economic philosophy financial philosophy wealth inequality societal wealth tax policy economic justice public economics state efficient distribution income utility society economic resources diminishing marginal utility wealth happiness progressive taxation poorer people aggregate utility economy moral ownership property rights public interest economic analysis institutional analysis
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con03a	Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. Teachers can be essential in supervising cyberspace.  Social media has become the primary way in which children interact with their peers. These interactions are largely unsupervised by any adult, and yet they have a fundamental impact on the development of the children involved. Adolescents use social networking websites to gage peer opinion about themselves which may subsequently influence identity formation [1] . With so much cyber bullying happening on such websites, and postings of inappropriate behaviour that may later surface to affect a student’s chances of getting into college or getting a job, it would be useful to have a teacher supervise these interactions to make sure no harm comes to the children involved.  [1] Pempek, Yermolayeva, and Calvert. ”College students social networking experiences on facebook.” Journal of Applied Developmental Pshychology. Vol. 30. 2009. teachers supervising cyberspace social media children peers unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking websites peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college job harm interaction online supervision digital literacy internet safety youth online behavior educational technology student well-being online presence digital footprints teacher involvement online community virtual supervision adolescent psychology online etiquette digital citizenship online harassment peer influence teacher roles online safety education youth development online engagement responsible use digital monitoring teacher responsibilities online interaction teachers supervision cyberspace social media children interactions unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college job postings harm online safety digital literacy educational oversight online monitoring teachers supervising cyberspace social media children peers unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college job teacher supervision harm digital footprint online safety adolescent psychology educational technology online interactions digital citizenship Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook applied developmental psychology teachers supervising cyberspace social media peer interaction unsupervised adult supervision child development identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teenage social networking Facebook adolescent online behavior digital footprint teacher monitoring online safety youth digital environment Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert teachers cyberspace supervision social media peer interaction adult supervision child development identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job prospects adolescent social networking Facebook Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert developmental psychology online safety digital citizenship educational technology youth online behavior teacher involvement online mentoring student well-being cyber guidance adolescent psychology internet safety peer influence social skills online ethics digital footprint educational supervision virtual communities youth culture online environment teacher responsibility digital literacy online monitoring student supervision cyber wellness teachers supervising cyberspace social media children peers unsupervised adult fundamental impact development adolescents social networking peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behaviour college job teacher supervision harm Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook interaction online safety digital citizenship youth online behavior educational technology teachers supervision cyberspace social media peer interaction unsupervised adult impact development children adolescents social networking identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert Facebook teachers supervision cyberspace social media children interactions unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking websites peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities online safety digital footprint mentorship online behavior educational responsibility digital citizenship online supervision adolescent psychology social development online environment teacher involvement online interactions student well-being digital supervision teachers supervision cyberspace social media children peers unsupervised adult impact development adolescents social networking websites peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities teacher involvement online safety digital citizenship Pempek Yermolayeva Calvert college students Facebook developmental psychology teachers supervision cyberspace social media children interactions unsupervised adult development adolescents social networking websites peer opinion identity formation cyber bullying inappropriate behavior college admissions job opportunities online safety digital footprint educational technology adolescent psychology online interactions teacher involvement digital citizenship online behavior internet safety youth protection social media impact child development online supervision educational supervision digital age peer relationships online environment teacher role adolescent issues online community digital wellness internet monitoring school involvement online education digital literacy social media usage
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro03a	People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. People will have less information about politicians’ manifestos and ideas.  Celebrity endorsement distracts those who normally provide information to voters. Newspapers, blogs and other online media all have limited space, and, because celebrities sell, will use that space showing who is supporting whom, rather than covering debate about a politician’s policies and ideas.  Though the presence of celebrities may actually give the masses more avenue to relate to electoral processes, the fact still stands that in status quo people are more interested in the activities of their favorite celebrities which will thus blot out the candidates themselves. When voters see celebrity endorsements they are no longer thinking about how these future politicians can make an impact on their lives. In some cases the celebrity may help show the platform of policies the candidate is standing on but most of the time they are simply taking airtime from more in depth analysis. What is worse when wooing celebrities becomes important for politicians the politicians themselves have less time to formulate and articulate their policies.  This is detrimental to the democratic process. People having less information than they would otherwise impairs their ability to make an informed choice about how they would like to vote. A prohibition on celebrity interference in political debate would remove this obscuring effect.  All of the above adds to the depoliticisation of politics. If the celebrity endorsement continues to thrive, younger generations will disengage with the important political issues at hand. Instead of learning about the fundamental issues surrounding their country, they will be exposed to party tactics that are of no use to their political development. celebrity endorsement political manifestos voter information media space policy debate electoral processes voter engagement political impact celebrity influence political policies democratic process informed voting depoliticisation younger generations political development celebrity endorsement political debate voter information media coverage policy analysis democratic process voter engagement political development depoliticisation electoral processes politician's policies informed voting younger generations political disengagement fundamental issues party tactics celebrity endorsement political debate voter information policy analysis democratic process informed choice political engagement younger generations depoliticisation election coverage media space candidate policies electoral processes celebrity influence political development celebrity endorsement voter information political manifestos media coverage electoral processes celebrity activities voter decision-making policy articulation democratic process informed voting political disengagement younger generations political development party tactics fundamental issues celebrity interference depoliticisation of politics celebrity endorsement political manifestos voter information media coverage political policies democratic process informed voting depoliticisation youth engagement political development celebrity endorsement voter information political manifestos media coverage policy debate democratic process informed voting political engagement younger generations party tactics political development depoliticisation electoral processes candidate platforms airtime analysis celebrity activities politician impact prohibition status quo fundamental issues celebrity endorsement voter information media coverage policy debate political engagement democratic process informed voting depoliticisation younger generations political development celebrity endorsement, political debate, voter information, manifesto, policies, media coverage, distraction, democratic process, depoliticisation, younger generations, political engagement, informed voting, airtime, celebrity influence, policy formulation, electoral processes, disengagement, fundamental issues, party tactics,ową celebrity endorsement voter information political debate manifesto policies media coverage democratic process informed choice depoliticisation political engagement younger generations election campaign tactics celebrity influence electoral processes political development airtime in-depth analysis public interest candidate focus celebrity endorsement voter information media coverage political policies democratic process informed voting depoliticisation younger generations political engagement party tactics
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con02a	Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Investment  Tourism should be relied upon for economic growth as it attracts significant foreign investment. Tourism is the largest form of foreign currency income, with around £728 million being produced by external visitors in 20121. Attracting Europeans, who have relatively large disposable incomes, has been a prominent tactic of the industry with favourable results. It is estimated that Europeans account for 95% of all overnight stays in Tunisia2. The other major sectors of services and agriculture do not inspire foreign investment of this magnitude.  1) Khalifa,A. ‘Foreign direct investment and tourism receipts pick back up in Tunisia’, Global Arab Network, 7 October 2012  2) Choyakh,H. ‘Modelling Tourism Demand in Tunisia Using Cointegration and Error Correction Models’ pg.71 Foreign investment economic growth tourism income foreign currency Europeans disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia services sector agriculture sector FDI tourism receipts cointegration error correction models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Foreign Direct Investment Services Agriculture Economic Sectors Cointegration Error Correction Models Tourist Demand Modelling Economic Analysis Khalifa Choyakh Global Arab Network Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models foreign direct investment economic growth tourism receipts foreign currency income European tourists disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia cointegration error correction models service sector agriculture sector investment magnitude Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models investment tourism economic growth foreign investment foreign currency income external visitors Europeans disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia services agriculture foreign direct investment tourism receipts cointegration error correction models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income External Visitors Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Major Sectors Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Tourism Receipts Cointegration Error Correction Models Investment Tourism Economic Growth Foreign Investment Foreign Currency Income Europeans Disposable Incomes Overnight Stays Tunisia Services Agriculture Foreign Direct Investment Cointegration Error Correction Models Foreign direct investment economic growth tourism receipts foreign currency income European visitors disposable incomes overnight stays Tunisia Cointegration Error Correction Models major sectors services agriculture investment attraction significant investment tourist demand global economics Arab network financial inflows visitor economy cultural tourism economic indicators financial analysis tourism industry economic development regional economics investment strategies tourist markets economic impact visitor spending investment opportunities international tourism economic activities tourism statistics financial support economic benefits tourism trends economic policies investment flows economic growth drivers tourism contribution foreign investment
test-free-speech-debate-fchbjaj-pro03a	There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. There is a difference between actual journalists and those who like having their names published in newspapers. Assange has far more claim to the description than many of them.  One of the things that the Leveson Inquiry [1] has made all too apparent is that simply working for a newspaper or broadcaster is not a satisfactory definition of journalist. In terms of maintaining a professional ethic, the difference between those who hacked into phones – including that of murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler – and the journalists who broke the story, Nick Davies and Amelia Hill [2] could not be starker. Equally many popular blogs that focus exclusively on opinion or areas of news far more specialist than has traditionally been considered the role of the daily media.  A more useful definition, it would seem, relates more to the ethics and aims of the individual or organisation involved. This has the advantage of ruling out those organisations devoted to advertising (such as listings magazines or shopping channels) or those focused purely on entertainment.  A Journalist should therefore have a commitment to revealing and disseminating information that is held by those with power to those over whom they wield that power. This means that the journalist gains access to information through various sources and then publicises that information as a story. Anonymous sources such as those used by Assange are a key part of journalism with many of the biggest stories such as Watergate only being published because of anonymity. [3]  By such a definition, Assange would clearly qualify [4] . This was clearly felt to be the case by the New York Times, the Guardian, Le Monde and others who reprinted his original material and drew conclusions from it. It would come as something of a surprise to such publications to discover they were not staffed by journalists.  [1] For a link to the inquiry’s website, click here  [2] The Guardian. “Missing MIlly Dowler’s Voicemail was Hack by News of the World”. Nick Davies and Amelia Hill. 5 July 2011.  [3] Myers, Steve, ‘Study: Use of anonymous sources peaked in 1970s, dropped by 2008’, Poynter.org, 9 August 2011,   [4] The Spectator. “Yes, Julian Assange is a Journalist”. Alex Massie. 2 November 2010. journalists Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media ethics aims power information anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism journalism journalists ethics professional news media Julian Assange WikiLeaks Leveson Inquiry phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism definition commitment revealing information disseminating information power dynamics media ethics professional ethics journalism standards news media media studies journalism studies media ethics professional journalism investigative journalism news organizations media roles news dissemination journalism practice media criticism media regulation media accountability journalism ethics news journalists Assange Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler blogs media definition ethics aims advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde Julian Assange journalism journalist actual journalists published names Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media professional ethic advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde Julian Assange Alex Massie Spectator journalists newspapers Assange Leveson Inquiry professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill blogs opinion specialist news daily media ethics aims advertising entertainment revealing information power publicising anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism commitment access to information Julian Assange Alex Massie Spectator journalist ethics professional definition Assange Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill phone hacking Millie Dowler blogs media commitment information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalist qualification publication staff ethics and aims information dissemination power structures anonymous sources importance storytelling journalism standards professional ethic opinion specialist news daily media advertising entertainment revealing information publicising journalism commitment power dynamics source access story publication Assange qualification media reprints investigative journalism 新闻业 journalists Assange Leveson Inquiry Nick Davies Amelia Hill ethics professional ethic phone hacking Millie Dowler blogs media daily media advertising entertainment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism definition commitment information access publicising information anonymous sources study Poynter Spectator Alex Massie journalists Assange Leveson Inquiry ethics professional ethic phone hacking Nick Davies Amelia Hill Millie Dowler blogs daily media commitment revealing information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde journalism definition staffed by journalists Spectator Alex Massie journalism ethics professional Assange Leveson Inquiry phone hacking Nick Davies Amelia Hill Millie Dowler blogs opinion media advertising entertainment information power anonymous sources Watergate New York Times Guardian Le Monde Spectator Alex Massie journalism journalists ethics professional ethic phone hacking murdered schoolgirl Millie Dowler Nick Davies Amelia Hill Leveson Inquiry opinion blogs daily media advertising entertainment power information sources anonymity Watergate Julian Assange New York Times Guardian Le Monde Spectator Alex Massie
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-pro01a	Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Collisions are exciting and fun to watch.  Baseball is a form of entertainment, and few plays are as entertaining as bang-bang plays (a close call on whether the runner is thrown out) at the plate. As a sport that’s often criticized for being too slow and boring—“baseball has no clock,” the saying goes [1] —it’s important that it hold onto perhaps the most dramatic, vivid play it has to offer. One columnist described it this way: “When [collisions] do occur, they’re exciting. We watch to see how well the catcher blocks the plate, how hard the runner slides, and whether the catcher can hold the ball. As dangerous as that play may be, it’s exciting to watch.” [2]  Other sports—like American football, ice hockey, and rugby—feature plenty of violent hits. Baseball has so few of them that when they do happen, they are doubly entertaining. It is just not necessary for baseball to prohibit a small dose of something that is extremely common in other sports.  [1] William Deresiewicz, “Metaphors We Play By,” American Scholar, June 6, 2011,  .  [2] Nick Cafardo, “Let’s keep rule change off our plate, please,” Boston Globe, May 29, 2011,  . Baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays exciting dramatic catcher runner slides safety American football ice hockey rugby violent hits rule change prohibition sports comparisons fan engagement game dynamics traditional plays baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays plate catcher runner excitement sport violence American football ice hockey rugby hits prohibition rule change safety drama excitement in sports spectator appeal game dynamics slow pace captivating plays fan engagement traditional plays sports criticism cultural significance rule enforcement athlete protection competitive edge strategic elements game evolution audience reaction media commentary sportsmanship fan experience traditional sport values safety concerns physicality in sports collision sports baseball plays sports entertainment viewer excitement sports rules game integrity collisions bang-bang plays baseball entertainment excitement catcher runner plate blocking sliding violent hits American football ice hockey rugby rule change safety drama sports criticism slow pace vivid plays prohibition entertainment value baseball collisions bang-bang plays entertainment excitement catcher runner plate violent hits American football ice hockey rugby safety rule changes sport dynamics dramatic plays slow and boring spectator appeal Deresiewicz Cafardo baseball collisions bang-bang plays entertainment catcher runner plate excitement safety violence sports American football ice hockey rugby rule change drama vivid play entertainment value critics boredom speed excitement in sports prohibition common practices game dynamics fan engagement athletic competition sports criticism sports journalism William Deresiewicz Nick Cafardo American Scholar Boston Globe baseball collisions excitement entertainment bang-bang plays catcher runner dramatic plays sports violence American football ice hockey rugby rule changes safety game pace spectator interest traditional plays athletic competition sports criticism baseball timing violent hits play prohibition sports rules fan engagement baseball dynamics athlete safety sports entertainment value baseball tradition game excitement sports injury competitive sports baseball controversy physical contact in sports sports governance athlete protection sports debate baseball plays sports ethics competition intensity sports spectacle baseball entertainment sports culture baseball history sports baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays catcher runner plate excitement danger American football ice hockey rugby violent hits rule change sports comparison audience appeal game dynamics safety concerns traditional elements dramatic moments play excitement baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays plate catcher runner excitement violence sports American football ice hockey rugby hits prohibition rule change baseball collisions entertainment bang-bang plays excitement catcher runner plate drama violent hits American football ice hockey rugby rule change safety sport criticism entertainment value prohibition sports comparison baseball collisions excitement entertainment bang-bang plays catcher plate runner slides violent hits American football ice hockey rugby rule change safety drama sport criticism pace excitement factor prohibition violence in sports
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro01a	The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 The decision not to hold a referendum directly ignores the wishes of the people and is therefore undemocratic.  The Lisbon Treaty and the Constitution have 96% of the same text. Former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who wrote the original EU Constitution, has publicly stated that the Lisbon Treaty is essentially the same as the proposed Constitution [1]. The decision from countries not to hold referendums in 2007 that they had previously agreed to is a flagrant disregard for the wishes of the people. Moreover the decision to ratify the Lisbon Treaty through national parliaments in France and the Netherlands where the 2004 Treaty was rejected in popular vote demonstrates that the decision not to hold referendums was in the fear that they would be rejected when put to the people. Any decision that is forced through parliament in the fear that it would fail when opened to the citizens of that country lacks legitimacy.  [1] Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution’, The Independent (30 October 2007), viewed on 13 June 2011 referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands 2004 Treaty popular vote legitimacy citizens parliament referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaung EU Constitution national parliaments popular vote legitimacy citizens flagrant disregard wishes of the people ratification 2007 2004 Treaty France Netherlands forced through parliament rejected referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands ratification popular vote legitimacy citizen decision parliamentary decision public opinion democratic process European Union treaty rejection political legitimacy democratic legitimacy EU decision-making public referendum people's wishes government accountability democratic principles citizens' rights popular sovereignty EU governance constitutional reform democratic deficit European integration public trust political representation European democracy treaty implementation direct democracy representative democracy democratic accountability citizen participation political transparency referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments popular vote legitimacy flagrant disregard people’s wishes treaty ratification democratic process political decision-making European Union public opinion referendum rejection parliamentary approval citizen’s rights governance transparency referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments public opinion legitimacy popular vote democratic process political decision-making citizen rights treaty ratification European Union democratic legitimacy people's wishes referendums 2007 France Netherlands 2004 Treaty rejection Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d'Estaing referendum undemocratic popular vote national parliaments legitimacy EU 96% same text flagrant disregard people's wishes 2004 Treaty 2007 referendums forced through parliament fear of rejection citizens' rights European Union democratic process political legitimacy public opinion institutional reform European Constitution European integration national sovereignty democratic deficit legislative process treaty ratification public trust political representation European governance citizens' involvement direct democracy referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands 2004 Treaty popular vote legitimacy public wishes disregard citizens political decision-making European Union democratic process treaty ratification political legitimacy referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution 96% same text Valéry Giscard d’Estaung EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands 2004 Treaty popular vote legitimacy citizens parliament rejected public statement The Independent 2007 2011 referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU national parliaments legitimacy popular vote citizens referendum undemocratic Lisbon Treaty Constitution Valéry Giscard d’Estaing EU Constitution national parliaments France Netherlands legitimacy public wishes popular vote citizens decision-making European Union political legitimacy democratic process treaty ratification public opinion referendum rejection government accountability European integration direct democracy representative democracy political science international relations European politics constitutional law treaty law democratic theory civil rights political participation European citizens national sovereignty European governance EU law political institutions referendums voter turnout constitutional reform political
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro02a	Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. Suicide is a selfish act that causes suffering to others  Suicide is an entirely selfish act that causes immense pain and suffering for those loved ones that are left behind. It is also cowardly; rather than facing your problems and being strong, you instead take the easy way out and kill yourself. It is important, therefore, to instil a strong sense of responsibility to one’s family and for one’s affairs and to do this by punishing those who try and fail to perpetrate this selfish and cowardly act. suicide selfish suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt mental health emotional impact social stigma support systems prevention counseling therapy crisis intervention awareness compassion understanding empathy ethical considerations legal implications suicide selfish act suffering loved ones cowardly facing problems instil responsibility family punishment failed attempts mental health emotional impact societal views ethical considerations suicide selfishness suffering loved ones cowardice problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempts moral implications emotional impact societal views mental health support systems prevention strategies ethical considerations legal consequences psychological effects interpersonal relationships community response stigma compassion understanding mental well-being suicide selfish act causes suffering loved ones immense pain cowardly facing problems easy way out strong sense of responsibility family affairs punish failed attempts perpetrate mental health societal impact emotional trauma legal consequences ethical considerations prevention strategies support systems stigma understanding compassion psychological distress crisis intervention life value consequences of suicide emotional well-being community response survivor support public health education awareness intervention methods mental illness coping mechanisms resilience therapy counseling emotional support self-harm impulsivity decision-making moral suicide selfish suffering loved ones pain cowardly problems responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempt suicide selfish act immense pain suffering loved ones cowardly facing problems strong easy way out kill yourself responsibility family affairs punishing failed attempt selfish cowardly act suicide selfish suffering loved ones pain problems strength responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempts cowardly instilling values mental health support prevention stigma understanding empathy consequences impact emotional trauma coping mechanisms societal pressure intervention help-seeking behavior selfish suicide suffering loved ones cowardly problems responsibility family affairs punishment failed attempts mental health societal impact moral judgment emotional pain legal consequences ethical considerations psychological distress stigma prevention strategies support systems crisis intervention mental illness compassion understanding medical perspective community response personal choice consequences therapeutic approaches public health awareness education empathy judgment survivor support therapeutic alliance mental wellness coping mechanisms resilience vulnerability supportive care suicide prevention mental health resources crisis services emotional support bereavement suicide notes suicide selfishness suffering loved ones cowardice problems strength responsibility family punishment failed attempts mental health societal impact moral arguments ethical considerations suicide selfishness suffering loved ones pain cowardice responsibility family punishment failed attempts mental health societal impact ethical considerations emotional trauma survivor guilt stigmatization psychological effects coping mechanisms prevention strategies support systems
test-free-speech-debate-ldhwbmclg-con03a	A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. A ban will further marginalise young members of impoverished communities  Hip hop is an extremely diverse musical genre. Surprisingly, this diversity has evolved from highly minimal series of musical principles. At its most basic, raping consists of nothing more than rhyming verses that are delivered to a beat. This simplicity reflects the economically marginalised communities that hip hop emerged from. All that anyone requires in order to learn how to rap, or to participate in hip hop culture, is a pen, some paper and possibly a disc of breaks – the looped drum and bass lines that are used to time rap verses. Thanks to its highly social aspect, hip hop continues to function as an accessible form of creative expression for members of some of impoverished communities in both the west and elsewhere in the world.  Point 7 suggests that free speech flourishes when we respect believers but are not forced to respect their beliefs. Free Speech Debate discusses this principle in the light of religious belief and religious expression. However, it is also relevant when we consider how our appraisal of an individual’s background, culture and values affects our willingness to accept or dismiss what she says.  The positive case for banning- or at least condemning- hip hop often rests on its ability to reinforce the negative stereotypes of impoverished and marginalised communities that are propagated by majority communities. Critics of hip hop note that black men have often been stigmatised as violent, uncivilised and predatory. They claim that many hip hop artists cultivate a purposefully brutal and misogynist persona. The popularity of hip hop reflects the acceptance of this stereotype, and further entrenches discrimination against young black men. This line of thinking portrays hip hop artists as betrayers or exploiters of their communities, reinforcing damaging stereotypes and convincing adolescents that a violent rejection of mainstream society is a way to achieve material success.  Arguments of this type fail to recognise the depth of nuance and meaning that words and word-play can convey. They are predicated on an assumption that the consumers of hip hop engage with it in a simplistic and uncritical way. In short, such arguments see hip hop fans as being simple minded and easily influenced. This perspective neglects the “recognition respect”, the recognition of equality and inherent dignity that is owed to all contributors of a debate. Moreover, it also bars us from properly assessing the “appraisal respect” owed to the content of hip hop and other controversial musical genres. When hip hop is seen as being inherently harmful, and as being targeted at an especially impressionable and vulnerable part of society, we both demean members of that group and prevent robust discussion of rap lyrics themselves. Academics such as John McWhorter see only the advocacy of violence and nihilism in lyrics such as  “You grow in the ghetto, living second rate/ and your eyes will sing a song of deep hate”.  But these are words that can also be interpreted as astute observation on the brutality that is bred by social exclusion. In point of fact, there is little in the previous verse, or those that follow it,  “You’ll admire all the numberbook takers/ thugs, pimps and pushers, and the big money makers”,  that could be interpreted as permitting, popularising or endorsing violence. That is, unless the individual reading the verse had already concluded that its intended audience lacked his own critical perspective and understanding of social norms and values.  Even if an observer were ultimately conclude that a particular hip hop track had no redeeming value, a broad interpretation of point 7 suggests that he should, at the very least, credit its artists and listeners with a modicum of intelligence and reflectiveness. When we approach music with a custodial mind-set, determined to protect young listeners from what we see as harm or exploitation, we prevent those individuals from access a form of speech that may be the only affordable method of expression open to them.  Just as we allow individuals the right to be heard in a language of their choosing (see point 1), we should also accept that perspectives from marginalised communities may not appear in a conventional form. Under these circumstances, it would be dangerous for us to curtail and marginalise a form of speech geared toward discussing the problems faced by impoverished young people that has, against the odds, penetrated the mainstream. We are likely to deepen existing prejudices by viewing rappers and their fans as infantile, impressionable and in need of protection. ban marginalise young impoverished communities hip hop diverse musical genre evolved minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat simplicity economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks looped drum bass lines time rap verses social aspect accessible form creative expression west free speech Point 7 respect believers beliefs Free Speech Debate religious belief expression background culture values positive condemning reinforce negative stereotypes majority communities ban marginalise young impoverished communities Hip hop diversity musical genre minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat simplicity economically marginalised pen paper disc breaks looped drum bass lines social aspect accessible creative expression free speech respect believers religious belief religious expression positive case condemning negative stereotypes majority communities stigmatised violent uncivilised predatory brutal misogynist stereotype discrimination black men adolescents material success nuance meaning words word-play simplistic uncritical hip hop marginalised communities free speech cultural expression stereotypes social exclusion critical engagement appraisal respect recognition respect youth expression musical genres social norms values discrimination stigmatisation cultural nuance violence misogyny intellectual capacity creative autonomy social debate academic perspective mainstream penetration prejudiced views custodial mindset affordable expression linguistic rights unconventional forms mainstream discussion young people impoverished communities rap lyrics cultural values intellectual engagement artistic merit social commentary economic marginalisation musical principles word play social issues cultural respect community discussion hip hop impoverished communities youth cultural expression free speech stereotypes marginalisation violence misogyny social exclusion critical engagement appraisal respect recognition respect cultural nuance social norms academic critique mainstream penetration custodial mindset language rights prejudice deepening expressive freedom hip hop cultural expression marginalised communities free speech diversity musical principles social aspect creative expression free speech debate religious belief appraisal respect negative stereotypes critics violence misogyny discrimination nuance word-play consumers simplistic thinking recognition respect inherent dignity John McWhorter social exclusion affordability expression custodial mindset conventional forms mainstream penetration prejudices rappers fans infantilisation protectionism hip hop marginalised communities diversity musical principles rhyming verses social expression free speech cultural values stereotypes discrimination violence misogyny nuance word-play critical thinking recognition respect appraisal respect social exclusion ghetto pimps pushers intelligence reflectiveness affordable expression mainstream prejudices infantile protection hip hop impoverished communities free speech stereotypes marginalisation cultural expression social norms violence discrimination critical thinking respect appraisal equality dignity censorship youth cultural appreciation nuance social exclusion expression mainstream prejudice protection values community identity debate representation discrimination stigma diversity musical principles simplicity cultural background beliefs misunderstanding misunderstanding appreciation debate youth culture empowerment influence media society controversy social issues art creativity freedom education social change representation identity community music culture discourse marginalisation impoverished communities hip hop diversity musical genre simplicity creative expression free speech believers respect beliefs stereotypes discrimination nuance word-play recognition respect appraisal respect violence social exclusion critical perspective custodial mindset affordable expression conventional form prejudice hip hop marginalised communities free speech cultural expression nuance stereotypes discrimination appraisal respect recognition respect social exclusion violence nihilism critical thinking protective mindset speech rights mainstream penetration prejudice infantilisation impressionability ban marginalise young impoverished communities hip hop diverse musical genre minimal musical principles rhyming verses beat economically marginalised accessible creative expression free speech respect beliefs religious expression stigma negative stereotypes discriminator black men stigmatised violent uncivilised predatory brutal misogynist stereotype discrimination positive case nuance word-play simplistic uncritical recognition respect appraisal respect inherently harmful vulnerable politically incorrect ghetto social exclusion intelligence reflectiveness custodial mind-set affordable method
test-international-amehbuaisji-con02a	Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Risk of “lawfare” against Israel  The specific position that Israel is in, places it at a unique risk of “lawfare”, the use and abuse of the legal process by states for political ends.  A particular concern is Article 8(2)(b)(viii), which could be used as a particular tool to attack Israel over the settlements policy. Issues over settlements in the West Bank should be resolved by negotiation during the existing, albeit fractious, peace process, rather than being used as a tool for those who wish to derail good faith negotiations by dragging matters in to the hands of the international courts.  Israel has regularly been singled out for particular beration by UN bodies. For example, over half of the country-specific resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council have been about Israel, while praising Muammar Gadaffi. Israel lawfare legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi beration singled out Risk lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi Risk lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi beration singling out political tool negotiation good faith international law human rights Middle East conflict legal abuse diplomatic pressure international relations UN bias peace negotiations settlement disputes international justice political manipulation legal challenges Middle East politics human rights violations international community legal consequences political debate legal framework international lawfare Risk of lawfare Israel's unique position legal process abuse political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy attack West Bank negotiations international courts UN bodies criticism UN Human Rights Council resolutions Israel singled out Muammar Gadaffi praise lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN Human Rights Council resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political ends legal process negotiation good faith beration singled out risk lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi lawfare Israel legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements policy West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi political criticism international law human rights diplomatic tensions legal challenges Middle East conflict international relations lawfare Israel settlements West Bank Article 8(2)(b)(viii) UN Human Rights Council international courts peace process political ends legal process UN bodies country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi beration negotiations lawfare Israel risk legal process political ends Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process international courts UN bodies UN Human Rights Council country-specific resolutions Muammar Gadaffi beration lawfare Israel Article 8(2)(b)(viii) settlements West Bank peace process UN Human Rights Council Muammar Gadaffi negotiations international courts UN bodies country-specific resolutions political ends legal process states derailing negotiations good faith
test-culture-ahrtsdlgra-con01a	Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. Social disgust can be central to artwork  Some forms of art rely strongly on the provocation of disgust or other strong reactions. For example, conceptual artists often rely heavily upon the provocation of strong emotions in the viewer as a way of drawing attention to important, taboo areas (e.g. death, religion and sexuality). If they are banned from doing this, then we lose an entire branch of art: we are left instead with forms of art that choose not to engage with these areas at all.  Particularly in cases where people want to draw attention to what they see as unnecessary taboos, shock is integral. For example, the work of Sarah Lucas explored taboos surrounding sexuality and gender: her work drew attention to stereotyping and taboo in a way that (necessarily) many people found disgusting. Further, it is possible to critically engage with that disgust. It is wrong to assume that the end point of a provocative piece of art is “oh, I’ve been provoked”. Rather, this emotional first response is only the beginning when it comes to the contemplation of that work. Thinking about the reasons for your disgust, and its context, allows us a greater insight into the work, which if you believe ideas are central to pieces of art (which conceptual artists do) is vital. social disgust conceptual art provocation strong emotions viewer reaction taboo areas death religion sexuality banned art art forms engagement unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality taboos gender taboos stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation ideas in art conceptual artists social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention taboo areas death religion sexuality banned lose art forms of art engage unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping disgusting critically engage disgust emotional response contemplation reasons context insight work ideas conceptual art Social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboos death religion sexuality banned forms of art unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos surrounding sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement disgust emotional response contemplation insight ideas central pieces of art Social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists provocation of emotions viewer attention taboo areas death religion sexuality banned art losing art forms engagement with taboos unnecessary taboos shock art Sarah Lucas sexuality taboos gender taboos stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight into art ideas in art conceptual art vital social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboo areas death religion sexuality banned art forms engage unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight ideas conceptual art Social disgust artwork strong reactions conceptual artists provocation strong emotions viewer attention taboo areas death religion sexuality banned lose forms of art engage unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping disgusting critically engage emotional first response contemplation reasons context insight ideas central conceptual artists vital art social disgust provocation strong emotions viewer taboo death religion sexuality conceptual artists banned art forms engagement unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight ideas central pieces of art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer important areas taboo death religion sexuality banned art forms disengagement taboos shock Sarah Lucas sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation context insight ideas conceptual art social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer taboos death religion sexuality banned forms of art engage unnecessary taboos shock Sarah Lucas taboos surrounding sexuality gender stereotyping critical engagement emotional response contemplation insight ideas central pieces of art Social disgust artwork provocation strong reactions conceptual artists strong emotions viewer attention important taboo areas death religion sexuality banned forms of art taboo areas unnecessary taboos shock integral Sarah Lucas taboos sexuality gender stereotyping disgusting critically engage disgust emotional response contemplation reasons context insight ideas central pieces of art conceptual artists
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro01a	Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook encourages socialisation  One of the most crucial elements in any child's development is the ability to socialize with peers. By having a large circle of friends to talk to and share interests, the child gains trust, self-esteem and self-confidence. If you have people to talk to when you have a problem, it is much easier to overcome any problems.  Facebook and social networks in general help teenagers on multiple levels to maintain and expand their circle of friends. Firstly, it lets you remain in touch with friends even if you are very far apart. As we live in an increasingly globalized world, friend circles tend to be broken up very easily. As a result, individuals need to be able to keep in touch in spite of the physical distance. Facebook enables them to do that. (1)  Secondly, by allowing people with shared opinions, hobbies or interests to gather, social networks allow users to expand their circle of friends, something that is more applicable the bigger the social network. Thirdly, it allows young people to spend more time with the friends and people they already know through chat conversations, shared photos or status updates. As a result, people who are engaged on these social networks have more self esteem, more confidence in them, feel more appreciated and tend to be happier in general due to their wide circle of friends. (2)  (1) Keith Wilcox and Andrew T. Stephen “Are Close Friends the Enemy? Online Social Networks, Self-Esteem, and Self-Control” Journal of Consumer Research, 2012   (2) Brittany Gentilea, Jean M. Twengeb, Elise C. Freemanb, W. Keith Campbella “The effect of social networking websites on positive self-views: An experimental investigation” 2012 Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving social networks teenagers friend circle maintenance globalized world physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates self-appreciation happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development social networks teenagers friend circle globalized world physical distance shared interests chat conversations self-esteem confidence happiness social networks impact online friendships digital communication peer interaction psychological benefits social media research consumer behavior self-control positive self-views experimental studies social psychology Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving friend circle globalized world physical distance shared interests hobbies chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell online social networks self-control positive self-views Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving friendship maintenance globalized world physical distance shared interests expanded social circle chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness positive self-views online social networks self-control experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world social networks teenagers friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell online social networks self-control positive self-views experimental investigation consumer research Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence social networks peer interaction global communication friend maintenance shared interests expanded social circle online socializing positive self-views emotional well-being social engagement digital friendship online conversation photo sharing status updates social research consumer behavior self-control social psychology experimental studies digital communication youth social media use friendship quality psychological impact social media benefits online interaction virtual friendships social support peer relationships social media effects youth development online community digital socialization teenager social networks social connection global Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving social networks teenagers maintaining friendships globalized world physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates online social networks self-esteem self-control positive self-views experimental investigation Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence friend circle globalized world social networks teenagers long-distance friendship shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates positive self-views online social networks self-control experimental investigation social media impact Facebook socialisation child development self-esteem self-confidence globalized world social networks teenagers friend circles physical distance shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell Facebook socialisation child development peer interaction trust self-esteem self-confidence problem-solving globalized world distance communication friend circles social networks shared interests chat conversations shared photos status updates happiness Keith Wilcox Andrew T. Stephen Brittany Gentile Jean M. Twenge Elise C. Freeman W. Keith Campbell online social networks self-control positive self-views experimental investigation
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro03a	Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 Restrictions would benefit rural areas  Unlimited rural-urban migration erodes the economy of the cities, as shown in the previous argument, and limits their economic growth and available resources. On a national level, this causes decision makers to prioritise the cities, as the country relies more on urban than rural areas, thus preventing them from investing in the country-side. [1] China is a good example of this where urban privilege has become entrenched with ‘special economic zones’ being created in urban areas (though sometimes built from scratch in rural areas) with money being poured into infrastructure for the urban areas which as a result have rapidly modernised leaving rural areas behind. This leads to a whole culture of divisions where urbanites consider those from rural areas to be backward and less civilized. [2]  Moreover, there will be little other reason to invest in rural areas, as the workforce in those areas has left for the cities. By preserving resources in the cities and keeping the workforce in the rural areas, it becomes possible to invest in rural communities and change their lives for the better as these areas maintain the balanced workforce necessary to attract investors.  [1] Maxwell, Daniel., “The Political Economy of Urban Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa.” 11, London : Elsevier Science Ltd., 1999, World Development, Vol. 27, p. 1939±1953. S0305-750X(99)00101-1.  [2] Whyte, Martin King, “Social Change and the Urban-Rural Divide in China”, China in the 21st Century, June 2007,  p.54 rural areas urban-urban migration economic growth resource allocation national decision making urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment urban modernization cultural divisions workforce retention investment attraction political economy urban food security social change China Sub-Saharan Africa Maxwell Daniel Whyte Martin King rural development urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural workforce social division urban-rural divide China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy food security social change investment attraction balanced workforce policy prioritization national development modernization rural development urban migration economic zones urban privilege rural workforce investment in rural areas urban-rural divide social change China's urbanization sub-Saharan Africa urban food security balanced workforce rural investment urban economic growth resource allocation national economic policy urban infrastructure rural modernization cultural divisions backwardness perception urban civilization urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation national policy urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural development workforce retention social stratification urban-rural divide rural investment balanced workforce investor attraction political economy urban food security social change China Sub-Saharan Africa Restrictions rural areas unlimited migration urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation national decision makers urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment workforce preservation rural investment social division urban-rural divide political economy urban food security sub-Saharan Africa social change China rural-urban migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment cultural divisions workforce preservation rural community development investment attraction balanced workforce urban food security political economy social change China Sub-Saharan Africa urban-rural divide modernization backwardness civilization national prioritization economic reliance rural investment urbanites rural areas cities economic zones urban areas rural areas Daniel Maxwell Martin King Whyte rural areas urban areas economic growth resource allocation rural-urban migration urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure development workforce distribution investment urban-rural divide social change China Sub-Saharan Africa political economy food security modernization cultural divisions backwardness civilization balanced workforce investor attraction Maxwell Daniel Whyte Martin King urban-rural migration economic growth resource allocation urban privilege special economic zones infrastructure investment rural development workforce preservation investor attraction social change urban-rural divide cultural divisions backwardness perception policy prioritization rural investment balanced workforce urban modernization rural communities economic zones rural areas urban areas national economy decision makers sub-saharan africa china urban food security political economy martin king whyte daniel maxwell rural development urban-rural migration economic imbalance urban privilege special economic zones rural investment workforce distribution urban-rural divide social inequality urban modernization rural areas city resources economic growth national policy sub-saharan africa china social change urban food security political economy martin king whyte daniel maxwell rural-urban migration economic growth urban areas rural areas resource allocation national level decision makers investment countryside China special economic zones infrastructure urban privilege cultural divisions backwardness civilization workforce balanced workforce investors political economy urban food security Sub-Saharan Africa social change urban-rural divide
test-culture-mmciahbans-pro01a	These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, These products are dangerous  Skin whitening creams often contain a wide variety of harmful ingredients – in some cases, mercury. These can cause various health problems; mercury in particular causes renal (kidney) damage, major skin problems as well as mental health issues [1] .  States, throughout the world, ban consumer products because they are harmful regardless of whether this is for consumption or for cosmetics. This is just another case where that is appropriate in order to prevent the harm to health that may occur.  [1] World Health Organization, “Mercury in skin lightening products”, WHO.int, 2011, dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned consumer products harmful cosmetics WHO World Health Organization mercury in cosmetics skin lightening products health risks product safety cosmetic safety regulatory bans consumer protection dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage major skin problems mental health issues harmful consumer products harmful cosmetics product bans global product bans World Health Organization WHO mercury in skin lightening products dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues ban consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage skin issues mental health banned products harmful cosmetics WHO mercury in cosmetics skin lightening dangers consumer protection health risks cosmetic safety dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage major skin problems mental health issues ban consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization skin lightening products prevent harm health dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage skin problems mental health issues banned consumer products harmful cosmetics World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products dangerous products skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage major skin problems mental health issues states ban consumer products harmful consumption cosmetics prevent harm health World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products WHO.int 2011 skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage skin issues mental health banned products consumer safety cosmetic regulation World Health Organization skin lightening products public health concerns toxic chemicals skincare dangers mercury poisoning cosmetic ingredients harmful cosmetics product safety regulatory actions health risks dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney damage major skin problems mental health issues ban consumer products harmful consumption cosmetics prevent harm World Health Organization mercury in skin lightening products dangerous skin whitening creams harmful ingredients mercury health problems renal damage kidney major skin problems mental health issues ban harmful consumer products cosmetics World Health Organization WHO 2011 mercury in skin lightening products
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-con03a	Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, Ban would harm the wider economy  A ban could harm the wider economy – from bars to clubs, if smokers are unable to smoke inside, they may be more likely to stay away. According to some critics, this lead to the closures of bars in the UK when such a ban was brought in 1 . Research in the United States has shown drops in employment in bars of between 4 and 16 percent. 2  1 BBC News, “MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs”, BBC News, 2011,   2 Pakko, Michael R., 'Clearing the Haze? New Evidence on the Economic Impact of Smoking Bans', The Regional Economist, January 2008, smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment UK United States hospitality industry tobacco control public health policy MP campaign smoking restrictions indoor smoking economic downturn regional economist Pakko BBC News legislative effects health economics consumer behavior pub trade smoke-free legislation economic consequences business impact recreational venues nightlife smoking laws health-related regulations economic research policy analysis smoke-free environments public venues economic indicators bar industry smoking habits legislative changes economic data research findings employment rates economic studies health policy impact economic argument smoking ban economic impact bars clubs smoker behavior pub closures UK United States employment drops MP campaign smoking restrictions public places economic harm Pakko Regional Economist smoking ban economy impact bars closures UK pubs employment drops smoking restrictions economic consequences indoor smoking Michael R. Pakko regional economist ban harm wider economy bars clubs smokers smoke inside stay away closures UK employment drops United States evidence economic impact smoking bans MPs campaign relax pubs Regional Economist Michael R. Pakko BBC News smoking ban economic impact bars clubs smoker behavior pub closures UK employment drops United States research Michael R. Pakko The Regional Economist ban harm wider economy bars clubs smokers stay away closures UK smoking ban pubs employment drops United States economic impact smoking bans research critics MPs relax Clearing the Haze evidence Regional Economist Michael R. Pakko BBC News smoking ban economy impact bars and clubs smoker behavior UK pub closures employment drops United States research smoking restrictions economic consequences public health policy smoking ban economic impact bar closures employment drops UK smoking ban US smoking ban economic harm smoking inside pub smoking smoke-free legislation health policy hospitality industry MPs smoking regulations economic research Regional Economist Michael R. Pakko BBC News public health smoker behavior business impact secondhand smoke indoor smoking smoking restrictions economic downturn hospitality sector smoker patronage smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment drops UK United States research critics MPs relax smoking ban pubs smokers indoor smoking economic harm Pakko Regional Economist BBC News campaign smoking ban economic impact bars clubs closures employment drops UK United States research critics smoking inside relaxation of rules MPs public health policy economic consequences hospitality industry
test-digital-freedoms-efsappgdfp-pro03a	There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, There are safeguards to prevent misuse  In democracies there are numerous safeguards and levels of oversight to prevent abuse. In the UK for example there is a “strong framework of democratic accountability and oversight”. Agencies are required “to seek authorisation for their operations from a Secretary of State, normally the Foreign Secretary or Home Secretary.” The Secretary is given legal advice and comments from civil servants. Once the Secretary has given assent they are “subject to independent review by an Intelligence Services Commissioner and an Interception of Communications Commissioner… to ensure that they are fully compliant with the law”. [1]  [1] Hague, William, ‘Prism statement in full’, politics.co.uk, 10 June 2013, democracies safeguards oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law safeguards misuse democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law Prism William Hague politics.co.uk safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law Prism William Hague politics.co.uk safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk June 2013 safeguards democracies oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk democratic accountability oversight safeguards abuse prevention UK framework agency authorisation Secretary of State legal advice civil servant input independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance safeguards democracy oversight abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliance law safeguards misuse democracies oversight abuse UK framework democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception Communications Commissioner compliant law Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk June 2013 democracies safeguards abuse UK democratic accountability oversight agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner law compliance Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk 2013 safeguards democracies oversight prevent abuse UK democratic accountability agencies authorisation Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Home Secretary legal advice civil servants independent review Intelligence Services Commissioner Interception of Communications Commissioner compliant with law Prism statement William Hague politics.co.uk June 2013
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con03a	There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 There are other policy options that are less distortive and more advantageous for the economy.  Quotas are discriminatory and could be anti-constitutional in countries like France while there are other policy instruments that could be easier to implement.  Rather than implementing quotas as a top-down approach, for example, there could be more access to capital and less regulatory obstacles for starting businesses for women. However, women in OECD enterprise account for an average 30% of all entrepreneurs and there are more self-employed or firm-owners. These gender gaps are particularly large in Ireland, Iceland, and Sweden. [1] Entrepreneurs or individuals starting up new firms are crucial to productivity in all countries. In the OECD area, the levels of entrepreneurship are highest in countries showing the fastest growth. The number of women entrepreneurs, as seen in female to male start-up ratios, is also growing fastest in these countries, which include the United States and Canada. Enhanced access to credit and less red tape for women-owned ventures is a promising source of business and job creation without the distortive effects of quotas on business competitiveness.  Other non-legislative instruments encouraging gender equality in companies are labels, awards, charter signing, and rankings. [2] They do not require externally imposed structural changes but stimulate companies to commit to gender equality in a manner acceptable to them.  Moreover, even if quotas are implemented, they should be flexible and voluntary. A one-size fits all binding quota scheme could easily harm more national economies than it would help. Even by implementing voluntary rather than obligatory quotas in addition to existing national efforts for gender equality, the EU could avoid economic distortions and constitutional complications.  [1] OECD, “Gender and Sustainable Development: Maximising the economic, social and environmental role of women”, 2008, p.35  [2] European Parliament, “Gender Quotas in Management Boards”, 2012 policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps productivity female to male start-up ratios enhanced credit access reduced red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments implement access to capital regulatory obstacles women OECD entrepreneurs self-employed firm-owners gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity growth women entrepreneurs female to male start-up ratios United States Canada enhanced access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments easier implementation access to capital regulatory obstacles women starting businesses gender gaps entrepreneurs OECD self-employed firm-owners Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada credit red tape women-owned ventures business job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality companies labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options economic advantages quotas anti-constitutional capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps productivity OECD female to male start-up ratios credit access red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD self-employed firm-owners gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden entrepreneurship productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts gender equality EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada credit red tape women-owned ventures non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive economically advantageous quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional capital access regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs gender gaps OECD self-employed firm-owners productivity economic growth female to male start-up ratios credit access red tape non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada business and job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas economic distortions constitutional complications EU national efforts gender equality policy options less distortive more advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women OECD entrepreneurs self-employed firm-owners gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity entrepreneurship United States Canada access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas national efforts gender equality EU economic distortions constitutional complications policy options less distortive advantageous economy quotas discriminatory anti-constitutional France policy instruments access to capital regulatory obstacles women entrepreneurs OECD gender gaps Ireland Iceland Sweden productivity female to male start-up ratios United States Canada access to credit red tape women-owned ventures business creation job creation non-legislative instruments gender equality labels awards charter signing rankings flexible quotas voluntary quotas EU economic distortions constitutional complications
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro06a	entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: entirely natural theories can adequately explain belief in God and the development of religions, so an existent God is superfluous to the understanding of the phenomenon:  The reason people believe in God and why religions have formed can be explained perfectly well by natural processes and psychology. Religion is an outgrowth of humans’ brain architecture developed through the process of evolution; it developed as a by-product of other useful cognitive processes. [1] For example, survival capability is promoted by an ability to infer the presence of potentially hostile organisms, the ability to establish causal narratives for natural occurrences, and the ability to recognize that other people are independent agents, with their own minds, desires, and intentions. [2] These cognitive mechanisms, while invaluable to human survival and communal development, have the effect of causing humans to imagine supernatural purposefulness behind natural phenomena that could not be explained by other means. No gods are required to explain religious belief, so the existence of such belief is no reason to believe in such beings. Religion was a cradle during mankind’s childhood and adolescence. The time has come to grow up as a species and accept that there are no gods.  [1] Henig, Robin. 2007. “Darwin’s God”. The New York Times. Available:   [2] Pinker, Steven. 2004. “The Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution”. Annual Meeting of the Freedom from Religion Foundation. Available: natural theories belief in God development of religions superfluous God human brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability infer presence hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences recognize independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods required religious belief no reason to believe childhood adolescence grow up species accept no gods Darwin's God evolutionary psychology Steven Pinker Robin Henig natural explanations belief in God development of religions cognitive processes evolutionary psychology supernatural purposefulness human survival communal development inferential abilities causal narratives independent agents mental architecture evolutionary by-product no gods required human growth species maturity religious belief explanation Darwin's God Steven Pinker Robin Henig Darwin God evolution cognitive processes natural phenomena supernatural human survival communal development brain architecture belief systems religion psychological mechanisms survival capability causal narratives independent agents desires intentions religious belief gods existence mankind childhood adolescence species growing up acceptance no gods natural explanations psychology outgrow phenomena understanding superfluous processes purposefulness by-product invaluable explain hosts organisms natural occurrences development formed theories entirely natural adequate explain belief God development religions existent phenomenon natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes brain architecture evolution survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods religious belief existence of beings cradle of mankind childhood adolescence grow up species accept no gods Darwin’s God Robin Henig evolutionary psychology Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories belief in God development of religions superfluous existence understanding phenomenon human brain architecture evolutionary process cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena required gods religious belief gods' existence mankind's childhood species growth accept no gods evolutionary psychology cognitive mechanisms communal development imagination purposefulness natural processes psychology Robin Henig Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation Darwin's God Annual Meeting natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes brain architecture evolution survival capability causal narratives independent agents supernatural purposefulness no gods religion cradle mankind’s childhood species growth evolutionary psychology Robin Henig Steven Pinker natural theories belief in God development of religions existent God superfluous natural processes psychology human brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods religious belief reason childhood adolescence species no gods Robin Henig Darwin’s God Steven Pinker Evolutionary Psychology of Evolution Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories belief in God development of religions cognitive processes evolution brain architecture survival capability causal narratives supernatural purposefulness human survival communal development no gods religious belief existence of God childhood adolescence grow up species evolutionary psychology Freedom from Religion Foundation New York Times Robin Henig Steven Pinker natural theories explanation belief in God development of religions superfluous understanding phenomenon natural processes psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability infer presence hostile organisms causal narratives natural occurrences recognize independent agents minds desires intentions supernatural purposefulness unexplained phenomena no gods religious belief cradle mankind’s childhood adolescence grow up species accept no gods Darwin’s God Robin Henig evolutionary psychology Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation natural theories belief in God development of religions existent God superfluous natural processes psychology brain architecture evolution cognitive processes survival capability hostile organisms causal narratives independent agents minds desires intentions cognitive mechanisms supernatural purposefulness natural phenomena no gods religious belief mankind’s childhood adolescence grow up species accept no gods Darwin’s God Robin Henig The New York Times Evolutionary Psychology Steven Pinker Freedom from Religion Foundation
test-politics-oepghbrnsl-pro04a	Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russia as a state and Russians as a nation need strong leadership  Historically, Russia has always needed strong centralised leadership for it to make progress. This was true both in imperial times under tsars such as Peter the Great (who made Russia a European power and built St Petersburg) and Alexander II (who freed the serfs), and since 1917 under Lenin and Stalin. Russia is too big, too diverse and too thinly-populated for western systems of representative democracy to be applied. Culturally its people are temperamentally suited to following the decisive lead of a strong ruler who can unite them in the face of great challenges. Without such a ruler Russia is likely to fragment with local strongmen grabbing power in the regions, religious fundamentalism dominating much of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and economic stagnation. Russian history Tsarist rule Soviet leadership Peter the Great Alexander II Lenin Stalin strong central government Russian culture representative democracy regional strongmen religious fundamentalism economic development Russian diversity population density Caucasus Central Asia national unity political stability Russia state nation strong leadership historical context centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin size diversity population western democracy representative democracy cultural temperament decisive leadership unity challenges fragmentation local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy culturally temperamentally suited strong ruler unite great challenges fragment local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia state nation strong leadership historically centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great European power St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy culturally temperamentally decisive strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power regions religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership centralized leadership imperial times tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin western democracy representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia state nation strong leadership historically imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy culturally temperament decisive ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen regions religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great St Petersburg Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin big diverse thinly-populated western systems representative democracy culturally temperamentally suited decisive lead strong ruler unity great challenges fragment local strongmen regions religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation Russia strong leadership centralised power historical context tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfdom imperial Russia Soviet Union Lenin Stalin representative democracy cultural temperament strong ruler national unity challenges fragmentation regional strongmen religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation strong leadership centralised leadership progress imperial times tsars Peter the Great Alexander II serfs 1917 Lenin Stalin western democracy representative democracy diverse thinly-populated cultural temperament decisive lead strong ruler unite challenges fragment local strongmen power religious fundamentalism Caucasus Central Asia economic stagnation
test-law-phwmfri-con01a	A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. A flat rate is more just  A fine ought to be proportionate to the severity of the crime committed, not the income of the offender. It is fundamental that the justice system should treat all offenders equally; if two people commit the same crime in the same circumstances but one is richer than the other then they have caused the same amount of harm so should pay the same price for that harm. Having a richer person pay more implies that crimes by the rich are necessarily more harmful to society regardless of what the crime actually is.  Further, this system will cause anomalies, where rich people fined for small offences (e.g. littering) will have much larger fines than poorer people fined for more serious offences (e.g. speeding). This will make people question the fairness of the fines, which will negatively impact their relationship with the justice system. flat rate fines proportional fines justice system equality income-based fines crime severity offender income social harm fine fairness legal anomalies public trust in justice flat rate fines proportional fines income-based fines justice system equality crime severity offender income fairness in sentencing societal harm fine anomalies public trust in justice equitable punishment criminal justice reform financial penalties legal equity flat rate fines just fines proportionate fines income-based fines equality in justice offender treatment crime severity harm caused rich offenders poor offenders societal impact fine anomalies justice system fairness public perception of justice flat rate fines justice equality crime severity income neutrality proportionate punishment legal fairness rich vs poor fine anomalies societal harm public trust justice system integrity equitable sentencing offender equality crime impact financial disparity legal equity judicial consistency fairness perception systemic fairness flat rate justice system crime severity income inequality offender equality proportional fines harm caused rich offenders poor offenders fines fairness societal impact legal anomalies public trust crime punishment economic status legal equity flat rate justice system proportional fines income-based fines crime severity offender equality social harm fine fairness justice perception legal anomalies rich vs poor crime punishment societal impact fairness in justice equal treatment fine proportionality income inequality legal equity crime context judicial trust flat rate justice system income-based fines crime severity offender equality societal harm fine proportionality legal fairness public perception justice anomalies flat rate fines justice system income offender crime severity equality harm rich poor anomalies fairness relationship society speeding littering flat rate fines proportional fines income-based fines equality in justice fairness in sentencing crime severity offender income justice system anomalies public perception of fairness legal equity financial penalties socioeconomic status in sentencing harm caused by crime impact of fines on society trust in legal system flat rate proportionate fines income equality offender treatment justice system crime severity social harm fine anomalies public perception legal fairness
test-economy-thsptr-pro02a	Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: Those who have more owe more to the state  Wealthier people benefit from the state more than do those who are worse off for two reasons. First, they have more to lose in the absence of the state. Without the rule of law, people would no longer be bound by any power to respect one another’s property rights. A rich person has much more to lose should there be a reversion to the state of nature; nothing would shield him from the mob. For this reason it is in the interest of the wealthy to preserve the just rule of law in the state and to uphold its institutions. It does so by funding it through taxation, and those who have more to lose have a greater interest in paying more to ensure its continuity. The second benefit the rich have is that they have gained more from the state than have the poor and less well off. It is only within a state system that maintains order and provides vital services that markets can form and be maintained. [1] Warren Buffett, for example, has argued that he could never have amassed anywhere near the sort of wealth he has in a country without the rule of law, such as Bangladesh. [2] Wealthy business owners and corporations use state utilities far more than poorer individuals quite often, when for example they use public roads to move their vast fleets of trucks, while individuals only drive their personal car. The state guarantees property rights, which allows markets to form and provides the protections and services to businesses that need them to function. Those who profit from that have an obligation to contribute to its upkeep.  [1] Lakoff, George and Bruce Budner. “Hidden Truths of Progressive Taxes”. Institute for America’s Future. 2007. Available:   [2] Terkel, Amanda. “Warren Buffett: ‘I Should Be Paying a Lot More in Taxes’”. Huffington Post. 2010. Available: wealth taxation state benefits property rights rule of law public services market formation wealth distribution social contract progressive taxation economic inequality public infrastructure corporate responsibility individual responsibility civic duty fiscal contribution tax fairness public goods economic stability social welfare government services wealth accumulation economic mobility fiscal policy public funding economic benefits state institutions state of nature mutual obligation financial security economic prosperity public utilities market maintenance societal contribution economic order wealth generation social justice economic rights public infrastructure usage corporate usage individual usage equitable taxation societal wealth distribution progressive taxation social contract state benefits property rights market stability public infrastructure economic inequality fiscal responsibility tax fairness Warren Buffett state of nature rule of law public services institutional support economic security civic duty tax obligations wealth accumulation state reliance public goods economic justice social welfare wealth inequality tax policy government services economic systems financial responsibility societal benefits state functions economic order public utilities Wealth distribution progressive taxation social contract property rights market economy public infrastructure state benefits economic inequality fiscal contribution public services rule of law wealth accumulation state reliance corporate responsibility civic duty tax justice economic security societal investment financial advantages state institutions societal contributions taxation wealth distribution state benefits property rights rule of law public utilities market formation progressive taxes wealth accumulation social contract civic responsibility economic order state services fiscal contribution societal obligations public goods infrastructure usage market maintenance economic stability Warren Buffett George Lakoff Bruce Budner Amanda Terkel Huffington Post Institute for America’s Future Wealth distribution taxation rule of law property rights market economy public utilities infrastructure social contract fiscal policy progressive taxation economic benefits state services wealth accumulation public goods societal contribution economic inequality tax fairness civic obligation state maintenance governance economic protection market facilitation wealth preservation societal responsibility financial contribution state functionality economic order public services business operations legal framework societal welfare fiscal responsibility economic justice tax equity economic security social benefits state institutions economic stability economic opportunity financial investment state support economic growth wealth creation wealth redistribution progressive taxation state benefits property rights market formation public services wealthy obligations tax contributions economic security rule of law social contract fiscal responsibility public infrastructure societal benefits economic inequality tax fairness government funding wealth accumulation civic duty fair taxation wealth taxation state benefits rule of law property rights public services market formation progressive taxes wealth accumulation social contract public infrastructure economic inequality fiscal responsibility Warren Buffett George Lakoff Amanda Terkel Institute for America's Future Huffington Post societal contributions tax fairness economic order institutional support wealth distribution financial obligation state dependence economic mobility social welfare economic stability tax policy public goods corporate responsibility wealth state taxation rule of law property rights public services market formation business utilities progressive taxes wealth accumulation social contract economic benefits public roads property protection market maintenance fiscal contribution economic order societal upkeep financial obligation public goods wealth distribution progressive taxation social contract property rights rule of law state of nature market formation public utilities wealth accumulation tax obligations institutional support economic inequality public services state preservation economic benefits fiscal contribution societal stability governance economic prosperity public infrastructure wealth inequality progressive taxation state benefits public goods social contract fiscal responsibility economic justice property rights market systems public infrastructure Warren Buffett tax obligation social welfare economic order state services
test-free-speech-debate-nshbbsbfb-con02a	Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. Tens of thousands of licence fee payers objected to this, ultimately they are the BBC’s key stakeholder and that view is worthy of respect.  As an institution, the BBC may like to position itself as a global media brand but that doesn’t alter the fact that it is funded by, and chartered to serve, the British population. The whole British population. That combination – paying the pipers and calling the tune – would suggest that the corporation might be sensitive to that group.  If 50,000 to 60,000 users of any other brand registered their protest or objection to a product put forward by that brand, it would cause chaos, resignations, sackings and a rethink of whatever strategy had caused the problem in the first place.  In the case of the BBC, it caused a few slightly dismissive comments from senior managers, one editor resigned because he felt that the protesters comments were not being taken seriously and the organisation continued as though nothing had happened.  The sheer arrogance required for that response beggars belief. The BBC, as a public institution has a duty of care that might be thought of as greater than that of a private corporation. And yet it gave the impression of acting like it was just one of the other venues who had staged the opera. There is clearly a difference between a theatre that I choose to attend or not – and choose whether to support financially – and the national broadcaster which is beamed into people’s living room paid for by a compulsory licence fee. BBC licence fee stakeholders British population public service protest objection media brand institutional duty public funding accountability resignations strategy reconsideration public institution duty of care arrogance compulsory payment national broadcaster audience sensitivity editorial responsibility freedom of choice financial support public trust institutional response media ethics stakeholder relations broadcaster obligations content争议 公众意见 媒体责任 机构透明度 受众权利 强制性费用 国有媒体 公共利益 编辑独立 观众反应 制度自信 英国文化 媒体监管 公共资金使用 服务全民 播 licence fee payers BBC stakeholders British population public service broadcaster funding model charter obligations public institution duty of care protest response institutional arrogance media brand national broadcaster compulsory licence fee public funding stakeholder sensitivity corporate responsibility viewer objections management accountability public trust service to the public institutional integrity licence fee BBC stakeholders British population media brand funding charter user protest brand objection senior managers editor resignation public institution duty of care compulsory licence fee national broadcaster viewer rights stakeholder respect institutional arrogance media accountability licence fee payers BBC stakeholders British population public funding BBC charter user protests institutional arrogance duty of care compulsory licence fee public broadcaster viewer objections senior management response editorial resignation corporate accountability media brand perception stakeholder sensitivity public service broadcasting national broadcaster responsibilities audience dissatisfaction programme controversy licence fee payers BBC key stakeholder respect global media brand British population protest objection strategy senior managers editor resignation public institution duty of care national broadcaster compulsory licence fee BBC licence fee stakeholders public service British population protest objection institutional response media brand duty of care public institution compulsory fee national broadcaster audience feedback management responsibility institutional arrogance public trust charter obligations user protest media governance licence fee payers BBC stakeholders British population public funding charter protest objection public service media brand corporate sensitivity institutional duty public trust resignation management response arrogance compulsory payment broadcasting ethics national broadcaster public broadcasting compulsory licence fee viewer rights accountability BBC licence fee stakeholders public service British population protest objection institutional response media brand public funding duty of care arrogance editorial responsibility public broadcaster compulsory fee viewer rights management accountability institutional sensitivity stakeholder views public trust licence fee BBC stakeholders public funding media brand British population user protest institutional response public duty arrogance compulsory licence national broadcaster licence fee BBC stakeholders British population public service protest institutional responsibility public funding media brand user objection corporate sensitivity resignation strategy reevaluation duty of care compulsory payment broadcaster ethics public trust audience perception management response institutional arrogance
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro04a	Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. Social networks serve as a powerful signalling device for the expansion of violent behaviour  By using Twitter to signal the start of riots it attracts people to join the mob. People in riots generally look to those around them in order to see what is considered acceptable behaviour. As boundaries are crossed, such as the change from indiscriminate vandalism to looting, and reported on Twitter, the same behaviour echoes elsewhere. The lens through which rioters determine acceptable behaviour is expanded, so the chance of behaviours like looting rippling across the various mob groups within a locale increases. One escalation of violence becomes multiple escalations. Twitter is thus a serious danger to society during periods of social unrest and rioting, because it acts as a catalyst for further mayhem. By blocking Twitter governments are able to manage flashpoints and prevent them from expanding violence to other locations. This makes riot situations both less likely to escalate, and easier to break up. social networks signalling device expansion violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo social unrest catalyst mayhem government intervention flashpoints escalation prevention violence spread riot management social control digital communication public safety online incitement crowd behavior riot dynamics social media impact civil disorder law enforcement information diffusion community response digital censorship public order mob psychology societal impact digital platform regulation social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting escalation social unrest government flashpoints expanded violence mayhem block Twitter manage flashpoints prevent escalation break up riots social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob behaviour acceptable behaviour vandalism looting violence escalation social unrest government intervention blocking Twitter flashpoints violence management public safety social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo behaviour expansion social unrest escalation mayhem government intervention flashpoints violence containment riot management escalation prevention social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting social unrest escalation mayhem government intervention flashpoints violence prevention crowd control social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting echo lens escalation violence danger society social unrest government block flashpoints prevent expand mayhem riot situations escalate break up Social networks signalling device expansion of violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting social unrest violence government intervention blocking Twitter flashpoints escalation mayhem riot management public safety social networks signalling device violent behaviour Twitter riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting escalation violence social unrest government intervention flashpoints control prevent expansion mayhem social networks Twitter signalling device expansion of violent behaviour riots mob acceptable behaviour boundaries vandalism looting social unrest government intervention blocking Twitter flashpoints violence escalation crowd control Twitter social networks violent behaviour riots signalling device mob acceptable behaviour vandalism looting social unrest escalation mayhem government intervention flashpoints violence expansion riot management prevention societal danger
test-science-nsihwbtiss-con04a	The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. The law would be hard to enforce.  It would be difficult to find out whether a student and teacher have had contact over the internet. If a teacher were having a relationship with a student, and this law was in effect, both parties would try to conceal it from others and from the authorities. There is then a question about how the state would find out about such behaviour. Would the state be allowed to access private facebook accounts, personal computers, or internet service provider records to make sure teachers and students are not communicating with each other? That would constitute a serious intrusion and privacy violation. law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation facebook accounts personal computers ISP records legal intrusion privacy rights law enforcement student-teacher communication internet monitoring privacy violation legal intrusions digital surveillance educational boundaries cyber relationships legal oversight privacy rights law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation Facebook accounts personal computers ISP records intrusion privacy rights law enforcement teacher-student contact internet communication privacy violation state surveillance legal challenges digital privacy relationship concealment enforcement mechanisms student-teacher relationship privacy rights data access ISP records personal computers Facebook accounts constitutional rights regulatory oversight cyber laws ethical considerations digital monitoring law enforcement student-teacher contact internet communication relationship concealment state surveillance privacy violation facebook accounts personal computers ISP records intrusion privacy rights law enforcement student-teacher relationships internet communication privacy concerns state surveillance legal intrusion privacy violations digital privacy online safety student-teacher contact internet monitoring legal enforcement challenges constitutional rights data access surveillance laws law enforcement student-teacher communication internet monitoring privacy rights legal intrusion digital surveillance relationship concealment cyber ethics educational policy constitutional rights law enforcement student-teacher relationships internet communication privacy rights surveillance legal challenges digital privacy surveillance laws education policies privacy violations cyber laws communication monitoring legal intrusions privacy protection online safety student privacy teacher accountability digital surveillance legal ethics personal data security law enforcement student-teacher contact internet monitoring privacy violation legal surveillance digital communication oversight relationship concealment state intrusion personal data access ISP records check law enforcement student-teacher contact internet monitoring privacy violation surveillance legal intrusion digital communication relationship concealment cyber laws data protection
test-society-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person trade prevent people moving freely deprive cities talented people talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers basis models of migration rural areas surplus labour cities new workers Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefits talent allocation urban professions rural jobs policy impact migration models surplus labor urban workforce rural exodus human capital agricultural economics Taylor Edward Martin Philip restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people career choice individual benefit talent allocation urban professions rural jobs migration surplus labor city workforce human capital rural population change agricultural economics policy impact professional mismatch talent deprivation urban-rural migration Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefits best suited person urban professions rural jobs talented people migration surplus labour cities need workers human capital rural population change policy impact professional diversity urban-rural mobility Restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual benefits best suited urban professions rural jobs migration surplus labour cities workers policy farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers human capital rural population change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefit best suited person trade pursuit free movement deprive cities talented people urban professions rural jobs policy impact potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration models rural surplus labour urban workforce needs human capital rural population change agricultural economics restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefits best suited person trade pursuit free movement cities talented people talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy impact farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration models rural areas surplus labour urban needs workers Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Human Capital migration rural population change Handbook of Agricultural Economics Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession individual benefits best suited person urban professions rural jobs policy impact talented people cities migration models surplus labour urban needs rural areas human capital agricultural economics Taylor Edward Martin Philip Restrictions loss potential developed nation young people career choice individual benefits talent skills urban professions rural jobs policy migration rural population urban workers human capital agricultural economics Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. migration human capital rural population change urban professions talent distribution labor market policy impact young professionals career choice developed nation economic potential surplus labor city workforce rural-urban migration agricultural economics professional development skill utilization talent deprivation urban-rural disparity
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-pro03a	"Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. Would stop riots from spreading  The police must try to stop riots from spreading and stop copycat rioting elsewhere. Knowledge of rioting happening elsewhere is often the Oxygen of riots; the riots in Manchester and elsewhere outside of London in 2011 were mostly as a result of media exposure. According to Greater Manchester Police chief Peter Fahy ""A certain group of people saw what was happening in London and decided they seemed to be getting away with it. We knew what was absolutely critical was that there needed to be control of London. Because that was just creating more and more copycat violence up here."" [1] Cutting off social media would have helped prevent the riots from spreading so ensuring that they remain small and a localised problem.  [1] Pilkington, D., “Rioting in London sparked 'copycat' behaviour”, The Independent, 14 November 2011. riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure control London Manchester 2011 social media prevention localized problem Greater Manchester Police Peter Fahy The Independent Pilkington D. riots spreading police control copycat media exposure social media prevention localization peter fahy greater manchester policed 2011 london sparking behaviour independent pilkington stop riots prevent spreading copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem police intervention riot containment media blackout communication restrictions stop riots spreading police intervention prevent copycat rioting media exposure influence social media control localised riot management riot prevention strategies control of initial riot spread prevention methods Greater Manchester Police 2011 London riots Peter Fahy statement copycat violence rioting behavior oxygen of riots social media impact localized problem media exposure reduction riot control measures initial riot containment riots spreading police stop copycat media exposure social control localized violence prevention communication containment rioting oxygen information diffusion response strategy riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem oxygen violence Greater Manchester London Peter Fahy riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure Greater Manchester Police Peter Fahy London control social media localised problem The Independent Pilkington 2011 riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem prevention efficacy search keywords expansion Manchester London 2011 彼得·法希 Greater Manchester Police riots spreading police control copycat violence social media London Manchester 2011 media exposure localised prevention Greater Manchester Police Peter Fahy The Independent rioting oxygen group behaviour Pilkington D. riots spreading police stop copycat rioting media exposure social media control localised problem oxygen violence group people London Manchester Peter Fahy Pilkington Independent 2011"
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro01a	Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Regulating the Internet is a means for governments to spy on their citizens  Governments around the world are tracking their citizens’ activities online. [1] They can use all sorts of techniques, like automated data-mining (i.e. via trawling your Facebook and Twitter accounts) and deep packet inspection of each electronic message sent (i.e. intercepting and reading your email). All these methods are violations of important principles.  The automated data-mining violates the principle that people shouldn’t be investigated by their governments unless there is warrant for it (so there is reasonable suspicion that they have been involved in a crime). Also, data mining creates many false positives, leading to citizens being thoroughly investigated without probable cause. [2] Deep packet inspection violates people’s fundamental right to secrecy of correspondence, which is a violation of privacy.  The problem with these government policies is that they’re hard to control – even in democracies: much of the spying is done by intelligence agencies, which are often able to evade democratic control on account of the need for secrecy rather than transparency. [3]  [1] Reporters Without Borders, Enemies of the internet, 2012 and Kingsley, Britain won’t be the only country snooping on people’s internet use, 2012  [2] US Researchers Decide Spying On Citizens Is Bad, 2008  [3] Electronic Frontier Foundation, ‘NSA Spying’. Internet regulation government surveillance citizen monitoring online tracking data mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection email interception privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control secrecy transparency Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation internet regulation government surveillance online tracking data mining deep packet inspection privacy violations false positives secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection warrantless investigation false positives secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control NSA spying Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizen tracking online activities data mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection email interception privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control Reporters Without Borders NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizen monitoring online tracking data-mining Facebook Twitter deep packet inspection email interception privacy violations warrantless investigation false positives secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies transparency Reporters Without Borders Enemies of the Internet UK internet snooping NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection warrantless investigation false positives secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation internet regulation government surveillance citizens' online activities automated data-mining deep packet inspection electronic messages Facebook Twitter email interception violation of principles warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence privacy violation democratic control intelligence agencies secrecy transparency Reporters Without Borders Enemies of the Internet NSA Spying Electronic Frontier Foundation internet regulation government surveillance online privacy data mining deep packet inspection privacy violation democratic control intelligence agencies secrecy transparency warrantless investigation false positives right to secrecy of correspondence Reporters Without Borders NSA spying Electronic Frontier Foundation Internet regulation government surveillance citizens' online activities data mining deep packet inspection email interception Facebook Twitter privacy violation warrantless investigation false positives probable cause secrecy of correspondence intelligence agencies democratic control transparency Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation NSA spying Britain internet snooping government surveillance data mining deep packet inspection privacy violation false positives secrecy of correspondence democratic control intelligence agencies internet regulation citizen tracking online activities monitoring electronic communication interception Reporters Without Borders Electronic Frontier Foundation NSA spying Britain internet snooping
test-economy-bepahbtsnrt-con03a	Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Other industries are less reliable  Other sectors, such as agriculture and the industrial sectors, have proven to be unreliable as well. Tunisia’s agriculture sector is the largest employer in the country and has received significant investment since the 1980s. Despite this, the sector performed poorly between 1985-2000 and was costly to the Tunisian economy; ensuring low returns and importation of food to meet domestic demand1. The industrial sector also demonstrated itself to be vulnerable in the 2008 economic recession. In addition, the low value of produced goods creates little opportunity for lucrative profits2. The flaws of these sectors make them unviable as alternatives to tourism.  1) Aoun,A. ‘The Performance of Tunisian Agriculture: An Economic Appraisal’ pg.7  2) Elj,M. ‘Innovation in Tunisia: Empirical Analysis for Industrial Sector’ 2012 Tunisia agriculture industrial sector economic reliability tourism economic recession investment sector performance employment domestic demand food importation low returns economic costs innovation empirical analysis sector viability profitability value of goods Tunisia agriculture industrial sector economic reliability investment employment poor performance cost low returns food imports economic recession low value goods profits tourism economic appraisal empirical analysis innovation Tunisia agriculture industrial sectors investment economic performance 1985-2000 food imports 2008 recession low value goods tourism economic reliability employment sector analysis economic appraisal innovation empirical analysis agriculture sector industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia largest employer significant investment poor performance costly economy low returns food importation 2008 economic recession low value goods unviable alternatives tourism economic appraisal empirical analysis innovation Tunisian economy Tunisia agriculture industrial sector economic reliability investment sector performance 1980s 1985-2000 low returns food importation 2008 recession low value goods profits tourism economic alternatives economic appraisal innovation empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture industrial sector investment economic performance tourism economic recession low value production employment food importation profitability economic appraisal innovation empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia investment poor performance economy low returns food imports 1985-2000 2008 recession low value goods unviable alternatives tourism Aoun Elj economic appraisal empirical analysis Tunisia agriculture industrial sectors unreliable economic performance investment poor performance 1980s 1985-2000 costly low returns food importation 2008 recession low value goods limited profits tourism alternative Aoun Elj economic appraisal empirical analysis agriculture industrial sectors unreliable Tunisia economy investment poor performance 1985-2000 low returns food importation 2008 recession low value produced goods unviable alternatives tourism Tunisia agriculture industrial sectors economic reliability tourism economic recession innovation value of goods employment investment economic performance food importation profitability economic appraisal empirical analysis
test-politics-epvhbfsmsaop-pro02a	This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, This is an unjust use of unelected power  Politicians want endorsements because they know it will bring votes; it is estimated that Oprah’s endorsement of Obama in the Democratic Primary of 2008 brought an additional 1 million votes to Obama. [1] It is unjust for celebs to use their influence in this way. Celebrities have an ability to influence the political sphere that bears no necessary relationship with their knowledge of the subjects concerned, or qualifications otherwise to do so.  Consequently, they represent an unelected, unaccountable pressure on the democratic system: they have been given power and influence, with no mechanism of checking that power, or way to prevent them from misleading the public (unlike, for example, political journalists, news channels and other sources of political information).  This is principally unjust: the optimum democratic system is the one that holds the closest to the principle of “one person, one vote”, and attempts to ensure that those votes are as informed as possible. Celebrity involvement in politics is a hindrance to that, effectively handing the famous more votes than is their due.  [1] Garthwaite, Craig, and Moore, Timothy J., ‘Can Celebrity Endorsements Affect Political Outcomes? Evidence from the 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary’, Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization, 2012, unjust use of power politician endorsements celebrity influence democratic system informed voting one person one vote celebrity involvement in politics political outcomes public misleading unelected influence accountability in politics democratic principles voter impact celebrity endorsements in elections political pressure informed electorate political representation electoral fairness celebrity power in democracy unelected power celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system voter manipulation informed voting celebrity knowledge political qualifications accountability democratic principles celebrity pressure public misinformation political journalism Garthwaite Craig Moore Timothy J. 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary Obama Oprah endorsement voter impact ethical politics representation democratic integrity unelected power celebrity influence political endorsements voter manipulation democratic principles informed voting media accountability celebrity qualifications political pressure public misinformation democratic system one person one vote political journalists news channels celebrity involvement political outcomes 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary Garthwaite Craig Moore Timothy J. unelected power political endorsements celebrity influence democratic process informed voting voter manipulation celebrity qualifications political accountability democratic principles celebrity endorsements Obama 2008 Oprah Winfrey political journalism media influence electoral integrity Garthwaite and Moore study 2008 US Democratic Primary voter impact political pressure democratic system unjust unelected power politician endorsements votes Oprah Obama 2008 Democratic Primary celebrity influence political sphere knowledge qualifications unaccountable pressure democratic system one person one vote informed votes celebrity involvement political outcomes Craig Garthwaite Timothy J. Moore 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary Journal of Law Economics and Organization unelected power celebrity influence political endorsements voter manipulation democratic system informed voting one person one vote celebrity qualifications political accountability media influence public misinformation democratic principles celebrity involvement political outcomes 2008 Democratic Primary Oprah endorsement Obama votes unjust use unelected power celebrity endorsements politician votes Oprah endorsement democratic primary 2008 Obama political influence knowledge qualifications unaccountable pressure democratic system one person one vote celebrity involvement informed votes political outcomes evidence 2008 US Democratic presidential primary Garthwaite Timothy Moore Journal Law Economics Organization Studies unjust use of power politician endorsements Oprah endorsement Obama democratic primary 2008 celebrity influence political sphere knowledge of subjects qualifications unaccountable pressure democratic system misleading the public political journalists news channels one person one vote informed votes hindrance to democracy celebrity involvement more votes Craig Garthwaite Timothy J. Moore 2008 US Democratic Presidential Primary Journal of Law Economics and Organization celebrity influence political endorsements democratic system unelected power voter manipulation informed voting media accountability political ethics public misinformation celebrity qualifications political participation democratic principles election interference media responsibility civic engagement unelected power celebrity influence political endorsement democratic system voter impact informed voting celebrity accountability political misinformation democratic principles Garthwaite Moore 2008 US Democratic Primary Obama endorsement Oprah Winfrey
test-law-lgplhbssbco-pro01a	Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, Suicide is a waste of life  Suicide is a waste of life. It is an immoral act that ignores the sacrosanct nature of human life – something that is universally considered to be the case as shown by being something nearly all religions consider to be the case. [1] Failure to criminalize such a flagrant violation of the sanctity of human life condemns any society as irreligious and immoral. Nowadays we hear everyone talking about human rights; we hear precious little about human obligations. If we believe in the moral worth of human rights we do so because we think that human life is a wonderful thing and something with which we should not interfere. Whether the interference is by others or by ourselves, any action that denigrates human life is morally wrong for precisely the reason that we support human rights. We have an obligation to preserve all life, including our own.  [1] Perrett, Roy Wo., ‘Buddhism, euthanasia and the sanctity of life’, Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 22, No. 5, October 1996, suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religious perspective human rights human obligations moral wrong sanctity of life preservation of life euthanasia buddhism journal of medical ethics roy w. perrett suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature of human life religious perspective human rights human obligations sanctity of life moral worth preserve life euthanasia Buddhism ethical considerations societal values criminalization self-harm human dignity moral philosophy ethical dilemmas life preservation societal norms moral obligations human value ethical frameworks religious ethics moral reasoning life interference moral wrong moral support ethical standards human rights discourse moral responsibilities ethical debates moral principles suicide prevention ethical implications moral judgment moral duty human rights suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature of human life religions criminalization violation of sanctity human rights human obligations moral worth interference self-harm preservation of life euthanasia ethics morality society religion human dignity sacredness of life moral obligations legal implications philosophical perspectives mental health suicide prevention human value dignity ethics of self-destruction suicide legislation religious ethics moral philosophy cultural perspectives life preservation moral psychology bioethics human rights discourse legal ethics societal values moral responsibility suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religious perspectives sanctity of life criminalization societal morality human rights human obligations moral worth interference self-harm life preservation euthanasia Journal of Medical Ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religions criminalization sanctity of life irreligious immoral society human rights human obligations moral worth interference euthanasia preservation of life self-preservation ethical considerations Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature of human life religious perspective criminalization sanctity of life human rights human obligations moral worth interference preservation of life euthanasia sanctity of life ethics buddhism medical ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sanctity of human life religions criminalization society human rights human obligations moral worth interference preservation of life euthanasia buddhism journal of medical ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religions criminalization societal condemnation irreligious immoral human rights human obligations moral worth interference self-harm preservation of life ethics euthanasia sanctity of life Buddhism moral philosophy Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature human life religions criminalization sanctity of life irreligious immoral society human rights human obligations moral worth interference euthanasia preservation of life Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics suicide waste of life immoral act sacrosanct nature of human life religions sanctity of human life criminalization society irreligious immoral human rights human obligations moral worth interference self-inflicted harm euthanasia preservation of life ethics philosophy Roy Wo. Perrett Journal of Medical Ethics
test-science-cpisydfphwj-pro02a	Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook provides an information point  Undoubtedly, one of the most important aspects which will influence your efforts to improve your life is your ability to take advantage of every opportunity which comes up. Obviously, one of the, if not the, best way to do this is to stay connected with the world around you, this enables you to be able to quickly find out about job opportunities, sporting competitions or social events in your area. Facebook created and developed an efficient, extremely widely visited platform on which millions of users can get in touch with each other. This can prove to be an extremely useful tool both for companies or event planners and direct customers. No matter if we are talking about Google's new hiring policy or Toyota's new discount, an upcoming music festival or a football tournament for amateur players, Facebook is informing the individuals about these events, keeping them connected with their community.  Social networks are more efficient to serving this purpose than other more conventional means like TV commercials because it is free. A very good example of this is the Kony 2012 campaign, which informed the people about the atrocities that happened in Uganda at the time, mainly relying only on social media. The Youtube video telling its story has more than 98 million views and also there were more posts on Facebook about Kony on March 6th and 7th than even Apple’s new iPad or TV releases. (1) No matter if we talk about TV ads, radio commercials or billboards, the price that has to be paid in order to promote an event is a big drawback for anyone who wants to inform the population. As a result, Facebook as with other social media is the online, cheap, efficient equivalent to an info point.  (1) Kyle Willis “Kony 2012 Social Media Case Study “, March 8, 2012 Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users tool companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities YouTube views Facebook posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promote event price drawback inform population online cheap efficient info point social media case Facebook social networks information point opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events communication platform user engagement event promotion community interaction free promotion social media efficiency Kony 2012 viral campaign online marketing conventional advertising cost-effective advertising community awareness Facebook information point opportunities life improvement staying connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform user interaction companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community connection social networks TV commercials conventional advertising Kony 2012 social media campaign Youtube Uganda atrocities awareness free promotion TV ads radio commercials billboards cheap advertising online info point social media efficiency Facebook information point improve life take advantage opportunities stay connected world around job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users touch companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festival football tournament amateur players informing individuals community social networks efficient serving purpose conventional means TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities social media YouTube video views Facebook posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promote event Facebook information point life improvement opportunities stay connected world around job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users get in touch companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players individuals community social networks efficiency conventional means TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promotion price population online cheap info point social media case Facebook information point improve life take advantage opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events efficient platform users get in touch companies event planners direct customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateurs inform community social networks TV commercials free Kony 2012 campaign Uganda Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promote inform population online cheap efficient info point social media Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media YouTube views posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards promote price population online cheap efficient info point Facebook information point life improvement opportunities staying connected social networks job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform user connectivity companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discounts music festivals football tournaments community social media conventional advertising TV commercials radio commercials billboards Kony 2012 Uganda Youtube social media campaign free promotion cheap advertising efficient communication online info point Facebook information point opportunities life improvement staying connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players informing community social networks TV commercials Kony 2012 campaign Uganda atrocities Youtube views Facebook posts Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards price promotion population online cheap efficient info point social media Facebook information point improve life opportunities stay connected world job opportunities sporting competitions social events platform users companies event planners customers Google hiring policy Toyota discount music festival football tournament amateur players individuals community social networks TV commercials free Kony 2012 Uganda atrocities social media YouTube video views Facebook posts March 6th 7th Apple iPad TV releases TV ads radio commercials billboards price promotion event population online cheap efficient
test-economy-bepiehbesa-con03a	CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP protects the quality of the food in EU  The role of CAP is to produce food at affordable prices while maintaining its quality. By having policies which favour agriculture in Europe it is easier to control the quality of the food, maintain it and also support the diversity of the food produced in EU. [1] The goods imported from developing countries are often not produced under such scrutiny as are those in EU. In EU the quality standards of production are one of the highest – the hygiene, the amount of additives in products – all these are set and controlled by the EU. The result of it is that European citizens eat healthy food of high quality which is still affordable – mainly due to subsidies and payments obtained via CAP.  [1] European Commission, ‘The Common Agricultural Policy A partnership between Europe and Farmers’, 2012, CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments food import developing countries production scrutiny European Commission partnership with farmers CAP quality of food EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries quality standards hygiene food additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments Common Agricultural Policy European Commission partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU European Union affordable prices agriculture food diversity imported goods developing countries quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments farmers partnership policy effectiveness food production scrutiny EU regulations food safety agricultural support consumer health economic support environmental standards sustainable farming rural development food security market regulation food policy agricultural policy European Commission food affordability food standards agricultural subsidies farming practices food control food monitoring food traceability food labeling food quality assurance agricultural innovation CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality affordable food prices European agriculture policies food diversity EU quality standards hygiene standards product additives European food safety healthy food consumption CAP subsidies farmer payments European Commission partnership between Europe and farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU European Union affordable prices agriculture food diversity imported goods developing countries quality standards production scrutiny hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity imported goods developing countries production scrutiny quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality affordable prices agriculture policies food production hygiene standards additives control quality standards European citizens healthy food subsidies payments food diversity imported goods developing countries scrutiny European Commission partnership farmers CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity import standards developing countries production scrutiny quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments European Commission farmers partnership CAP Common Agricultural Policy food quality EU affordable prices agriculture policies food diversity import standards production scrutiny quality standards hygiene additives European citizens healthy food subsidies payments farmers partnership Europe CAP Common Agricultural Policy EU food quality affordable prices agricultural policies food diversity import standards hygiene additives EU standards European citizens healthy food subsidies farmer payments
test-economy-epsihbdns-pro04a	Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, Poor, uneducated people are lured into cities  The cause of rural-urban migration in developing nations and the main reason why it becomes problematic is that people who move to the cities are not making informed decisions. They are led to believe that the cities contain opportunities that they cannot find where they live, and there are no mechanisms such as efficient media or adequate education to eradicate this misconception. [1] Myths can be easily propagated by a single successful migrant returning home to visit that then attracts many others to try their luck without any knowledge of the possible costs. [2] This is exacerbated by unscrupulous organisations that prey on their desperation to take all their money to organise their move to the city. Some of those who are trafficked find themselves brought to the city and exploited through forced labour, begging, or even prostitution. [3] Many of those who move to cities find themselves in a worse situation but have lost any moving power they originally had and are thus trapped.  [1] Zhan, Shaohua. “What Determines Migrant Workers' Life Chances in Contemporary China? Hukou, Social Exclusion, and the Market.” 243, 2011, Vol. 37.  [2] Waibel, Hermann, and Schmidt, Erich, “Urban-rural relations”, in Feeding Asian Cities: Food Production and Processing Issues, FAO, November 2000,   [3] “UNIAP Vietnam”, United Nations Inter Agency Project on Human Trafficking, accessed March 2013, poor uneducated rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions misconception media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking forced labour begging prostitution trapped migrant workers life chances hukou social exclusion market urban-rural relations food production processing UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media influence education gap migrant myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor prostitution social exclusion hukou system urban-rural relations food production human trafficking migrant workers life chances market dynamics social exclusion trapped migrants moving power contemporary China FAO UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media influence education myths migrant success unscrupulous organizations trafficking forced labor prostitution social exclusion hukou market urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP human trafficking rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions lack of education media inefficiency myths propagation successful migrant influence unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution social exclusion market dynamics urban-rural relations human trafficking migrant workers life chances hukou system food production processing issues FAO UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uninformed decisions urban myths media inefficiency lack of education successful migrants unscrupulous organizations human trafficking forced labor exploitation social exclusion hukou system market dynamics urban-rural relations food production city life challenges migration costs trapped migrants poverty prostitution begging UNIAP Vietnam FAO reports contemporary China life chances migrant workers rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions efficient media adequate education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking forced labour begging prostitution worse situation trapped migrant workers life chances hukou social exclusion urban-rural relations food production processing issues human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated informed decisions media efficiency education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor prostitution social exclusion hukou urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam rural-urban migration developing nations uneducated migrants informed decisions media influence education lack myth propagation successful migrants unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor prostitution social exclusion market dynamics urban-rural relations food production human trafficking UNIAP Vietnam Shaohua Zhan Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt FAO rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media inefficiency education deficiency misconceptions myths successful migrants unscrupulous organizations exploitation forced labor begging prostitution trapped migrants social exclusion UNIAP Vietnam FAO Hermann Waibel Erich Schmidt Shaohua Zhan Hukou system life chances migrant workers contemporary China rural-urban migration developing nations informed decisions media education myths successful migrant unscrupulous organizations desperation trafficking forced labour prostitution social exclusion hukou urban-rural relations food production processing issues UNIAP Vietnam human trafficking
test-international-amehbuaisji-con03a	The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. The rest of the world is better off with the US out  The crucial role that the US plays for international security means that, for the benefit of the rest of the world, it is advantageous for the US to be outside of the ICC jurisdiction.  When military intervention is needed , it will often be the US that does so. The US being in a position where its actions would be constrained by a fear of ICC prosecution.  This would be even worse if the crime of aggression were to take effect, a broad definition of which could harm US interests. With the notable exceptions of the 1991 Gulf War and the invasion of Afghanistan, most recent US overseas missions could be seen as amounting to the crime of aggression. Depending on the definition used, it has been argued that every single US president since Kennedy has committed the crime of aggression. In an increasingly uncertain world, it could be necessary for the US to intervene  American ratification of the ICC would therefore have the unintended consequence of constraining US actions that would otherwise save lives. If the United States does not intervene in cases where there may be considered to be a responsibility to protect then it is unlikely that any other state will either. US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests US presidents Kennedy American ratification R2P responsibility to protect global stability humanitarian intervention legal constraints international law sovereignty US foreign policy overseas missions Gulf War Afghanistan US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression American ratification responsibility to protect US presidents Gulf War Afghanistan overseas missions legal constraints US interests global stability humanitarian intervention international law state sovereignty prosecution diplomatic relations security council UN peacekeeping geopolitical influence military operations legal jurisdictions war crimes human rights international court prosecution risks national security foreign policy global governance military engagements international relations US military international treaties legal frameworks international norms defense strategy international community state actions legal accountability global conflict peace US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect human rights global stability legal constraints prosecution foreign policy humanitarian intervention international law state sovereignty US military intervention international security ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US interests US presidents American ratification of ICC responsibility to protect US actions saving lives global stability US foreign policy international law prosecution fears overseas missions US involvement global military presence US commitment international criminal court US exceptionalism US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect American ratification unintended consequence constrained actions save lives state intervention global stability legal constraints international law humanitarian intervention war crimes international relations US foreign policy ICC prosecution United States overseas missions international court global security US military international peace legal immunity war on terror geopolitical strategy US leadership international community prosecution risk defense policy security council US combat operations international justice diplomatic relations military US out international security US military intervention ICC prosecution crime of aggression US interests US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect US ratification ICC jurisdiction US constraints life-saving interventions global stability US overseas missions Gulf War Afghanistan invasion foreign policy international law state sovereignty humanitarian intervention US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan US presidents Kennedy intervention responsibility to protect ratification constraints lives state action global stability humanitarian intervention jurisdiction prosecution overseas missions legal definitions US role world benefit security constraints American policy international relations conflict resolution global governance military operations legal implications foreign policy international law diplomatic relations sovereignty defense peacekeeping humanitarian aid geopolitical strategy global threats security council UN international community state sovereignty legal challenges political considerations US international security ICC jurisdiction military intervention crime of aggression US interests US presidents Kennedy responsibility to protect American ratification ICC constraining US actions saving lives global uncertainty legal constraints international intervention US overseas missions Gulf War Afghanistan unintended consequences US participation international criminal court global stability US military foreign policy international law humanitarian intervention state sovereignty global leadership US exceptionalism international relations legal prosecution war crimes human rights global governance international justice US geopolitical role conflict resolution peacekeeping international community diplomatic relations international security military intervention ICC jurisdiction crime of aggression US interests US presidents American ratification responsibility to protect global stability humanitarian intervention international law US foreign policy global governance international courts state sovereignty legal constraints defense policy international relations security council peacekeeping operations US ICC international security military intervention crime of aggression US interests Gulf War Afghanistan responsibility to protect American ratification constrain US actions save lives president Kennedy overseas missions ICC jurisdiction uncertain world US presidents ICC prosecution global stability humanitarian intervention
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro03a	"Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Much of the complexity of life cannot be explained by evolution, but is perfectly explained by Creationism.  Nature is marked by clear design. The complexity of the human body, of ecosystems, and even of bacteria, attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as, for example, interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a designer. Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it would lose all functionality. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the ""motor"" that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [1] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which is nonsensical. Creationism serves to explain the various mysteries of biology currently absent from the evolutionary biologists' picture of the world. The existence of complexity of the order found in the natural world is too great to envisage an origin other than complex design.  [1] Behe, Michael. 1996. Darwin’s Black Box. Glencoe: Free Press. Creationism Evolution Complexity Design Natural Selection Irreducible Complexity Bacterial Flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box Intelligent Design Biological Mysteries Gradualism Selective Pressure Blind Chance Ecosystems Human Body Interdependent Species Origin of Life Scientific Explanation Creationism Intelligent Design Irreducible Complexity Bacterial Flagellum Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box Evolution Gradualism Selective Pressure Biological Complexity Ecosystems Human Body Interdependent Species Natural Design Blind Chance Origin of Life Evolutionary Biology Scientific Explanation Theistic Evolution Critiques of Evolution Creationism evolution complexity design irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum interdependent species gradualism selective pressure Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box blind chance natural world biological mysteries evolutionary biology human body ecosystems bacteria creative agency creationism design complexity evolution human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex bacterial flagellum gradualist argument selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe Creationism evolution design complexity human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex bacterial flagellum gradualism selective pressure Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box blind chance biological mysteries evolutionary biology natural world complex design evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex bacterial flagellum gradualist argument selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe complexity life evolution Creationism nature design human body ecosystems bacteria creative agency interdependent species designer irreducibly complex gradualist argument bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance mysteries of biology natural world complex design Michael Behe Darwin’s Black Box Creationism evolution complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducible complexity bacterial flagellum gradualism selective pressure blind chance Michael Behe Darwin's Black Box natural world biological mysteries origin complex design evolution creationism complexity natural design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex gradualist argument bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe biological mysteries complex design origin of life evolution creationism complexity design human body ecosystems bacteria interdependent species irreducibly complex gradualist argument bacterial flagellum selective pressure blind chance Darwin's Black Box Michael Behe"
test-international-epglghbni-con03a	Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. Unification would reignite civil disorder and violent factionalism among Irish communities  As shown above, the Northern Irish don’t want to unite with the Republic. The Irish in the Republic will also resent the new drain on their economy. Either the Republican parties in Ireland will resent having to concede some power to new political entities or the Unionists will resent being marginalized. The recent reoccurrence of violence in Belfast is being attributed to the breakdown of protestant communities and low job prospects for young protestants. Both of these problems will be exacerbated in a majority Catholic Ireland. All of these examples illustrate how unrest is likely to breakout again in a united Ireland. unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists political power Protestant communities job prospects Catholic majority unrest Belfast violence protestant marginalization Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists political power Protestant communities job prospects young Protestants majority Catholic unrest united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists political entities marginalized violence Belfast protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists power concession marginalized groups Belfast violence Protestant communities job prospects young Protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest united Ireland Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities low job prospects young protestants majority Catholic unrest breakout unification civil disorder violent factionalism Northern Irish Republic economic drain political power Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects Catholic majority unrest breakout Unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic unrest breakout united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain resentment Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects young protestants majority Catholic Ireland unrest breakout unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic of Ireland economic strain Republican parties Unionists political power Protestant communities job prospects young Protestants Catholic majority unrest united Ireland unification civil disorder violent factionalism Irish communities Northern Irish Republic economic drain Republican parties Unionists marginalized Belfast violence protestant communities job prospects majority Catholic unrest breakout
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro03a	Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. Transparency allows citizens to choose for a healthy leader as to ensure proper functioning  The health and fitness of a leader is a vital issue when choosing a leader; the electorate deserves to know if they are likely to serve out their term. When health conditions are hidden from the people they may mistakenly elect a leader who is unable to serve a full term or is at times not in control of the country. There would be little point in voting for a leader who will often not truely be in charge of the country, if voters are told it becomes their choice whether this is a problem. Transparency in terms of clear, accurate and up-to-date information is necessary for the electorate to judge the fitness of a leader which is a necessary precondition for election. In a democracy a leader needs to be accountable, he can only be accountable if the elctorate knows such vital information. transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electing leader hidden health conditions electorate knowledge serve full term in control voter decision up-to-date information judge fitness precondition for election democracy leader accountability vital information transparency citizen healthy leader proper functioning health fitness leadership electorate term service health conditions hidden information democracy accountability vital information leadership fitness voter choice election up-to-date information clear information accurate information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electing leaders health conditions hidden information voter awareness serving full term control of country voter decision-making necessary precondition election process democracy leader accountability electorate information vital information clear information accurate information up-to-date information transparency citizens choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electing leader electorate knowledge health conditions hidden information serve term control of country democracy accountability up-to-date information fitness for election voter information leadership accountability public health awareness electoral transparency informed voting leader health disclosure political accountability health transparency voter rights leader fitness public trust democratic process informed electorate election integrity health disclosure laws leader accountability voter education health and leadership transparency in politics leader health information fitness for office health and public service leader transparency citizens healthy leader proper functioning health fitness vital issue choosing leader electorate serve term hidden health conditions mistaken election unable serve not in control voting choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy accountability vital information transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate knowledge full term hidden health conditions electoral decision voter information democracy leader accountability clear information accurate information up-to-date information fitness for office election precondition true leadership informed electorate transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate deserves full term hidden health conditions unable to serve not in control voters choice clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition election democracy leader accountability vital information Transparency citizen choice healthy leader proper functioning health and fitness vital issue electorate serve term hidden health conditions misinformed voting leader accountability clear information accurate information up-to-date information judge fitness necessary precondition democracy true control voter awareness transparency leader health fitness electorate accountability democracy informed choice vital information leadership capability public right to know term completion governmental control voter responsibility political fitness leadership assessment health disclosure democratic process citizen empowerment transparency leader health fitness electorate democracy accountability voting election term hidden health conditions informed choice leader's control clear information accurate information up-to-date information
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con02a	"Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification Through jury nullification, juries make the law more accountable to the people.  Although juries are not technically supposed to nullify the law, or choose to acquit even if the evidence suggests that the defendant is guilty, they sometimes do. This usually happens when the jury believes the law is unjust: for example when the punishment is disproportionate to the crime1 (for example some activists encourage juries to nullify in cases of non-violent drug crimes). We believe this is good because it allows the public to check the government in a way for which rare elections and complex legislative processes do not allow. Only consider how many 'democratic' countries have upheld policies of segregation or discrimination, and it becomes clear that 'free and fair' elections can lead to outcomes that are anything but. Thus jury nullification can a) protect individuals from blatantly unjust laws, and b) provide impetus to actual legislative change. For example, some scholars believe that it was in part the frequent acquittal by juries of defendants who were probably guilty, but who would have received the death penalty if found to be so, that led to the US Supreme Court declaring mandatory capital punishment schemes unconstitutional.2 This community input is valuable in all circumstances, and there is no reason why it should be limited to certain cases.  1Doug Linder, ""What Is Jury Nullification?  2Andrew Leipold, ""Rethinking Jury Nullification jury nullification juries law accountability public role government checks unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic processes legislative change community input capital punishment Supreme Court mandatory death penalty Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification accountability public checks government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes drug offenses legislative change capital punishment Supreme Court community input democratic processes segregation discrimination free elections fair trials civic engagement legal reforms judicial activism social justice jury nullification accountable law public checks government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes drug offenses democratic process legislative change capital punishment community input mandatory sentencing unconstitutional laws Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification accountable law moral judgment unjust laws non-violent drug crimes public check government power democratic outcomes segregation discrimination legislative change community input mandatory capital punishment unconstitutional 学者观点 Doug Linder Andrew Leipold jury nullification accountability public check government oversight unjust laws non-violent drug crimes disproportionate punishment legislative change community input democratic process mandatory capital punishment Supreme Court constitutional impetus for change activism judicial system citizen power legal reform social justice jury nullification juries law accountability public check government unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic countries segregation discrimination free and fair elections legislative change US Supreme Court mandatory capital punishment community input defense acquittal death penalty constitutional laws civil rights legislative processes jurors legal system justice ethical jury decisions public opinion legal reform societal values activist movements judicial activism moral judgment legal ethics judicial discretion law and morality citizen empowerment political accountability legal challenges judicial review democratic participation law enforcement legal precedents judicial jury nullification law accountability public check on government non-violent drug crimes unjust laws legislative change community input democratic processes segregation discrimination free and fair elections mandatory capital punishment US Supreme Court constitutional outcomes civic engagement jury power legal reform social justice grassroots influence judicial system citizen participation legal conscience moral judging legal activism policy reflection judicial discretion punitive fairness jury nullification legal accountability public oversight unjust laws non-violent drug crimes legislative change mandatory capital punishment community input democratic checks government power judicial system civic duty moral judgment legal reform jury rights constitutional law public policy activism legal theory criminal justice social justice jury power legal efficacy democratic process citizen empowerment legal ethics judicial activism legislative process political theory legal philosophy legal history jury decision-making moral legislation societal values legal principles judicial integrity public trust legal education judicial responsibilities civic engagement law and morality jury nullification accountable law public checks government oversight unjust laws non-violent drug crimes democratic processes electoral limitations legislative change community input death penalty mandatory capital punishment constitutional rulings judicial reform civic engagement legal accountability public justice activist juries moral legislation societal impact jury nullification accountable law public checks government oversight unjust laws non-violent crimes drug offenses legislative change capital punishment mandatory sentencing community input democratic processes segregation discrimination free elections fair outcomes judicial activism constitutional law supreme court Andrew Leipold Doug Linder"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro04a	The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. The cultural construction of armed conflict  The jurisdiction of the ICC is primarily exercised according to culturally constructed assumptions about the way war works – that there will be a clear division between aggressors and defenders, that armies will be organised according to chains of command, the civilians will not be targeted and will be evacuated from conflict zones. But countless conflicts in Africa and central Asia have proven these assumptions to be flawed.  It should not be forgotten that almost all formulations of this motion define cultural relativism only as a defence to the use of child soldiers. It will still be open for ICC prosecutors to prove that the use of child soldiers has been systematic, pernicious and deliberate, rather than the product of uncertainty, necessity and unstable legal norms. Moreover, not all defences are “complete” defences; they do not all result in acquittal, and are often used by judges to mitigate the harshness of certain sentences.  It can be argued that it was never intended for the ICC to enforce laws relating to child soldiers against other children or leaders of vulnerable communities who acted under the duress of circumstances. At the very least, those responsible for arming children in these circumstances should face a more lenient sentence than a better-resourced state body that used child soldiers as a matter of policy.  Due to the nature of conflicts in developing nations, where the geographic influence of “recognised” governments is limited, and multiple local law-making bodies may contribute to an armed struggle, it is difficult for the international community to directly oversee combat itself. United Nations troops are often underfunded, unmotivated and poorly trained, being sourced primarily from the same continent as the belligerent parties in a conflict. When peacekeepers are deployed from western nations, their rules of engagement have previously prevented robust protection of civilian populations. Ironically, this is partly the result of concerns that western states might be accused of indulging in neo-colonialism. It is outrageous for the international community to dictate standards of war-time conduct to communities and states unable to enforce them, while withholding the assistance and expertise that might allow them to do so.  Therefore, the ICC, as a specialist legal and investigative body, should be encouraged to use the expertise it has accumulated to distinguish between child military participation driven by a desire to terrorise populations or quickly reinforce armies, and child military participation that has arisen as a survival strategy. cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war norms conflict dynamics Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers legal defences sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress state policy developing nations government influence local law-making peacekeepers UN troops western intervention neo-colonialism international standards war conduct legal expertise survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war assumptions aggressors defenders organised armies civilians conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts flawed assumptions cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors legal defence sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress lenient sentences state policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making bodies armed struggle international oversight combat oversight United Nations troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious intent legal norms defences mitigation sentencing duress vulnerable communities resource-limited states policy enforcement developing nations government influence local law-making international oversight UN troops funding training peacekeeping rules of engagement neo-colonialism civilian protection war-time conduct legal expertise survival strategy military participation terrorism reinforcement investigation cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecution systematic use pernicious use deliberate use legal norms defences sentencing duress vulnerable communities resource difference state policy conflict nature developing nations government influence local law-making international oversight UN troops underfunding unmotivated poorly trained peacekeepers western nations rules of engagement civilian protection neo-colonialism international standards war-time conduct assistance expertise ICC expertise cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics civilian evacuation conflict structure African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecution pernicious intent legal norms legal defenses sentence mitigation duress circumstances lenient sentencing state policy developing nation conflicts government influence local law-making international oversight UN peacekeepers peacekeeping effectiveness neo-colonialism concerns war-time conduct community standards international assistance expertise utilization survival strategy military participation cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war assumptions aggressors defenders chain of command civilian targeting conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms complete defences acquittal sentence mitigation ICC enforcement laws child soldiers vulnerable communities duress lenient sentencing state policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making armed struggle international community oversight combat oversight United Nations troops underfunded unm cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction aggressors defenders organised armies civilians conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms ICC prosecutors mitigation sentences duress resource-limited states policy developing nations recognised governments local law-making international oversight UN troops underfunded unmotivated poorly trained western peacekeepers rules of engagement neo-colonialism war-time conduct international assistance expertise survival strategy terrorise cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutions legal norms duress circumstances lenient sentencing recognised governments local law-making international oversight UN peacekeepers western intervention neo-colonialism enforcement capability military participation survival strategy cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction culturally constructed assumptions war dynamics conflict zones African conflicts central Asian conflicts cultural relativism child soldiers ICC prosecutors systematic use pernicious use deliberate use uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms defence strategies acquittal sentence mitigation vulnerable communities duress lenient sentencing state policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making bodies UN troops underfunded peacekeepers unmotivated peacekeepers poorly trained peacekeepers western peacekeepers rules of engagement robust protection neo-colonialism international standards cultural construction armed conflict ICC jurisdiction cultural assumptions war norms conflicts in Africa central Asia cultural relativism child soldiers legal defenses systematic use pernicious deliberate uncertainty necessity unstable legal norms vulnerable communities lenient sentences state policy developing nations recognized governments local law-making international oversight United Nations troops peacekeepers western nations neo-colonialism war-time conduct survival strategy specialist legal investigative body military participation terrorize populations reinforce armies
test-environment-assgbatj-pro02a	Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. Animal research causes severe harm to the animals involved  The point of animal research is that animals are harmed. Even if they don’t suffer in the experiment, almost all are killed afterwards. With 115 million animals used a year this is a big problem. Releasing medical research animals in to the wild would be dangerous for them, and they would not be usable as pets. [4]. The only solution is that they are wild from birth.  It is obvious that it’s not in the interest of animals to be killed or harmed. Research should be banned in order to prevent the deaths of millions of animals. animal welfare ethical concerns animal experimentation lab animals animal rights humane alternatives animal testing regulations scientific research ethics animal suffering wildlife conservation animal euthanasia laboratory animal care animal use statistics animal research controversies non-animal testing methods harm to animals animal protection laws animal experimentation impact animal testing alternatives animal research benefits animal research drawbacks animal liberation laboratory animal welfare animal testing consequences animal research ethical issues animal testing cruelty humane science animal testing replacement animal experimentation ethics animal research oversight animal testing oversight animal research regulations animal testing laws animal research animal research severe harm animal cruelty animal testing ethical concerns laboratory animals animal welfare animal rights alternatives to animal testing banning animal research harm to animals killing animals animal experimentation medical research animals releasing animals wild animals pet suitability humane treatment animal ethics scientific research ethics non-animal methods animal ethics animal welfare laboratory animals animal testing animal experimentation animal cruelty euthanasia animal rights alternatives to animal testing in vitro testing clinical trials synthetic biology animal sanctuaries animal conservation humane research ethical research animal suffering animal death animal sacrifice biomedical research veterinary medicine animal protection laws animal liberation animal pain animal distress non-animal models animal-free research ethical treatment of animals animal research regulations animal care standards animal cruelty laws animal research ethics animal research oversight animal research alternatives animal research impact animal research controversy animal research severe harm animal suffering animal death annual statistics release issues wild animals pet suitability ethical concerns research bans animal welfare scientific alternatives moral objections laboratory animals humane treatment animal rights conservation ethics research ethics non-animal methods animal testing cruelty prevention animal research severe harm animals involved experiment killed 115 million animals medical research animals wild pets banned prevent deaths ethical concerns animal welfare laboratory animals testing alternatives cruelty-free research animal rights humane treatment experimental subjects scientific justification animal research severe harm animals involved ethical concerns animal testing laboratory animals medical research animal welfare animal rights humane alternatives animal experimentation animal cruelty research ethics animal protection wildlife conservation animal death scientific testing animal suffering research subjects animal liberation animal research severe harm animal suffering animal death medical research animal testing harm prevention ethical concerns animal rights research alternatives animal welfare cruelty-free research laboratory animals animal liberation scientific experimentation humane methods animal sacrifice animal protection ethical research non-animal models animal research severe harm animal suffering animal death medical research animal experimentation wild animals animal welfare animal rights research ethics humane alternatives animal testing laboratory animals animal protection ethical treatment animal release animal safety animal ban scientific research non-animal methods animal research animal harm animal experimentation ethical concerns animal welfare animal rights alternatives to animal testing medical research laboratory animals animal ethics animal testing regulation animal death humane research methods non-animal research models animal liberation animal suffering animal cruelty scientific research ethics animal testing statistics animal release issues wild animals animal captivity animal research ban animal protection animal research alternatives animal research impact animal research consequences animal ethics animal welfare animal rights animal experimentation animal testing research ethics laboratory animals animal cruelty animal liberation scientific research methods alternative research methods animal suffering humane alternatives animal conservation animal protection laws ethical treatment of animals animal sacrifice sentient beings vivisection animal experimentation regulation non-animal testing in vitro testing computational models animal-free research ethical dilemma moral responsibility animal consciousness animal cognition animal advocacy animal activism animal welfare legislation animal research ethics committees harm reduction speciesism anthropocentrism animal research impact animal research benefits
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro02a	Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 Internet regjulation is a euphemism for censorship  Governments are trying to control what citizens can and can’t say online and what they can and can’t access. This can vary from France and Germany requiring Google to suppress Nazism in search results [1] to the Great Firewall of China, where the Chinese government almost fully controls what’s said and seen on the internet and has an army of censors. [2]  This type of internet censorship is bad because citizens should have freedom of speech and uninhibited access to information, [3] a right so fundamental that we have enshrined it in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [4] and reaffirmed by the participants of the World Summit on the Information Society in 2003. [5]  [1] Zittrain and Edelman, Localized Google search result exclusions, 2005  [2] Internet censorship in China, 2010  [3] Free Speech Debate, 2012  [4] article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights  [5] Declaration of Principles, article 4, 2003 internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain and Edelman Internet censorship in China Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles Internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions Google censorship Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China online content control internet freedom freedom of speech uninhibited information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society free speech rights digital rights global internet policies online censorship debate information society principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall China censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society human rights digital rights surveillance online freedom content moderation state control digital censorship internet freedom global internet policies international law digital humanities media studies political science technology policy cyberlaw internet regulation censorship government control online speech access control France Germany Google Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech uninhibited information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society free speech debate article 19 Declaration of Principles 2003 Internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Google censorship Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China online censors free speech debate article 19 Declaration of Principles Internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restriction France Germany Google suppress Nazism Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech uninhibited information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman localized search exclusions Internet censorship in China Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism search results Great Firewall of China Chinese government censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman Free Speech Debate Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restriction France Germany Google Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society free speech debate article 19 declaration of principles human rights online freedom speech regulation digital censorship global internet policies information society digital rights online privacy internet freedom digital regulation speech control online content regulation internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions France Germany Google Nazism suppression Great Firewall China internet censors freedom of speech information access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society free speech debate article 19 Declaration of Principles internet regulation censorship government control online speech access restrictions Google Nazism suppression Great Firewall of China censors freedom of speech uninhibited access Universal Declaration of Human Rights World Summit on the Information Society Zittrain Edelman Free Speech Debate article 19 Declaration of Principles
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro03a	Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors Reform treaties are too important to be left to politicians of the day  Decisions that affect the national sovereignty of a country should not just be left to elected politicians who have power for a limited time but should be given to the citizens through direct vote. The nature of the Lisbon Treaty changed the relationship between member states and Brussels; it is clearly a constitutional issue and therefore needs to be ratified by all citizens. The Blair Labour Government held referenda on a whole range of constitutional changes, including not only devolution in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, but even on whether individual cities should have directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote citizens constitutional issue Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes Blair Labour Government referenda devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland directly elected mayors cities reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians limited power citizens direct vote Lisbon Treaty relationship member states Brussels constitutional issue ratification Blair Labour Government referenda constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland cities directly elected mayors treaty reform national sovereignty elected politicians citizen direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors Blair Labour Government referendum democratic participation constitutional referendum governance structure political accountability reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue citizen ratification Blair Labour Government constitutional changes devolution referenda directly elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote citizens Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue ratification Blair Labour Government referenda constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors cities Reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote constitutional issue Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes referenda devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote Lisbon Treaty constitutional issue member states Brussels Blair Labour Government referenda constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors cities treaty reform national sovereignty elected politicians direct democracy constitutional issues Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes referenda devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors Blair Labour Government citizen ratification political accountability democratic legitimacy public engagement governance structures european union constitutional law democratic governance political reform civic participation legal frameworks policy-making governance reforms public policy referendum political representation citizen empowerment democratic decision-making european integration constitutional law reform political science democratic theory institutional change european governance public administration international relations reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians direct vote constitutional issue Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional changes referenda devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland elected mayors reform treaties national sovereignty elected politicians limited power citizens direct vote Lisbon Treaty member states Brussels constitutional issue citizen ratification Blair Labour Government referenda constitutional changes devolution Scotland Wales Northern Ireland directly elected mayors
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro03a	Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, Will enable the rebuilding of DRC  DR Congo has been one of the most war ravaged countries in the world over the last two decades. The Grand Inga provides a project that can potentially benefit everyone in the country by providing cheap electricity and an economic boost. It will also provide large export earnings; to take an comparatively local example Ethiopia earns $1.5million per month exporting 60MW to Djibouti at 7 cents per KwH [1] comparable to prices in South Africa [2] so if Congo were to be exporting 500 times that (at 30,000 MW only 3/4ths of the capacity) it would be earning $9billion per year. This then will provide more money to invest and to ameliorate problems. The project can therefore be a project for the nation to rally around helping create and keep stability after the surrender of the rebel group M23 in October 2013.  [1] Woldegebriel, E.G., ‘Ethiopia plans to power East Africa with hydro’, trust.org, 29 January 2013,   [2] Burkhardt, Paul, ‘Eskom to Raise S. Africa Power Price 8% Annually for 5 Years’, Bloomberg, 28 February 2013, DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost large export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export South Africa investment problem amelioration national project stability M23 rebel group hydro power East Africa Eskom S. Africa power price DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia power export Djibouti South Africa electricity prices Congo investment stability M23 rebel group hydro power East Africa Eskom power price 每年提价 五年计划 DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti Congo M23 stability hydro power East Africa Eskom South Africa power price DRC rebuilding war-ravaged countries Grand Inga project cheap electricity economic boost large export earnings Ethiopia power exports Djibouti electricity trade South Africa power prices Congo export potential national stability M23 rebel group post-conflict development hydroelectric power regional economic integration African energy market infrastructure investment sustainable development peacebuilding initiatives DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost large export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export South Africa M23 rebel group stability nation rebuilding hydro power East Africa Eskom S. Africa power price DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti Congo hydro power stability M23 East Africa power price South Africa DRC DR Congo war-torn Grand Inga hydroelectric electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export South Africa M23 rebel group stability investment nation-building hydro power East Africa Eskom power price DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti power export hydroelectric power South Africa M23 rebel group national stability investment problem amelioration energy trade African development hydro projects economic growth regional cooperation power generation infrastructure development peace initiatives economic potential electricity export African electricity market hydroelectricity economic stimulus national unity post-conflict recovery sustainable development power prices international cooperation energy sector African countries economic diversification power supply DRC DR Congo war ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia Djibouti South Africa Congo M23 stability hydro power East Africa Eskom S. Africa power price rebuilding DR Congo war-ravaged Grand Inga cheap electricity economic boost export earnings Ethiopia hydropower stability M23 surrender national project investment problem-solving hydroelectric power East Africa S. Africa Eskom power price
test-religion-yercfrggms-con02a	"The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. The complexity of the universe and of life cannot be explained by atheism:  Atheism suggests that the Universe came about by chance and the interaction of natural properties. Yet nature is marked by clear design that atheism cannot explain. The complexity of the human body, of planets, stars, and galaxies, and even of bacteria attests to the existence of creative agency. It is impossible that such things as interdependent species could come to exist without the guidance of a higher power. [1] Likewise, certain organisms can be shown to be irreducibly complex, meaning that if one were to remove any part of it, it could not function. This refutes the gradualist argument of evolution, since there is no selective pressure on the organism to change when it is functionless. For example, the bacterial flagellum, the “motor” that powers bacterial cells, loses all functionality if a single component is removed. [2] Besides design, the only explanation of its development is blind chance, which seems less sensible. Atheism cannot account for these facts and thus collapses into nonsense.  [1] Ratzsch, Del. 2009. ""Teleological Arguments for God's Existence"" The Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy.   [2] Davis, Percival and Dean Kenyon. 1989. Of Pandas and People: The Central Question of Biological Origins. Richardson: Foundation for Thought and Ethics. atheism design complexity universe life natural properties chance interdependent species creative agency higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence biological origins blind chance atheism complexity universe life natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum blind chance teleological arguments god's existence biological origins del ratzsch percival davis dean kenyon foundation for thought and ethics complexity universe life atheism natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motors blind chance teleological arguments god's existence biological origins pandas people central question foundation for thought and ethics universe complexity life complexity atheism chance natural properties design in nature human body complexity planets complexity stars complexity galaxies complexity bacteria complexity creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution bacterial flagellum selective pressure teleological arguments God's existence blind chance Pandas and People biological origins atheism complexity universe life natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God's existence blind chance nonsense Ratzsch Del 2009 Teleological Arguments for God's Existence Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy Davis Percival Dean Kenyon Of Pandas and People Central Question of Biological Origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum teleological arguments God teleology biological origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics atheism universe complexity life natural properties chance design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics Atheism complexity universe life natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducible complexity gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Del Ratzsch Pandas and People Foundation for Thought and Ethics complexity universe life atheism chance natural properties design human body planets stars galaxies bacteria creative agency higher power interdependent species irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum motor functionality blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins Foundation for Thought and Ethics atheism complexity universe life natural properties design creative agency human body planets stars galaxies bacteria interdependent species higher power irreducibly complex gradualist argument evolution selective pressure bacterial flagellum blind chance teleological arguments God's existence biological origins"
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-pro01a	Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. Cutting off bit of children’s bodies for no apparent reason is simply wrong  If this is simply a matter of performing a procedure with no apparent benefit to the patient – in most cases a young child – then it does rather raise the question of “Why”. If the procedure were, say, cutting off a toe or an earlobe then all involved would require a clear and compelling case for such a practice. There are grown adults that think that cutting off a finger is the next stage up from getting a tattoo or a piercing [i] . At best most people would consider such a practice odd, at worst unstable. However, these are grown adults who have made the decision to mutilate their bodies for themselves and as a statement they feel appropriate.  Consider society’s reaction if the fingers of unwilling adults were forcibly removed. What about unwilling children? What about the fingers of babies fresh out of the womb? The only sane response to such an action would be condemnation – and probably an arrest. The logic of this argument does not change if “finger” is replaced with “foreskin”.  Research undertaken by the World Health Organization found that the overwhelming determining factor in the decision as to whether a boy should be circumcised was whether the father had been [ii] .  Although the report suggest a correlation with a reduction in the possibility in the spread of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa it also comments, “If correctly planned, increased provision of accessible, safe adult male circumcision services could also increase opportunities to educate  men in areas of high HIV prevalence about a variety of sexual and reproductive health topics, including hygiene, sexuality, gender relations and the need for ongoing combination prevention strategies to further decrease risk of HIV acquisition and transmission.”  Out with this area the rate of adult male circumcision is very low, suggesting that when the individual is of an age to give consent, they chose not to. Performing an act on a child that would not be consented to by an adult except in extremis would seem a fairly reasonable definition of child abuse.  [i] Shannon. “De-Fingered: Finger Amputations in BME News/Publishers’ Ring”. BME News. 11 March 2008.  [ii] “Male Circumcision: Global Trends and Determinants of Prevalence, Safety and Acceptability”. World Health Organisation and the Joint United Nations Council on HIV AIDS. 2007. child abuse circumcision foreskin genital mutilation informed consent medical ethics parental rights religious freedom health benefits HIV prevention adult circumcision cultural practices human rights child welfare surgical procedures non-therapeutic circumcision moral justification legal implications pediatric surgery pain management long-term effects psychological impact advocacy groups public health policy medical professionalism bioethics autonomy bodily integrity pediatric consent infant rights medical controversy traditional medicine sexual health reproductive health hygiene gender issues social norms ethical dilemmas pediatric care medical procedures patient autonomy child abuse circumcision foreskin consent non-consensual procedures male circumcision HIV prevention cultural practices infant mutilation adult decision-making health education genital integrity bodily autonomy medical ethics human rights violations pediatric surgery informed consent sub-Saharan Africa AIDS prevention sexual and reproductive health combination prevention strategies safe circumcision services public health medical determinism paternal influence global health trends sexual health education gender relations hygiene practices unethical medical procedures child protection legal implications medical justification ritual practices religious beliefs health promotion community health minor's rights medical circumcision child abuse foreskin removal parental consent medical ethics non-therapeutic surgery infant rights bodily integrity cultural practices religious beliefs health benefits HIV prevention adult choice human rights surgical risks long-term effects psychological impact informed consent pediatric surgery moral dispute legal implications public health WHO stance global trends safety standards acceptability reproductive health sexuality education gender relations combination prevention strategies HIV transmission adult male circumcision sub-Saharan Africa informed decision-making ethical considerations child welfare surgical procedures health education parental decision-making child circumcision parental consent medical ethics foreskin removal non-therapeutic surgery cultural practices health benefits HIV prevention adult circumcision religious beliefs human rights bodily integrity child abuse informed consent surgical risks long-term effects child abuse circumcision foreskin infant rights medical ethics non-consensual surgery parental decision-making ritual practices sexual health WHO guidelines child circumcision unnecessary medical procedures parental consent child abuse foreskin removal cultural practices medical ethics informed consent infant rights genital integrity World Health Organization HIV prevention male circumcision trends sexual and reproductive health education child abuse circumcision foreskin consent medical ethics non-therapeutic surgery infant rights bodily integrity cultural practices health benefits AIDS prevention adult male circumcision WHO UNAIDS informed consent human rights surgical procedures pediatric surgery parental decision-making public health policies child abuse circumcision consent foreskin HIV male circumcision non-therapeutic circumcision ritual circumcision sexual and reproductive health WHO child abuse circumcision foreskin medical ethics consent infant health benefits HIV adult male circumcision cultural practices human rights non-therapeutic surgery bodily integrity parental rights informed consent pediatric surgery genital mutilation public health religious freedom surgical procedures ethical considerations pediatric ethics patient autonomy medical procedures legal issues child welfare healthcare policy genital cutting medical research World Health Organization HIV prevention sexual health reproductive health informed decision-making medical ethics debate pediatric urology pubertal development long-term effects pain management surgical techniques child abuse circumcision foreskin finger amputation informed consent parental decision HIV prevention adult male circumcision WHO research sexual and reproductive health social norms medical ethics body modification non-therapeutic procedures child rights human rights cultural practices genital integrity ethical dilemmas public health policy
test-international-bldimehbn-con03a	Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, Journalism should report the experiences of the vulnerable and oppressed just as much as those of the elite and powerful.  The idea that people are not widely interested in the lives of their fellow citizens is clearly untrue. Indeed, ‘people sell papers’ is one of the oldest sayings in journalism. However, there is also a moral obligation on journalists to report the news that impacts on the marginalized the most. This is demonstrably the case as it tends to those stories that bring to life disadvantage or the vulnerable just as much as those that report the misdeeds of the powerful that win journalists the recognition of their peers and the professional awards and prestige that goes along with that. Pulitzers and others are rarely handed out for reporting what is comfortable, mundane or safe. For example the 2012 Pulitzer for local reporting was for an article on the sex scandal at Penn State and Feature Writing on “haunting story of a woman who survived a brutal attack that took the life of her partner”. [1]  [1] ‘2012 Winners and Finalists’, The Pulitzer Prizes, vulnerable oppressed elite powerful journalism moral obligation marginalized news impact disadvantage misdeeds recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzer local reporting sex scandal Penn State feature writing woman survivor brutal attack partner death journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest marginalized moral obligation news impact disadvantage underrepresented stories Pulitzer Prizes investigative reporting recognition professional awards journalism ethics social responsibility community awareness human interest storytelling accountability media diversity inclusive reporting societal issues public service underdog narratives victim empowerment social justice equality representation media influence public discourse reporting standards ethical journalism media responsibility storytelling impact journalism impact media representation vulnerable communities powerful narratives media scrutiny public engagement media influence journalism integrity storytelling ethics social journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest marginalized moral obligation news impact disadvantage Pulitzer Prizes awards recognition social issues investigative reporting human interest ethics media responsibility vulnerable oppressed elite powerful journalism moral obligation marginalized impact disadvantage recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzers sex scandal Penn State Feature Writing brutal attack partner survivor news reporting public interest social issues ethical responsibility journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful experiences moral obligation marginalized news impact recognition professional awards Pulitzer sex scandal Penn State feature writing attack partner journalism reporting vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation news marginalized recognition professional awards Pulitzers sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack partner storytelling public interest social issues investigative reporting ethical journalism community voice underreported stories media responsibility human interest award-winning journalism societal impact news values editorial priorities diverse narratives inclusive storytelling grassroots reporting social justice civic engagement media diversity representational accuracy journalistic ethics public service accountability transparency democracy trust media representation marginalized communities elite coverage journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest moral obligation marginalized impact disadvantage misdeeds recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzer local reporting sex scandal Penn State feature writing survivor brutal attack partner journalism reporting vulnerable oppressed elite powerful moral obligation marginalized news impact disadvantage recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzer sex scandal Penn State feature writing survival brutal attack partner journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest marginalized news impact moral obligation Pulitzer Prizes sex scandal Penn State feature writing brutal attack survivor partner recognition professional awards prestige uncomfortable stories mundane safe Journalism vulnerable oppressed elite powerful public interest fellow citizens moral obligation marginalized impact disadvantage recognition professional awards prestige Pulitzers local reporting sex scandal Penn State Feature Writing brutal attack survivor partner news value ethical journalism underrepresented stories
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro02a	Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. Scientific opinion often changes; evolution may be accepted in the scientific community now, but it could well be rejected in future.  The opinion of the scientific community with regard to facts and theories has a great propensity to change with time. Once scientists adamantly maintained that the Earth was flat. For centuries it also maintained that there were two kinds of blood flowing through the human body. Science is not infallible and the prevailing theory is no more than the opinion currently in vogue among scholars. In light of new evidence, theories can change over time, giving way to better explanations [1] . For this reason, the evolutionists' dogmatic adherence to their position in spite of contrary evidence provided by Creationists is hard to understand. However, it becomes clear why the scientific establishment takes such a confrontational position toward Creationism when one considers that many eminent scientists and researchers have built their careers within the paradigm of evolution, and their research often depends wholly on its acceptance. These scientists would lose their exalted position in the light of a paradigm-shift in scientific understanding away from evolution. It is for this reason that scientists who adhere to established norms so often fight things like Creationism, even though they provide explanations where evolution cannot. For science to progress, these conservative impulses must be fought against, which is why it is essential that when science is taught, so are all the prevailing theories concerning branches of the sciences, including Creationism.  [1] Understanding Science. 2011. “Science Aims to Explain and Understand”. University of California Berkeley. scientific opinion evolution scientific community scientific theories scientific facts Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific paradigm evolution dogmatism Creationism contrary evidence scientific careers research acceptance paradigm shift scientific understanding conservative impulses scientific progress teaching science prevailing theories Creationism inclusion scientific consensus paradigm shifts scientific theories evolution controversy creationism debate scientific progress academic freedom scientific community infallibility of science evidence-based theories scientific paradigms scientific revolution scientific dogma alternative explanations scientific education scholarly opinion historical scientific beliefs blood circulation flat earth theory scientific history scientific establishment career investment research funding scientific paradigms scientific resistance teaching methods comprehensive science education critical thinking in science scientific opinion evolution scientific community scientific facts scientific theories scientific change Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific evidence evolution dogma Creationism scientific establishment scientific paradigms career in science research acceptance paradigm shift conservative science science teaching prevailing theories scientific progress UC Berkeley science scientific opinion evolution scientific community facts and theories earth flat two kinds blood science infallible prevailing theory new evidence theories change evolutionists dogmatic Creationists evidence scientific establishment paradigm shift scientists careers research acceptance conservative impulses teach all theories Creationism inclusion science progress Scientific opinion evolution scientific community theories facts Earth was flat two kinds of blood science infallibility prevailing theory new evidence evolutionists dogmatic adherence Creationists contrary evidence scientific establishment paradigm-shift careers research acceptance conservative impulses science progress teaching science prevailing theories Creationism scientific opinion changes over time evolution scientific community theories facts Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory new evidence better explanations evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontational position eminent scientists careers research acceptance paradigm shift conservative impulses science progress teach all theories Creationism scientific opinion evolution scientific community theories facts change over time Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific evidence better explanations evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontation eminent scientists careers research paradigm shift scientific understanding conservative impulses science progress teaching science prevailing theories Creationism scientific opinion evolution scientific community scientific facts scientific theories Earth flat two kinds blood science infallibility prevailing theory scientific evidence theories change evolution dogma Creationism scientific establishment paradigm shift scientific careers scientific progress teaching science prevailing theories scientific conservatism Scientific consensus evolution creationism scientific paradigm theory change scientific community infallibility of science historical scientific beliefs blood circulation flat Earth scientific progress paradigm shift scientific dogma academic careers scientific evidence teaching science alternate theories scientific explanation research dependency confrontational stance conservative impulses educational approaches scientific opinion evolution scientific community theories facts Earth flat two kinds of blood science infallibility prevailing theory new evidence evolutionists dogmatic adherence contrary evidence Creationists scientific establishment confrontational position eminent scientists careers paradigm shift conservative impulses science progress teaching science prevailing theories Creationism
test-society-ghbgqeaaems-con01a	There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 There is no clear link between gender quota and economic growth  As Pande and Ford found in their report, countries often adopt gender quotas as a response to changing attitudes to women. However, these countries more often than not are Western advanced economies characterised by efficiency. [1] Therefore, the correlations between gender quotas and good economic performance cannot be attributed entirely to the gender equality measures.  Moreover, the competitiveness of the EU economies is damaged by domestic policies and the sovereign debt crisis which will have a larger negative impact on the European economies rather than this measure. Therefore, the expected spillover effects on the economy are unlikely to be realised. [2]  Such sceptic views on quotas when accompanied by bad economic factors are shared by international institutions like the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Breaking the glass ceiling may require affirmative action like gender quotas, but if supply-side barriers remain, even such proactive policies will not necessarily lead to the desired result of gender equality and economic advantages. [3]  [1] Pande, Rohini & Deanna Ford, “Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review” , Background Paper for the World Development Report on Gender, 2011  [2] ibid  [3] Gerecke, Megan, “A policy mix for gender equality? Lessons from high-income countries”, International Labour Organisation, 2013, p.13 gender quota economic growth changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency EU economies competitiveness sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries policy mix glass ceiling female leadership World Development Report gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western economies efficiency competitiveness EU domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality policy mix high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency correlations gender equality measures competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis negative impact expected spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO breaking the glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality competitiveness EU domestic policies sovereign debt crisis negative impact spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages high-income countries policy mix gender quota economic growth Pande Ford report changing attitudes women Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis negative impact spillover effects sceptic views International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency correlation gender equality competitiveness EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis spillover effects International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers proactive policies desired result gender equality economic advantages gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western economies efficiency competitiveness EU domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western economies efficiency EU competitiveness sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO glass ceiling affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality high-income countries gender quota economic growth Pande Ford Western advanced economies efficiency EU economies domestic policies sovereign debt crisis International Labour Organisation ILO affirmative action supply-side barriers gender equality spillover effects competitiveness glass ceiling proactive policies high-income countries desired result World Development Report on Gender Megan Gerecke policy mix lessons
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro02a	The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, The people are interested in the health of their leader  The health of the leader of the state is an issue that the people and the media inevitably want to know about. There will always be a lot of interest in it. Occasionally this can be played by the administration as with Kissinger saying he was ill and using time to fly to Beijing to arrange for Nixon’s visit without press attention. But most of the time keeping things from the press is purely negative; it drives rumors.  This was the case of John Atta Mills, people were not allowed to know about his health. The presidential staff and communication members constantly lied about his health but there were two reports that he had died. Mills spent time in a US hospital, on returning to Ghana, he was made to jog around the airport to show the media that he was healthy. 1  1 Committee for Social Advocacy, 'Who and what killed President John Evans Atta Mills?', Modern Ghana, 13 August 2012, health leader state media interest administration Kissinger illness Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills presidential staff communication lies hospital Ghana airport jog media Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy death health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Beijing Nixon press rumors John Atta Mills Ghana hospital presidential staff communication media attention health reports Committee for Social Advocacy Modern Ghana leader health public interest media attention political strategy health secrecy rumor control John Atta Mills Ghana politics presidential health public communication political transparency leader's health public interest media scrutiny political transparency health secrecy political leaders health rumors John Atta Mills presidential health Ghana politics Kissinger illness Nixon visit Beijing negotiations health misinformation political communication health concealment public deception presidential secrecy health controversies political ethics leader health media interest state leader public concern political health secrecy Kissinger illness Nixon visit John Atta Mills presidential health Ghana politics health rumors media manipulation political communication presidential illness public deception health reports political secrecy presidential transparency health concealment public distrust leader's health state's leader public interest media scrutiny administration tactics Kissinger's illness Nixon's visit political secrecy rumor control John Atta Mills Ghanaian president health concealment presidential staff media deception public health concerns political transparency governmental accountability health-related rumors leadership health issues political manipulation public deception health rumors presidential health political secrecy tactics media relations health secrecy political leadership public trust health-related political issues government health transparency leadership health transparency health leader state media interest administration Kissinger Nixon Beijing rumors John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff communication hospital airport media attention Committee for Social Advocacy death reports jogging health condition public information political transparency leader's health state leader media interest administration tactics Henry Kissinger Richard Nixon Beijing visit John Atta Mills Ghana presidential staff health secrecy public deception rumors hospitalization Modern Ghana Committee for Social Advocacy leader health state leader health media interest health secrecy administration strategy press manipulation John Atta Mills Ghana presidency health rumors mortality speculation political health transparency public right to know presidential health scandals political illness concealment leader's health public interest media attention political transparency John Atta Mills health secrecy presidential health political rumors Kissinger Nixon's visit Beijing Ghana health lies presidential staff communication strategy political administration health disclosure public figures health issues political secrecy
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con03a	"Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” Trial by jury is a fundamental right and should never be abridged.  Trial by jury is an essential check on abuse in the court system for three main reasons. First, it prevents governmental oppression by ensuring that non-state actors determine guilt 1. It is dangerous to allow the government—the same body which makes and enforces the laws—to also decide who is guilty of breaking the laws. Second, it checks against corrupt judges and prosecutors2. Judges are only human, and are susceptible to the same weaknesses, like prejudice and corruption, as the rest of us. Consequently, it is very dangerous to put the future of defendants in their hands. A representative group of jurors, approved by both sides, is far less likely to reach an unjust decision, since they are generally required to reach unanimous decisions to convict, and it is unlikely that an entire jury will be made up of biased, corrupt, or negligent people. Third, trial by jury allows for community input in the justice system (see Opp Argument 4 and response to Prop Argument 3 for more explanation). Thus trial by jury is essential to ensuring that innocent individuals are fairly treated, and is a fundamental right which ought never be denied. As Chairman of the Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC said, ""Some principles of justice are beyond price. Trial by your peers is one of them.""3  1.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  2.Robert P. Connolly, ""The Petty Offence Exception and Right to a Jury Trial""  3.Clive Coleman, “Debating non-jury criminal trial” jury trial fundamental right government oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decision innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association principles of justice trial by peers petty offence exception non-jury criminal trial jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges community input justice system trial by peers fair treatment Clive Coleman Paul Mendelle QC Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception non-jury criminal trial unanimous decision defendant rights prejudice corruption legal principles criminal justice jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman debating non-jury trial petty offence exception trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions innocent individuals Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman petty offence exception non-jury criminal trial trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors corrupt judges prosecutors prejudice corruption unanimous decisions community input justice system innocent individuals fair treatment principles of justice trial by peers Robert P. Connolly Clive Coleman Criminal Bar Association Paul Mendelle QC trial by jury fundamental right check on abuse governmental oppression non-state actors prevent corruption corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions fair treatment innocent individuals Chairman Criminal Bar Association Clive Coleman Robert P. Connolly petty offence exception trial by peers principles of justice trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression non-state actors corruption judges prosecutors community input justice system innocent individuals peers Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman non-jury criminal trial petty offence exception right to jury trial Trial by jury fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions innocent individuals Paul Mendelle QC principles of justice non-jury criminal trial petty offense exception legal system judicial integrity juror bias public trust legal safeguards defendant rights jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression check on abuse corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system unanimous decisions innocent individuals trial by peers principles of justice jury trial fundamental right governmental oppression corrupt judges prosecutors community input justice system innocent individuals trial peers principles justice non-jury criminal trial petty offence exception Paul Mendelle QC Clive Coleman"
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro03a	Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, Removing barriers to demobilisation, disarmament and rehabilitation  It can easily be conceded, without weakening the resolution, that war and combat are horrific, damaging experiences. Over the last seventy years, the international community has attempted to limit the suffering that follows the end of a conflict by giving soldiers and civilians access to medical and psychological care. This is now an accepted part of the practice of post-conflict reconstruction, referred to as Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) [i] .  The effects of chronic war and chronic engagement with war are best addressed by a slow and continuous process of habituation to normal life. Former child soldiers are sent to treatment centres specialising in this type of care in states such as Sierra Leone [ii] .  What is harmful to this process of recovery is the branding of child soldiers as war criminals. The stigma attached to such a conviction would condemn hundreds of former child soldiers to suffering extended beyond the end of armed conflicts.  Sentencing guidelines binding on the ICC state that anyone convicted of war crimes who is younger than eighteen should not be subject to a sentence of life imprisonment. Their treatment, once incarcerated, is required to be oriented toward rehabilitation.  Many child soldiers become officers within the organisations that they join. Alternately, they might find themselves ordered to seek more recruits from their villages and communities. For these children participation in the conflict becomes participation in the crime itself. What began as a choice of necessity during war-time could, under the status quo, damage and stigmatise a child during peace-time [iii] . Even if their sentence emphasises reform and education, a former child soldier is likely to become an uninjured casualty of the war, marked out as complicit in acts of aggression. When labelled as such children will become vulnerable to reprisal attacks and entrenched social exclusion.  Discussing attempts to foster former Colombian child combatants, the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers state that, “The stigmatization of child soldiers, frequently perceived as violent and threatening, meant that families were reluctant to receive former child soldiers. Those leaving the specialized care centres moved either to youth homes or youth protection facilities for those with special protection problems. While efforts continued to strengthen fostering and family-based care, approximately 60 per cent of those entering the DDR program were in institutional care in 2007.” [iv]  Crucially, fear of being targeted by the ICC may lead former child soldiers to avoid disclosing their status to officials running demobilisation programs. They may be deterred from participating in the DDR process [v] .  Moreover, the authority of the ICC is often subject to criticism on the international stage by politicians and jurists linked to both democratic states [vi] and the non-liberal or authoritarian regimes most likely to become involved in conflicts that breach humanitarian law. It cannot assist the claims of the ICC to be a body that represents universal concepts of compassion and justice if it is seen to target children- often barely in their teens- in the course of prosecuting war crimes.  As the Child Soliders 2008 Global Report notes, “Prosecutions should not, by focusing solely on the recruitment and use of child soldiers, exclude other crimes committed against children. Such an approach risks stigmatizing child soldiers and ignores the wider abuses experienced by children in conflict situations. It is on these grounds that some have questioned the exclusive child-soldier focus of the ICC’s charges against Thomas Lubanga. After all, the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC/L), the armed group he led, is widely acknowledged to have committed numerous other serious crimes against children, as well as adults.” [vii]  [i] “Case Studies in War to Peace Transition”, Coletta, N., Kostner, M., Widerhofer, I. The World Bank, 1996  [ii] “Return of Sierra Leone’s Lost Generation”, The Guardian, 02 March 2000,   [iii] “Agony Without End for Liberia’s Child Soldiers”, The Guardian, 12 July 2009,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p103,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p16,   [vi] “America Attacked for ICC Tactics”, The Guardian, 27 August 2002,   [vii] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, pp32-33, demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres stigma war criminals ICC sentencing guidelines rehabilitation social exclusion stigmatization prosecution war crimes humanitarian law child recruitment abuse conflict situations Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots international criticism justice compassion demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers treatment centres war crimes ICC sentencing guidelines recruitment stigmatization social exclusion reintegration prosecution humanitarian law compassion justice former combatants Sierra Leone Colombia Liberia Union of Congolese Patriots Thomas Lubanga child protection international justice youth care family-based care institutional care fear of prosecution participation recovery reform education uninjured casualties crimes against children political criticism authority of ICC universal concepts prosecutors stigmatizing effects legal consequences demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR child soldiers post-conflict reconstruction stigmatization war crimes ICC rehabilitation programs social exclusion prosecution humanitarian law Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots combatants Sierra Leone Liberia Colombia stigmatizing recruitment international community treatment centres reform education uninjured casualties reprisal attacks youth homes youth protection facilities human rights child protection conflict resolution international justice universal compassion juvenile justice reintegration armed conflict victimization global report child soldiers 200 Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR Post-Conflict Reconstruction Former Child Soldiers Treatment Centres Rehabilitation Stigma War Criminals International Criminal Court ICC Sentencing Guidelines Rehabilitation Programs Social Exclusion Stigmatization DDR Program Colombia Child Soldiers Global Report Prosecutions Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots Humanitarian Law Conflict Situations Child Rights Youth Protection Family-Based Care Institutional Care Recruitment Combatants Child Rights Advocacy International Justice War Crimes Child Protection Trauma Psychological Care Medical Care demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation post-conflict reconstruction DDR child soldiers treatment centres stigma war crimes ICC sentencing guidelines rehabilitation social exclusion stigmatization institutional care fear disclosure participation authority criticism compassion justice prosecutions recruitment abuse crimes against children Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots demobilisation disarmament rehabilitation DDR child soldiers war crimes stigma post-conflict reconstruction reintegration psychological care medical care habitual normalcy treatment centers Sierra Leone ICC sentencing guidelines rehabilitation recruitment crime social exclusion reprisal attacks Colombia youth homes youth protection facilities international criticism humanitarian law compassion justice Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L child recruitment child use wider abuses conflict situations prosecution focus Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care chronic war habituation to normal life child soldiers treatment centres war criminals stigma International Criminal Court ICC sentencing guidelines rehabilitation recruitment social exclusion stigmatization prosecution humanitarian law non-liberal regimes Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L child rights combatants Colombia Sierra Leone Liberia Coventry University Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers global report war crimes recruitment and use child soldier focus Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR War Conflict Soldiers Civilians Medical Care Psychological Care Post-Conflict Reconstruction Chronic War Habituation Normal Life Child Soldiers Treatment Centres Sierra Leone War Criminals Stigma Suffering Sentencing Guidelines ICC International Criminal Court Life Imprisonment Rehabilitation Officers Recruitment Villages Communities Crimes Status Quo Damage Stigmatization Colombia Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Institutional Care Fear Prosecution War Crimes Humanitarian Law disarmament demobilisation reintegration DDR post-conflict reconstruction child soldiers war crimes stigma rehabilitation sentencing guidelines ICC international criminal court social exclusion reparations youth protection foster care humanitarian law war atrocities human rights child soldiers prosecution Thomas Lubanga Congo Union of Congolese Patriots humanitarian aid peacebuilding conflict resolution transitional justice war trauma psychological care Sierra Leone Liberia youth homes international community global report coalition to stop the use of child soldiers war crime stigmatization child soldier recruitment non-lib Disarmament Demobilisation Reintegration DDR child soldiers post-conflict reconstruction medical care psychological care habituation normal life stigma war criminals sentencing guidelines ICC International Criminal Court rehabilitation social exclusion stigmatization foster care family-based care institutional care fear of prosecution authority of ICC criticism humanitarian law child rights war crimes recruitment use of child soldiers Thomas Lubanga Union of Congolese Patriots UPC/L crimes against children abuses conflict situations prosecution focus wider abuses
test-environment-assgbatj-pro01a	Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] Animals shouldn’t be harmed  The difference between us and other animals is a matter of degree rather than type [2]. Their bodies resemble ours, as do their ways of conveying meaning. They recoil from pain, appear to express fear of a tormentor, and appear to take pleasure in activities; a point clear to anyone who has observed a pet dog on hearing the word “walk”.  We believe other people experience feelings like us because they are like us in appearance and behaviour. An animal sharing our anatomical, physiological, and behavioural characteristics is surely likely to have feelings like us.  If people have a right to not be harmed, we must ask ourselves what makes animals different? If animals feel what we feel, and suffer like us, to condemn one to testing because of them being of a different species is similar to racism or sexism.[3] animal rights speciesism ethical treatment pain perception animal cognition behavioral similarities physiological similarities moral consideration harm principle sentience ethical veganism anti-cruelty animal testing species equality moral philosophy ethical vegetarianism compassion animal welfare human-animal relationship suffering ethical activism animal ethics cruelty-free sentient beings moral psychology empathy moral status animal liberation anthropomorphism moral duties ethical eating non-human animals moral circle expansion intrinsic value ethical vegan lifestyle animal advocacy equity moral reasoning humane treatment animal experimentation moral animal rights animal testing speciesism ethics morality pain suffering cognition behavior resemblance anthropomorphism compassion justice equality non-human animals sentiment empathy well-being cruelty welfare philosophy science human-animal relationship legal rights Legislation sentience advocacy conservation environmentalism biodiversity ecological ethics humane treatment veganism vegetarianism animal exploitation moral status intrinsic value instrumental value ethical treatment biological similarities physiological similarities behavioural similarities evolutionary psychology comparative psychology animal cognition animal welfare laws activism animal protection animal rights speciesism animal cognition pain perception animal behavior ethical treatment moral consideration sentient beings anthropomorphism animal testing species discrimination human-animal similarity moral rights empathy animal rights moral consideration speciesism pain perception emotional capacity ethical treatment animal experimentation human-animal comparison anatomical similarity physiological resemblance behavioural indicators sentience fair treatment non-human rights compassion ethical philosophy anti-cruelty laws humane practices biological kinship empathy justice for animals animal rights ethical treatment speciesism pain perception emotional intelligence physiological similarities behavioral traits moral consideration human-animal comparison anti-cruelty species equality sentient beings ethical philosophy animal consciousness moral obligations animal rights animal testing speciesism ethical treatment non-human rights sentient beings moral status animal emotions human-animal similarities pain perception fear response pleasure activities anatomical similarity physiological similarity behavioural similarity feeling recognition right to not be harmed species discrimination ethical considerations moral equivalence Animals harm difference degree type anatomy physiology behavior pain fear pleasure pet dog walk people feelings right not harmed species racism sexism testing ethics animal rights human rights compassion cruelty moral consideration sentient beings suffering animal rights pain perception speciesism emotional intelligence physiological similarities ethical treatment moral equality sentient beings non-human animals cognitive capacity animal testing compassion evolutionary kinship humane practices anti-cruelty laws emotional responses behavioral science ethical considerations human-animal relationship moral obligations animal welfare scientific empathy intrinsic value ethical philosophy psychological well-being animal advocacy moral status sentient creatures humane ethics bioethics animal cognition emotional awareness species diversity moral inclusion ethical research humane treatment moral responsibility animal sentience ethical standards compassionate animal rights speciesism pain perception behavioral similarity anatomical resemblance ethical treatment sentient beings moral consideration anti-cruelty rights of animals empathy interspecies comparison ethical philosophy animal consciousness cruelty-free human-animal relationship environmental ethics bioethics non-human rights animal welfare laws animal rights ethical treatment speciesism moral consideration pain perception animal cognition behavioral similarity physiological resemblance emotional capacity human-animal comparison ethical obligations harm prevention animal testing species equality moral status compassion cruelty sentient beings rights advocacy welfare standards
test-digital-freedoms-eifpgdff-pro03a	Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation is an attempt by big interest groups to regulate the internet in their favour  Large companies have an active interest in shaping the structure of the internet. One example of this is the Stop Online Piracy-Act (SOPA), [1] wherein U.S.-based music and movie companies proposed that they themselves would be able to police copyright infringements against websites that are hosted outside of the United States. [2]  The phenomenon whereby companies succeed in shaping government policies according to their own wishes is called ‘regulatory capture’. Another example from the telecommunications industry is the lobby effort by several large corporations, who have succeeded in eroding consumer protection in their favour. [3] If the government wouldn’t have been involved in regulating the internet in the first place, big companies wouldn’t have had any incentive to attempt regulatory capture.  [1] 112th Congress, ‘H.R.3261 – Stop Online Piracy Act’  [2] Post, ‘SOPA and the Future of Internet Governance’, 2012  [3] Kushnick, ‘ALEC, Tech and the Telecom Wars: Killing America's Telecom Utilities’, 2012 Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA U.S. music companies movie companies policing copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection incentive for regulation 112th Congress H.R.3261 future of internet governance ALEC telecom wars killing telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups large companies shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA U.S. music companies movie companies policing copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry lobby efforts eroding consumer protection government involvement ALEC Telecom Wars America's Telecom Utilities Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA U.S. music and movie companies copyright infringement regulatory capture consumer protection telecom industry ALEC telecom utilities government involvement internet governance Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement ALEC telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry lobby efforts consumer protection government involvement internet governance ALEC telecom utilities Internet regulation big interest groups large companies Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringements regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government policies internet governance ALEC telecom utilities tech lobby Internet regulation big interest groups regulatory capture large companies Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement consumer protection telecommunications industry government policies internet governance 112th Congress H.R.3261 regulatory lobbying ALEC telecom utilities tech lobby eroding consumer rights shaping internet structure U.S. music and movie companies policing websites international regulation internet freedom digital rights policy influence corporate influence on legislation Internet regulation big interest groups Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement regulatory capture consumer protection telecom industry ALEC telecom utilities internet governance large corporations U.S. Congress H.R.3261 music industry movie industry lobbying policy shaping government involvement external regulation Internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement incentive ALEC telecom utilities internet regulation big interest groups shaping internet structure Stop Online Piracy Act SOPA copyright infringement regulatory capture telecommunications industry consumer protection government involvement internet governance ALEC telecom utilities
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro04a	A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. A dam could make the Congo more usable  While the Congo is mostly navigable it is only usable internally. The rapids cut the middle Congo off from the sea. The building of the dams could be combined with canalisation and locks to enable international goods to be easily transported to and from the interior. This would help integrate central Africa economically into the global economy making the region much more attractive for investment. Congo dam navigable rapids canalisation locks transportation investment economic integration central Africa global economy dam Congo navigable internal use rapids middle Congo sea dams canalisation locks international transport goods interior economic integration global economy investment central Africa Congo dam navigation rapids canalisation locks international trade economic integration global economy investment central Africa infrastructure development waterway improvement transport connectivity Congo dam navigable river internal usability middle Congo rapids sea connection dam construction canalisation locks international transportation economic integration global economy investment attraction central Africa development river infrastructure hydroelectric potential environmental impact socio-economic benefits dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international goods transport interior integrate central Africa global economy investment dam construction Congo navigability internal usability rapids barrier sea connection canalization locks installation international transportation economic integration global economy investment attraction central Africa development dam Congo navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation economic integration global economy investment central Africa dam Congo navigable internal use rapids sea access canalisation locks international transport economic integration global economy investment attractiveness central Africa Congo dam navigability rapids canalisation locks international trade economic integration global economy investment central Africa Congo dam navigable rapids canalisation locks international transportation economic integration global economy investment central Africa
test-international-epvhwhranet-pro02a	Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes need to be put to the people and the people must be trusted.  The Lisbon Treaty significantly affects the workings of each member country. It gives the European Union a legal personality, allowing it to sign international agreements and member countries are now made subject to majority voting [1]. The Lisbon Treaty does not only affect international policies, criminal law and national justice systems, it also gives power over to the Commission and European Court. Such major changes must be put to popular vote, the citizens of each EU member state have a right to legitimise or reject these changes that push for a more centralized European superstate. Furthermore the will of the people needs to be trusted, if a reform is intentionally ambiguous and complicated, which was one of the criticisms of the Lisbon Treaty [2], it is the job of the politician to explain the cause to the public. Voters should be included in the debate and key issues need to be highlighted not just ignored.  [1] European Commission, Your Guide to the Lisbon Treaty, viewed on 13 June 2011   [2] Foley, Kathy, ‘Lisbon treat: yes, no or eh?’, Sunday Times (13 January 2008). Major changes people's trust Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries international policies criminal law national justice systems Commission power European Court power centralized European superstate popular vote citizens' rights legitimise changes reject changes politician's role public explanation voter inclusion debate key issues Lisbon Treaty criticism intentional ambiguity complicated reform Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate political transparency public debate voter inclusion policy clarity referendum democratic legitimacy EU reforms member states legal reforms governance changes citizen engagement political reforms institutional changes treaty criticism political communication public understanding democratic process EU law institutional powers voter education political accountability democratic oversight EU integration treaty complexities public opinion policy impact member state sovereignty EU decision-making democratic principles Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate political ambiguity public debate voter inclusion key issues democratic legitimacy reform criticism political responsibility EU governance democracy in EU treaty implications public understanding political transparency EU lawmaking citizen participation European integration sovereignty concerns referendum constitutional changes EU policies public trust government accountability Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens rights centralized European superstate political transparency public debate voter inclusion key issues political ambiguity treaty criticism Lisbon Treaty EU member states popular vote legal personality majority voting European Commission European Court criminal law national justice systems centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion public debate reform clarity European Union international agreements citizen rights democratic legitimacy political responsibility public understanding Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries citizens' rights popular vote centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion key issues democratic legitimacy European Commission Sunday Times Kathy Foley reform complexity public debate European Court Commission power national justice systems criminal law international policies European member states political accountability citizen trust democratic process reform clarity European governance legal reforms sovereignty democratic oversight EU reforms legislative process public understanding political engagement European political system treaty implications member state sovereignty EU centralization Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court centralized European superstate popular vote public debate voter inclusion political transparency treaty criticism democratic legitimacy citizen rights policy reform member states democratic process international policy justice reform EU governance public trust political accountability Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting criminal law national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizens' rights centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion key issues public debate reform ambiguity treaty criticism political responsibility democratic legitimacy Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries criminal law national justice systems Commission power European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate political clarity public explanation voter inclusion key issues debate Lisbon Treaty European Union legal personality international agreements majority voting member countries national justice systems European Commission European Court popular vote citizen rights centralized European superstate political transparency voter inclusion public debate key issues political reform democratic legitimacy EU member states reforms criticism ambiguity political responsibility public explanation Sunday Times Kathy Foley
test-religion-yercfrggms-con03a	Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. Everything that begins to exist must have a cause. Since the Universe began to exist it must be caused:  Every human, every being, every object in the Universe is a finite and contingent being. These all have causes, yet a causal chain cannot be infinitely long. Humans are born, stars form from gases, even the Universe had a beginning 4.3 billion years ago. Nothing in the Universe causes itself. In order to escape the logical impossibility of the infinite causality loop it is necessary to posit the existence of an uncaused cause. This cause exists outside of the Universe, as it is cause of the Universe. [1] Without a creator, the Universe is a logical absurdity. Atheism cannot provide an alternative explanation to a creator, and thus fails quite literally from the beginning.  [1] Craig, William Lane. 1979. The Kalam Cosmological Argument. London: MacMillan. causality universe origin finite beings infinite regression uncaused cause kalam cosmological argument William Lane Craig atheist perspective creationism logical absurdity philosophical debate metaphysics existence justification causal chain cosmology theology big bang theory divine intervention naturalism alternative explanations scientific causation religious philosophy existence paradox infinite universe time beginning logical reasoning causation principles atheism critique creation argument causal necessity non-causal explanations metaphysical causation empirical evidence philosophical theology existence of god universe causation causality loop universe origin creation first cause philosophy of religion cosmology existential causation infinite regress William Lane Craig Kalam cosmological argument atheism critique logical necessity metaphysical arguments existence of God causality in physics temporal beginnings finite existence contingent beings uncaused cause logical absurdity alternative explanations causality finite beings infinite regression uncaused cause kalam cosmological argument William Lane Craig universe origin philosophical theology atheism critique creationism logical absurdity causal chain existence justification metaphysical arguments causality universe origin finite beings infinite regress uncaused cause creation argument logical impossibility atheism critique William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument cause existence universe finite contingent causal chain infinite uncaused cause creator logical absurdity atheism Kalam Cosmological Argument William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument William Lane Craig uncaused cause infinite causality loop atheism Universe origin creation logical absurdity finite beings contingent existence causal chain cosmic origins philosophical arguments metaphysics Big Bang empirical evidence scientific theories philosophical implications existence of God theological discussions secular perspectives universe causality existence infinite regress finite beings contingent existence creation logical absurdity atheism kalam cosmological argument William Lane Craig uncaused cause origin of universe philosophical argument Big Bang time space physics theological argument metaphysics cosmological argument uncaused cause infinite regress William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument causality Universe origin atheism critique finite beings causal chain logical impossibility creation argument philosophical theology existence justification divine causation causality universe origin finite beings infinite regression uncaused cause logical absurdity atheism critique William Lane Craig Kalam Cosmological Argument creationism philosophical argument metaphysics existence causation supernatural causality natural causality logical impossibility causal chains cosmological theories God's existence non-theistic explanations philosophy of religion scientific explanations origin of life big bang temporal causality timeless causality contingent existence necessary existence conceptual analysis argument from contingency first cause prime mover religious apologetics scientific atheism causality finite beings infinite regress uncaused cause kalam cosmological argument William Lane Craig logical absurdity atheism creator universe origin existential causation metaphysical argument philosophical theology causal chains finite universe absolute beginning supernatural causality rational explanation infinite causality loop
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro01a	Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit Easily affordable drugs will mean greater access  Generic drugs are much cheaper to produce, which is ideal for Africa’s struggling population. While there has been significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth in Africa, the actual distribution of wealth is relatively unequal. According to Afrobarometer, 53% of Africans still feel that their economic condition is poor [1] . This restricts their ability to purchase high cost drugs. Generic medication would reduce the price of these drugs, making them affordable to the average citizen. The patented drug Glivec, used for cancer treatment, costs £48.62 for 400 mg in South Africa while its generic equivalent (produced in India) costs £4.82 [2] . Increased access will result in higher levels of treatment, which in turn will reduce death rates from preventable diseases in Africa.  [1] Hofmeyr, Jan, ‘Africa Rising? Popular Dissatisfaction with Economic Management Despite a Decade of Growth’  [2] Op Cit affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug cost India increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates Africa population health economics drug affordability healthcare access economic inequality public health medical costs cancer medication pharmaceutical industry health policy healthcare improvement socioeconomic factors healthcare equity treatment availability disease prevention health outcomes healthcare affordability affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication drug pricing average citizen patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment South Africa India increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases Afrobarometer Hofmeyr economic management easily affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa struggling population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition poor high cost drugs generic medication affordable average citizen patented drug Glivec cancer treatment price reduction increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases Africa rising economic management Jan Hofmeyr Afrobarometer easily affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa's struggling population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition purchase high cost drugs generic medication price reduction average citizen patented drug Glivec cancer treatment cost comparison South Africa India increased access higher treatment levels reduce death rates preventable diseases Africa rising popular dissatisfaction economic management decade of growth affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug prices average citizen increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases healthcare affordability economic management Afrobarometer pharmaceutical costs health equity public health drug accessibility Easily affordable drugs greater access Generic drugs cheaper production Africa struggling population GDP growth unequal wealth distribution economic condition poor high cost drugs generic medication price reduction affordable drugs average citizen patented drug Glivec cancer treatment cost comparison increased access treatment levels death rates preventable diseases Africa Rising economic management decade of growth easily affordable drugs greater access generic drugs cheaper production Africa struggling population GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication reduced prices average citizen patented drug Glivec cancer treatment South Africa India increased access higher treatment levels reduced death rates preventable diseases affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication reduced prices average citizen patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment cost difference increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates Africa health economic inequality healthcare affordability affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug prices access to medication treatment levels death rates preventable diseases healthcare access economic inequality healthcare affordability affordable drugs generic drugs cheaper production Africa GDP growth wealth distribution economic condition high cost drugs generic medication patented drugs Glivec cancer treatment drug prices average citizen increased access treatment levels preventable diseases death rates healthcare accessibility pharmaceutical costs economic inequality healthcare affordability drug affordability Africa's healthcare healthcare innovation public health medicinal access economic growth wealth inequality healthcare distribution drug patents medical treatment economic challenges healthcare improvement disease prevention healthcare policies medical affordability healthcare equity healthcare outcomes drug pricing healthcare costs economic impact
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro01a	Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. Religious belief is completely irrational  There is no evidence that God exists. Reported miracles, healings etc. are never reliably proved actually to have happened, and in any case everyone’s religious experiences are different and point to the psychological differences between human beings not to any objective divine reality. Belief in God is simply wish-fulfilment. It would be nice if there was a loving all powerful being watching over us, but there isn’t. atheism agnosticism rationality evidence miracles healings psychological human behavior wish fulfillment loving God all-powerful being divine reality religious experiences objective truth belief systems skepticism faith spirituality existentialism metaphysics irrationality evidence God miracles healings reliability psychological human differences wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful being existence divine reality proof experiences subjective Religious belief irrationality evidence God's existence miracles healings proof religious experiences psychological differences wish-fulfillment loving God all-powerful being divine reality human psychology supernatural claims faith skepticism atheism theism metaphysics philosophy of religion empirical evidence subjective experience objective reality cognitive bias placebo effect religious diversity cultural influence theological arguments philosophical arguments scientific method naturalism supernatural religious studies critical thinking evidence-based reasoning argument from desire anthropomorphism human spirituality existential comfort philosophical naturalism religion irrationality evidence God miracles healings proof religious experiences psychology human differences objective reality wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful divine existence atheism spirituality faith skepticism religious belief irrational evidence God miracles healings reliability proof religious experiences psychological differences human beings objective divine reality wish-fulfilment loving all-powerful being watching over existence atheism skepticism faith spiritual subjective experience secular religion philosophy theology empirical evidence cognitive bias placebo effect psychological need comfort hope afterlife moral compass spirituality metaphysics supernatural naturalism scientific method paranormal mysticism rationality logic argument debate evidence-based reasoning critical thinking pseudosc irrational beliefs evidence for God miracle verification religious experiences psychological differences wish fulfillment all-powerful being divine reality human psychology religious skepticism irrationality evidence God miracles healings reliability proof religious experiences psychological differences wish-fulfilment loving all-powerful divine reality objective truth skepticism existential comfort Religious belief irrationality evidence of God reported miracles healings psychological differences human beings objective divine reality wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful being atheism agnosticism philosophy of religion scientific skepticism personal faith spiritual experiences cognitive biases psychological needs existential comfort religious belief irrationality evidence God's existence miracles healings proof religious experiences psychological differences human beings objective reality divine wish-fulfillment loving all-powerful being watch over us atheism agnosticism philosophical arguments skepticism faith spirituality supernatural empirical evidence scientific method personal beliefs cognitive biases cultural influence historical context moral reasoning existential questions philosophical theology religious studies critical thinking belief systems worldviews metaphysics epistemology ethics theology secularism religious pluralism interfaith dialogue Religion Rationality Evidence God Miracles Healings Psychological Human Differences Wish-Fulfilment Loving Being Divine Reality
test-culture-mthbah-pro01a	There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. There are too many advertisements in everyday life.  The sheer volume of advertising in our society is incredible. You cannot watch television, ride on a bus or even walk down the street without someone trying to sell you something or inform you of something. Recent research suggests people living in a city today sees up to 5,000 advertisements a day1. 50% of those surveyed said they thought 'advertising today was out of control'1. People shouldn't have to go about their lives having their minds saturated with such a vast quantity of, in most cases, redudant and profiteering information. They should be able to go about their daily lives in peace without being forced to watch, listen or view an advertisement.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely to See an Ad. New York Times. advertisements advertising commercial messages marketing media saturation visual pollution consumerism urban environment public spaces media consumption information overload commercial intrusion daily life city living consumer rights peaceful living advertising control advertising regulation societal impact of advertising advertisements advertising society television bus street city research ad exposure survey control saturation peace profiteering redundant information New York Times visual pollution commercialization consumerism media landscape daily life intrusive marketing advertising commercials marketing media consumerism billboards TV internet social media direct mail product placement urban environments city living consumer fatigue information overload mental health privacy public space commercialization regulation consumer rights digital ads print ads 户外广告 车载广告 街头广告 城市景观 广告密度 广告频率 广告数量 广告效果 广告接受度 广告反感 广告干扰 生活质量 环境保护 too many ads advertising overload daily life saturated city dwellers 5000 ads per day advertising out of control redundant information profiteering ads peace in daily life forced advertising visual pollution consumer rights ad exposure urban advertising commercial messages non-stop marketing ad fatigue societal impact of ads intrusive advertising unwanted ads advertisements advertising society volume television bus street sell inform research city daily 5000 surveyed control saturated redundant profiteering peace forced watch listen view New York Times advertisements advertising society volume television bus street research city daily survey control minds saturated redundant profiteering peace forced watch listen view advertisements advertising volume society television bus street sells inform research city daily exposure control saturated redundant profiteering peace forced view listen watch New York Times anywhere eye see ad advertisements advertising society television bus street market saturation city life consumer exposure commercial messages information overload public spaces visual pollution urban environment daily life consumer rights peace of mind relentless marketing commercial intrusion profiteering redundancy survey out of control New York Times eye can see ad saturation media consumption consumer experience societal impact advertising volume urban living excessive ads ad fatigue mental well-being consumerism commercialism ad frequency ad density advertising ethics public perception marketing strategies consumer awareness ad avoidance advertisements advertising society television bus street research city people survey out of control lives minds saturated redundant profiteering daily peace watch listen view advertisements advertising society volume quantity television bus street research city day survey control minds saturated redundant profiteering peace watch listen view New York Times
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro01a	There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. There is a very real controversy regarding the origin and development of life, and children deserve to hear both sides.  Many scientists do not accept the conclusions of the evolutionists. People like Dr. Michael Behe have dedicated themselves to exposing the flaws in evolution and showing that there is very real disagreement within the scientific community. This controversy is highlighted in the many court cases, books, and televised debates occurring in countries all over the world [1] . Children deserve to hear about the controversy, and not to simply be fed one story set for them by the prevailing majority in the scientific community, even if that community cannot claim anything near consensus. Until consensus is reached and indisputable proof of one theory or the other given, both sides should be taught in schools.  [1] Linder, Doug, 2011. “The Evolution Controversy”. University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law. origin development life controversy children both sides scientists evolution evolutionists Dr. Michael Behe flaws scientific community court cases books televised debates countries consensus schools indisputable proof theories education Intelligent Design Creationism natural selection genetic mutation fossil record molecular biology genetics paleontology anthropology philosophy of science academic freedom scientific method evidence criticism debate teaching curriculum public opinion religion science pseudoscience scientific consensus alternative hypotheses educational policy legal challenges First Amendment Establishment Clause evolution creationism intelligent design scientific controversy education teaching methods academic freedom Dr. Michael Behe irreducible complexity scientific community court cases debates consensus proof theories schools curriculum balanced teaching student perspective alternative explanations biological origins development of life evolutionary biology criticism of evolution scientific debates pedagogical approaches educational policy legal challenges scientific evidence public discourse scientific theories academic integrity origin development life controversy children both sides scientists evolutionists Dr. Michael Behe flaws evolution scientific community court cases books televised debates consensus indisputable proof theories schools evolution controversy origin of life development of life children education scientific disagreement Dr. Michael Behe flaws in evolution scientific community court cases books televised debates global controversy education reform teaching both sides scientific consensus indisputable proof educational policies origin development life controversy evolution scientists Michael Behe flaws scientific community court cases books debates children education teaching consensus proof theories schools evolution controversy origin of life development of life scientific disagreement Michael Behe intelligent design court cases books televised debates teaching both sides scientific consensus evolution education indoctrination alternative theories academic freedom evolution vs creationism scientific community educational debate Linder Doug University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law evolution controversy 2011 disputed scientific theories teaching evolution critical thinking in science scientific evidence evolutionary theory creation science public education science curriculum scientific method empirical evidence scientific research peer review scientific publication debate in science origin development life controversy children both sides scientists evolutionists Dr. Michael Behe flaws evolution disagreement scientific community court cases books televised debates consensus proof theories schools education teaching evolution controversy Doug Linder University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law origin development life controversy children both sides scientists evolutionists Dr. Michael Behe flaws evolution scientific community court cases books televised debates countries indoctrination consensus indisputable proof theories schools education intelligent design creationism natural selection Darwin Linder Doug University Missouri-Kansas Law Evolution Controversy origin development life controversy evolution creationism intelligent design Michael Behe scientific community court cases books debates education teaching consensus proof theories schools Doug Linder University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law origin development life controversy children both sides scientists evolutionists Dr. Michael Behe flaws evolution scientific community court cases books televised debates countries consensus schools indisputable proof theories
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro02a	Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 Collective bargaining leades to pay crises in the public sector  The public sector is often significantly overpaid. The workers within the public sectors of Western liberal democracies often get paid more than people of equal education and experience who are employed in the private sector. In the United States there is a salary premium of 10-20 percent in the public sector. This means that there is likely a waste of resources as these people are being paid more than they should be by the government.1  The reason this happens is that collective bargaining means that workers can often, through the simple idea that they can communicate with the government and have a hand in the decision making process, make their demands much more easily.  Further, governments in particular are vulnerable during negotiations with unions, due their need to maintain both their political credibility and the cost effectiveness of the services they provide. This is significantly different to private enterprise where public opinion of the company is often significantly less relevant. As such, public sector workers can earn significantly more than their equally skilled counterparts in the private sector. This is problematic because it leads to a drain of workers and ideas from the private sector to the public. This is, in and of itself, problematic because the public sector, due to being shackled to the needs of public opinion often take fewer risks than the private sector and as such results in fewer innovations than work in the private sector.  Biggs, Andrew G. “Why Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker Is Right About Collective Bargaining.” US News. 25/02/2011 collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid workers Western liberal democracies salary premium government resources waste negotiation unions political credibility cost effectiveness private enterprise public opinion skills private sector drain ideas innovation risks public opinion Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid private sector salary premium government union negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion worker drain innovation risk-taking Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid private sector salary premium resource waste government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion worker drain innovation risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay salary premium government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector comparison wage disparity workforce drain innovation gap public opinion influence risk-taking in sectors Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid salary premium government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector comparison worker drain innovation public opinion risk taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid salary premium private sector worker demands government negotiations union influence political credibility cost effectiveness public opinion drain of workers innovation risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker Collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid private sector salary premium government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness worker drain private sector innovation public opinion risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid salary premium government resources worker demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector public opinion worker drain innovation risk-taking Andrew G. Biggs Wisconsin Scott Walker collective bargaining public sector pay crises overpaid salary premium government union negotiations political credibility cost effectiveness private sector worker drain innovation risk-taking public opinion private enterprise Scott Walker Andrew G. Biggs US News Wisconsin collective bargaining pay crises public sector overpaid workers salary premium resource waste government negotiations union demands political credibility cost effectiveness private sector comparison worker drain innovation gap public opinion impact risk taking Scott Walker Andrew G. Biggs US News
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro02a	The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. The problem of suffering  The world is full of suffering and pain among innocent people. If God is good and all-powerful then why is this the case? Either God does not exist or he is not worth believing in since he does not care about human suffering. suffering pain innocent God all-powerful good existence belief human care morality theology philosophy religion divine problem existence atheism theodicy theodicy divine justice philosophical theology moral evil natural evil free will omnipotence omnibenevolence atheism agnosticism spiritual doubt religious philosophy ethical dilemmas human condition existential questions Divine Hiddenness problem of evil theological anthropology metaphysical paradox faith and reason suffering pain innocent God all-powerful good existence belief human care religion philosophy theodicy morality free will evil compassion divine plan Intervention atheism spirituality ethics compassion justice problem of evil theological dilemma omnipotent and omnibenevolent God religious criticism human suffering divine intervention atheism agnosticism philosophical debate moral theodicy existential crisis faith and doubt arguments against God free will defense natural and moral evil compassionate deity divine justice spiritual suffering religious existentialism god's omnipotence and benevolence questioning faith belief in a just world compassionate theism theodicy and evil god's role in suffering religious skepticism argument from evil moral implications of divine existence suffering and belief critique of religion theodicy free will divine omnipotence moral evil natural evil omnipresence omnibenevolence religious skepticism atheism divine hiddenness soul-making human dignity divine justice existential philosophy meaning of pain theological anthropology Christian apologetics philosophical theology critique of religion divine providence ethical theism problem of evil suffering faith and reason philosophical arguments religious belief spiritual doubt existential crisis moral theology theistic responses human suffering divine attributes theological conundrums faith in adversity religious pluralism cosmic justice theodicy divine justice free will moral evil natural evil omnipotence omniscience omnibenevolence atheism agnosticism religious skepticism human suffering compassion divine intervention philosophical theology moral argument existentialism nihilism the problem of evil religious pluralism afterlife karma retribution forgiveness redemption grace morality ethics altruism benevolence providence creationism intelligent design scientific explanations for suffering psychological perspectives on suffering sociological perspectives on suffering philosophical perspectives on suffering theological perspectives on suffering suffering pain innocent people God good all-powerful existence belief human care theology morality religious philosophy free will evil compassion divine omnipotence omnibenevolence atheism skepticism faith reasoning existence compassion justice spirituality ethical dilemma existential crisis divine providence theodicy forgiveness redemption afterlife redemption salvation purpose meaning hope despair intervention creation benevolence malevolence paradox contradiction hypothesis argument critique theodicy problem of evil divine omnipotence divine omnibenevolence free will defense moral evil natural evil atheism agnosticism religious philosophy human suffering compassion theological critique philosophical theology divine hiddenness redemptive suffering meaning of life existentialism moral theology religious ethics suffering and belief justification of God 辩证法 人性论 宗教批判 痛苦的意义 无神论 有神论 哲学辩论 宗教心理学 信仰与理性 神 suffering pain innocent God existence omnipotence goodness divine problem evil belief care humanity faith theodicy morality religion atheism philosophy ethics God suffering pain innocent existence all-powerful care human belief problem evil theology morality compassion divine omnipotence omnipresence omnibenevolence atheism faith justice religious philosophy spirituality doubt 质疑 人性 善恶 伦理 宗教 神学 信仰危机 痛苦的存在 上帝的属性 无神论 宗教对话 精神困惑 道德哲学 人类苦难 信仰与理性
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-con04a	"Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" Limiting trial by jury in some cases sets the stage for limiting it in other, unjustified, cases.  Humans are fallible, and so sometimes it is better to have absolute rules against certain actions, even if we recognize that in a perfect world, it might be better to allow such actions in very specific circumstances.1 It is for this reason, for example, that we never allow evidence obtained by illegal measures to be presented in court, even though such evidence would sometimes make it possible to convict. Similarly, even if removing trial by jury might be good in individual circumstances, it is too great a power to give to a fallible government which may misuse that authority. If there is a precedent of the right to trial by jury being removed in some circumstances, even if that removal is justified, it becomes much easier for corrupt governments to remove it for unjustified reasons, and it becomes correspondingly more difficult for us to condemn that decision as illegitimate.  1Brad Hooker, ""Rule Consequentialism"" trial by jury limiting jury trials fallible humans absolute rules illegal evidence court proceedings government power misuse of authority corrupt governments precedent rule consequentialism Brad Hooker legal philosophy judicial system constitutional rights civil liberties Trial by jury limit unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence court government mis-use corrupt government precedent rule consequentialism Brad Hooker trial by jury limiting trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules illegal evidence court proceedings corrupt government rule consequentialism Brad Hooker precedent justified removal unjustified reasons illegitimate decision moral philosophy legal ethics judicial system constitutional rights civil liberties limiting trial by jury setting precedent unjustified cases human fallibility absolute rules illegal evidence court conviction corrupt government rule consequentialism Brad Hooker trial by jury rule consequentialism legal precedents governmental power fallibility of humans corrupt governments unjustified removal legal measures evidence admissibility absolute rules moral philosophy legal ethics judicial system legislative authority citizen rights judicial reform legal principles judicial discretion constitutional law human rights limiting trial by jury unjustified cases fallibility of humans absolute rules illegal evidence court proceedings rule consequentialism government power misuse of authority corrupt governments legal precedent condemning illegitimacy trial by jury fallible humans absolute rules illegal evidence court convictions government misuse corrupt governments rule consequentialism Brad Hooker legal precedents unjustified removal trial rights constitutional safeguards judicial integrity citizen protections legal reform ethical governance judicial powers public trust legal principles justice system rule of law democracy civic rights judicial oversight legal ethics human fallibility moral philosophy legal philosophy legal theory judicial decision-making judicial discretion judicial accountability legal traditions legal norms legal standards legal doctrines legal precedents legal rationale legal justification trial by jury legal precedents rule consequentialism government power fallibility of humans unjustified limitations corrupt governments illegal evidence absolute rules moral reasoning legal philosophy judicial system citizen rights constitutional law trial by jury limiting jury trials absolute rules government misuse unjustified removal rule consequentialism fallible humans evidence obtained illegally corrupt government precedents legitimate authority Brad Hooker Rule Consequentialism fallible humans absolute rules illegal evidence trial by jury precedents corrupt governments unjustified reasons individual circumstances legal measures moral philosophy justice system"
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro04a	Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling encourages crime  Human trafficking, forced prostitution and drugs provide $2.1 billion a year for the Mafia but they need some way through which to put this money into circulation. Online gambling is that way in. They put dirty money in and win clean money back [8]. Because it is so international and outside normal laws, it makes criminal cash hard to track. There is a whole array of other crime associated with online gambling; hacking, phishing, extortion, and identity fraud, all of which can occur on a large scale unconstrained by physical proximity [9]. Online gambling also encourages corruption in sport. By allowing huge sums of money to be bet internationally on the outcome of a game or race, it draws in criminals who can try to bribe or threaten sportsmen. Online gambling crime facilitation money laundering Mafia human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking criminal activities international crime illicit finance cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption match-fixing bribery criminal cash tracking illegal betting online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering international legal tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting bribery threats sportsmen Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering dirty money clean money international legal tracking criminal cash hacking phishing extortion identity fraud large scale physical proximity corruption sports betting bribery threats sportsmen online gambling crime facilitation money laundering Mafia human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking international crime legal challenges criminal cash circulation hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption bribery threats international betting criminal involvement Online gambling crime money laundering mafia human trafficking forced prostitution drugs circulation illegal funds tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud international laws corruption sport betting bribery threats sportsmen Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering criminal cash international laws hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting bribery threat sportsmen Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering international legal constraints hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports betting bribery threats sportsmen Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drugs Mafia money laundering international legal challenges hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption sports bribery criminal activity financial tracking illegal operations betting scams Online gambling crime facilitation money laundering Mafia international criminal networks cybercrime hacking phishing extortion identity fraud sports corruption illegal betting criminal finance legal loopholes untraceable transactions digital fraud organized crime financial crimes cyber extortion sport bribery Online gambling crime human trafficking forced prostitution drug trafficking Mafia money laundering international crime criminal cash tracking hacking phishing extortion identity fraud corruption in sport betting sports bribery international betting criminal activities cybercrime illegal gambling
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro01a	The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, The dam would power Africa  Only 29% of Sub Saharan Africa’s population has access to electricity. [1] This has immense consequences not just for the economy as production and investment is constrained but also on society. The world bank says lack of electricity affects human rights “People cannot access modern hospital services without electricity, or feel relief from sweltering heat. Food cannot be refrigerated and businesses cannot function. Children cannot go to school… The list of deprivation goes on.” [2] Conveniently it is suggested that the “Grand Inga will thus provide more than half of the continent with renewable energy at a low price,” [3] providing electricity to half a billion people so eliminating much of this electricity gap. [4]  [1] World Bank Energy, ‘Addressing the Electricity Access Gap’, World Bank, June 2010,  p.89  [2] The World Bank, ‘Energy – The Facts’, worldbank.org, 2013,   [3] SAinfo reporter, ‘SA-DRC pact paves way for Grand Inga’, SouthAfrica.info, 20 May 2013,   [4] Pearce, Fred, ‘Will Huge New Hydro Projects Bring Power to Africa’s People?’, Yale Environment 360, 30 May 2013, Africa electricity Sub-Saharan Africa energy access World Bank human rights hospitals education businesses refrigeration heat Grand Inga renewable energy hydroelectric power SA-DRC pact Fred Pearce Yale Environment 360 infrastructure development investment production society economy poverty technology sustainability environment climate change population electricity gap rural electrification urban areas energy policy international cooperation funding construction impacts benefits challenges stakeholders community government private sector NGOs research data statistics reports articles interviews Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa power supply economy investment human rights hospitals food storage education renewable energy Grand Inga hydroelectric power energy poverty development infrastructure Africa electricity Sub-Saharan Africa energy access World Bank Grand Inga renewable energy power generation human rights hospital services refrigeration education economic development investment production electricity gap hydro projects Fred Pearce Yale Environment 360 SA-DRC pact SouthAfrica.info dam power Africa Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access economic constraints social consequences human rights hospital services refrigeration business functionality education Grand Inga renewable energy low price electricity gap World Bank Yale Environment 360 SA-DRC pact hydro projects Fred Pearce SAinfo reporter Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth investment social impact human rights hospital services refrigeration education Grand Inga Dam renewable energy hydroelectric power energy gap World Bank SA-DRC pact sustainable development Fred Pearce Yale Environment 360 Grand Inga renewable energy electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa power generation economic development human rights hospital services refrigeration education energy infrastructure World Bank SA-DRC pact hydro projects Africa's people production constraints investment limitations social impact electricity gap sustainable development environmental benefits regional cooperation infrastructure investment technology transfer poverty reduction climate change mitigation dam power Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa consequences economy production investment society human rights hospital services refrigeration businesses education Grand Inga renewable energy low price half billion electricity gap Africa electricity access Sub-Saharan Africa economy human rights modern hospital services refrigeration businesses education Grand Inga renewable energy low price electricity gap World Bank energy production investment sweltering heat food preservation school attendance hydro projects power generation sustainable development infrastructure improvement poverty reduction international cooperation DRC South Africa energy policy environmental impact community benefits technological advancement public health quality of life economic growth regional stability climate change mitigation Grand Inga renewable energy Sub-Saharan Africa electricity access economic development social impact human rights infrastructure hydroelectric power sustainable development poverty reduction international cooperation energy security environmental benefits climate change mitigation Africa electricity Sub-Saharan Africa energy access economy production investment society human rights hospitals refrigeration businesses education Grand Inga renewable energy hydro projects World Bank SA-DRC pact Fred Pearce Yale Environment 360
test-international-miasimyhw-con02a	Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.  Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found?  More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle. [1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security.  [1] Zuehlke, 2009 Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrants unemployment youth informal employment formal jobs sexual politics precarious living minimum wages employment security urban economics livelihoods job scarcity urban environments Urbanisation Industrialisation Migrants Africa Sub-Saharan Africa Economic Growth Youth Unemployment Informal Employment Formal Jobs Sexual Politics Precarious Livelihoods Minimum Wages Employment Security Urban Economics Potts 2012 Zuehlke 2009 Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa migrants livelihoods economic growth urban phenomena youth unemployment informal employment secure jobs sexual politics precarious methods formal jobs minimum wages employment security Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrant livelihoods youth unemployment informal employment unsafe jobs sexual politics employment security minimum wages precarious living urban economics urban migrants formal jobs Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation Industrialisation Migrants Africa Sub-Saharan Africa Economic Growth Unemployment Youth Unemployment Informal Employment Formal Jobs Urban Economics Precarious Livelihoods Sexual Politics Employment Security Minimum Wages Urban Phenomena Migrant Livelihoods Safe Jobs Secure Jobs Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrant livelihoods youth unemployment informal employment urban economics precarious living sexual politics job scarcity employment security minimum wages urban migration economic activity formal jobs urban environments migrant opportunities Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrants unemployment youth unemployment informal employment formal jobs sexual politics precarious living minimum wages employment security Zuehlke Potts Urbanisation Industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa Migrants Livelihoods Economic Growth Youth Unemployment Informal Employment Formal Jobs Sexual Politics Precarious Living Minimum Wages Employment Security Urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena youth unemployment migrants informal employment precarious livelihoods unsafe jobs sexual politics formal jobs minimum wages employment security urbanisation industrialisation Africa Sub-Saharan Africa economic growth urban phenomena migrants livelihoods unemployment youth informal employment formal jobs sexual politics precarious methods minimum wages employment security
test-society-tsmihwurpp-pro03a	The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. The experience of Israel proves that profiling works  Israel has been using profiling for decades to identify those individuals at airports that should be stopped, questioned and have their luggage thoroughly checked [i] .  Despite the massive threats that Israel faces, the Israeli state does not feel the need to invade the privacy of most passengers because they simply know what and who they are looking for. This approach has meant that, despite high odds, hijackings and bombings are not the routine affairs on El Al flights that one might expect it to be.  As the focus for terrorist atrocities has now become the US and the UK, it simply makes sense to follow the example of a nation that has been such a target since its creation.  [i] “Exposing hostile intent”. SecuritySolutions.com. Israel profiling airports security El Al passenger screening terrorist threats privacy hijackings bombings US UK security measures anti-terrorism travel safety threat detection passenger safety aviation security preventive measures security protocols Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings privacy terrorist atrocities US UK threat experience example hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy passenger screening threat prevention hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings privacy terrorist atrocities US UK .example nation target creation SecuritySolutions.com hostile intent Israel profiling airport security El Al terrorist threats privacy passenger screening hijackings bombings security measures US UK hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy threat experience effective safety passenger screening targeted approach homeland security aviation security risk management hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy threat hostile intent security measures passenger screening Israeli approach successful security practices targeted threats anti-terrorism strategies Israel profiling airports security El Al hijackings bombings terrorist atrocities US UK privacy passenger screening hostile intent security solutions Israel profiling airport security El Al terrorist threats privacy US UK security measures hijackings bombings hostile intent Israel profiling airports security El Al terrorist threats privacy hijackings bombings US UK security measures hostile intent threat identification passenger screening
test-politics-mtpghwaacb-pro03a	Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 Collective bargaining undermines the democractic process  The bargain between normal unions and private enterprise involves all parties being brought to the table and talking about the issues that they might have. However, the public sector represents the benefits of taxpayers, the politicians and the unions. The power that unions exercises means that negotiations can happen without the consent or involvement of the public sector’s stakeholders, the public.  Even though power in a democracy is usually devolved to the politicians for this purpose, given the highly politicised nature of union negotiations, government office-holders who supervise union negotiations may act inconsistently with the mandate that the electorate have given them. This is because public unions often command a very large block of voters and can threaten politicians with this block of voters readily. This is not the same as a private business where officials aren’t elected by their workers. As such, collective bargaining rights for public union undermine the ability of taxpayers to dictate where their money is being spent significantly.1  “Union Bargaining Just A Dream For Many Gov Workers.” Oregan Herald. 27/02/2011 collective bargaining public sector democratic process union power taxpayer representation political influence union negotiations public stakeholder involvement elected officials union voting power private sector comparison government accountability taxpayer money union rights government workers legislative mandate electorate will collective bargaining public sector private enterprise union negotiations democratic process taxpayer representation political mandate union influence public union power elected officials voter influence government accountability fiscal responsibility union rights democratic governance stakeholder involvement political leverage union block voting public spending taxpayer control government oversight union democracy collective bargaining rights public sector unions private sector unions democratic mandates union bargaining government officials union power union stakeholder representation union involvement union authorization union negotiations transparency union accountability union politicization union bargaining limitations union influence on politics union Roles in collective bargaining democratic process public sector private enterprise union negotiations taxpayer representation political influence electoral mandate public unions voter power government oversight devolved power stakeholder involvement private business elected officials union rights taxpayer control financial accountability political leverage union power collective bargaining public sector unions democratic process taxpayer representation political influence union power public stakeholder involvement elected officials union negotiations public union rights taxpayer control union bargaining rights political mandate voter influence private sector unions government oversight collective bargaining public sector private enterprise union negotiations democratic process taxpayer representation political influence union power public unions elected officials voter influence government oversight mandate compliance fiscal responsibility union rights Oregon Herald government workers bargaining rights stakeholder involvement democratic mandate collective bargaining public sector union negotiations democratic process taxpayer representation politician accountability union power public union rights private enterprise worker representation electoral mandate union influence government oversight taxpayer money union voting block democratic mandate government officials union bargaining rights public sector stakeholders union democracy collective bargaining democratic process public sector private enterprise union negotiations taxpayer representation political influence union power public stakeholders democratic mandate elected officials union voters government oversight taxpayer control fiscal responsibility union rights public sector unions private unions political leverage electoral influence collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise taxpayer representation political influence union negotiations public officials electorate mandate voter power government oversight union rights public spending democratic accountability workforce representation politicized negotiations union power taxpayer interests elected officials democratic integrity union bargaining government workers Oregon Herald collective bargaining democratic process public sector unions private enterprise taxpayer representation political mandate union power public stakeholders elected officials union negotiations voter influence government oversight taxpayers' control spending authority union bargaining rights Oregon Herald government workers collective bargaining democratic process public sector private enterprise union negotiations taxpayer representation political influence elected officials union power voter block government mandate public unions private businesses worker representation fiscal responsibility democratic accountability citizen engagement labor rights public trust political accountability
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro03a	The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 The God hypothesis is unnecessary  Science provides us with the tools to form a comprehensive view of the Universe which does not include a supernatural being. From Galileo to Darwin to the modern day, scientists have continually uncovered the true natural mechanisms behind the creation and evolution of the universe. There are no gaps left for God to act in [1] - science has revealed a closed natural order governed by natural laws. Brain science has shown that there is not a ‘soul’ but that all our mental states are simply caused by brain activity. There is, therefore, no reason to believe in life after death - one of the main tenets of religious belief.  [1] Bube, Richard H, ‘Man Come of Age: Bonhoeffer’s Response to the God-of-the-gaps’, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society,  , p.207 God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin natural mechanisms creation evolution gaps natural laws brain science mental states brain activity life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps Richard H Bube Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern science natural mechanisms creation evolution no gaps God closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe no gaps God closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps God closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis science natural order natural laws Galileo Darwin brain science soul life after death religious belief God-of-the-gaps Richard H. Bube Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God hypothesis science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin natural mechanisms creation evolution gaps natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern science natural mechanisms creation evolution natural laws brain science mental states brain activity no soul life after death religious belief Bube Richard H God-of-the-gaps Bonhoeffer's response Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern scientists natural mechanisms creation evolution universe no gaps God natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern science natural mechanisms creation evolution universe no gaps God closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity no life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society God hypothesis unnecessary science comprehensive view Universe supernatural being Galileo Darwin modern day scientists true natural mechanisms creation evolution universe gaps God science closed natural order natural laws brain science soul mental states brain activity life after death religious belief Bube Richard H Man Come of Age Bonhoeffer God-of-the-gaps Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
test-free-speech-debate-fsaphgiap-pro04a	A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, A lack of transparency can endanger the leader  A person is most likely to survive when they have an accident, a heart attack, or some other condition if they get prompt treatment and doctors are aware of any underlying conditions. Mills may well have lived, or lived longer if there had been more transparency about his death. There had been no prior warning that the president might be rushed to hospital despite the doctors having been called in the previous day. For the same reason his outriders were not available leading to indecision over whether to send off the ambulance. And finally he was initially turned away from the emergency ward because they did not know it was the President they were being asked to treat. 1 Transparency would allow procedures to be in place and advance notice given possibly gaining a few minutes and enabling survival.  1 Daily Guide, ‘How Mills died: Sister tells it all’, My Joy Online, 31 August 2012, transparency leader survival accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death transparency prior warning president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide How Mills died Sister tells it all My Joy Online 31 August 2012 transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions medical transparency presidential health emergency procedures advance notice survival rates medical emergencies hospital protocols presidential security indecision emergency response medical ethics public health political transparency healthcare communication informed consent medical privacy transparency leader accident heart attack prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death president hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions emergency response medical transparency presidential health advance notice survival rates emergency ward medical procedures public health political transparency Mills death health care transparency transparency prompt treatment underlying conditions prior warning emergency procedures advance notice survival medical response leadership crisis management presidential health public information medical ethics accountability hospital protocol patient identity emergency ward treatment delay political transparency healthcare transparency transparency leader prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency procedures advance notice survival medical transparency presidential mortality healthcare communication medical staff awareness public health timely medical intervention presidential healthcare medical ethics emergency response hospital protocols presidential secrecy medical disclosure patient anonymity initial medical assessment emergency ward protocols presidential illness medical confidentiality healthcare accessibility political transparency medical emergencies leadership health public trust medical response time healthcare policy medical ethics in leadership emergency medical services presidential medical records health transparency benefits medical privacy public figure health emergency medical treatment transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills death prior warning hospital doctors outriders ambulance emergency ward procedures advance notice survival Daily Guide My Joy Online transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions presidential health medical procedures advance notice emergency response survival rates healthcare transparency political health secrecy medical ethics public trust Mills death Ghana healthcare presidential medical care transparency leader survival prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency response medical transparency public information leadership accountability healthcare delays presidential medical care crisis management political transparency transparency leadership prompt treatment underlying conditions Mills presidential health emergency procedures medical transparency accident heart attack survival healthcare public disclosure emergency response hospital procedures presidential care medical staff briefing emergency ward patient identification healthcare communication
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro03a	Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. Gambling is addictive.  Humans get a buzz from taking a risk and the hope that this time their luck will be in, this is similar to drug addicts [7]. The more people bet, the more they want to bet, so they become hooked on gambling which can wreck their lives. Internet gambling is worse because it is not a social activity. Unlike a casino or race track, you don’t have to go anywhere to do it, which can put a brake on the activity. The websites never shut. There won’t be people around you to talk you out of risky bets. There is nothing to stop you gambling your savings away while drunk. addiction risk luck drug betting hooked internet casino race track social websites savings drunk addiction risk-taking hope luck drug addiction betting hooked destructive internet gambling social activity casino racetrack restraint risky bets savings alcohol impulse control addiction risk thrill hope luck drug betting escalation hooked destructive online internet isolation continuous unsupervised impulsive financial alcohol temptation Gambling addiction risk-taking behavior psychological dependency substance abuse compulsive gambling online gambling social gambling casino environment betting psychology financial ruin alcohol influence gambling disorders behavioral addiction internet gaming gambling sites 24/7 availability peer influence impulsive behavior mental health savings depletion addiction risk-taking hope luck drug addiction betting gambling habits internet gambling social gambling casinos race tracks online gambling financial ruin alcohol impulsive behavior internet gambling casino race track social activity risky bets savings drunk addiction drug addicts betting hope luck wreck lives websites never shut preventions gambling consequences online betting isolation financial ruin impulse control addiction risk-taking luck drug addiction gambling frequency life destruction internet gambling social activity casino race track website availability social influence savings alcohol influence addiction risk-taking hope luck drug addiction betting gambling disorder internet gambling social activity casinos race tracks websites risky bets savings drunk online betting compulsive gambling gambling harm financial ruin isolation impulse control risk addiction psychology drugs betting internet social casino race track websites savings alcohol behavior impulse control gambling disorder online gambling financial impact loneliness mental health escapism gambling addiction risk-taking behavior drug addiction comparison betting psychology compulsive gambling internet gambling social gambling casino gambling race track betting online gambling risks gambling while intoxicated financial ruin from gambling
test-politics-dhbanhrnw-con01a	The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. The right of self-defence must be exercised in accordance with international law.  There can be no right to such terribly destructive weapons; their invention is one of the great tragedies of history, giving humanity the power to destroy itself. Even during the Cold War, most people viewed nuclear weapons at best as a necessary defence during that great ideological struggle, and at worst the scourge that would end all life on Earth. Nuclear war has never taken place, though it very nearly has on several occasions, such as during the Cuban Missile Crisis. And in 1983 a NATO war game, the Able Archer exercise simulating the full release of NATO nuclear forces, was interpreted by the Soviet Union as a prelude to a massive nuclear first-strike. Oleg Gordievsky, the KGB colonel who defected to the West, has stated that during Able Archer, without realising it, the world came ‘frighteningly close’ to the edge of the nuclear abyss, ‘certainly closer than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962’. [1] Soviet forces were put on immediate alert and an escalation was only avoided when NATO staff realised what was happening and scaled down the exercise. [2] Cooler heads might not prevail in future conflicts between nuclear powers; when there are more nuclear-armed states, the risk of someone doing something foolish increases. After all, it would take only one such incident to result in the loss of millions of lives. [3] Furthermore, in recent years positive steps have finally begun between the two states with the largest nuclear arsenals, the United States and Russia, in the strategic reduction of nuclear stockpiles. These countries, until recently the greatest perpetrators of nuclear proliferation, have now made commitments toward gradual reduction of weapon numbers until a tiny fraction of the warheads currently active will be usable. [4] All countries, both with and without nuclear weapons, should adopt this lesson. They should contribute toward non-proliferation, thus making the world safer from the threat of nuclear conflict and destruction. Clearly, the focus should be on the reduction of nuclear weapons, not their increase.  [1] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg. 1991. “KGB: The Inside story of its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev”. New York: Harper Collins Publishers.  [2] Rogers, Paul. 2007. “From Evil Empire to Axis of Evil”. Oxford Research Group.  [3] Jervis, Robert. 1989. The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution: Statecraft and the Prospect of Armageddon, Cornell Studies in Security Affairs. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.  [4] Baker, Peter. 2010. “Twists and Turns on Way to Arms Pact With Russia”. The New York Times. self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear conflict non-proliferation United States Russia strategic reduction nuclear stockpiles nuclear proliferation non-proliferation nuclear reduction nuclear destruction nuclear arms pact nuclear safety nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence nuclear policy nuclear security nuclear threat nuclear risk nuclear stability nuclear cooperation nuclear diplomacy nuclear strategy nuclear arms control self-defence international law nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation United States Russia strategic reduction non-proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear destruction nuclear stockpiles warheads nuclear-armed states nuclear first-strike NATO war game KGB ideological struggle nuclear arms pact cooler heads nuclear powers nuclear reduction nuclear threat international security nuclear disarmament nuclear deterrence global security nuclear policy arms control international relations nuclear self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation non-proliferation nuclear stockpiles United States Russia strategic reduction nuclear conflict nuclear destruction self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear tragedy Cold War ideological struggle nuclear weapons necessary defence nuclear scourge nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis NATO war game Able Archer Soviet Union nuclear first-strike Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss immediate alert nuclear escalation future conflicts nuclear-armed states nuclear incident loss of lives United States Russia nuclear arsenals nuclear reduction non-proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear destruction arms pact nuclear stockpiles self-defence international law nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation nuclear conflict deterrence strategic reduction warheads nuclear-armed states nuclear first-strike NATO war game nuclear abyss nuclear reduction nuclear disarmament nuclear security nuclear threats nuclear deterrence nuclear policy nuclear risks nuclear safety nuclear accidents nuclear crisis nuclear arms control nuclear treaties nuclear diplomacy nuclear self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear conflict nuclear proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles non-proliferation reduction of nuclear weapons arms pact nuclear destruction ideological conflict nuclear deterrence global security disarmament international relations nuclear policy military strategy nuclear ethics historical conflicts nuclear accidents nuclear deterrence theory nuclear arms race international cooperation peace self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear conflict non-proliferation United States Russia nuclear stockpiles nuclear arsenal reduction safety global security international relations nuclear policy disarmament military strategy world peace conflict prevention arms control nuclear deterrence Cold War history nuclear proliferation strategic reduction warheads international treaties nuclear threats military exercises defensive measures international self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis NATO Able Archer Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear abyss nuclear-armed states nuclear proliferation nuclear stockpiles United States Russia non-proliferation nuclear conflict nuclear destruction nuclear reduction global security nuclear disarmament international relations nuclear deterrence nuclear arms control nuclear safety nuclear threats international cooperation peace nuclear war prevention nuclear weapons policy nuclear crises nuclear treaties nuclear arms race nuclear security self-defence international law destructive weapons nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle nuclear war Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear escalation nuclear proliferation strategic reduction non-proliferation global security nuclear disarmament United States Russia nuclear stockpiles nuclear conflict nuclear destruction self-defence international law nuclear weapons Cold War ideological struggle Cuban Missile Crisis Able Archer NATO Soviet Union KGB Oleg Gordievsky nuclear proliferation non-proliferation nuclear reduction United States Russia nuclear conflict nuclear destruction
test-environment-opecewiahw-pro02a	An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, An immense boost to DRC’s economy  The Grand Inga dam would be an immense boost to the DRC’s economy. It would mean a huge amount of investment coming into the country as almost all the $80 billion construction cost would be coming from outside the country which would mean thousands of workers employed and spending money in the DRC as well as boosting local suppliers. Once the project is complete the dam will provide cheap electricity so making industry more competitive and providing electricity to homes. Even the initial stages through Inga III are expected to provide electricity for 25,000 households in Kinshasa. [1]  [1] ‘Movement on the Grand Inga Hydropower Project’, ujuh, 20 November 2013, DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost foreign investment employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Kinshasa hydropower project economic boost Inga III Grand Inga DRC economy hydropower project investment construction cost employment local suppliers electricity industry competitiveness Kinshasa households Inga III DRC economy Grand Inga dam economic boost foreign investment job creation local suppliers cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa households hydropower project Grand Inga dam DRC economy $80 billion construction foreign investment job creation local suppliers cheap electricity industrial competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa electricity supply Grand Inga dam DRC economy investment construction cost workers employed local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost foreign investment employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Kinshasa Inga III hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction workers local suppliers electricity industry competitiveness households Kinshasa Inga III hydropower project development infrastructure energy economic growth job creation regional impact international funding DRC economy Grand Inga dam foreign investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electrification Inga III Kinshasa households hydropower project economic boost infrastructure development renewable energy job creation regional development energy security sustainable development Grand Inga dam DRC economy investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project DRC economy Grand Inga dam investment construction cost employment local suppliers cheap electricity industry competitiveness household electricity Inga III Kinshasa hydropower project
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro03a	Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 Internet access is a necessary part of the right to freedom of information and expression.  Freedom of expression and speech and freedom of information is a fundamental freedom and is article 19 in the universal declaration of human rights. This is usually taken to have three parts for governments to uphold: a duty to respect, for the government not to interfere with the freedom to impart information, a duty to protect, preventing interference with lawful communications and, a duty to fulfil, a duty to provide government held information. [1] Access to the internet falls within this. The duty to respect means that governments cannot block access for people wishing to use the internet to express themselves. The duty to protect means government should prevent others from interfering with internet users and the duty to fulfil could easily be taken just a little bit further to having to provide access to the internet. Freedom of expression therefore covers a freedom to access the internet as it already provides for a freedom to access mediums to express ones’ self.  [1] Callamard, Agnes, ‘Towards a Third Generation of Activism for the Right to Freedom of Information’, in Freedom of Expression, Access to Information and Empowerment of People, UNESCO, 2009 pp.43-57. p.44 internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 universal declaration government duties respect duty protect duty fulfill duty government interference lawful communications government-held information internet blocking internet users third generation activism empowerment UNESCO Agnes Callamard freedom of information freedom of expression internet access human rights governmental duties right to information digital rights communication rights right to freedom online expression internet freedom article 19 UNESCO third generation activism empowerment information access government interference lawful communications government-held information digital activism media freedom access to mediums self-expression global internet policies technology and human rights Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties right to information digital rights online freedom media freedom information access communication rights internet freedom government responsibility non-interference legal protection information provision digital inclusion electronic communication data access privacy rights digital literacy digital divide global internet access empowerment through information Agnes Callamard UNESCO third generation rights activism media empowerment public information government transparency digital citizenship information society expressive freedom technological rights internet governance digital internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom universal declaration of human rights duty to respect duty to protect duty to fulfil government responsibilities non-interference lawful communications provision of information internet freedom human rights Agnes Callamard UNESCO right to information media access self-expression digital rights communication rights information access internet rights government transparency civic engagement empowerment third generation activism information rights digital activism online freedom communication mediums information imparting expression mediums internet censorship digital communication public information government-held data internet users Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil information imparting lawful communications access provision Callamard Agnes third generation activism empowerment UNESCO Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression fundamental freedom universal declaration of human rights government duty respect protect fulfil block access interfere communication provide information activism right to information empowerment UNESCO Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duties respect protect fulfil lawful communications government-held information block access prevent interference provide access activism empowerment Agnes Callamard UNESCO 2009 internet access freedom of information freedom of expression universal declaration of human rights article 19 government duties respect protect fulfil non-interference lawful communications government-held information online expression digital rights information access empowerment third generation activism UNESCO Agnes Callamard internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights article 19 universal declaration of human rights government duty respect protect fulfill non-interference lawful communications government-held information digital rights online expression empowerment UNESCO third generation activism Callamard Agnes Internet access freedom of information freedom of expression human rights Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights government duties respect protect fulfil information imparting lawful communications government-held information internet blocking internet interference internet provision self-expression third generation activism Agnes Callamard UNESCO
test-law-phwmfri-pro03a	Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, Creates the perception that the rich are not immune to the consequences of their actions  Fines that are not proportionate to income may create the perception that the rich are immune to the consequences of their actions. This is because people see those earning the least struggling to pay a fine, whilst the rich are able to pay that fine easily, without making any significant sacrifices. Canada is an example of this being the case with two thirds of respondents on surveys saying that the Canadian justice system is unfair because it provides preferential treatment to the rich compared to how harsh it is towards the poor.1  Making fines proportionate to income would change that perception. People would then see the law being applied in such a way as to punish all, not just certain sections of society. This will improve perceptions of (and consequently, relations with) the justice and law enforcement systems.  It is important that justice is seen to be done, as well as occurring (sometimes referred to as the Principle of Open Justice), for several reasons. First, we operate a system of government by consent: people’s opinions of the justice system are deemed an important check and balance on the power of the law-makers. Consequently, if they are seen to ‘abuse their power’ by imposing a law seen to be unfair, they have an obligation either to adequately explain and defend the law, or change it.  Second, people’s perceptions of law enforcement in one area spill over into other areas: it is the same police force enforcing all aspects of the law, and so the differences in policy origin are obscured. Consequently, if people deem law-enforcement to be unfair in one regard, they are less likely to trust it in other circumstances.  Third, it is important that the justice system is seen to be impartial, rather than favouring any particular group, because it is only under such circumstances that its designations of acts as ‘crimes’ can be seen as a true reflection of what you ought and ought not to do, rather than just what would be in the interests of a given group.  1 ‘Justice and The Poor’, National Council of Welfare, 10 September 2012, income-proportionate fines justice system fairness economic inequality legal perceptions public trust in law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent social equity criminal justice impartiality financial penalties socioeconomic status legal system reform penal disproportionalities Canadian justice system public opinion on law perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice law enforcement fairness Canadian survey preferential treatment poor government consent power trust impartial crimes interests social contract economic disparity legal equity public opinion punishment societal norms wealth inequality legal justice socioeconomic status penal system financial penalties equity in law public trust in law socioeconomic fairness legal sanctions financial justice crime deterrence legal repercussions socioeconomic divide legal transparency societal trust perceived fairness legal integrity social justice equitable fines wealth-based penalties perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate law enforcement justice fairness society Canadian survey respondents preferential treatment poor principle open government consent check balance power law-makers unfair trust impartial crimes interests group National Council Welfare perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate justice system unfair preferential treatment poor law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent policy impartial crimes society trust police force National Council of Welfare Canada survey respondents struggling sacrifices significant changes punishment opinion power check balance explanation defense law fairness designation interests reflection circumstances spill over areas origin obscured seen occurring important true regard deemed less likely trust circumstances policy origin income-proportionate fines perception of fairness justice system impartiality law enforcement trust rich and poor economic disparity legal consequences social justice principle of open justice government accountability public opinion of law penal equity financial penalties socioeconomic status legal fairness equitable punishment perception rich consequences actions fines proportionate income Canadian justice system preferential treatment law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent police force impartial crimes poor social justice equality fairness legal system public trust policy economic status financial penalties legal reform societal norms criminal justice socioeconomic factors judicial fairness public opinion legal accountability social equity justice perceptions law enforcement trust financial disparities legal penalties income-based fines justice system reform socioeconomic justice legal equity fairness in punishment criminal sanctions economic fairness legal perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate Canada justice system fairness preferential treatment income-based fines law enforcement government consent power trust impartiality crime social justice economic disparity legal equality public opinion policy enforcement crime designation moral judgment societal norms wealth inequality legal reforms public perception law-makers explanation accountability justice principles open justice checks and balances policy origins law enforcement areas trust erosion crime perception legal impartiality societal impact wealth poverty 法律责任 社会公平 perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate Canadian justice system unfair preferential treatment poor law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent trust impartiality crimes society equity socioeconomic status legal fairness income-proportional fines justice system fairness economic inequality legal consequences public perception law enforcement trust principle of open justice government accountability social equity crime deterrence wealth disparity legal penalties socioeconomic status judicial impartiality crime definition societal norms policy justification public opinion law maker responsibility enforcement consistency perception rich consequences actions fines income proportionate Canadian justice system unfair preferential treatment law enforcement principle of open justice government by consent trust impartiality crimes social perceptions economic disparity legal fairness public opinion
test-international-miasimyhw-con01a	Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? Migration reasonings and exploitation.  A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are.  Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed?  A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’? migration exploitation neoclassical labour market economic factors pull factors job imbalance complex factors lack of choice forced migration trafficking COMESA victim identification clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour labour movement types migration exploitation neoclassical economic laws free labour market job imbalance pull factors complex factors lack of choice economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement labour management identified cases 2012 Musinguzi 2013 Migration exploitation free labour market neoclassical economics pull factors job imbalance economic laws complex factors lack of choice forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement labour market management human trafficking economic migration social factors policy implications migration governance regional cooperation labour rights human rights economic development migration policies workforce mobility economic opportunities migration patterns labour exploitation labour market dynamics migration ethics migrant protection trafficking prevention economic inequality labour standards migration challenges migration reasonings exploitation free labour market neoclassical perspective pull factors economic laws complex factors lack of choice free movement trade non-economic reasons effective management forced migration trafficking COMESA region identified cases tip of the iceberg undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement types Migration exploitation free labour market neoclassical perspective pull factors economic imbalance job imbalance economic laws complex factors lack of choice economic value labour market management forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected trafficking clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement labour movement questioning migration management human trafficking economic migration social factors political factors cultural factors migration policies labour rights economic development migration ethics migration justice migration governance regional cooperation human rights labour exploitation labour mobility legal frameworks migration trends migration economic factors neoclassical perspective pull factors job imbalance complex migration reasons lack of choice free labour market trade non-economic migration forced migration trafficking COMESA victim identification clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies labour movement ethics policy management migration exploitation neoclassical pull factors economic laws complex factors lack of choice free labour market economic value management forced migration trafficking COMESA identified cases 2012 tip of the iceberg undetected victims work distinctions trafficked migrants clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement types Migration exploitation free labour market neoclassical perspective pull factors economic imbalance job distribution economic laws complex migration factors lack of choice free movement trade economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA region trafficking cases 2012 Musinguzi victim identification clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour labour movement management labour ethics human trafficking migration policies economic migration social factors political factors environmental factors cultural factors migration governance migration rights labour rights human rights economic development regional migration exploitation neoclassical pull factors economic imbalance job market complex factors lack of choice free labour market economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA undetected victims clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies unjust labour movement management neoclassical economics pull factors economic imbalance migration complexity lack of choice free labour market economic value forced migration trafficking COMESA region 2012 cases Musinguzi trafficked migrants clandestine migration cheap labour flexible labour emerging economies labour movement ethics migration management human trafficking economic migration social factors policy implications economic theories migration policies labour exploitation African labour market work migration migration justice labour rights migration ethics economic development labour mobility migration dynamics human rights economic growth labour market regulation migration
test-culture-mthbah-pro03a	Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. Advertisements are an attempt to brainwash customers.  People cannot just choose to ignore advertising, because advertisers use many underhand methods to get their message across. Posters have attention grabbing words, or provocative pictures. Some adverts today are even being hidden in what seem like pieces or art or public information so people don't realise they are being marketed to. The introduction of digital screens allows businesses to alter their advertising to respond to specific events, making advertisements not only everywhere, but seemingly all-knowing1. By targeting people's unconscious thoughts adverts are a form of brainwashing that take away people's freedoms to make choices.  1 Anywhere the Eye Can See, It's Likely To See an Ad. The New York Times. advertisements brainwash customers ignore underhand methods posters attention-grabbing provocative hidden art public information digital screens events unconscious thoughts freedoms choices New York Times advertising brainwashing consumer choice hidden ads digital screens unconscious influence freedom marketing strategies attention grabbing posters provocative imagery public information art disguised ads targeted advertising everywhere ads all-knowing ads psychological manipulation consumer rights New York Times brainwashing customer choice underhanded methods attention-grabbing provocative imagery hidden advertising art-like ads public information ads digital screens event-responsive ads unconscious targeting choice manipulation freedom erosion pervasive advertising New York Times visual pollution consumer awareness psychological tactics subliminal messaging Advertisements brainwash customers choose ignore underhand methods posters attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden ads art public information digital screens specific events all-knowing unconscious thoughts freedom choice The New York Times Anywhere the Eye Can See Advertisements brainwash customers ignore underhand methods posters attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden ads art public information digital screens specific events unconscious thoughts freedom choices New York Times ubiquitous advertising all-knowing ads brainwashing unconscious thoughts freedom of choice attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertising digital screens targeted advertising everywhere all-knowing marketing strategies public information pieces of art underhand methods posters adverts customer manipulation New York Times eye can see 广告无处不在 advertising brainwashing customer choice underhand methods attention grabbing provocative images hidden advertisements digital screens event-responsive ads unconscious influence freedom of choice pervasive advertising New York Times Advertisements brainwash customers ignore underhand methods attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden ads art public information digital screens specific events unconscious thoughts freedom choices New York Times everywhere all-knowing brainwashing unconscious thoughts freedom of choice attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertising digital screens targeted advertising public information art marketing strategies consumer awareness subconscious influence pervasive advertising New York Times anywhere the eye can see brainwashing customers underhand methods attention grabbing provocative pictures hidden advertising digital screens unconscious thoughts freedom of choice omnipresent advertisements targeted marketing subtle manipulation consumer awareness ethical advertising
test-economy-beghwbh-con01a	It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, It will never work  The plan for the Hyperloop is sound technically but would it work politically? It is unlikely that the California high speed rail project will be scrapped simply because there is a new competitor on the block. The Hyperloop has the advantage of being cheap but it is cheap because it is being built in the middle of an existing highway, the interstate-5. Building the Hyperloop would therefore cause traffic chaos so there would not be much political support. [1] Build it elsewhere and land would need to be bought just as with proposals for high speed rail.  Maglevs are, like the Hyperloop, practically sound – one travels from Shanghai Airport into the center of the city [2] – but they have not been built. High speed trains, despite being slower, have been the preferred method for creating high speed transportation systems because they can easily connect into the existing rail infrastructure, a problem for both the Hyperloop and maglevs.  [1] Yarow, Jay, ’41 Years Ago, A Scientist Explained Why Elon Musk’s Hyperloop is Doomed’, Business Insider, 12 August 2013,   [2] Kidman, Alex, ‘Shanghai’s Maglev Train: Astonishingly Fast… and a little dull’, Gizmo, 12 September 2011, Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility interstate-5 traffic chaos maglev Shanghai Maglev Train high speed transportation rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological soundness public support land acquisition transportation competition project scrapping new competitor speed connection existing infrastructure economic factors environmental impact urban planning legislations public transportation innovation challenges technological implementation long-term sustainability community impact stakeholder involvement financial investment technological advancement rail systems transportation policy infrastructure development political support technological barriers cost-effectiveness project management technological feasibility public interest Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility interstate-5 traffic impact land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai Maglev high speed transportation systems existing rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological feasibility cost-effectiveness public transportation urban planning infrastructure development transportation policy environmental impact engineering challenges public support Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai maglev high speed transportation rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological soundness public support transportation policy urban planning infrastructure development competing transit systems logistical challenges environmental impact regulatory hurdles public transportation technological innovation economic viability urban mobility future transportation trends Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost advantage interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai Maglev high speed trains existing rail infrastructure transportation systems Elon Musk technological soundness public support infrastructure integration Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition Maglev Shanghai Airport high speed transportation rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological soundness public transportation systems Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai Maglev high speed transportation systems existing rail infrastructure technological soundness economic viability public support urban planning transportation policy Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev Shanghai maglev high speed trains rail infrastructure transportation systems Elon Musk Yarow Jay Alex Kidman Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev trains Shanghai Maglev high speed transportation rail infrastructure Elon Musk technological soundness public transportation systems competition in transportation urban planning infrastructure development transportation policy engineering challenges public support environmental impact economic benefits transportation technology innovation in transport regulatory hurdles stakeholder engagement project management sustainable transport solutions future of transportation transit systems high-speed rail networks technological advancements transport infrastructure urban mobility policy barriers technological integration transport efficiency community Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost efficiency Interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai Maglev Train high speed transportation rail infrastructure integration Elon Musk scientist critique transportation innovation public support technological soundness economic factors environmental impact urban planning legislative challenges Hyperloop California high speed rail political feasibility cost-effectiveness interstate-5 traffic disruption land acquisition maglev technology Shanghai maglev high speed trains rail infrastructure transportation systems Elon Musk Jay Yarow Alex Kidman
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro02a	Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. Online gambling affects families  A parent who gambles can quickly lose the money their family depends on for food and rent. It is a common cause of family break-up and homelessness, so governments should get involved to protect innocent children from getting hurt [5]. Each problem gambler harmfully impacts 10-15 other people [6]. The internet makes it easy for gamblers to bet secretly, without even leaving the house, so people become addicted to gambling without their families realising what is going on until too late. online gambling family impact financial loss food security rent payments family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling harmful effects addiction secret betting internet gambling unnoticed addiction family unawareness late realization online gambling family impact financial loss food insecurity rent payment family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling secondary impact internet gambling secret betting addiction unnoticed gambling online gambling family impact financial loss food insecurity rent default family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling ripple effect secret betting internet gambling gambling addiction family unawareness online gambling family impact financial loss food security rent payment family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling secondary harm internet gambling secret betting addiction unnoticed gambling online gambling family impacts financial loss food insecurity rent arrears family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection harm to others secret gambling internet gambling addiction unaware families online gambling family impacts financial strain parental gambling child protection government intervention homelessness secret betting addiction problem gambling societal harm internet gambling online gambling family impact financial instability Parental gambling child welfare government intervention addiction secrecy internet gambling social harm problem gambling family breakup homelessness secondary victims online gambling family impacts financial loss food insecurity rent arrears family break-up homelessness government intervention child protection problem gambling indirect harm online betting secrecy addiction unnoticed gambling online gambling family impact parent gambling financial loss family breakup homelessness government intervention children protection problem gambler secondary impact internet gambling secret betting addiction unnoticed gambling online gambling family impact financial loss family breakup homelessness government intervention child protection problem gamblers addiction secret gambling internet gambling societal harm
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro02a	Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration and the acceptance of Western values are important  Arranged marriages have not been a part of the cultures of most European countries for many years now. Part of the reason for this is because ideas about marriage have become more progressive, with people accepting that men and women of any orientation should be allowed to choose their own partners. This was even the case during the socially conservative era of the 1950s, when it was generally accepted in countries like Britain that people would court and meet their partners independently of their parents. [1]  Arranged marriages also conform to a view of women in particular which regards them as chattel. This does not fit in with the type of egalitarianism many European countries seek to practice, and thus does not conform to Western notions of individual rights. [2] It is also hypocritical to adopt a double-standard with diaspora communities, turning a blind eye to practices which many other majority groups find reprehensible. The rights and norms of a country of block of countries such as the EU must apply to all.  [1] Cook, Hera, ‘No Turning Back: Family forms and sexual mores in modern Britain,’ History & Policy -  (accessed on 19 September 2012)  [2] ‘Human Rights with Reference to Women,’ UKEssays.com -  (accessed on 19 September 2012) Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage rights social conservatism 1950s Britain courtship egalitarianism individual rights human rights women's rights diaspora communities double standard EU norms Integration Western values Arranged marriages European cultures Progressive ideas Marriage choices Socially conservative era 1950s Britain Courtship Parental influence Women's rights Chattel Egalitarianism Individual rights Double standards Diaspora communities Hypocrisy Human rights EU norms Western values arranged marriages European countries progressive ideas marriage social conservatism 1950s courtship parent independence egalitarianism individual rights diaspora communities double-standard human rights women's rights EU norms integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage partner choice 1950s social norms courtship parental influence women's rights egalitarianism individual rights double standards diaspora communities human rights EU norms sexual mores historical perspectives social progress Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive marriage ideas partner choice social conservatism 1950s Britain courting independent partner selection women's rights egalitarianism individual rights double standards diaspora communities reprehensible practices EU norms human rights women's rights sexual mores modern Britain integration western values arranged marriages european countries progressive ideas marriage social norms individual rights egalitarianism human rights women's rights diaspora communities double standards cultural practices legal norms EU social history sexual mores family forms social conservatism 1950s Britain partnership choice parental influence courting independence chattel reproachable practices majority groups societal acceptance historical context modern perspectives integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage partner choice social conservatism 1950s Britain courting egalitarianism individual rights double-standard diaspora communities practices majority groups human rights women UKEssays History & Policy Integration Western values arranged marriages European cultures progressive ideas marriage partner choice 1950s social norms Britain courtship egalitarianism individual rights double standards diaspora communities human rights women's rights EU norms Western values progressive ideas arranged marriages European cultures social conservatism individual rights egalitarianism diaspora communities human rights women's rights marriage practices partner choice European Union social norms historical context sexual mores family forms British society double standards cultural integration integration western values arranged marriages european countries progressive ideas marriage individual choice 1950s social conservatism courtship egalitarianism individual rights human rights women's rights diaspora communities double standard eu norms cultural practices sexual mores family forms
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro04a	Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religions have no true claim to special moral knowledge  Religions through the ages, and still today, have been agents of repression, sexism, elitism, homophobia, and - most of all - conflict, war, and racial hatred. The very nature of belief in received wisdom means that it must be, at its core, a conservative and regressive force. Moreover the positive moral rules that religions claim to promote tend to have existed independently of those religions – the world did not have to wait for the ten commandments to learn that murder and theft was wrong, but it waited until the 19th Century to reach a consensus that Slavery was wrong.  Whatever small amount of psychological comfort religious belief may give, the evils it is responsible for in the social and political worlds easily outweigh it. Religion Moral Knowledge Repression Sexism Elitism Homophobia Conflict War Racial Hatred Received Wisdom Conservative Force Regressive Force Moral Rules Ten Commandments Murder Theft Slavery Psychological Comfort Social Evils Political Evils Religions moral knowledge agents of repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative force regressive force moral rules independence from religion ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religious claims moral knowledge agents of repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief in received wisdom conservative force regressive positive moral rules existence of morals ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils religions moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief received wisdom conservative regressive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religions moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative regressive positive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religious influence moral relativism historical repression gender inequality social elitism sexual orientation discrimination interfaith conflict warfare causation racial animosity conservative ideology progressive values pre-existing moral norms religious ethics psychological benefits social harm political impact Religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative regressive moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religious morality moral relativism ethical philosophy religious conflict religious repression sexism in religion elitism in religion religious homophobia war and religion racial hatred in religion conservative religion regressive religious beliefs moral knowledge independent ethics moral development religious comfort social evils of religion political impact of religion religious violence religious tolerance ethical pluralism moral absolutism religious indoctrination critical religious studies moral psychology secular ethics religion and human rights religion and social justice moral progress religious ethics critical thinking in religion religious freedom comparative religion moral philosophy religion moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservatism regression moral rules ten commandments murder theft slavery psychological comfort social evils political evils Religions moral knowledge repression sexism elitism homophobia conflict war racial hatred belief conservative force regressive force moral rules independent ethics ten commandments slavery psychological comfort social impact political impact religious evils
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro05a	Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, Nip the problem in the bud  Smoking rates in Africa are relatively low; a range of 8%-27% with an average of only 18% of the population smoking 1 (or, the tobacco epidemic is at an early stage 2 ). That’s good, but the challenge is to keep it that way and reduce it.  A ban on smoking in public places at this stage would stop tobacco gaining the widespread social acceptability that caused it to thrice in the 20th century in the Global North. The solution is to get the solutions in now, not later.  1 Kaloko, Mustapha, 'The Impact of Tobacco Use on Health and Socio-Economic Development in Africa', African Union Commission, 2013,  , p.4  2 Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, “What we do: Tobacco control strategy overview”, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, no date, tobacco control public health smoking prevalence Africa smoking ban public places tobacco epidemic social acceptability Global North health policy socio-economic impact tobacco use prevention strategies Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission tobacco control public smoking ban smoking prevalence tobacco epidemic early intervention Africa tobacco use socio-economic impact health impact tobacco acceptability Global North smoking trends African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control strategies smoke-free policies youth smoking prevention tobacco control public smoking ban smoking rates Africa tobacco epidemic social acceptability health impact socio-economic development Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation prevention strategies early intervention public health policy Nip the problem in the bud smoking rates in Africa low smoking prevalence tobacco epidemic early stage prevent social acceptability public smoking ban tobacco control prevent widespread use early intervention health and socio-economic impact African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control strategy tobacco control public health smoking prevention Africa smoking rates public smoking ban social acceptability tobacco epidemic global north health policy socioeconomic impact tobacco use Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission Nip the problem in the bud smoking rates in Africa low smoking prevalence tobacco epidemic early stage prevent widespread social acceptability ban on smoking in public places tobacco control health and socio-economic development African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control strategy tobacco control smoking rates Africa public health early intervention smoking ban social acceptability tobacco epidemic Global North health policy African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco use socio-economic impact health development tobacco control smoking prevalence public smoking ban early intervention social acceptability tobacco epidemic Global North Africa smoking rates health impact socio-economic development policy implementation prevention strategies public health initiatives smoking reduction tobacco use African Union Commission Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control strategy 20th century smoking global health trends tobacco control public health policy smoking prevention Africa tobacco epidemic public smoking ban tobacco regulation smoking rates health intervention socio-economic impact tobacco use social acceptability global north comparison policy implementation early intervention health education smoking cessation programs tobacco industry Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation African Union Commission tobacco control public health policies smoking prevention Africa tobacco use tobacco epidemic public smoking ban smoking rates health interventions socio-economic impact tobacco regulation early intervention tobacco acceptability Global North smoking trends African Union Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation tobacco control strategy
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con01a	"There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views There is no proven cause of harm and parents routinely make medical decisions for children to give their consent or otherwise  Circumcision is akin, in many ways, to vaccination; a routine and simple procedure with miniscule risks and compelling probable benefits. We acknowledge the right of parents to take these decisions on the behalf of their children, even if the benefits in question are primarily cultural and spiritual, and relativistic in character.  Parents routinely make decisions with far greater implications for their children’s futures in terms of their education and general welfare on a regular basis and this should really be seen as no different [i] .  As has been established, even in the most impromptu settings, male circumcision, unlike FGM, runs almost no risk of causing severe injury or infection. MGM does not endanger or restrict a child's development, or his ability to living and normal, fulfilled adult life. Parents make much more damaging choices for their children all the time - choices that do not involve modification of a child's body.  The cost of raising a child as a junior rugby player is an increased risk that the child may sustain life changing injuries. The cost of sending a child to a Montessori nursery as opposed to a curriculum-based institution is the possibility that they may lack personal discipline or respect for authority later in life.  Parents are still permitted to make these decisions, despite the impact they may have on a child’s development. Why not allow them to submit their children to a relatively minor and inconsequential aesthetic procedure?  [i] Dr. Brian Morris, Professor of Molecular Medical Sciences. ""Circumcision Should Be Routine; is Akin to a Safe Surgical ‘Vaccine’"". Opposing Views male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children's welfare cultural practices spiritual benefits risk assessment medical ethics child development minor medical procedures informed consent circumcision benefits circumcision risks female genital mutilation male genital mutilation pediatric healthcare parental rights child rearing educational choices sports injuries Montessori education curriculum-based education personal discipline authority respect Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine circumcision circumcision vaccination parental rights medical decisions children benefits risks cultural practices spiritual beliefs male circumcision FGM development welfare education rugby Montessori personal discipline authority minor procedures aesthetic modifications Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine routine procedure male circumcision parental consent medical decisions children vaccination routine procedure minimal risks benefits cultural significance spiritual value relative rights education welfare male genital mutilation female genital mutilation health implications development adult life junior rugby Montessori nursery personal discipline authority Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences surgical vaccine opposing views male circumcision parental medical decisions vaccination comparison minor medical procedures child welfare cultural practices spiritual beliefs relative benefits education choices junior rugby risks Montessori vs curriculum body modification child development non-invasive procedures Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children health benefits risks cultural practices spiritual significance education choices welfare junior rugby Montessori personal discipline authority respect Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine male circumcision routine medical procedure parental consent child welfare vaccination analogy cultural benefits spiritual benefits minimal risks decision-making rights parental choices child development minor aesthetic procedure rugby injuries Montessori education Opposing Views Dr. Brian Morris Molecular Medical Sciences male circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children health benefits minimal risks cultural practices spiritual significance relativistic values education choices welfare decisions junior rugby Montessori nursery life-changing injuries personal discipline authority respect minor procedure aesthetic modification Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine opposing views circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children cultural benefits spiritual benefits male circumcision FGM child development rugby Montessori education choices personal discipline authority respect minor procedure Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences safe surgical vaccine routine procedure circumcision vaccination parental decision-making medical ethics child welfare cultural practices religious beliefs male circumcision female genital mutilation risk assessment long-term effects education choices sports participation child development personal autonomy surgical procedures health benefits moral relativism public health policy informed consent circumcision vaccination parental consent medical decisions children benefits risks cultural spiritual education welfare male circumcision FGM development adult life junior rugby Montessori personal discipline authority minor procedure Dr. Brian Morris molecular medical sciences routine procedure surgical vaccine"
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro01a	Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance has led to poor governance  Corruption in African governance is a common feature of African governance [1] , with resources being a major source of exploitation by the political class. Natural resources are often controlled by the government. As resources fund the government’s actions rather than tax, there is a decrease in accountability to the citizenry which enables the government to abuse its ownership of this land to make profit [2] . To benefit from resource wealth, money from the exploitation of mineral wealth and other sources needs to be reinvested in to the country’s economy and human capital [3] . Investing in infrastructure and education can encourage long term growth. However a large amount of funds are pocketed by politicians and bureaucrats instead, hindering growth [4] . Africa Progress Panel (APP) conducted a survey on five mining deals between 2010 and 2012 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They found that the DRC was selling off state-owned mining companies at low prices. The new offshore owner would then resell the companies for much more, with much of the profit finding its way to DRC government officials [5] . The profits were twice as high as the combined budget for education and health, demonstrating that corruption caused by resource exploitation detracts from any long term growth.  [1] Straziuso,J. ‘No African Leader wins $45m Good Governance Award’ Yahoo News 14 October 2013   [2] Hollingshead,A. ‘Why are extractive industries prone to corruption?’ Financial Transparency Coalition 19 September 2013   [3] Pendergast,S.M., Kooten,G.C., & Clarke,J.A. ‘Corruption and the Curse of Natural Resources’ Department of Economics University of Victoria, 2008 pg.5   [4] Ibid  [5] Africa Progress Panel ‘Report: DRC mining deals highlight resource corruption’ 14 May 2013, Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry profit reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth funds politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries natural resource curse financial transparency Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry government abuse resource wealth reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political corruption bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore ownership profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries financial transparency natural resource curse economic development public funds mineral wealth resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry resource funding government actions profit resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth fund misappropriation politicians bureaucrats mining deals state-owned companies low prices offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget long-term growth hindrance Africa Progress Panel extractive industries Good Governance Award financial transparency natural resource curse economics University of Victoria Democratic Republic of Congo DRC resource Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources tax funding accountability citizenry government abuse profit resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political pocketing bureaucrats fund misuse Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned companies low prices offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries natural resource curse economic development public investment sustainable development governance improvement transparency anti-corruption measures international Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources political exploitation government accountability citizenry resource funding reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political corruption bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC state-owned mining companies offshore ownership resale profits education budget health budget extractive industries corruption causes long-term growth detractors Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance political exploitation natural resources government control accountability citizenry profit reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth political class mineral wealth funds pocketing politicians bureaucrats hindrance Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned companies offshore ownership resale profit diversion education budget health budget long-term growth extractive industries Financial Transparency Coalition resource curse Department of Economics University of Victoria Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance natural resources exploitation political class government control accountability citizenry profit reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo DRC offshore ownership resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries resource curse financial transparency Resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry profit resource wealth reinvestment economy human capital infrastructure education long-term growth funds politicians bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore owners profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries Good Governance Award Financial Transparency Coalition resource curse Department of Economics University of Victoria resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry resource funding government actions profit abuse reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long-term growth politicians bureaucrats fund misappropriation Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profits education budget health budget extractive industries corruption causes long-term growth detraction resource abundance poor governance corruption African governance resource exploitation political class government control natural resources accountability citizenry reinvestment economic growth human capital infrastructure education long term growth political corruption bureaucrats Africa Progress Panel mining deals Democratic Republic of Congo state-owned mining companies offshore owners resale profit diversion education budget health budget extractive industries financial transparency natural resource curse
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro03a	"Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, Needle exchanges can help social services to locate addicts who are in need of treatment  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts to see formal parts of the state that they often associate with negatively as institutions that can help them. This allows them to more positively associate with other state mechanisms such as rehabilitation clinics in the future.  This is further helped by clinic staff being able to recommend drug addicts to rehabilitation centres should they be looking for help and due to the more anonymous nature of clinic staff, drug addicts might ask for help from them as opposed to a closer person who they fear might judge them.  In addition, social services for addicts can be centred on needle exchanges. Rehabilitation clinics as well as simpler facilities such as washrooms can be centred there as well as clinics for disease diagnosis. Further, in the clinics themselves, posters and information pertaining to drug awareness can be circulated in order to help addicts.1, 2  1. Debra L. O’Neill. ""Needle Exchange Programs: A Review of the Issues"". Missouri Institute of Mental Health. September 27, 2004 www.mimh200.mimh.edu/mimhweb/pie/reports/Needle%20Exchange.pdf  2. Noffs, David. “Should Needle Exchange Programmes Be publicly Funded?” Close to Home Online, needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment rehabilitation clinics disease diagnosis drug awareness anonymous nature clinic staff recommend help state mechanisms negative associations positive associations public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics anonymity clinic staff disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding Noffs David Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics anonymous nature clinic staff disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding Noffs David Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment positive association state mechanisms rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymous nature social services centers disease diagnosis drug awareness public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locating addicts treatment state institutions positive associations rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymity seeking help social services centers rehabilitation facilities washrooms disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information circulation funding public health policy addiction support community integration stigma reduction healthcare access needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment state institutions positive association rehabilitation clinics clinic staff recommend anonymous nature drug awareness posters disease diagnosis publicly funded Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health Noffs David Close to Home Online needle exchanges locate addicts treatment social services formal state institutions positive association rehabilitation clinics anonymous clinic staff drug awareness posters disease diagnosis public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment state institutions rehabilitation clinics positive association clinic staff recommend anonymous nature ask for help social services for addicts disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment formal state institutions positive associations rehabilitation clinics staff recommendations anonymous assistance social services centering rehabilitation facilities disease diagnosis drug awareness needle exchange programs public funding Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health Noffs David Close to Home Online needle exchanges social services locate addicts treatment formal state institutions positive association rehabilitation clinics clinic staff recommend anonymity ask for help close person social services for addicts rehabilitation clinics washrooms disease diagnosis drug awareness posters information Debra L. O’Neill Missouri Institute of Mental Health David Noffs public funding needle exchange programs"
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro01a	Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy  In extreme cases, in which peaceful and democratic methods have been exhausted, it is legitimate and justified to resort to terror. In cases of repression and suffering, with an implacably oppressive state and no obvious possibility of international relief, it is sometimes necessary to resort to violence to defend one’s people and pursue one’s cause.  Every individual or (minority) group has the right to express its discontent. The state, being a representation of the people, should facilitate this possibility. Even more, the state should support the rights of minorities, in order to prevent the will of the majority suppressing the rights of people with other interests. If this does not happen, the state has failed to serve its purpose and loses its legitimacy. This, in combination with the growing inequalities and injustices amongst certain groups, justifies committing acts of terror in order to defend these rights, that were denied in the first place.  For instance, Umkhonto we Sizwe, a liberation organisation associated with the African National Congress in South Africa and led by Nelson Mandela, decided in 1961 to turn to violence in order to achieve liberation and the abolishment of Apartheid. The reason they gave was:  “The time comes in the life of any nation when there remain only two choices: submit or fight. That time has now come to South Africa. (...) Refusal to resort to force has been interpreted by the government as an invitation to use armed force against the people without any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhonto we Sizwe mark a break with that past.” [1]  [1] African National Congress. (1961, December 16). Manifesto. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from African National Congress: Legitimacy Extreme cases Peaceful methods Democratic methods Terror Repression Suffering Oppressive state International relief Violence Defend rights Minority groups State representation Majority suppression Inequalities Injustices Acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid Liberation Armed force Prisals Manifesto legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority rights state representation majority suppression minority interests state failure inequalities injustices acts of terror denied rights Umkhonto we Sizwe liberation organization African National Congress Nelson Mandela 1961 violence achieve liberation abolish apartheid submit or fight government interpretation armed force reprisals historical context political resistance moral justification ethical considerations civil rights human rights Legitimacy Extreme cases Democratic methods Exhausted Justification Violence Repression Suffering Oppressive state International relief Minority rights Majority rule State failure Inequalities Injustices Acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid Liberation Armed force Prisals Manifesto legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods justified violence repression suffering oppressive state international relief minority rights state representation majority rule minority suppression state failure inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid submit or fight government response armed force people's rights reprisals liberation movement historical context justifiable actions ethical considerations moral stance political resistance non-violent options violence as last resort self-defense human rights defense societal change revolutionary action legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend cause rights minorities majority inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela liberation Apartheid submit fight armed force reprisals manifesto legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend one’s people rights of minorities state representation majority suppression inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela liberation Apartheid submit or fight government interpretation armed force people’s rights reprisals historical context justification of violence political resistance ethical considerations human rights minority groups majority rule state legitimacy social justice political change non-violent protest legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods exhausted justified resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority rights state representation majority minority suppression purpose inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe liberation African National Congress Nelson Mandela 1961 violence achieve liberation abolish Apartheid submit or fight government armed force reprisals methods break past legitimacy extreme cases peaceful methods democratic methods terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend people pursue cause individual rights minority groups state representation support minorities majority suppression state purpose inequalities injustices acts of terror denied rights Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela 1961 violence for liberation abolish apartheid Manifesto 1961 December 16 refusal to resort force government interpretation armed force people without reprisals methods break past legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend rights minority groups state representation majority rule inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid submit or fight armed force people's rights reprisals liberation abolishment legitimacy peaceful methods democratic methods resort to terror repression suffering oppressive state international relief violence defend rights state representation minority rights majority rule inequalities injustices acts of terror Umkhonto we Sizwe African National Congress Nelson Mandela Apartheid liberation armed force reprisals
test-law-phwmfri-pro02a	The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 The rich are now also deterred  Another purpose of fines is to provide a deterrent. If fines are applied at one rate regardless of income, they must be low enough not to be un-payable for those who do not earn much money. Consequently, they are set so low that they fail to have a deterrent effect on the richest in society, who are easily able to afford to break the law.  This is especially the case when you consider the sorts of crimes that are punishable by fines, e.g. illicit parking and littering. These crimes have an indirect harm, and thus it is easy for the rich to consider that once they have paid the fine they have paid for the damage done, even though in reality this is not the case.1  1 Gneezy, U., Rustichini, A., 2000. ‘A Fine is a Price’. Journal of Legal Studies., vol. 29 pp1-17 deterrence income-based fines proportional penalties wealth inequality legal sanctions punitive measures socioeconomic status financial deterrents crime prevention pricing effects behavioral economics legal studies law enforcement equity in punishment societal impact financial penalties regulation effectiveness economic disincentives judicial fairness offense cost Truyền tải phẩm chất public policy civic responsibility financial barriers punitive fairness social justice economic barriers legislative effectiveness legal deterrents wealth distribution equitable punishment crime deterrence fiscal responsibility socioeconomic factors legal equity income-adjusted fines justice system economic inequality penalty structure deterrence income-based fines financial penalties socioeconomic fairness regulatory compliance illegal parking littering economic disincentives penalty fees justice system equity Gneezy Rustichini study law enforcement effectiveness deterrence fines income-based fines social inequality legal penalties economic disincentives payment ability illicit parking littering indirect harm marginal cost Gneezy Rustichini fine effectiveness punitive measures socioeconomic status behavioral economics deterrence income-based fines equitable punishment social justice economic disparity legal penalties behavioural economics public harm indirect damage affordability threshold punitive measures financial disincentives crime prevention socioeconomic impact legal studies policy reform economic sanctions proportional fines 扁(pdf note: this seems to be a non-English character and should be removed or replaced if not intended) search efficiency query expansion deterrence fines income-based penalties affordability societal impact illicit parking littering indirect harm legal studies economic behavior Gneezy Rustichini deterrence income-based fines financial penalties wealth inequality legal sanctions socio-economic status punitive measures behavioral economics cost-benefit analysis law enforcement rich deterred fines deterrent income payable low-income high-income crime punishment illicit parking littering indirect harm cost Gneezy Rustichini fine price legal studies deterrent effect income-based fines financial penalties proportional fines illicit parking littering indirect harm payment for damage social equity legal studies economic behavior policy effectiveness deterrence income-based fines equitable punishment socio-economic fairness legal justice behavioral economics public policy crime prevention financial penalties societal impact deterrent fines income low un-payable richest society break law illicit parking littering indirect harm paid damage Gneezy Rustichini 2000 Fine Price Journal Legal Studies
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con02a	Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 Affirmative action can create social tensions  Under the policy of affirmative action, there is a real danger that social tensions become inflamed. This is because in the process of benefiting minority groups it helps to disenfranchise the majority. For example in the 2001 riots in Oldham and other cities of Northern England one of the main complaints from poor white areas was alleged discrimination in council funding. [1] There was a possibility that the more privileged from minority groups such as upper-class blacks will be favoured at the expense of the marginalised within majority groups such as lower-class whites. Therefore, rather correct racial bias, affirmative action may inevitably deepen it.  [1] Amin, A., 2002. ‘Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.’ Environment and Planning, 34, pp.959-980, p.963 affirmative action social tensions policy minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement 2001 riots Oldham Northern England council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city diversity Amin 2002 Environment and Planning affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England council funding discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias Amin 2002 multicultural city living with diversity ethnic tensions policy impact social cohesion economic disparity affirmative action social tensions policy minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement 2001 riots Oldham Northern England council funding poor white areas discrimination upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city living with diversity Amin 2002 Environment and Planning affirmative action social tensions policy minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England poor white areas discrimination council funding upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias deepen divisions multicultural city living with diversity affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups 2001 riots Oldham Northern England council funding racial bias ethnic diversity urban studies policy impact discrimination socioeconomic factors class disparity marginalized groups upper-class minorities lower-class majority Amin 2002 multicultural city living with diversity environment and planning affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups discrimination council funding 2001 Oldham riots upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city ethnic diversity urban policy social policy equality disenfranchisement privilege underprivileged community relations social cohesion inequality public perception policy impact social stratification affirmative action social tensions policy minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England poor white areas council funding discrimination upper-class minorities lower-class majority racial bias multicultural city living with diversity ethnic tensions policy impact social inequality privilege marginalization affirmative action social tensions minority groups majority groups disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots council funding upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city diversity social policy ethnic relations urban planning social inequality discrimination policy impact public perception socioeconomic factors affirmative action social tensions policy impact minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England poor white areas council funding upper-class blacks lower-class whites racial bias multicultural city living with diversity Amin 2002 ethnic diversity urban social issues public policy social inequality affirmative action social tensions policy impact minority groups majority disenfranchisement 2001 Oldham riots Northern England council funding discrimination upper-class minorities lower-class majorities racial bias multicultural city living with diversity Amin 2002
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro02a	The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. The right to internet access fills a gap in traditional human rights.  In our traditional human rights there is a hole when it comes to a right to receive and be able to seek out information. Almost everyone would consider freedom of speech and freedom of expression to be human rights but these rights are not very effective if there is not a way for those who wish to access that information. Michael L Best contends that Article 19 of the universal declaration of human rights on freedom of expression implies some symmetry but that freedom of authorship is privileged over freedom of readership. [1] In short governments could allow freedom of expression while ensuring that those expressing dissenting views have a very minimal audience without breaking human rights.  A right to the internet is the perfect human right to fill this gap. The internet is estimated to have over 35 billion web pages, [2] and the most recent digital universe study estimates that 1.8 trillion gigabytes would be created in 2011. [3] The sheer size of the internet means that it is the ideal medium for providing this right to access information. [4] The internet is also increasingly accessible to everyone making it possible to be considered universal; it is no longer something that the poor cannot hope to have access to. There are already over 2.1 billion people using the internet worldwide including 118 million in Africa. [5]  [1] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23 (n.b. this link comes up with a warning when opened, dont worry it is safe - ahelling)  [2] World Wide Web Size.com, ‘The size of the World Wide Web (The Internet)’, 17 April 2012 .  [3] McGaughey, Katryn, ‘World’s Data More Than Doubling Every Two Years – Driving Big Data Opportunity, EMC2, 28 June 2011.  [4] Best, Michael L., ‘Can the Internet be a Human Right?’ Human Rights and Human Welfare, Vol.4 2004, p.23  [5] Clayton, Nick, ‘Internet has More Than 2 Billion Users’, TechEurope The Wall Street Journal, 19 January 2012. right to internet access human rights information access freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of readership digital information internet size global internet users internet accessibility human right to internet digital universe internet as human right internet for everyone internet and human rights digital divide information symmetry right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of readership freedom of authorship information access digital universe internet size internet accessibility global internet users African internet users right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights Michael L Best digital universe web pages internet users global internet access freedom of readership digital divide internet as a human right internet growth information symmetry online audience digital inclusion internet普及率 internet usage statistics right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership government control internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet users African internet users right to internet access traditional human rights information gap freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership government censorship internet size web pages digital universe information access internet accessibility global internet users internet in Africa right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of readership internet size digital universe internet accessibility global internet users internet as human right right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access Michael L Best Article 19 universal declaration of human rights freedom of readership digital information internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet usage internet users Africa internet users right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access human rights gap Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights symmetry in rights freedom of authorship freedom of readership internet as human right information medium internet accessibility global internet use digital information universal access information symmetry human rights expansion digital rights internet rights digital equality global connectivity right to internet access traditional human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression Michael L Best Article 19 Universal Declaration of Human Rights freedom of readership freedom of authorship internet size web pages digital universe internet accessibility global internet users internet and human rights information access digital divide universal human right internet as human right digital information internet growth digital data creation internet penetration African internet users right to internet access human rights freedom of speech freedom of expression information access digital rights internet as human right freedom of readership government censorship internet accessibility global internet usage digital universe information symmetry universal declaration of human rights internet web pages digital data growth internet users worldwide internet in Africa Michael L Best Article 19
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con02a	"Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, Smokers have a right to enjoy themselves.  Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood""1. So, smokers have the same rights as non-smokers and should not be targeted because of how they choose to live their lives. Article 24 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that ""Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay"" 1.If some people get their rest and leisure by smoking with friends in a pub, it seems that governments should make it possible, by at least having smoking areas in pubs, restaurants, etc. A ban on smoking in all public places would mean smokers could never enjoy themselves like they want to, at least not legally. There are many groups which feel that the rights of the smoker are being ignored, e.g. ""Forest"".  1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, General Assembly of the United Nations, smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 dignity equality Article 24 rest leisure smoking areas pubs restaurants public places smoking ban Forest non-smokers human rights legal enjoyment groups ignored Smokers rights enjoyment Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 human dignity equality rest leisure smoking areas pubs restaurants public places smoking ban Forest smokers' rights legal restrictions social activities Smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 rest and leisure smoking areas public places legal smoking Forest human rights dignity equality conscience brotherhood working hours holidays pay non-smokers government policies smoker's rights groups smokers rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 rest and leisure public smoking areas smoking ban smokers leisure smokers equality Forest group smokers dignity non-smokers rights smoking in pubs smoking in restaurants Smokers rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 equality dignity rest leisure smoking areas public places ban Forest non-smokers smokers' rights human rights enjoyment legal social activities pubs restaurants smokers rights human rights universal declaration of human rights rest and leisure public smoking areas smoking ban smokers equality non-smokers rights smoker's rights groups forest smoker's rights human rights dignity equality smoker rights leisure rest public smoking smoking areas ban on smoking smoker groups Forest Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 non-smokers lifestyle choices legal rights United Nations moral rights social activities smoking in pubs restaurants public places smokers rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights equality dignity conscience reason brotherhood rest leisure working hours holidays smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest smoker advocacy legal enjoyment non-smokers public health individual choice freedom to smoke smokers rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 1 Article 24 equality dignity rest and leisure smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest group non-smokers legal smoking social enjoyment public accommodation smoke-free policies individual choice health regulations civil liberties smokers' rights human rights Universal Declaration of Human Rights rest and leisure smoking areas public places smoking ban Forest group dignity and rights equality"
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con02a	The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, The right to life means a right to death  When we speak of the right to life it means more than merely the right to be alive, it encompasses the right to self-ownership, the notion that one’s life is one’s own and that you are not beholden to anyone else by the mere fact that you are alive. It follows from this that there can be no duty on anyone to live beyond a point of their own choosing, and there should be no attempt to interfere with suicidal behaviour whether by individuals or by the law. [1]  [1] Chobli, Michael, ‘Suicide’, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Edward n. Zalta (ed.), Fall 2009, right to life right to die self-ownership personal autonomy suicide individual choice legal interference ethical considerations philosophical perspectives Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life right to death self-ownership life autonomy personal sovereignty suicide rights legal interference suicidal behavior individual choice involuntary life personal freedom human rights ethical considerations moral philosophy Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael Zalta Edward N. right to life right to die self-ownership autonomy personal freedom suicide ethical considerations legal perspectives individual rights philosophical debates Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy duty to live interference with suicide legal intervention philosophical perspectives Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicidal behavior legal interference ethical considerations philosophical perspectives Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli right to life right to death self-ownership life's value personal autonomy suicidal behavior legal interference individual choice philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy duty to live interference with suicide legal intervention Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael ethical considerations moral philosophy individual rights voluntary euthanasia assisted suicide human rights bioethics personal freedom end-of-life choices dignity in dying right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicidal behavior legal interference individual choice moral duty bioethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Chobli Michael Edward N. Zalta right to life right to death self-ownership personal autonomy suicide legal interference individual choice human rights philosophical ethics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy right to life right to death self-ownership life autonomy no duty to live interfere with suicide suicidal behavior legal intervention philosophical perspective Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Michael Chobli Edward N. Zalta ethical implications human rights personal freedom end of life decisions voluntary euthanasia autonomy in dying moral responsibility life and death ethics
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro01a	Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey is a poverty stricken country and entry into the EU would help to raise the living standards for its entire population  The EU has welcomed poorer entrants than Turkey without disaster; Ireland, Spain, Portugal and Greece were all much poorer than the EU average when they joined and all are now well integrated and much more prosperous. Disastrous migration was forecast in their cases too, but did not occur. Nor is Turkey as poor as has been suggested; Turkey with a GDP per capita of $8215 in 2009 is richer than Romania at $7500 and Bulgaria with a GDP per capita of $6423 [1] both of which are already members. Turkey’s economy is also in the process of reform, including the restructuring of its banking system and IMF programmes; in the next few years this process will allow for faster, more sustained growth. Turkey provides a large new market for EU goods; should it be accepted into the single market the economic benefits would not be solely limited to that country.  Turkey’s inclusion in the EU would not threaten other members with overwhelming economic or immigration issues. It is possible that, as has happened with Bulgaria and Romania, that a delay is enacted for the Schengen passport-free zone [2] . This would give both the current EU and Turkey a period of time to adjust.  [1]  The World Bank, GDP per capita (current US$), 2009  [2]  ‘EU newcomers smart over Schengen delay’ by Chris Bryant, 21st Jan 2011 Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economy reform banking system IMF market single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone migration integration prosperity economic issues immigration issues delay adjustment Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP Romania Bulgaria economy reform banking system IMF market Schengen passport-free zone migration economic benefits integration prosperity membership economic issues delay adjustment period Turkey poverty EU entry living standards poorer entrants Ireland Spain Portugal Greece prosperity migration Romania Bulgaria GDP per capita economic reform banking system IMF programmes single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone adjustment period Turkey poverty EU entry living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece economic integration migration fears GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria IMF programmes banking reform market expansion single market economic benefits Schengen area adjustment period EU newcomers Schengen delay Turkey poverty EU living standards integration prosperity migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economic reform banking system IMF single market Schengen passport-free zone economic benefits member states adjustment period Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economy banking system IMF single market Schengen passport-free zone Turkey poverty EU living standards economic growth Ireland Spain Portugal Greece Romania Bulgaria GDP per capita IMF banking system single market Schengen immigration economic benefits market expansion integration World Bank Chris Bryant EU newcomers Schengen delay Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece Romania Bulgaria GDP per capita economy reform banking system IMF programmes market single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone immigration economic issues Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece GDP Romania Bulgaria IMF economic reform single market Schengen migration economic benefits integration prosperity membership delay adjustment Turkey poverty EU living standards Ireland Spain Portugal Greece economic integration prosperity migration GDP per capita Romania Bulgaria economic reform banking system IMF programmes market expansion single market economic benefits Schengen passport-free zone adjustment period
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro02a	Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 Being vegetarian helps the environment  Becoming a vegetarian is an environmentally friendly thing to do. Modern farming is one of the main sources of pollution in our rivers. Beef farming is one of the main causes of deforestation, and as long as people continue to buy fast food in their billions, there will be a financial incentive to continue cutting down trees to make room for cattle. Because of our desire to eat fish, our rivers and seas are being emptied of fish and many species are facing extinction. Energy resources are used up much more greedily by meat farming than my farming cereals, pulses etc. Eating meat and fish not only causes cruelty to animals, it causes serious harm to the environment and to biodiversity. For example consider Meat production related pollution and deforestation  At Toronto’s 1992 Royal Agricultural Winter Fair, Agriculture Canada displayed two contrasting statistics: “it takes four football fields of land (about 1.6 hectares) to feed each Canadian” and “one apple tree produces enough fruit to make 320 pies.” Think about it — a couple of apple trees and a few rows of wheat on a mere fraction of a hectare could produce enough food for one person! [1]  The 2006 U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report concluded that worldwide livestock farming generates 18% of the planet's greenhouse gas emissions — by comparison, all the world's cars, trains, planes and boats account for a combined 13% of greenhouse gas emissions. [2]  As a result of the above point producing meat damages the environment. The demand for meat drives deforestation. Daniel Cesar Avelino of Brazil's Federal Public Prosecution Office says “We know that the single biggest driver of deforestation in the Amazon is cattle.” This clearing of tropical rainforests such as the Amazon for agriculture is estimated to produce 17% of the world's greenhouse gas emissions. [3] Not only this but the production of meat takes a lot more energy than it ultimately gives us chicken meat production consumes energy in a 4:1 ratio to protein output; beef cattle production requires an energy input to protein output ratio of 54:1.  The same is true with water use due to the same phenomenon of meat being inefficient to produce in terms of the amount of grain needed to produce the same weight of meat, production requires a lot of water. Water is another scarce resource that we will soon not have enough of in various areas of the globe. Grain-fed beef production takes 100,000 liters of water for every kilogram of food. Raising broiler chickens takes 3,500 liters of water to make a kilogram of meat. In comparison, soybean production uses 2,000 liters for kilogram of food produced; rice, 1,912; wheat, 900; and potatoes, 500 liters. [4] This is while there are areas of the globe that have severe water shortages. With farming using up to 70 times more water than is used for domestic purposes: cooking and washing. A third of the population of the world is already suffering from a shortage of water. [5] Groundwater levels are falling all over the world and rivers are beginning to dry up. Already some of the biggest rivers such as China’s Yellow river do not reach the sea. [6]  With a rising population becoming vegetarian is the only responsible way to eat.  [1] Stephen Leckie, ‘How Meat-centred Eating Patterns Affect Food Security and the Environment’, International development research center  [2] Bryan Walsh, Meat: Making Global Warming Worse, Time magazine, 10 September 2008 .  [3] David Adam, Supermarket suppliers ‘helping to destroy Amazon rainforest’, The Guardian, 21st June 2009.  [4] Roger Segelken, U.S. could feed 800 million people with grain that livestock eat, Cornell Science News, 7th August 1997.  [5] Fiona Harvey, Water scarcity affects one in three, FT.com, 21st August 2003  [6] Rupert Wingfield-Hayes, Yellow river ‘drying up’, BBC News, 29th July 2004 vegetarianism environment deforestation pollution greenhouse gases water usage biodiversity meat production cattle farming soybeans grains sustainability food security climate change energy efficiency ethical eating animal welfare agriculture land use fast food industry fish depletion rivers seas extinction carbon footprint livestock food production resource conservation global population responsible consumption dietary choices environmental impact farming practices vegetarianism environmental impact meat production pollution deforestation beef farming fish depletion energy consumption greenhouse gas emissions water usage food security biodiversity climate change sustainable farming livestock farming grain to meat ratio global population ethical eating meat industry land use river pollution species extinction agricultural water use vegetarian diet environmental responsibility food production efficiency cattle ranching rainforest destruction water scarcity carbon footprint ethical consumption plant-based diet environmental sustainability resource conservation vegetarianism environmental benefits meat production pollution deforestation greenhouse gas emissions water usage biodiversity cattle farming grain efficiency sustainability climate change rivers seas fish extinction energy consumption food security population growth responsible eating agricultural impact livestock farming global warming carbon footprint ethical eating resource depletion soil erosion air quality health benefits animal welfare plant-based diet food policy environmental conservation carbon dioxide methane nitrous oxide land use urbanization defaunation habitat loss nutritional value calorie conversion ecological footprint food production vegetarianism environment pollution deforestation beef farming fast food fish extinction energy resources meat farming animal cruelty biodiversity greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming Amazon deforestation water usage food security population growth sustainable eating grain consumption water scarcity global warming vegetarianism environmental benefits deforestation pollution water usage greenhouse gases meat production cattle farming biodiversity energy efficiency food security livestock climate change sustainable eating land use grain consumption fish population species extinction ethical eating veganism carbon footprint resource depletion deforestation drivers Amazon rainforest river health water scarcity global warming agricultural practices soy production wheat production population growth responsible consumption environmental impact farming sustainability vegetarianism environmental benefits meat production pollution deforestation greenhouse gases water usage biodiversity land efficiency climate change sustainable farming ethical eating food security cattle farming fish depletion energy consumption rainforest destruction agricultural impact resource scarcity global warming responsible consumption vegetarian environment environmentally friendly modern farming pollution rivers beef farming deforestation fast food trees cattle fish species extinction energy resources meat farming cereals pulses cruelty animals biodiversity meat production pollution greenhouse gas emissions livestock farming cars trains planes boats Amazon tropical rainforests water use water scarcity grain-fed beef broiler chickens soybeans rice wheat potatoes cooking washing groundwater rivers population food security Stephen Leckie Bryan Walsh David Adam Roger Segelken vegetarianism environmental impact meat production deforestation greenhouse gases water usage biodiversity livestock farming grain efficiency ethical eating pollution climate change sustainability energy consumption meat alternatives land use animal welfare food security carbon footprint river pollution fish depletion species extinction crop production apple tree comparison tropical rainforests cattle ranching global warming water scarcity population growth responsible consumption ecosystem health soil erosion food waste plant-based diet animal agriculture environmental stewardship sustainable agriculture water conservation food chain resource depletion renewable resources eco vegetarian, environment, farming, pollution, deforestation, beef, cattle, fish, extinction, energy, resources, meat, cruelty, biodiversity, greenhouse, emissions, land, water, scarcity, population, responsibility, sustainability, cornell, un, fao, time, guardian, ft, bbc, agriculture, climate, change, protein,输出错误，我将修正。 vegetarian, environment, farming, pollution, deforestation, beef, cattle, fish, extinction, energy, resources, meat, cruelty, biodiversity, greenhouse, emissions, land, water, scarcity, population, responsibility, sustainability, cornell, un vegetarianism environmental benefits meat production pollution deforestation beef farming fast food industry fish population biodiversity loss energy efficiency greenhouse gas emissions water usage food security grain consumption climate change agricultural impact sustainability water scarcity livestock farming carbon footprint responsible eating protein sources ecological footprint environmental sustainability resource depletion ethical diet animal cruelty rainforest destruction global warming food production water conservation environmental responsibility meat consumption vegetarian diet environmental impact animal agriculture vegetarian lifestyle environmental protection ethical eating climate crisis sustainable living environmental conservation
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con02a	"Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 Targeting schools will be an ineffective strategy.  Schools may seem like a perfect place to effect behavioral change in youth, since 95% of young people are enrolled in schools. [1]  But what researchers find is that changing the choices we have available does not necessarily lead to any behavioral change. Penny Gordon-Larsen, one of the researchers, wrote: ""Our findings suggest that no single approach, such as just having access to fresh fruits and veggies, might be effective in changing the way people eat. We really need to look at numerous ways of changing diet behaviors. There are likely more effective ways to influence what people eat.” [2]  In the case of school children is this point seems particularly salient. Given that high school students in the US average only 6 hours in school [3] and the widespread availability of fast and other forms of “junk food”, we can hardly expect that impacting this single environment of the school will lead to any lasting behavioral changes. Realistically, what we can expect is for school children to go outside the school to find their favorite snacks and dishes.  Even if, by some miracle, the ban would change the behavior of children in schools, there is still the matter of 10 hours (the ATUS suggests kids sleep an average of 8 hours per day) they will spend outside schools, where their meal choices will not be as tailored and limited.  [1] Wechsler, H., et al., 'The Role of Schools in Preventing Childhood Obesity', National Association of State Boards of Education, December 2004,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [2] Nordqvist, C., 'No Single Approach Will Solve America's Obesity Epidemic', Medical News Today, 11 June 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011  [3] Bureau of Labor Statistics, 'American Time Use Survey', 22 May 2011,  , accessed 9/11/2011 targeting schools ineffective strategy behavior change youth school enrollment dietary choices behavioral change Penny Gordon-Larsen food availability diet behavior high school students school hours fast food junk food school environment lasting behavioral changes outside school meal choices childhood obesity American Time Use Survey obesity epidemic school intervention behavioral change youth nutrition dietary habits school environment obesity prevention out-of-school habits fast food junk food time use student behavior effective strategies dietary modification comprehensive approaches health education targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment access to fresh fruits vegetables diet behavior multiple approaches school environment meal choices outside school junk food fast food high school students school hours American Time Use Survey childhood obesity obesity epidemic single approach lasting behavioral changes school policies dietary habits healthy eating environmental factors youth nutrition school-based interventions policy effectiveness lifestyle changes obesity prevention public health strategies youth health nutritional choices school day student behavior extracurricular activities community involvement family influence peer influence nutritional targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment changing choices diet behaviors Penny Gordon-Larsen single approach effectiveness influencing diet school children fast food junk food school environment lasting behavioral changes meal choices outside school American Time Use Survey ATUS childhood obesity National Association of State Boards of Education Medical News Today Bureau of Labor Statistics schools behavioral change youth access dietary choices environment obesity fast food junk food school hours sleep outside influences multiple strategies Penny Gordon-Larsen Wechsler National Association of State Boards of Education American Time Use Survey Medical News Today Bureau of Labor Statistics targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment changing choices diet behaviors Penny Gordon-Larsen fresh fruits vegetables high school students school hours fast food junk food meal choices outside school ATUS sleep duration childhood obesity obesity epidemic American Time Use Survey targeting schools ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment changing choices diet behaviors high school students school hours fast food junk food outside school meal choices obesity epidemic American Time Use Survey National Association of State Boards of Education Medical News Today Bureau of Labor Statistics Penny Gordon-Larsen access to fresh fruits and veggies single approach lasting behavioral changes sleep hours childhood obesity Ineffective strategy behavioral change youth school enrollment dietary choices Penny Gordon-Larsen multiple approaches diet behavior high school students junk food outside school meal choices obesity prevention American Time Use Survey fast food availability schools behavioral change youth dietary habits obesity intervention strategies environmental factors food access school environment policy effectiveness dietary behaviors youth nutrition health education fast food junk food time use school hours student health obesity prevention school-based interventions eating habits health policy research findings nutritional choices lifestyle factors community impact multiple approaches comprehensive strategies dietary modifications health outcomes school-based programs student well-being food availability behavior modification public health youth development health promotion food environment external influences health initiatives intervention methods school meals student activities schools behavioral change youth access diet fresh fruits vegetables multiple approaches high school students fast food junk food environment meal choices obesity prevention time use outside school influence tailored limited"
test-religion-yercfrggms-pro01a	Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: Entirely natural theories can adequately explain the existence and development of the Universe and all it contains, making God irrelevant to the discussion of reality:  Physics and cosmology explain the development and evolution of the Universe and the bodies within it. Chemistry explains the interactions of substances and the origin of life. Biology explains the development of life’s complexity through the long process of evolution. God, or gods, is a superfluous entity in the discussion of existence; He is entirely unnecessary to human scientific understanding. [1] At best, believers can point to various missing links in science’s explanation, using God to fill the gaps. The God of the Gaps is a weak God whose domain grows smaller each day as science progresses. Furthermore, there is no evidence of the supernatural existing at all, if that is what God is meant to be. The burden of proof in a debate concerning the existence of something is on the individual making the positive claim. In a debate over the existence of God, it is up to the believer to provide evidence for that belief. [2] The rational position in the absence of evidence is atheism. It is not a positive claim about anything, but is merely the absence of belief in God, which makes sense in the light of there being no positive evidence of God’s existence. If believers claim God lives outside the Universe, or that He cannot be empirically identified due to His ethereal nature, then in truth they are saying nothing. Only the natural world exists insofar as humans can demonstrate. The supernatural is pure fantasy.  [1] Boyer, Pascal. 2001. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought. New York: Basic Books.  [2] Russell, Bertrand. 1952. “Is There a God?” Campaign for Philosophical Freedom. Available: atheism scientific explanation naturalism God of the Gaps burden of proof supernatural empirical evidence natural world religious thought philosophical debate Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer evolution cosmology physics chemistry biology Universe existence development life complexity evolution ethereal nature fantasy human understanding missing links scientific progress rational position absence of belief positive claim debate religious belief existence of God empirical identification naturalism atheism scientific explanation God of the Gaps burden of proof supernatural empirical evidence rational position philosophical argument evolution cosmology physics chemistry biology religion Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell atheism naturalism God of the Gaps burden of proof scientific explanation evolution cosmology chemistry biology supernatural empirical evidence rational position philosophical debate religion Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell natural theories existence development universe bodies physics cosmology chemistry interactions substances origin of life biology complexity evolution God irrelevant superfluous gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof debate atheism absence of belief natural world fantasy Pascal Boyer Religion Explained Bertrand Russell Is There a God atheism naturalism scientific explanation universe evolution biology chemistry physics cosmology God of the Gaps supernatural empirical evidence burden of proof rationality Pascal Boyer Bertrand Russell Religion Explained Is There a God natural theories existence development Universe God irrelevant reality physics cosmology evolution chemistry interactions substances origin of life biology complexity superfluous scientific understanding missing links God of the Gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof debate atheism absence of belief empirical identification natural world fantasy natural theories universe development existence God irrelevant physics cosmology evolution chemistry substances origin of life biology complexity long process superfluous entity missing links God of the Gaps supernatural no evidence burden of proof debate existence atheism absence of belief no positive evidence outside the Universe ethereal nature natural world supernatural fantasy Pascal Boyer Religion Explained Bertrand Russell Is There a God natural theories Universe development existence God irrelevant physics cosmology chemistry interactions substances origin of life biology evolution complexity superfluous entity scientific understanding God of the Gaps missing links progress no evidence supernatural non-existence burden of proof positive claim debate atheism absence of belief natural world empirical identification ethereal nature fantasy Pascal Boyer Religion Explained Bertrand Russell Is There a God naturalism materialism scientific explanation universe development evolution chemistry biology God of the Gaps burden of proof atheism empirical evidence supernatural philosophical debate rationality religious thought Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer natural theories universe development God irrelevant reality physics cosmology chemistry interactions substances origin of life biology evolution complexity superfluous entity scientific understanding missing links God of the Gaps supernatural evidence burden of proof debate existence atheism absence of belief natural world empirical identification supernatural fantasy philosophical debate religious thought evolutionary origins human demonstration Bertrand Russell Pascal Boyer
test-international-aahwstdrtfm-con01a	Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 Should recognise a democracy  São Tomé is a multiparty democracy and has been since 1995 with free and fair elections. [1] The country is eleventh on the Ibrahim Index of African Governance. [2] It should therefore be supporting its fellow democracy; Taiwan. As a country that was a colony of Portugal for five hundred years having only secured independence in 1975 São Tomé should not wish to support a country that colonises others such as Tibet and Inner Mongolia, seeks to colonise Taiwan, and engages in aggressive actions to seize small islands in nearby seas.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘Sao Tome and Principe’, U.S. Department of State, 2012,   [2] ‘The Ibrahim Index of African Governance’, Mo Ibrahim Foundation,  accessed 10/2/2014 democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan Portugal colony independence 1975 Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé democracy multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Portugal colony independence 1975 Taiwan Tibet Inner Mongolia colonisation aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé democracy multiparty elections free fair 1995 Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 Tibet Inner Mongolia colonization aggressive actions islands seas Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan former colony Portugal independence 1975 opposes colonisation Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands seas Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections fair elections 1995 Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 colonisation Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation governance international relations political support human rights state sovereignty territorial integrity democratic values colonial history post-colonial relations Asian politics African politics international governance diplomatic relations democracy promotion political stability electoral processes São Tomé multiparty democracy free elections Ibrahim Index African governance supporting democracy Taiwan colonial history Portugal independence 1975 opposing colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights and Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation democracy São Tomé multiparty free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan colony Portugal independence 1975 colonization Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department of State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé democracy multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance Taiwan Portugal colony independence Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé multiparty democracy free elections Ibrahim Index African Governance supporting democracy Taiwan Portugal colony independence 1975 colonisation Tibet Inner Mongolia aggressive actions small islands Bureau of Democracy Human Rights U.S. Department State Mo Ibrahim Foundation São Tomé democracy multiparty free elections fair elections Ibrahim Index African Governance independence Portugal colony Taiwan Tibet Inner Mongolia U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy Human Rights Labor aggressive actions small islands seas
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro03a	Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, Most South Africans support quotas  In 2006, the South African Social Attitudes Survey revealed that most South Africans (56%) support a quota system [1] . This support remained roughly the same over a four year period. Sport should reflect the will of the population of the country, if the population wants quotas then there should be quotas. There is particularly strong support from quotas among black people (63%) implying they feel that something needs to be done in order to let them into the sport. Doing nothing will simply ensure the status quo with very few non-white rugby players remains indefinitely.  [1] Struwig, Jare, and Roberts, Ben, ‘The numbers game Public support for sports quotas’, South African Social Attitudes Survey, p.13, South Africa social attitudes quotas sports rugby public opinion black support non-white players status quo equality transformation survey Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South Africans support quotas 2006 South African Social Attitudes Survey 56% quota system sport population will black people 63% non-white rugby players status quo Jare Struwig Ben Roberts The numbers game Public support for sports quotas p.13 South Africa social attitudes quotas public support sports rugby black population equality representation status quo 2006 survey Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South African Social Attitudes Survey public support for sports quotas quota system black people support quotas sport representation non-white rugby players status quo in sports public opinion on quotas Jare Struwig Ben Roberts sports diversity racial representation in sports South Africa sports policy 2006 survey results South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sport black people rugby non-white players status quo Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South Africa 2006 56% 63% four year period population will social attitudes race in sports sports diversity equality in sports South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sports quotas black support rugby non-white players status quo 2006 Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas sports public support black people rugby non-white players status quo Jare Struwig Ben Roberts 2006 demographic representation equality in sports South Africa social attitudes quotas sports rugby public opinion racial diversity black support status quo non-white athletes 2006 survey Jare Struwig Ben Roberts social attitudes survey sports representation South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sports rugby black people status quo non-white players Jare Struwig Ben Roberts demographic representation affirmative action 2006 survey support trends four-year period South African Social Attitudes Survey quotas public support sports quotas black support non-white rugby players status quo Jare Struwig Ben Roberts South African population sport representation demographic reflection racial inclusion sports diversity
test-science-eassgbatj-con05a	Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. Research animals are well treated  Animals used in research generally don’t suffer. While they may be in pain, they are generally given pain killers, and when they are put down this is done humanely. [16] They are looked after, as healthy animals mean better experimental results. These animals live better lives than they would in the wild.  As long as animals are treated well there shouldn’t be a moral objection to animal research. This is exactly the same as with raising animals that will be used for meat. animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia regulated care experimental accuracy wild animal conditions moral justification animal research benefits livestock treatment animal welfare ethical treatment laboratory animals humane practices pain management euthanasia animal health experimental accuracy wild animal comparison moral justification animal research ethics meat animal treatment animal welfare ethical treatment pain management humane euthanasia research regulations animal health experimental results wild animal conditions moral objections animal rights laboratory animals veterinary care ethical standards animal testing meat production comparisons animal welfare research ethics humane treatment pain management animal health experimental accuracy moral justification animal farming ethical considerations scientific integrity research animals well-treated animal suffering pain management humane euthanasia animal care experimental results animal welfare moral objections animal research ethics animal husbandry meat production ethics animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia ethical treatment research standards animal care laboratory conditions wild animal life moral objections animal research ethics meat industry comparison animal health experimental results regulatory compliance animal rights scientific integrity research animals well-treated animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia healthy animals experimental accuracy better life conditions moral ethics animal research animal rights meat production ethical treatment scientific research animal care laboratory practices wild vs domestic health benefits experimental results ethical considerations animal welfare pain management humane euthanasia ethical treatment laboratory animals research ethics animal care experimental results moral objections animal research meat production wild animals captivity conditions humane treatment scientific integrity research animals well treated pain management humane euthanasia animal care experimental results moral objection animal research animal welfare comparison to wild animal ethics meat production animal rights scientific integrity regulatory standards humane practices animal welfare ethical treatment humane practices pain management animal health experimental accuracy moral considerations livestock comparison research regulations animal rights
test-culture-mthbah-pro02a	People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. People are given too much choice, which makes them less happy.  Advertising leads to many people being overwhelmed by the endless need to decide between competing demands on their attention – this is known as the tyranny of choice or choice overload. Recent research suggests that people are on average less happy than they were 30 years ago - despite being better off and having much more choice of things to spend their money on1. The claims of adverts crowd in on people, raising expectations about a product and leading to inevitable disappointment after it is bought. A recent advertisement for make-up was banned in Britain due to the company presenting its product as being more effective than it actually was2. Shoppers feel that a poor purchase is their fault for not choosing more wisely, and regret not choosing something else instead. Some people are so overwhelmed that they cannot choose at all.  1Schwartz, The Tyranny of Choice, 2004.  2 Kekeh , Too Beautiful? British MP Draws Line in Sand for Cosmetic Ads , 2011. choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impacts consumer decision fatigue product dissatisfaction regret in purchasing consumer overwhelm better-off paradox decreased happiness increased options unrealistic expectations banned advertisements cosmetic ad regulations MP intervention choice paralysis choice overload tyranny of choice consumer decision-making advertising impact consumer dissatisfaction product expectations purchase regret consumer overwhelm economic well-being happiness decline marketing ethics banned advertisements cosmetic advertising consumer rights Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer decision-making product disappointment shopper regret Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 consumer overwhelm better off less happy endless choice make-up advertisement ban British MP cosmetic ads regulation consumer expectations purchasing guilt decision paralysis choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer disappointment product expectations purchasing regret decision paralysis Schwartz 2004 marketing ethics banned advertisements consumer well-being materialism and happiness choice overload tyranny of choice advertising consumer decision-making product expectations consumer disappointment purchasing regret consumer paralysis Schwartz The Tyranny of Choice Kekeh cosmetic advertising banned ads consumer well-being happiness decline material abundance attention demands choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer decision-making product expectations purchase regret consumer dissatisfaction better-off paradox choice paralysis misleading advertisements cosmetic ad bans consumer well-being decline choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer decision-making product expectations disappointment psychological effects of advertising consumer regret decision paralysis Schwartz 2004 Kekeh 2011 banned advertisements cosmetic ads consumer well-being happiness decline economic prosperity choice and happiness information overload marketing ethics consumer choice modern consumer issues choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer decision-making product disappointment buyer's remorse excessive choices mental well-being consumer psychology ad regulation misleading advertisements shopping stress decision fatigue consumer satisfaction economic paradox happiness decline material abundance psychological burden choice paralysis marketing ethics choice overload tyranny of choice advertising impact consumer disappointment decision fatigue Schwartz 2004 banned cosmetics ad Kekeh 2011 happiness decline consumer regret overwhelming choices product expectations tyranny of choice choice overload advertising influence consumer regret decision fatigue product expectations consumer unhappiness marketing ethics consumerism critique Schwartz advertisement regulation cosmetic ad ban
test-economy-beplcpdffe-pro01a	Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. Gambling is bad for you.  Gamblers may win money from time to time, but in the long run, the House always wins. Why should governments allow an activity that helps their citizens lose the money they have worked so hard to earn? The harm is not just the loss of money and possible bankruptcy; it causes depression, insomnia, and other stress related disorders [4]. The internet has made gambling so much easier to do and encouraged lots of new people to place bets so dramatically multiplying the harm. gambling negative effects financial loss bankruptcy mental health depression insomnia stress online gambling increased accessibility government regulation social harm public policy addiction compulsive behavior economic impact societal costs gambling industry risk factors prevention strategies gambling addiction financial loss psychological impact government regulation online gambling social harm betting risks public health concerns economic consequences gambling disorders gambling negative impacts financial loss government regulation public health addiction mental health internet gambling societal harm betting casino house edge problem gambling economic consequences stress-related disorders depression insomnia bankruptcy legalization policy ethical concerns gambling addiction financial loss government regulation social impact mental health issues online gambling public policy economic consequences responsible gambling legalized gambling Gambling negative impacts financial loss bankruptcy mental health depression insomnia stress disorders internet gambling increased accessibility new gamblers societal harm government regulation addictive behavior economic consequences public health concerns Gambling addiction economic impact social harm mental health issues government responsibility online gambling betting risks financial loss public policy regulatory measures Gambling negative impact financial loss government regulation public health addiction mental health online gambling societal harm economic consequences stress disorders bankruptcy policy debate gambling industry long-term effects responsible gambling prevention strategies harm reduction legalize gambling gambling prevention enforcement challenges betting casino sports betting lottery Slots poker virtual gambling youth gambling gambling disorders treatment options support services awareness campaigns legislative measures economic arguments social issues community impact ethical considerations consumer protection legal gambling enforcement regulation gambling laws international perspectives cultural perspectives gambling Gambling negative impacts financial loss mental health depression insomnia stress government regulation online gambling addiction societal harm economic burden public policy gambling disorders risk factors prevention strategies ethical considerations gambling negative impacts financial loss mental health issues government regulation online gambling addiction social harm economic consequences public policy Gambling addiction economic impact government regulation mental health internet gambling public policy social harm financial losses stress disorders betting casino online gaming societal impact prevention strategies
test-law-lghbacpsba-con03a	Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege is already qualified appropriately  In exceptional circumstances, solicitors are told that they may depart from the rule of confidentiality contained in Rule 4 of the Solicitors' Code of conduct. Note 9 states that there are some regulatory bodies that are entitled to be informed of apparently confidential client communications. [1] In cases of suspected money laundering, solicitors have a duty under the Money Laundering Regulations 2007 [2] to inform relevant bodies of any suspected money laundering or any handling of the proceeds of crime. This means that there is flexibility in the rule of client confidentiality and client-attorney privilege which allows for justice to take its course in serious circumstances.  [1] Rule 4: Confidentiality and disclosure, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11  [2] The Money Laundering Regulations 2007, legislation.gov.uk, No2157, 2007, Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Exceptional Circumstances Duty to Inform Flexibility Justice Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Disclosure Crime Prevention Legal Compliance Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Exceptional Circumstances Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Duty to Report Client Communications Flexibility in Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Solicitor-Client Relationship Disclosure Rules Money Laundering Regulatory Compliance Legal Obligations Confidential Information Justice System client-attorney privilege confidentiality solicitors' code of conduct exceptional circumstances rule 4 regulatory bodies client communications money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 suspected money laundering proceeds of crime flexibility justice serious circumstances Client-Attorney Privilege Rule 4 Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Confidential Client Communications Regulatory Bodies Departure from Confidentiality Suspected Money Laundering Proceeds of Crime Flexibility in Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Professional Conduct Legal Ethics Solicitors' Obligations Confidentiality Exceptions Regulatory Compliance Legal Practice Client-Attorney Relationship Disclosure Requirements Criminal Activities Reporting Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Proceeds of Crime Flexibility Client Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Solicitors Disclosure Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Regulatory Compliance Criminal Activities Reporting Obligations Client-Attorney Privilege Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct Confidentiality Disclosure Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Suspected Money Laundering Proceeds of Crime Flexibility Client Confidentiality Serious Circumstances Justice Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Legal Regulations Solicitors' Duties Confidential Client Communications Compliance Legal Reporting Requirements Client-Attorney Privilege Confidentiality Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 Regulatory Bodies Money Laundering Regulations 2007 Duty to Report Serious Circumstances Client Communications Flexibility in Confidentiality Proceeds of Crime Legal Ethics Professional Conduct Exceptional Circumstances Solicitor-Client Relationship Mandatory Disclosure client-attorney privilege solicitors confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct regulatory bodies confidential client communications money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 duty to inform serious circumstances flexibility rule of confidentiality justice suspected money laundering handling proceeds of crime client-attorney privilege confidentiality solicitors Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 4 regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 justice serious circumstances duty to inform client communications flexibility rule of confidentiality suspected money laundering handling of proceeds of crime legislation professional conduct legal ethics disclosure regulatory compliance law enforcement crime prevention Client-Attorney Privilege confidentiality Rule 4 Solicitors' Code of Conduct regulatory bodies money laundering Money Laundering Regulations 2007 suspected money laundering proceeds of crime client communications duty to inform serious circumstances flexibility in rules justice legal ethics professional conduct solicitors disclosure confidentiality exceptions regulatory compliance legal obligations crime prevention legal practice ethical considerations client-attorney relationship legal frameworks solicitor-client privilege confidentiality rules legal regulations professional standards legal compliance legal duties reporting requirements financial crime legal advice
test-religion-frghbbgi-pro05a	The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. The Null Hypothesis  With regards to any proposition the only consistent and rational view is to assume that it is not true unless sufficient evidence is put forward to nullify that assumption.  The proposition need also be falsifiable, that is to say, there must be some potential fact that could be proven in order to disprove it. God is unfalsifiable because there is nothing. Null hypothesis falsifiability rational assumption proposition evidence unfalsifiable God potential fact disprove scientific method skepticism critical thinking empirical evidence logical reasoning null hypothesis proposition assumption evidence falsifiable disprove God unfalsifiable rational consistent potential fact proven null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable fact disprove God unfalsifiable Null Hypothesis rational assumption evidence-based reasoning falsifiable proposition unfalsifiable claim scientific method critical thinking hypothesis testing philosophical skepticism empirical evidence logical consistency theoretical framework religious beliefs scientific theories hypothesis validation proof of concept disproof criteria empirical falsification philosophical argument rational skepticism null hypothesis rational assumption falsifiability proposition evidence disprove unfalsifiable God null hypothesis rational assumption proposition truth sufficient evidence falsifiability potential fact disproving proposition unfalsifiable god concept null hypothesis proposition rational view assumption evidence falsifiable fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis rational view assumption evidence falsifiable proposition potential fact disprove God unfalsifiable null hypothesis rational assumption falsifiability proposition evidence disproof unfalsifiable God null hypothesis falsifiability proposition evidence rationality assumption disproof unfalsifiable god philosophy scientific method critical thinking logic hypothesis testing
test-economy-epsihbdns-con04a	Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions cause an incredible loss of potential  One of the best things about a functioning developed nation is that young people can choose their profession. Apart from this being beneficial for the individual, this means that the best suited person for a given trade will often be the same that pursues it. If we prevent people from moving freely we deprive the cities of talented people whose talents and skills are much better suited for urban professions than for rural jobs. In short, this policy would make farmers out of the potential lawyers, politicians, doctors, teachers etc. Indeed this is the whole basis of most models of migration, people leave rural areas because there is surplus labour in that area while the cities needs new workers. [1]  [1] Taylor, J. Edward, and Martin, Philip L., “Human Capital: Migration and Rural Population Change”, Handbook of Agricultural Economics, Restrictions loss of potential developed nation career choice individual benefits talent distribution urban professions rural jobs migration policy agricultural economics human capital rural population change surplus labour urban workforce needs Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person trade prevent moving freely deprive cities talented people talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers models of migration surplus labour rural areas cities new workers human capital migration rural population change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual benefits talent skills urban professions rural jobs migration surplus labour cities workers farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers human capital rural population change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person urban professions rural jobs talented people migration surplus labour cities need workers human capital rural population change Taylor Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people career choice individual benefits talent matching urban professions rural jobs migration surplus labor cities workers farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers human capital rural population change economic models Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. Restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people choose profession beneficial individual best suited person trade prevent moving freely deprive cities talented people talents skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers potential lawyers politicians doctors teachers models of migration surplus labour rural areas cities new workers human capital migration rural population change Taylor J. Edward Martin Philip L. restrictions loss of potential developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit best suited person trade pursuit free movement talent deprivation cities rural jobs policy impact farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration models surplus labour urban needs rural population change human capital agricultural economics restrictions loss potential developed nation young people profession individual benefits talent skills urban professions rural jobs policy farmers lawyers politicians doctors teachers migration rural population urban workforce human capital agricultural economics restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit talent matching urban professions rural jobs migration policy talent distribution human capital agricultural economics rural population change restrictions potential loss developed nation young people profession choice individual benefit talent allocation urban professions rural jobs migration models surplus labour city workforce human capital rural population change agricultural economics
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro04a	Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 Reduces growth of tobacco  Less people smoking means less tobacco being purchased – something that would contribute to the reduction in the tobacco industry. The industry is known for its exploitative labour practices, from child labour (80,000 children in Malawi work in tobacco farming, can result in nicotine poisoning – 90% of what is grown is sold to American Big Tobacco 1 ) to extortionate loans. 2 Reducing the size of such an industry can only be a good thing.  1 Palitza, Kristin, “Child labour: tobacco’s smoking gun”, The Guardian, 14 September 2011,   2 Action on Smoking and Health, p3 tobacco smoking reduction industry child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco loans exploitation health environment economic impact policy regulation public health addiction youth farming agriculture trade market supply chain corporate responsibility sustainable development human rights global health advocacy awareness prevention cessation legislation taxes advertising marketing secondhand smoke smoke-free clean air community education research innovation alternatives harm reduction vaping nicotine replacement therapy quitting support resources mental health social impact environmental impact tobacco smoking reduction tobacco industry child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco exploitative practices labour rights health impacts economic impacts tobacco farming loan practices industry shrinkage public health regulatory measures tobacco control policies environmental impact sustainable alternatives tobacco smoking reduction purchase industry exploitative labour child Malawi nicotine poisoning Big Tobacco loans size industry reduction benefits health economy ethics sustainability environmental impact global trade regulation policy public safety youth protection workforce conditions farm workers rights advocacy campaigns awareness education prevention control legislation enforcement penalties fines taxes subsidies economic development community support alternatives crops sustainability farming practices standards certification fair trade Reduces tobacco growth fewer smokers decreased tobacco purchases tobacco industry reduction exploitative labor practices child labor Malawi tobacco farming nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco extortionate loans industry downsizing benefits tobacco reduction smoking decline tobacco industry shrinkage child labour in tobacco farming Malawi child workers nicotine poisoning in children tobacco farming exploitation American Big Tobacco tobacco industry loans tobacco industry impacts health benefits of reduced tobacco ethical concerns in tobacco farming tobacco economic impacts tobacco policy tobacco control measures global tobacco trade tobacco farming practices tobacco supply chain tobacco industry criticisms tobacco harm reduction tobacco industry reduces tobacco growth less smoking less tobacco purchase reduction in tobacco industry exploitative labour child labour Malawi tobacco farming nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco extortionate loans reducing industry size tobacco farming impact health implications tobacco economic exploitation tobacco tobacco industry reduction smoking health child labor Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco loans exploitation labor practices environmental impact economic benefits public health policy regulation smoking cessation tobacco control sustainability tobacco reduction smoking decline tobacco industry shrinkage child labor in tobacco Malawi tobacco farming nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco tobacco loans tobacco exploitation labor practices in tobacco tobacco industry child labour Malawi nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative labour practices reduction in tobacco smoking reduction health impacts economic impacts ethical farming tobacco farming extremism loans industry size reduction global tobacco trade environmental impacts public health benefits tobacco reduction decreased smoking tobacco industry decline child labor Malawi tobacco farming nicotine poisoning American Big Tobacco exploitative labor practices extortionate loans industry downsizing benefits
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro03a	Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women in arranged marriages in Europe are disproportionately likely to suffer abuse  Arranged marriages are often different when practiced in the home countries of many immigrant families in Europe, where women often have networks of friends and relatives to rely on. The danger with allowing arranged marriages to happen in EU countries are that the women at the centre are often far more vulnerable, away from their own family, unfamiliar with the local language and fully reliant on their husband’s family. This makes it easier for domestic abuses to go undetected which is simply compounding problems of underreporting. [1] It is therefore likely that there is more domestic violence within arranged marriages. [2]  This is shown even amongst women who still consented to arranged marriages but faced abuse from their husbands – such as with the case of Razia Sodagar, whose husband abandoned her for another woman after she failed to fall pregnant. [3]  This illustrates how it is not always easy to draw a clear division between arranged marriages and forced marriages, as the former can often bear the same characteristics as the latter. It would therefore be safer to outlaw both.  [1] ‘Ethnic domestic violence ‘hidden’’, BBC News, 20 September 2007,   [2] Gotrik, Jennifer, ‘India domestic abuse more common in ‘arranged’ marriages’, Womennewsnetwork, 12 September 2011,   [3] ‘Fighting Arranged Marriage Abuse,’ BBC, 12 July 1999 - Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability language barriers domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence India Womennewsnetwork BBC News BBC women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting forced marriages outlaw Razia Sodagar ethnic domestic violence India domestic abuse arranged marriage abuse BBC Womennewsnetwork Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability isolation domestic violence underreporting forced marriages legal reform social support networks language barriers cultural practices human rights gender equality Razia Sodagar victim support marriage consent family reliance community resources policy measures international perspectives media coverage societal norms legal protection victim advocacy prevention strategies Women arranged marriages Europe abuse vulnerability immigrant families domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw Jennifer Gotrik BBC News Womennewsnetwork Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic hidden India domestic abuse BBC Womennewsnetwork Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw legal reform domestic abuse ethnic communities social isolation language barriers familial support consent marital abandonment infertility Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability language barriers domestic violence underreporting forced marriages legal prohibition Razia Sodagar ethnic violence social networks marital consent husband's family isolation legal reform cultural practices gender issues Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw ethnic domestic violence domestic abuse arranged marriage abuse Women arranged marriages Europe abuse immigrant families vulnerability language barrier domestic violence underreporting Razia Sodagar forced marriages outlaw BBC News Jennifer Gotrik Womennewsnetwork arranged marriages domestic abuse women's rights immigrant families social isolation language barriers trafficking forced marriages legal reform cultural practices victim support underreporting gender violence international law human rights European Union policies domestic violence prevention marriage consent public awareness family networks societal norms immigrant communities legal protections domestic abuse statistics cultural integration marital violence abuse reporting legal intervention community support systems racial discrimination gender equality social vulnerability marriage practices legal measures Razia Sodagar ethnographic studies domestic violence research immigrant women cultural relativism
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con02a	A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. A practice that is thousands of years old and has not been found to cause harm during that time is unlikely to now  Where there compelling evidence from medical science that a process that predates it had some proven harm then there might be good reason to restrict it but that evidence simply isn’t there. What is known is that circumcisions have been performed for millennia without causing widespread difficulties. In addition, historically, the procedure has been performed in circumstances far less safe than the confines of a modern, well-equipped hospital where it usually takes place now, and to no apparent ill effect.  Even using the term ‘abuse’ to describe such a practice shows a lack of respect for those people who are genuinely victims of abuse. circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety ritual cultural tradition abuse respect victims circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety tradition modern procedures abuse respect victims circumcision millennia medical science harm evidence restriction practice safety hospital abuse victims respect circumcision millennia harm evidence medical science restrictions abuse respect victims historical context modern practices safety standards circumcision millennia harm medical science evidence restriction historical context safety modern hospital abuse respect victims circumcision millennia harm medical evidence tradition safety abuse respect victims historical context modern practice cultural significance health implications surgical procedure ethical considerations circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm abuse cultural respect millennia safety modern medicine victimhood circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety modern hospital abuse respect victims millennia widespread difficulties compelling evidence restrictions predated procedure ill effect terms description lack of harm traditional practices circumcision historical practice medical evidence harm safety cultural respect abuse terminology millennia modern hospital widespread difficulties circumcision millennia harm medical evidence restrictions historical context modern practices abuse terminology victim respect safety conditions
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro02a	Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental Damage  Both licit and illicit resource extraction have caused ecological and environmental damage in Africa. The procurement of many natural resources requires processes such as mining and deforestation, which are harmful to the environment. Deforestation for access purposes, timber and cattle has led to around 3.4 million hectares of woodland being destroyed between 2000 and 2010 and, in turn, soil degradation [1] . As Africa’s rainforest are necessary for global ecological systems, this is a significant loss. Mining and transportation also create damage through pollution and the scarring of the landscape. Mining produces various harmful chemicals which contaminate water and soil, a process which is worsened by illicit groups who cut corners to ensure higher profits [2] .  [1] Food and Agriculture Organization of the United States ‘World deforestation decreases, but remains in many countries’   [2] Kolver,L. ‘Illegal mining threat to lawful operations, safety and the environment’ Mining Weekly 16 August 2013 Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological damage mining deforestation timber cattle soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety profits FAO world deforestation Kolver Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit extraction illicit extraction ecological harm mining deforestation timber cattle woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit mining profit maximization Food and Agriculture Organization illegal mining environmental threat lawful operations safety Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological harm mining deforestation natural resources timber cattle soil degradation woodland destruction rainforest loss global ecological systems transportation pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit groups higher profits deforestation decrease FAO illegal mining lawful operations safety environmental threat Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological impact mining deforestation natural resources woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit mining profit maximization deforestation causes mining pollution environmental contaminants illegal mining lawful mining operations safety risks environmental threats Food and Agriculture Organization World deforestation Mining Weekly Kolver L. Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological impact mining deforestation soil degradation woodland destruction rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illicit mining profit maximization legal mining environmental safety Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation Kolver Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological harm mining deforestation soil degradation woodland destruction rainforest loss global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illicit mining illegal mining lawful operations safety higher profits deforestation for access timber cattle Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation Mining Weekly Kolver L. Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological impact mining deforestation timber cattle woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest loss global ecological systems mining pollution landscape scarring water contamination soil contamination illicit mining profit maximization environmental pollution natural resource exploitation deforestation access timber deforestation cattle deforestation rainforest conservation food and agriculture organization world deforestation illegal mining lawful mining operations mining safety environmental threats chemical contamination natural resource management sustainable practices ecological conservation deforestation rates mining industry environmental degradation Environmental damage Africa licit resource extraction illicit resource extraction ecological damage mining deforestation timber cattle woodland destruction soil degradation rainforest global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination soil contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety higher profits Food and Agriculture Organization United States World deforestation Mining Weekly Environmental damage Africa licit extraction illicit extraction ecological harm mining deforestation natural resources timber cattle soil degradation rainforest global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety profits FAO Kolver Mining Weekly licit extraction illicit extraction ecological damage environmental damage Africa mining deforestation natural resources timber cattle soil degradation rainforest global ecological systems pollution landscape scarring harmful chemicals water contamination illegal mining lawful operations safety environmental threat World deforestation FAO Mining Weekly
test-digital-freedoms-aihbiahr-pro01a	"Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. Internet access as a new human right.  Access to the internet can be considered a separate human right in and of itself. The UN special rapporteur in June 2011 published a report that implied that access to the internet is a human right “The Special Rapporteur remains concerned that legitimate online expression is being criminalized in contravention of States' international human rights obligations.” [1]  The right to internet access can meet the necessary conditions to be a human right; as a right is should be universal, everyone should have access not just a few. The internet is becoming much more than just a tool but is becoming a fundamental part of society creating a new sphere of interaction that everyone has a right to have access to.  Creating a right to internet access would be addressing a specific contemporary problem as with other human rights that are specific such as a right to basic schooling, enshrined in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. Not having access to the internet is similar to not having basic schooling; it considerably narrows people’s options and their horizons. As Tim Berners-Lee, the founder of the world wide web, argues ""Given the many ways the web is crucial to our lives and our work, disconnection is a form of deprivation of liberty."" [2]  [1] La Rue, Frank, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Human Rights Council, Seventeenth session, A/HRC/17/27, 16 May 2011, p.10 .  [2] Burkeman, Oliver, ‘Inside Washington’s high risk mission to beat web censors’, guardian.co.uk, 15 April 2012. internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society right to basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion right to internet access contemporary human rights issues internet access human right UN special rapporteur report online expression criminalization international obligations universal right fundamental part of society right to internet contemporary problem right to basic schooling deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion promotion and protection right to freedom of expression Human Rights Council high risk mission beating web censors internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion protection of rights digital inclusion societal interaction online censorship public information connectivity as right Internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international human rights universal access fundamental part of society right to basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion protection of rights Internet access human right UN report Special Rapporteur freedom of expression universal access societal integration contemporary rights basic schooling Tim Berners-Lee web censorship digital rights online expression international obligations deprivation of liberty digital divide global connectivity modern communication information access democratic participation internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction specific contemporary problem right to basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion promotion protection right to internet Internet access human right UN special rapporteur online expression criminalization international human rights universal right societal interaction contemporary problem basic schooling disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censorship freedom of opinion right to freedom Human Rights Council digital rights global connectivity information access societal participation digital divide fundamental rights online freedom technological access modern communication civic engagement digital literacy information society Internet governance digital citizenship equitable access web rights digital inclusion online rights human dignity societal development freedom of speech digital empowerment Internet access human right UN special rapporteur report online expression criminalization international human rights obligations universal access fundamental part of society new sphere of interaction right to basic schooling Universal Declaration of Human Rights disconnection deprivation of liberty Tim Berners-Lee web censors freedom of opinion promotion and protection right to freedom high-risk mission web censorship internet access human right UN report right to internet universal access societal interaction Tim Berners-Lee deprivation of liberty freedom of expression web censorship digital rights connectivity as right information access modern human rights online expression criminalization of speech universal declaration of human rights right to basic schooling societal norms technological dependency Universal access human rights internet freedom digital rights online expression UN report Special Rapporteur Tim Berners-Lee web censors connection deprivation basic schooling societal interaction digital divide freedom of information cybersecurity privacy rights"
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro01a	Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. Delivering funding via a graduate tax is the best way to encourage more students to enter higher education  A graduate tax is the best way to increase access to higher education without massively burdening the government with an open-ended financial commitment. It is not a deterrent to the poorer students in the way fees and loans-based schemes are and which simply appear to block access, yet it still delivers sufficient extra capital to fund the increase of students entering university. Australia’s introduction of a graduate tax has been successful enough to allow university places to grow rapidly following its introduction with participation from both high and low income groups increasing by approximately one third. (Chapman, B. 1997). Therefore, a graduate tax removes the expensive barriers to entry that had previously kept out low-income groups, whilst not discouraging the high-income groups from tertiary education. graduate tax higher education funding student access low-income students high-income students university participation education finance Australia financial commitment education barriers tertiary education funding schemes loans education policy economic impact social equity education reform public funding student loans higher education reform Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment low-income students high-income students university participation education barriers tertiary education Australia graduate tax education finance models equitable education funding student loan alternatives education policy effectiveness graduate tax higher education funding access to higher education government financial commitment student fees loans-based schemes low-income students high-income students university participation Australia graduate tax tertiary education financial barriers education equity education policy graduate tax funding higher education access to university low-income students high-income students financial commitment education policy Australia education system university participation tertiary education educational equity loan-based schemes fee-based schemes education barriers economic barriers education finance public education funding education reform Chapman B. 1997 graduate tax higher education funding access financial commitment deterrent poorer students fees loans capital university places participation low-income groups high-income groups tertiary education Australia Chapman barriers to entry graduate tax funding higher education access to university financial commitment government funding university participation low-income students high-income students education barriers fees and loans tertiary education Australia education policy Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding access government commitment fees loans low-income students high-income students university places participation barriers to entry tertiary education Australia Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding access to university financial commitment government funding student fees loans education barriers low-income students high-income students university participation education policy tertiary education funding models education equity Australia education system Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding access to higher education government financial commitment student fees loans-based schemes low-income students high-income students university participation Australia graduate tax tertiary education education barriers Chapman 1997 graduate tax higher education funding student access financial commitment government funding fees and loans low-income students high-income students university participation Australia tertiary education education barriers Chapman 1997
test-environment-assgbatj-pro05a	It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? It would send out a consistent message  Most countries have animal welfare laws to prevent animal cruelty but have laws like the UK’s Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986, [10] that stop animal testing being a crime. This makes means some people can do things to animals, but not others. If the government are serious about animal abuse, why allow anyone to do it? animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures government policy animal abuse legal exceptions UK law ethical considerations research regulations animal rights legislative inconsistencies public messaging humane treatment veterinary ethics biomedical research animal protection laws legal frameworks ethical treatment animal experimentation animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing legal regulations government policies ethical concerns scientific procedures Animals (Scientific Procedures) Act 1986 UK animal laws inconsistency in animal protection animal abuse government stance on animal rights animal welfare animal cruelty legislation UK Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing government policies animal abuse legal contradictions ethics in animal research humane treatment of animals animal welfare animal cruelty laws Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing regulations legal inconsistency government stance on animal abuse ethical treatment of animals animal rights legislative loopholes cruelty prevention laws scientific animal use animal experimentation ethics government policy on animals legal protection for animals animal abuse legislation UK animal law animal research laws ethical concerns in animal testing animal welfare standards government commitment to animal welfare animal welfare cruelty prevention legal frameworks animal testing scientific procedures crime classification government policies ethical concerns regulatory gaps animal rights animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures government policy animal abuse legal exceptions ethical concerns animal rights regulation Enforcement animal welfare animal cruelty animal testing scientific procedures legal exemptions government policies animal abuse ethical concerns regulatory frameworks public messaging consistency in laws animal rights animal welfare cruelty prevention legal frameworks UK legislation Animals Scientific Procedures Act 1986 animal testing regulations government policy ethical inconsistency animal rights law enforcement humane treatment scientific research ethics animal welfare cruelty prevention legal inconsistencies animal testing scientific procedures ethical standards government policies animal rights legal protections humane treatment animal welfare animal cruelty laws scientific procedures animal testing regulations government policies animal abuse prevention legal inconsistencies ethical treatment of animals animal rights laboratory animals humane research methods animal protection laws legislative reforms animal experimentation ethics public opinion on animal testing
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con01a	This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. This is not the role of the criminal law  Criminal legislation is not the vehicle for society’s pronouncements on questions of how one should live one’s life. It instead involves the entirely practical exercise of ensuring that individuals are able to live freely and enjoy their freedom without fear of external interferences like theft, violence or murder. Criminal legislation should guarantee a safe space for autonomous individual action - like suicide. criminal law legislation societal norms individual freedom autonomy safety suicide theft violence murder external interferences personal choice legal boundaries moral pronouncements public order individual rights legal protection self-determination non-interference criminal law societal norms individual autonomy legal protection personal freedom external interferences theft violence murder suicide legislative purpose moral pronouncements legal framework individual rights public safety autonomy legal boundaries personal choice criminal legislation ethical considerations criminal law legislation societal norms individual freedom autonomy safety legal enforcement moral pronouncements external interferences theft violence murder suicide legal boundaries personal responsibility public policy rule of law human rights legal philosophy criminal law societal norms individual freedom legal boundaries autonomy legislation public morality personal choice legal enforcement safety theft violence murder suicide legal protection individual rights external interferences criminal law legislation societal norms moral pronouncements individual freedom autonomy safety external interferences theft violence murder suicide legal principles public policy personal choice legal boundaries criminal law society's morals individual autonomy legal framework personal freedom external interferences theft violence murder suicide legal boundaries moral legislation personal choice criminal law legislation societal values individual freedom practical exercise safety autonomy external interferences theft violence murder suicide legal boundaries personal choice moral pronouncements criminal law societal norms personal freedom legal constraints individual autonomy theft violence murder suicide legal protection public safety legislative purpose moral legislation non-interference legal philosophy crime prevention personal rights state interference legal ethics human rights autonomy in law criminal law societal norms individual freedom legal restrictions personal autonomy suicide legislation crime prevention public safety legal philosophy moral legislation criminal law societal norms individual freedom autonomy legal interference theft violence murder suicide legislative purpose moral pronouncements legal principles personal liberty external threats safety legal protections autonomy in law crime prevention ethical legislation personal responsibility
test-law-tlcplghwfne-pro02a	Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. Needle exchanges protect the public  Needle exchanges allow drug addicts a convenient and safe place to throw away used needles. This directly protects the public from stray needles that are sometimes put in rubbish bins or left lying around. Specifically this protects children who often don’t know to avoid needles but it also protects sanitation workers and other staff from being accidentally struck by a needle.  Further, the families of those who are drug addicts can also be helped. Partners and loved ones are much more likely to come into contact with the drug addict and fluid exchange is possible. Given that this is the case, the benefits of needle exchanges also extend to these people.1  1. Franciscus, Alan. “Needle Exchange - A Matter of Public Health So why is the government playing politics with this ticking time bomb?” Hepatitis Mag, April 2003. needle exchanges protect public safe disposal used needles public health stray needles rubbish bins accidental needle sticks sanitation workers children safety drug addicts fluid exchange family members partners loved ones hepatitis government policy public health intervention harm reduction needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins stray needles children sanitation workers drug addicts fluid exchange families partners loved ones public health government politics health benefits hepatitis infectious diseases community health needle disposal safe places accidental needle sticks health protection drug user safety needle programs harm reduction policy support health advocacy needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers drug addicts family members partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis infectious diseases community health harm reduction accidental needle stick safe disposal viral transmission health protection needle exchanges public safety used needles stray needles rubbish bins children protection sanitation workers accidental needlesticks drug addicts family of addicts fluid exchange public health government policy Hepatitis Mag Alan Franciscus April 2003 needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins stray needles children sanitation workers accidental needle pricks drug addicts families partners loved ones fluid exchange Hepatitis Mag public health government policies Alan Franciscus needle exchanges public safety safe needle disposal stray needles rubbish bins children safety sanitation workers accidental needle pricks drug addict families fluid exchange public health government policies hepatitis prevention community health needle exchanges public safety used needles rubbish bins stray needles children protection sanitation workers needle injuries drug addicts family members fluid exchange public health government policies Hepatitis Mag Alan Franciscus needle exchanges public health drug addicts used needles stray needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers accidental needle strikes families drug addicts partners loved ones fluid exchange hepatitis government politics public safety community health harm reduction needle exchanges public safety drug addicts used needles rubbish bins stray needles children sanitation workers accidental needle sticks families drug addicts partners loved ones fluid exchange public health government policy hepatitis infection control community health harm reduction needle exchanges public safety stray needles rubbish bins children sanitation workers drug addicts family members fluid exchange hepatitis government policy public health Alan Franciscus Hepatitis Mag
test-philosophy-npppmhwup-con01a	Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. Achievements should be earned not given  There is a great possibility that beneficiaries of positive discrimination may not be regarded as good role models as their achievements may be viewed as unearned. [1] A role model is someone others can look up to and admire for the things they achieved through hard work and talent – by parachuting people into university, their ability to act as a role model is undermined. It is also patronising to assume that young people from ethnic minorities can only look up to people who have the same colour skin, or went to the same type of school – in a society that admires diversity and cosmopolitanism, we should surely accept that anyone can act as a role model.  [1] The British Psychological Society. “The Hillary Clinton effect - how role models work for some people but not others”. achievements earned unearned positive discrimination role models hard work talent university ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism society admiration patronising Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned hard work talent university ability patronising ethnic minorities skin color diversity cosmopolitanism society Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society Achievements Earned Positive discrimination Role models Unearned Hard work Talent University admissions Patronising assumptions Ethnic minorities Diversity Cosmopolitanism Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned success hard work talent diversity society role model impact ethnic minorities university admission patronization Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society Achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned university admission patronizing ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism role model effect Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society role models positive discrimination unearned achievements parachuting into university ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism admiration talent hard work patronising assumptions society role model influence Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned success hard work talent university admissions diversity cosmopolitanism minority representation role model impact societal admiration Hillary Clinton effect achievements earned positive discrimination role models unearned hard work talent university patronising ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism society Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society role models achievements hard work positive discrimination unearned success ethnic minorities university admissions diversity cosmopolitanism Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society role models achievements earned unearned positive discrimination beneficiaries university ethnic minorities diversity cosmopolitanism admiration talent hard work patronising The Hillary Clinton effect British Psychological Society
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con03a	This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, This ban would put many pubs, clubs, etc. out of business.  If smokers are not allowed to smoke in pubs, they will not spend as much time in them, preferring to stay at home where they can smoke with their friends. This will put many pubs out of business. In fact, since the smoking ban was introduced in the UK, many pubs have closed and blamed their loss of business on the smoking ban1. The Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign estimates that the smoking ban in the UK is responsible for 20 pub closures a week2. This is an unfair consequence for the many pub-owners across the world.  1 'MPs campaign to relax smoking ban in pubs', BBC News, 29 June 2011,   2 'Why we want government to amend the smoking ban', Save Our Pubs & Clubs, smoking ban pubs clubs business loss pub closures smokers home smoking social impact economic effect Save Our Pubs & Clubs UK smoking ban campaign relaxation MPs intervention unfair consequence pub owners smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign amend relax MP support economic impact smoking restrictions nightlife hospitality industry smoker behavior home alternatives pub owners unfair consequences legislation effects smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MPs relax smoking ban pub owners unfair consequences smokers stay at home social impact economic impact legislation effects hospitality industry alcohol sales smoking restrictions smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs smokers home preference unfair consequence pub-owners MPs campaign relax smoking ban government amendment smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign amend smokers home economic impact pub-owners legislation relaxation MPs news consequences unfair weekly closures smoking ban pubs clubs business smokers home friends UK pub closures Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MPs relax amendment unfair consequences pub-owners smoking ban pubs clubs business loss smokers home smoking pub closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MPs relax smoking ban unfair consequence pub-owners smoking ban pubs clubs business loss closures Save Our Pubs & Clubs UK MPs relax smoking ban economic impact smoking restrictions hospitality industry pub owners campaign legislation smoker behavior home smoking social impact unfair consequences smoking ban pubs clubs business loss smokers home smoking pub closures UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MPs relax smoking ban government amendment unfair consequence pub-owners smoking ban pubs clubs business closure UK Save Our Pubs & Clubs campaign MP support relaxed regulations smoking restrictions economic impact hospitality industry legislative consequences pub owners smoker behavior home entertainment social venues alcohol sales tobacco control public health policy anti-smoking laws nightlife community spaces British pub culture alcohol consumption smoking areas licensed premises 惬意的社交环境 酒吧文化保护 吸烟者权益 禁烟令影响分析 经济损失 社会行为改变 (Note: The last four terms
test-law-phwmfri-pro01a	Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. Rich and poor now face equality of impact of punishment  The purpose of a fine is to ensure that the offender faces the consequences of their actions. The extent to which a financial penalty feels like a negative consequence is relative to the amount of income someone has, not to the simple amount that the fine is. That is, if someone earning £200 per week is fined £100, that will feel more severe than a £100 fine would feel to someone earning £2000 per week.  Therefore, if you make fines proportional to the income someone has, all people feel the impact of the punishment equally, rather than the poor facing a punishment with a harsher impact on them than on the rich. rich poor equality punishment fines income consequences proportional impact financial penalty severity weeks earnings relative harsher justice socioeconomic disparity income-proportional fines economic impact of fines relative financial consequences fairness in legal penalties equitable punishment income-based penalties proportional justice financial penalty equity socioeconomic impact of fines fair legal sanctions Rich poor equality impact punishment fines income proportionality consequences financial penalty severity relative offender week proportional fines social justice economic disparity legal fairness equitable sentencing rich and poor equality of punishment proportional fines income-based penalties relative consequences financial penalties economic justice equitable sentencing fair punishment income-proportional fines rich poor equality impact punishment fine consequences actions financial penalty income proportional feel severity harsher justice socioeconomic disparity equitable deterrence fairness income proportionality financial penalty impact economic status disparity fair punishment distribution proportional fines income-based fines equitable punishment relative financial impact economic justice punishment severity equality income proportionality financial penalty relative consequence socioeconomic impact equitable punishment proportional fines income-based fines justice system legal fairness economic disparity wealth inequality punishment effectiveness offender accountability financial consequences proportional sentencing income proportionality financial penalty socioeconomic impact relative punishment severity equitable fines income-based fines proportional justice economic disparity in punishment fair legal consequences financial sanctions equality income proportionality economic disparity financial penalty proportional fines relative impact punishment equality socioeconomic status fine adjustment income-based fines economic justice proportional fines income-based penalties financial justice equitable punishment socioeconomic equality legal fairness income-relative fines economic disparity punitive measures rich-poor gap financial sanctions socioeconomic impact legal equity economic justice punishment proportionality
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro02a	Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: Terrorism can lead to discussion  In some cases, terrorism can result in the acknowledgement of certain groups. Therefore, terrorism is justified by its success in achieving results when peaceful means have failed. In many countries terrorists have succeeded in bringing governments to negotiate with them and make concessions to them. Where governments have not been willing to concede to rational argument and peaceful protest, terrorism can compel recognition of a cause. Nelson Mandela moved from terrorist to President. In many other countries we see this trend too – in Israel, Northern Ireland, in Sri Lanka, and in the Oslo peace process that led to the creation of the Palestinian Authority. [1]  [1] Palestine Facts. (n.d.). Details of the Oslo Accords. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from Palestine Facts: terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justified success peaceful means governments negotiate concessions recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgment groups justification success peaceful means governments negotiation concessions recognition cause Nelson Mandela President trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success results peaceful means failed governments negotiation concessions recognition cause Nelson Mandela President trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success results peaceful means governments negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President trend Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success peaceful means governments negotiation concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justified success peaceful means failed governments negotiate concessions rational argument peaceful protest recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgment justification success peaceful means government concessions negotiation recognition cause Nelson Mandela presidency Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo Accords Palestinian Authority peace process historical examples political change violence non-violence conflict resolution social movements radicalization state response international relations human rights ethical considerations moral justification terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justified success peaceful means governments negotiate concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts conflict resolution political change violence nonviolent resistance historical context social movements political legitimacy state recognition human rights international law ethical debate terrorism impacts policy-making political concessions activist strategies peace negotiations armed struggle political transitions governance civil rights societal change historical precedents global politics terrorism ethics political violence social justice terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justified success peaceful means governments negotiate concessions rational argument peaceful protest Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority Palestine Facts Oslo Accords terrorism discussion acknowledgement groups justification success peaceful means governments negotiation concessions recognition cause Nelson Mandela President Israel Northern Ireland Sri Lanka Oslo peace process Palestinian Authority
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro01a	It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 It is immoral to kill animals  As evolved human beings it is our moral duty to inflict as little pain as possible for our survival. So if we do not need to inflict pain to animals in order to survive, we should not do it. Farm animals such as chickens, pigs, sheep, and cows are sentient living beings like us - they are our evolutionary cousins and like us they can feel pleasure and pain. The 18th century utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham even believed that animal suffering was just as serious as human suffering and likened the idea of human superiority to racism. It is wrong to farm and kill these animals for food when we do not need to do so. The methods of farming and slaughter of these animals are often barbaric and cruel - even on supposedly 'free range' farms. [1] Ten billion animals were slaughtered for human consumption each year, stated PETA. And unlike the farms long time ago, where animals roamed freely, today, most animals are factory farmed: —crammed into cages where they can barely move and fed a diet adulterated with pesticides and antibiotics. These animals spend their entire lives in their “prisoner cells” so small that they can't even turn around. Many suffer serious health problems and even death because they are selectively bred to grow or produce milk or eggs at a far greater rate than their bodies are capable of coping with. At the slaughterhouse, there were millions of others who are killed every year for food.  Further on Tom Regan explains that all duties regarding animals are indirect duties to one another from a philosophical point of view. He illustrates it with an analogy regarding children: “Children, for example, are unable to sign contracts and lack rights. But they are protected by the moral contract nonetheless because of the sentimental interests of others. So we have, then, duties involving these children, duties regarding them, but no duties to them. Our duties in their case are indirect duties to other human beings, usually their parents.” [2] With this he supports the theory that animals must be protected from suffering, as it is moral to protect any living being from suffering, not because we have a moral contract with them, but mainly due to respect of life and recognition of suffering itself.  [1] Claire Suddath, A brief history of Veganism, Time, 30 October 2008  [2] Tom Regan, The case for animal rights, 1989 immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins feel pleasure feel pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food unnecessary barbaric cruel free range farms PETA ten billion animals slaughtered human consumption factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems selective breeding milk eggs slaughterhouse moral duties Tom Regan indirect duties children rights moral contract protect suffering respect life recognition animal ethics moral duty animal suffering utilitarianism Jeremy Bentham human superiority racism factory farming animal cruelty PETA free range farms animal rights Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract respect for life recognition of suffering veganism animal protection immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient living beings evolutionary cousins feel pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food necessity factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse PETA Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract children rights protect suffering respect of life veganism animal rights animal rights moral duty animal suffering Jeremy Bentham racism factory farming free range PETA animal slaughter indirect duties Tom Regan children analogy veganism ethical treatment sentient beings utilitarian philosophy moral contract respect for life recognition of suffering animal cruelty health problems selective breeding slaughterhouse conditions moral obligations ethical considerations humane treatment animal welfare cruelty-free alternatives moral philosophy ethical vegans animal rights movement farm animal welfare sentient animals ethical consumption ethical food choices moral responsibility animal testing philosophical ethics moral agents moral immoral kill animals moral duty pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient living beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farming slaughter cruel barbaric factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems slaughterhouse Tom Regan indirect duties children moral contract respect of life veganism animal rights animal rights moral duty animal suffering Jeremy Bentham utilitarian philosophy factory farming animal cruelty PETA Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract veganism animal protection respect for life suffering recognition animal rights moral duty pain infliction survival farm animals sentience Jeremy Bentham utilitarian philosophy PETA factory farming animal cruelty slaughter Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract respect for life suffering veganism ethics animal protection immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals sentient beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human suffering racism farm kill animals food unnecessary factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems death selective breeding slaughterhouse Tom Regan indirect duties children moral contract sentimental interests protect animals suffering respect for life recognition of suffering veganism animal rights immoral kill animals moral duty inflict pain survival farm animals chickens pigs sheep cows sentient beings evolutionary cousins pleasure pain Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human superiority racism farm kill animals food necessity factory farmed cages pesticides antibiotics health problems selective breeding slaughterhouse PETA ten billion animals Tom Regan indirect duties children moral contract protect suffering respect for life animal rights moral duty pain infliction survival farm animals sentient beings evolutionary cousins Jeremy Bentham animal suffering human superiority racism factory farming animal cruelty free range farms PETA animal slaughter selective breeding health problems Tom Regan indirect duties moral contract respect for life recognition of suffering veganism history of veganism case for animal rights
test-health-hgwhwbjfs-con01a	Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Schools should educate about healthy choices, not make them on the students’ behalf.  Although it might be very tempting for the government to try and attack the problem of childhood obesity by attempting to change, in essence, the very choices our kids can make, this is the wrong way of going about doing it.  The purpose of schools is education – the genesis of active and useful members of society. A large extent of what schools do is imprinting the ideas the society values. In most western countries those would be the ideas of fairness, democracy, freedom of expression, etc. The other side of the coin is the transference of knowledge, knowledge of mathematics, history, but also of biology, health and nutrition.  We see thus that the proposed ban on specific choices one makes in school, whether be it choices regarding food or choices regarding the clothes one wears, the ideas one expresses, and so on, is truly meaningless in the existing concept of education.  What the schools should be doing is putting more emphasis on getting the message of the importance of a healthy lifestyle across. Our kids should be taught that this lifestyle consists of more than just whether or not we chose to eat a hamburger and fries for lunch. In short, this ban falls short of truly educating the children about how important physical activity, balanced meals and indulging in moderation are.  They should also focus on the importance of choice, since in the case of childhood obesity, making the right nutritional and lifestyle choices is of paramount importance. But they should also focus on the importance of choice for a society and how all should take responsibility for their choices in such a society. Healthy choices education childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility freedom of choice societal values knowledge transfer lifestyle education physical activity balanced meals nutritional choices societal responsibility personal responsibility democratic values freedom of expression clothing choices idea transmission ban on choices educational purpose healthy lifestyle moderation importance of choice childhood development educational philosophy nutritional education public health student autonomy social values health policy critical thinking decision making school curriculum student rights healthy eating school lunches obesity prevention youth education civic responsibility individual rights collective well-being pedag education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility student autonomy dietary freedom nutritional education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility societal values democracy freedom of expression choice importance lifestyle choices moderation health and nutrition school ban clothes choices idea transmission knowledge transfer social responsibility active citizenship useful members of society obesity solutions policy critique educational philosophy student empowerment education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility freedom of choice societal values nutritional education physical activity balanced meals lifestyle choices personal responsibility societal responsibility democratic values freedom of expression healthy lifestyle educational purpose knowledge transfer ban on choices food choices clothing choices expression choices importance of choice nutritional choices lifestyle education moderation school policies health education student autonomy government role obesity prevention educational philosophy student rights health promotion informed decisions societal impact policy implications health awareness student well-being school education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention freedom of choice societal values nutrition education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility democratic values educational purpose lifestyle education moderation societal health student autonomy informed decisions nutritional guidelines health awareness education over enforcement education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility freedom of choice societal values knowledge transfer physical activity balanced meals nutritional choices societal responsibility personal responsibility lifestyle education democratic values freedom of expression school education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention freedom of choice societal values democracy nutrition education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility societal responsibility schools education healthy choices childhood obesity government society fairness democracy freedom of expression biology health nutrition ban food clothes ideas lifestyle physical activity balanced meals moderation choice responsibility society values active members knowledge transfer useful members transference of knowledge importance of choice nutritional choices lifestyle choices right choices taking responsibility education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility societal values freedom of choice nutritional education physical activity balanced meals personal responsibility democracy societal responsibility lifestyle choices health and nutrition school policy student autonomy educational goals public health informed decision-making education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention school responsibility student autonomy fairness democracy freedom of expression knowledge transfer biology health nutrition ban on choices food clothing expression physical activity balanced meals moderation societal responsibility lifestyle choices education healthy choices childhood obesity government intervention personal freedom school responsibilities lifestyle physical activity balanced meals nutritional choices societal values responsibility democracy freedom of expression
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro02a	Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey has precedents, such as Romania and Bulgaria, both of whom were accepted into the EU  Romania and Bulgaria, who have by far the worst human rights’ records, were prioritized over Turkey when they were granted the right of accession, joining the EU in 2007. The EU rewarded states that have made a big effort to democratize and change policy in order to be allowed in to the EU. By essentially procrastinating on Turkey's case, the EU are discouraging Turkey from making the required changes to their legislature and norms and thus hindering their chances of accession. Countries such as Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic were pressurized to reform at a rapid pace after being promised by the EU they would likely be in the EU in a relatively short period of time; Turkey has been given no such promises. Turkey should have even more 'right' to be in the EU as these states, as it formally applied for membership long before these states and should thus be given priority over them. Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change procrastination legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform membership application priority Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change legislation EU membership Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform prioritization application timeline accession criteria procrastination discouragement political pressure membership promises state comparison historical context international relations European Union policies democratic norms geopolitical considerations strategic importance regional stability Euro-Atlantic integration European values institutional capacity rule of law civil liberties minority rights corruption transparency governance treaty obligations pre-accession support candidate status negotiation framework accession benchmarks geopolitical alignment strategic partnerships Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform pressure membership application prioritization procrastination accession delays encouragement democratic efforts Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change EU procrastination Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform pressure membership application priority Turkey EU Romania Bulgaria human rights accession democratization policy change procrastination discouragement legislature norms Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform application membership priority Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization legislature changes procrastination Hungary Poland Czech Republic membership application priority EU rewards policy reform accession delays Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy reform procrastination Hungary Poland Czech Republic membership application priority accession criteria legislative changes norms EU expansion encouragement discouragement EU accession Turkey Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy reform Hungary Poland Czech Republic membership application prioritization procrastination legislature changes norms EU rewards EU discouragement rapid reform promises right to accession EU accession Turkey Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization legislative reform EU membership Czech Republic Poland Hungary prioritization procrastination application timeline incentivization policy change Turkey EU accession Romania Bulgaria human rights democratization policy change procrastination encouragement Hungary Poland Czech Republic reform membership application priority
test-philosophy-eppphwlrtjs-pro01a	"It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" It may be necessary to limit trial by jury in terrorism cases, or other cases surrounding large national security issues.  There are three reasons why this is the case. First, terrorist groups may threaten jury members (see Argument 2 for more detail). Second, terrorism may politicize the jury (see Argument 3 for more detail). Third, the state may be limited in what information it can provide if jurors are present. The government may be unable or unwilling to present classified information for fear of intelligence leaks; for example if it does not want to reveal intelligence methods and sources to the public. This reluctance may make it very difficult to prosecute terrorists. The implication is that the unique national security issues terrorism trials pose may make juries untenable if we ever want to convict terrorists of serious crimes.1 1Laura K. Donohue, ""Terrorism and Trial by Jury: The Vices and Virtues of British and American Criminal Law"" terrorism jury national security trial threats politicization classified information prosecution intelligence leaks conviction terrorism trials British law American law Laura K. Donohue jury limitation terrorism cases national security jury threats jury politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulties terrorism trials jury untenability conviction challenges Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British criminal law American criminal law terrorism jury trials national security threats to jurors politicization of juries classified information intelligence leaks prosecution of terrorists Laura K. Donohue British and American criminal law limit trial by jury terrorism cases national security issues threaten jury members politicize the jury classified information intelligence leaks prosecute terrorists national security terrorism trials trial by jury implications Laura K. Donohue British and American Criminal Law jury system challenges terrorist prosecution intelligence methods security concerns judicial process legal system jury safety jury impartiality state secrets criminal justice legal reforms terrorism law national security law judicial security legal ethics public safety trial procedures evidence presentation legal constraints judicial decisions legal arguments jury trials terrorism legislation security policy terrorism national security trial by jury juror threats jury politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution challenges terrorism trials jury suitability legal system Laura K. Donohue terrorist threats jury members politicization of jury national security classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulties terrorism trials trial by jury limitations Laura K. Donohue terrorist threats jury intimidation politicization of jury national security classified information intelligence leaks prosecution challenges terrorism trials trial by jury limitations Laura K. Donohue British criminal law American criminal law jury limitation terrorism cases national security jury threats jury politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulties terrorism trials jury unsuitability criminal law Laura K. Donohue jury limitation terrorism cases national security jury threats jury politicization classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulties terrorism trials Laura K. Donohue British law American law terrorism cases national security issues jury threats politicized jury classified information intelligence leaks prosecution difficulty Laura K. Donohue Terrorism and Trial by Jury British and American Criminal Law"
test-science-eassgbatj-con04a	Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. Animal research is only used when it’s needed  EU member states and the US have laws to stop animals being used for research if there is any alternative. The 3Rs principles are commonly used. Animal testing is being Refined for better results and less suffering, Replaced, and Reduced in terms of the number of animals used. This means that less animals have to suffer, and the research is better. animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replacement methods reduced animal use better research outcomes animal welfare ethical research practices Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering replacement methods reduced animal use ethical research practices Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering alternatives better research fewer animals Animal research necessity EU member states animal laws US animal research regulations 3Rs principles animal testing refinement alternative methods to animal testing reduction of animal use improved research outcomes animal suffering minimization Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles animal testing refined results reduced suffering replacement methods reduction strategies better research outcomes animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined testing replaced methods reduced animals better results less suffering ethical research practices alternative methods improved research quality animal welfare scientific advancements regulatory frameworks humane testing research ethics minimized animal use optimized research outcomes enhanced animal protection Animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction animal testing ethical standards scientific progress animal welfare regulatory measures alternative methods research ethics humane practices animal research EU member states US laws alternative methods 3Rs principles refinement replacement reduction animal testing research efficacy animal suffering ethical research practices animal research EU member states US laws 3Rs principles refined animal testing replaced animal testing reduced animal testing animal suffering better research results alternative methods ethical animal research regulatory compliance scientific advancement humane treatment animal welfare Animal research EU laws US regulations 3Rs principles Refinement Replacement Reduction animal testing ethical research humane methods scientific alternatives laboratory animals research ethics animal welfare regulatory frameworks scientific advancements minimizing suffering improving outcomes
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con02a	‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, ‘Separation of town and gown’  There are two parties involved in this interaction, the state and the university. To pretend that is an entirely one way process is to ignore reality. Contrary to the belief of many Senior Common Rooms, states do not exist for the convenience of universities. Indeed universities quite happily accept the political and economic stability provided by states at exactly the same time as criticising the methods they need to use to maintain it.  However, ultimately universities are service providers from the point of view of the state, training and skilling the workforce. The university provides its expertise in exchange for funding and student fees. Where, exactly, the opinions of the faculty enter into such an equation is not clear and appears to have been assumed by proposition. Of course individual academics and students have the right to their own political views but the idea that a university as an institution has rights distinct from, say, a supermarket chain is impossible to justify. If a supermarket announced that it should be free to ignore local laws and adopt those of its base state instead, that would clearly be rejected. Just as when a food chain invests in a country for, say, beef, the arrangement is predicated on the understanding that both parties benefit and each has a little room for negotiation. [i] The same should apply here. If prop were to argue that Asian nations should relax there approach to cannabis so that it students could enjoy a more genuine ‘Western student experience’ the statement would be the subject of ridicule, so should this be.  [i] Smith, David, ‘Tesco should give us some of these billions’, guardian.co.uk, 15 May 2009, university autonomy state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws international student experience corporate responsibility Separation of town and gown state-university relationship academic autonomy political and economic stability service providers workforce training faculty opinions institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws negotiation Western student experience academic freedom state regulations university funding student fees political views institutional benefits academic criticism governance models institutional identity public-private partnerships educational policy academic-community relations university-community interactions governance structures institutional autonomy state-university interactions academic-community dynamics institutional roles academic responsibilities public institutions private institutions academic engagement civic responsibility institutional impact local governance academic influence separation of town and gown state-university relationship academic freedom political stability economic stability service providers workforce training funding student fees faculty opinions institutional rights academic institutions political views local laws base state negotiation Western student experience academic autonomy state regulation university responsibilities public-private partnership academic governance state intervention institutional autonomy higher education policy university-state interaction academic-community relations civic engagement public education private interests public good institutional identity academic-community collaboration university governance state-university collaboration academic-community impact policy-making academic-community dialogue Separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training funding and student fees academic and student political views institutional rights supermarket analogy local laws benefit mutualism negotiation Asian cannabis laws Western student experience institutional autonomy state-university relationship mutual benefit political neutrality institutional responsibilities state regulations academic freedom economic interdependence public service institutional identity societal roles governance university-community relations legal compliance institutional equity economic stability political influence service provision mutual benefit arrangements institutional mandates societal contribution institutional governance public and Separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws cultural differences academic and political views university governance state regulations university responsibilities mutual benefits negotiation academic institutions commercial entities societal role of universities state-university dynamics academic-political interplay institutional autonomy state oversight student experience cultural adaptation legal compliance academic integrity institutional framework governance models state-university partnerships policy-making academic-community relations public-private partnerships institutional legitimacy civic engagement academic-corporate comparisons university state relations political and economic stability service providers faculty opinions institutional rights academic freedom local laws economic benefits negotiation Western student experience academic autonomy university funding student fees state-university partnership political views in academia institutional role societal contribution higher education policy academic-political interface separation of town and gown state and university political and economic stability service providers workforce training funding and student fees faculty opinions institutional rights local laws negotiation Western student experience Asian nations cannabis laws state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefit negotiation Western student experience cannabis laws institutional autonomy state's role university's role public-private partnership policy adaptation academic-political interaction faculty political views student rights Separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws mutual benefit negotiation Western student experience academic-political interaction faculty opinions university funding student fees academic-political balance institutional autonomy state-university dynamics academic rights commercial analogies institutional responsibilities academic-political responsibilities state-university partnership academic-political negotiation state-university agreements academic-political stability academic-political partnership state-university interaction academic-political mutual benefit academic-political rights Separation of town and gown state-university relationship political and economic stability service providers workforce training academic freedom institutional rights local laws international student experience policy negotiation academic-political interaction university governance public-private partnership educational institution autonomy government-university interaction faculty political views institutional autonomy academic rights supermarket analogy legal compliance international education student rights academic institution rights state-university partnership policy alignment higher education policy academic-political interface institutional identity academic-community relations state-provided stability university-state dynamics academic institution roles institutional benefits policy flexibility
test-international-bldimehbn-con02a	Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, Citizens deserve the right to know what is happening in their name.  It is up to the public to decide whether those actions that are reported are right or wrong, journalists and broadcasters should not act as a filter in that process. Many of these actions – imprisonments, internments, brutality and others – are conducted by governments in the name of the people. Sometimes this is done under euphemisms such as ‘protecting public morality’ or in the name of a majority religion. This is used as a catch all as shown by the case of journalist Sofiene Chourabi who was arrested for ‘harming public morals’ in response to calling for a protest against the governing party in Tunisia. [1] It seems only reasonable that people have the right to know what is being done in their name, how their morality is being ‘protected’ or what their faith is being used to justify.  The failure to do so assumes that the public – individually and collectively – are either to foolish to understand or too callous to care. Either or both of those things may be true, although it seems unlikely, but it is certainly not the role of the individual journalist or editor to make such an assumption. Even was that assumption true, it still does not change the facts. In the words of C.P. Snow, “Comment is free but facts are sacred”. [2] These events happened, they happened to citizens of that country, they affect how the rest of the world views that country and how the government views and treats its citizens. On every count, that is news.  [1] ‘Tunisian journalist faces ‘public morals’ charge after criticizing government’, Amnesty International, 8 August 2012,   [2] ‘Comment is free’, guardian.co.uk, right to know public decision journalists broadcasters government actions imprisonments internments brutality euphemisms public morality majority religion Sofiene Chourabi harming public morals protest Tunisia government party individual morality faith public understanding public care C.P. Snow comment facts news world view government treatment citizens free media accountability transparency press freedom human rights civic responsibility information control public interest ethical journalism democratic values social justice political repression citizen rights information rights government oversight media role public ethics right to know public decision journalists role government actions imprisonment internment brutality euphemisms public morality majority religion journalism ethics Sofiene Chourabi protest governing party Tunisia public morals individual rights collective rights C.P. Snow facts news government-citizen relationship world perception government treatment citizens rights free comment sacred facts right to know public decision journalist filter government actions imprisonments internments brutality public morality majority religion journalist arrest Sofiene Chourabi protest governing party Tunisia protecting morality justified actions public understanding individual journalist C.P. Snow facts sacred news value government treatment citizen rights world perception citizen rights public knowledge government transparency media responsibility journalistic ethics public morals religious justification political protest government accountability international perception C.P. Snow facts are sacred Tunisian journalist Sofiene Chourabi government criticism public morality charges press freedom information filtering democratic processes human rights Citizens right know happening name public decide actions reported journalists broadcasters filter process imprisonments internments brutality governments people euphemisms protecting public morality majority religion journalist Sofiene Chourabi arrested harming public morals protest governing party Tunisia reasonable morality protected faith justify failure assume public foolish understand callous care journalist editor assumption true facts sacred C.P. Snow events citizens country world citizens rights public knowledge government actions journalists role broadcasters responsibility information transparency public morality majority religion government euphemisms journalist arrest public protests governing party public morals individual freedom collective wisdom editorial assumptions fact sacredness news importance global perception government-citizen relations transparency public right to know government accountability journalism ethics censorship free speech human rights government actions public morality religion political protest journalist arrest media freedom fact-based reporting editorial responsibility C.P. Snow Tunisia Sofiene Chourabi public morals charge government criticism world perception government-citizen relations news value citizen's rights transparency public information media ethics government accountability press freedom censorship public morality religious justification political protest journalist's role facts vs. opinion Sofiene Chourabi Tunisia C.P. Snow Amnesty International government actions public trust moral justification protest rights Citizens right to know government actions public decision journalists broadcasters filter imprisonments internments brutality government euphemisms public morality majority religion journalist arrest Sofiene Chourabi protest Tunisia public morals morality protection faith justification public understanding editorial assumption C.P. Snow comment facts news country perception government-citizen relationship right to know public decision-making journalists' role government actions imprisonments internments brutality euphemisms public morality majority religion journalist arrest Sofiene Chourabi protecting public morals protest governing party Tunisia public understanding public care C.P. Snow comment is free facts are sacred news importance government-citizen relationship world perception government treatment of citizens
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro03a	Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid Reduce the prominence of bad and fake drugs  The increased availability of high quality generic drugs will reduce the numbers of bad and fake pharmaceuticals on the markets. The cost of patented drugs has forced many to search for other options. This is exploited by the billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade [1] . Fake drugs are the cause of around 100,000 deaths in Africa every year. Bad drugs, which are substandard, have also found their way in to Africa; one in six tuberculosis pills have been found to be of a poor quality [2] . The widespread introduction of low cost, high quality drugs will hopefully ensure that consumers do not turn to sellers in market places.  [1] Sambira,J. ‘Counterfeit drugs raise Africa’s temperature’  [2] Ibid reduce prominence bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics counterfeit pharmaceuticals patented drugs cost affordable alternatives global trade counterfeit drug trade deaths Africa substandard drugs tuberculosis market regulation consumer protection low cost drugs quality assurance healthcare improvement public health reduce prominence bad fake drugs availability high quality generic drugs cost patented drugs billion dollar global counterfeit drug trade deaths Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost high quality drugs consumers market places Reduce prominence bad fake drugs high quality generic pharmaceuticals markets cost patented search options billion dollar global counterfeit trade deaths Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost consumers market places Sambira counterfeit drugs Africa temperature substandard tuberculosis pills poor quality reduce prominence bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics counterfeit drug trade Africa deaths substandard tuberculosis pills low cost drugs consumer safety market regulation pharmaceutical industry health policy drug quality control affordable healthcare public health crisis counterfeit detection medicinal fraud regulatory enforcement international health standards drug efficacy bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics patented drugs counterfeit drug trade deaths in Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost drugs market place sellers pharmaceutical regulation drug quality enforcement public health intervention affordable healthcare solutions counterfeit drug detection technologies counterfeit drugs generic drugs high quality drugs low cost drugs substandard drugs fake pharmaceuticals drug trade Africa tuberculosis market places patented drugs consumer safety drug quality health policy pharmaceutical regulation fake drugs counterfeit pharmaceuticals substandard drugs generic drugs patented drugs Africa tuberculosis marketplaces consumer safety health policy drug regulation pharmaceutical industry public health mortality rates quality control healthcare access economic factors treatment efficacy drug trade global health issues reduce prominence bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics counterfeit drug trade deaths in Africa substandard drugs tuberculosis pills low cost drugs market sellers Africa temperature pharmaceutical regulation health safety drug efficacy counterfeit prevention quality control public health initiatives affordable healthcare drug authenticity consumer protection healthcare access bad drugs fake drugs high quality generics patented drugs counterfeit drug trade deaths in Africa substandard tuberculosis pills low cost drugs marketplaces pharmaceutical regulation drug quality control health policy public health crisis medicinal fraud consumer protection international drug standards healthcare accessibility economic impact of counterfeit drugs pharmaceutical industry reform drug safety awareness patiënt safety medical ethics global health initiatives counterfeit drugs generic drugs substandard drugs pharmaceutical market Africa drug quality patented drugs consumer behavior health policy tuberculosis treatment market regulation drug trade public health healthcare access counterfeit trade pharmaceutical regulation drug safety healthcare economics disease control medication cost
test-culture-mthbah-pro05a	Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements tell children that they should have everything they want.  Advertising gives the impression, especially to children, that they can and should have everything they want. This makes people too interested in material things. People are becoming more selfish and obsessed with their possessions, and losing their values of patience, hard work, moderation and the importance of non-material things like family and friends. This harms their relationships and their personal development, which has serious effects for society as a whole. Advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material things family friends relationships personal development societal effects consumerism marketing impact youth influence material possessions moral values social consequences advertising ethics child psychology consumer behavior cultural values societal wellbeing family bonds friendship material desires psychological impact social development character building consumer culture advertising targeting young consumers materialistic attitudes value erosion interpersonal relations personal growth societal issues advertising influence youth materialism consumer attitudes social impact advertising effects advertising children materialism consumerism selfishness values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development societal impact advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society consumerism impact young people social effects psychological effects materialism consumer culture childhood influence advertising impact values erosion social relationships personal development societal effects non-material importance patience hard work moderation family friends selflessness possession obsession selfishness material possessions advertising messages children's desires everything they want harmful consequences society's health interpersonal bonds character formation moral values consumerism critique child development media influence commercial messages lifestyle aspirations unrealistic expectations emotional well-being mental health satisfaction fulfillment authentic living true happiness meaningful connections community cooperation empathy gratitude contentment Advertisements children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material things family friends relationships personal development societal impact consumerism upbringing advertising influence social skills emotional intelligence advertising influence children's desires materialism promotion values erosion social impact consumerism encouragement youth-targeted marketing immediate gratification non-material values family importance friendship value personal development hindrance societal consequences selfish behavior possession obsession advertising children materialism consumerism selfishness values patience hard work moderation non-material things family friends relationships personal development society effects advertising children materialism consumerism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society effects impression everything want obsession harm children advertisements materialism selfishness values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society effects obsession possessions impression everything want advertising children materialism selfishness possessions values patience hard work moderation non-material family friends relationships personal development society consumerism impact youth marketing psychological effects social values commercialism
test-law-lghbacpsba-con02a	It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 It better enables Attorneys to advance their client's case  An attorney's main duty is owed to their client. Under Rule 1.04 of the Solicitors' Code of Conduct a solicitor “must act in the best interests of each client”. [1] It is part of the adversarial system that we have that two opposing parties in litigation argue for their best interests. The whole working of the adversarial system of justice is that each party knows the facts but argues the facts that most support their case. To take away client-attorney privilege is to undermine this way of achieving justice.  [1] Rule 1: Core duties, Solicitors’ Code of Conduct 2007,  accessed 18/05/11 client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 best interests legal ethics litigation opposing parties case advancement attorney duties professional conduct justice system legal representation client confidentiality client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct legal ethics attorney-client relationship Rule 1.04 core duties best interests litigation legal representation justice system professional responsibility confidentiality legal practice attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client confidentiality legal ethics professional responsibility client best interests litigation strategy legal representation justice system client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 best interests legal representation litigation attorney's duty justice system confidentiality attorney-client privilege adversarial system Solicitors' Code of Conduct Rule 1.04 client's best interests legal ethics litigation justice system professional responsibility confidentiality client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 best interests litigation legal ethics professional duties case advancement attorney-client relationship attorney-client privilege adversarial system legal ethics solicitors' code of conduct client representation best interests litigation justice legal duties confidentiality attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client's best interests legal ethics litigation professional duties rule 1.04 solicitor-client relationship justice system confidential communication legal representation client confidentiality legal advocacy professional responsibility client-attorney privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct rule 1.04 best interests litigation core duties legal ethics professional responsibility justice system attorney-client privilege adversarial system solicitors' code of conduct client's best interests legal ethics litigation professional responsibilities justice system legal representation confidentiality
test-international-appghblsba-pro02a	The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, The historical reasons for which the state of Lesotho exists are no longer relevant in a post-apartheid South Africa  The reason why Moshoeshoe, the leader of Lesotho, wished to become a British protectorate was because of the Boers of the Orange Free State was trying to take their land. In 1966, when the Kingdom of Lesotho gained its independence from Britain, it remained separate from SA as it had been a separate colony. Lesotho was under direct rule while South Africa was a dominion. There was no incentive to change at the point of independence because SA was ruled by the apartheid regime. Lesotho was a strong public opponent of the regime and granted a number of SA refugees’ political asylum. The African National Congress, the ruling party in SA since 1994, was founded in Lesotho. Moreover, during the struggle against apartheid, the ANC’s armed wing organized its guerilla units from the enclave. [1] We can firmly say that Lesotho vas a very important actor in a post-apartheid SA, but the times have changed. The ANC is now in power in South Africa and SA and Lesotho are closer together than ever before.  [1] Smith, 2010, Lesotho historical reasons state existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State land acquisition 1966 independence Kingdom of Lesotho separate colony direct rule apartheid regime political opposition SA refugees political asylum African National Congress ANC founding struggle against apartheid ANC armed wing guerilla units important actor times changed ANC in power closer relations Lesotho South Africa apartheid independence British protectorate Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State African National Congress ANC guerilla units political asylum post-apartheid colonial history dominion enclave governance regional relations historical context statehood Lesotho South Africa apartheid independence British protectorate Boers Orange Free State Moshoeshoe Kingdom of Lesotho African National Congress ANC political asylum guerilla units post-apartheid colonial history international relations regional cooperation Lesotho historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State independence from Britain separate colony apartheid regime strong public opponent political asylum African National Congress ANC struggle against apartheid guerilla units important actor ANC in power closer relations historical reasons Lesotho post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence Kingdom of Lesotho separate colony direct rule apartheid regime strong public opponent political asylum African National Congress ANC ANC’s armed wing guerilla units important actor ANC in power closer relations Lesotho state existence historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State land disputes 1966 independence separate colony British rule apartheid regime political opposition asylum African National Congress ANC anti-apartheid struggle guerilla units post-apartheid era current relations Smith 2010 Lesotho history apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State independence 1966 colonial rule African National Congress ANC political asylum anti-apartheid struggle guerilla units post-apartheid relationship Smith 2010 Lesotho independence apartheid South Africa protectorate British Moshoeshoe Boers Orange Free State African National Congress ANC political asylum guerilla units post-apartheid historical reasons colonial status direct rule dominion close relations Lesotho historical reasons post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State 1966 independence Kingdom of Lesotho separate colony direct rule apartheid regime political asylum African National Congress ANC guerilla units post-apartheid era closer ties Smith 2010 Lesotho historical reasons state existence post-apartheid South Africa Moshoeshoe British protectorate Boers Orange Free State land disputes 1966 independence British colony apartheid regime public opposition political asylum SA refugees African National Congress ANC guerilla units anti-apartheid struggle current relations Smith 2010
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro03a	Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, Easy to introduce  A ban on smoking in public places would be simple to enforce – it is an obvious activity, and does not require any form of complex equipment or other special techniques . It would largely be enforced by other users of public places and those working there. If it changes attitudes enough, it could be largely self-enforcing – by changing attitudes and creating peer pressure 1 .  1 See Hartocollis, Anemona, “Why Citizens (gasp) are the smoking police), New York Times, 16 September 2010, public health smoke-free environments enforcement mechanisms community compliance peer influence behavioral change civic engagement tobacco control policy implementation social norms legal measures public places regulation health advocacy voluntary compliance citizen enforcement attitude shift societal pressure non-smoking policies environmental health secondhand smoke reduction public health smoking ban enforcement self-enforcing peer pressure citizen enforcement public places policy implementation attitude change social norms tobacco control legislation community policing health promotion public health smoking ban enforcement self-regulation peer pressure attitude change social norms citizen enforcement public places policy implementation health policy smoking legislation community involvement New York Times Anemona Hartocollis public health smoking ban enforcement public places simplicity self-enforcement peer pressure attitude change community involvement New York Times Hartocollis smoking ban public places enforcement self-enforcing peer pressure attitude change citizen enforcement New York Times Anemona Hartocollis ban on smoking public places easy enforcement self-enforcing peer pressure attitude change citizen enforcement smoking policy public health New York Times Anemona Hartocollis public health tobacco control policy enforcement community compliance social norms behavior change peer influence self-regulation smoking cessation health awareness legislation impact citizen involvement public spaces environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke regulatory simplicity enforcement mechanisms societal attitudes anti-smoking campaigns legal measures ban on smoking public places easy enforcement self-enforcing peer pressure attitude change public users workers obvious activity no special techniques smoking police citizen enforcement public health nonsmokers' rights enforcement mechanisms social norms peer influence policy effectiveness community policing behavioral change legal frameworks regulatory compliance public health legislation enforcement citizen compliance peer pressure attitude change social norms secondhand smoke policy effectiveness behavioral science public policy smoking cessation community health legal enforcement civic engagement health promotion regulatory measures smoker behavior non-smoker rights health education
test-law-sdfclhrppph-con01a	Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, Free speech allows challenges to orthodox beliefs  Free speech is not merely a ‘nice thing to have’, it is a mechanism which brings real, tangible benefits to society by allowing people to challenge orthodoxy. States that do not allow orthodox beliefs to be challenged stagnate and decline.  Reducing restrictions on free speech to ‘special exceptions’ frustrates the whole point because it is precisely those special exceptions where established truth needs to be challenged. This is not restricted to matters of pure opinion – the modern scientific process relies upon professionals being able to vehemently disagree on matters of crucial fact. “Real science depends for its progress on continual challenges to the current state of always-imperfect knowledge.” [1]  [1] Sarewitz, Daniel, ‘The voice of science: let’s agree to disagree’, Nature, Vol 487, No.7, 5 October 2011, free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation restrictions special exceptions scientific progress disagreement imperfect knowledge real science continual challenges professional debate vital mechanism tangible advantages opinion diversity fact-based disputes knowledge evolution unrestricted discourse essential freedom free speech orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress disagreement imperfect knowledge academic freedom intellectual challenge censorship debate critical thinking innovation democracy public discourse truth enlightenment reform tolerance free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress disagreement imperfect knowledge continual challenges professional disagreement real science voice of science agreeing to disagree Nature journal Daniel Sarewitz free speech challenges to orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation restrictions on speech special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge Sarewitz Nature journal agreeing to disagree free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement scientific progress imperfect knowledge agreement to disagree Nature journal Daniel Sarewitz free speech challenge orthodoxy societal benefits unrestricted expression intellectual progress scientific debate dissenting opinions state restrictions stagnation decline special exceptions established truths scientific process professional disagreement imperfect knowledge continuous improvement democratic values critical thinking open dialogue innovation creativity academic freedom public discourse human rights civic engagement enlightenment tolerance diversity of thought robust debate truth-seeking free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state decline restrictions special exceptions established truth scientific process professional disagreement imperfect knowledge science progress Daniel Sarewitz Nature journal free speech challenge orthodoxy societal benefits state stagnation special exceptions scientific progress professional disagreement imperfect knowledge continual challenges established truth real science agree to disagree Sarewitz Nature journal free speech 挑战正统 社会利益 言论自由 国家发展 限制言论 例外情况 科学进步 专业辩论 知识完善 科学过程 意见分歧 真实科学 持续挑战 不完美知识 言论重要性 正统挑战 言论自由价值 科学依赖 观点不同 知识进步 言论自由机制 社会停滞 国家衰退 言论特例 科学依赖争论 科学进步依赖 言论自由特殊性 专业意见 科学辩论 知识更新 科学过程依赖 言论自由重要性 科学依赖自由 知识演进 言论自由社会 科学真理 free speech challenges orthodox beliefs societal benefits state stagnation restrictions special exceptions scientific process professional disagreement real science progress imperfect knowledge
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro03a	Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies gain most of the profits  The majority of investment in Africa by Trans National Companies (TNCs) goes towards resource extraction [1] . Many companies use transfer pricing, tax avoidance and anonymous company ownership to increase profits at the expense of resource abundant nations [2] . Production sharing agreements, where companies and states share in the profit of a venture, can often benefit the former over the latter. In 2012 Ugandan activists sued the government for one such deal where the country was to likely to receive only half the profits rather than three quarters [3] .  Kofi Annan, former United Nations Security General, has claimed that Africa’s outflow of funds by TNCs in the extractive industries is twice as high as inflows to the continent. Businesses such as Barclays have been criticised for their promotion of tax havens in Africa [4] . These allow TNCs to avoid government taxation for projects such as resource extraction, a symptom of the attitude of foreign companies to investment in Africa. The unfavourable inflow/outflow balance prevents reinvestment in Africa’s infrastructure, education and health services.  [1] African Development Bank ‘African Development Report 2007’ pg.110   [2] Stewart,H. ‘Annan calls for end to ‘unconscionable’ exploitation of Africa’s resources’ The Guardian 10 May 2013   [3] Akankwasa,S. ‘Uganda activists sue government over oil Production Sharing Agreements.’ International Bar Association 01/05/2012   [4] Provost,C. ‘Row as Barclays promotes tax havens as ‘gateway for investment in Africa’ The Guardian 20 November 2013 Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens reinvestment infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies (TNCs) resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds tax havens Barclays infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens investment infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Ugandan activists Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements profit sharing Kofi Annan United Nations extractive industries Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services Ugandan activists government taxation resource abundant nations Africa’s outflow inflow/outflow balance reinvestment exploitation unconscionable Foreign companies profits Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services investment Uganda oil activists government lawsuits foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations extractive industries fund outflow Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Kofi Annan United Nations outflow of funds tax havens Barclays infrastructure education health services reinvestment exploitation African Development Bank The Guardian International Bar Association Foreign companies profits investment Africa Trans National Companies TNCs resource extraction transfer pricing tax avoidance anonymous company ownership production sharing agreements Uganda Kofi Annan United Nations Barclays tax havens infrastructure education health services
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro02a	The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, The failure of rule of law  As the anthropologist and lawyer Sally Falk-Moore observed “law is only ever a piecemeal intervention by the state in the life of society.” [i]  Laws are, ultimately, social norms that are taught, enforced and arbitrated on by the state. The value of these norms is such that they are deemed to be a vital part of a society’s identity and the state is entrusted with their protection. However, this ideal can be difficult to achieve. Debate as to which norms the state should be custodian of is constant. Where there is a disconnect between a law and the daily lives, aspirations and struggles of a society, it becomes unlikely that that law will be complied with. Generally, a state will not be able to give a pronouncement the force of law if it does not reflect the values held by a majority of a society.  Compliance with the law can be even harder to obtain in highly plural societies. Even in plural societies ruled peacefully by an effective central government (such as India), communities’ conceptions of children’s rights may be radically different from those set down in law. The Indian child marriage restraint act has been in force since 1929, but the practice remains endemic in southern India to this day [ii] . Governments can attempt to enforce compliance with a law, through education, incentives or deterrence.  What if the state that is intended to mount the “piecemeal intervention” of banning the use of child soldiers is weak, corrupt or non-existent? What if a state cannot carry out structured interventions of the type described above? Norms that state that the conscription of children is acceptable- due to tradition or need- will be dominant.  Situations of this type will be the rule rather than the exception in underdeveloped states and states where conflict is so rife that children have become participants in warfare. The ICC has jurisdiction to prosecute individuals with command over military units who use children as combatants [iii] , but how should the concept of a “commander” be defined in these circumstances?  In order for the juristic principles underlying the authority of the ICC to function properly, it is necessary for there to be a degree of certainty and accessibility underlying laws promulgated by a state. While ignorance of the law is not a defence before the ICC, it impossible to call a system of law fair or just that is not overseen by a stable or accepted government. This is not possible if a state is so corrupt that it does not command the trust of its people; if a state is so poor that it cannot afford to operate an open, reliable and transparent court and advocacy system; if territory with a state’s borders is occupied by an armed aggressor. Western notions of rule-of-law are almost impossible to enforce under such conditions. All of these are scenarios encountered frequently in Africa, and central and southern Asia.  Some regions within developing nations are so isolated from the influence of the state, or so heavily contested in internecine conflicts, that communities living within them cannot be expected to know that the state nominally responsible for them has signed the Convention of the Rights of The Child or the Rome Statute. Nor can the state attempt to inform them of this fact. Laws still exist and are enforced within such communities, but these are not state-made forms of law.  For an individual living within a community of the type described above- an individual living in the DRC, in pre-secession South Sudan [iv] or an ethnic minority enclave on the border of Myanmar [v] - the question is a simple one. Does the most immediate source of authority and protection within his world- his community- condone the role that children play in armed conflict? He should not be made liable for abiding by laws and norms that have sprung up to fill a void created by a weak or corrupt central state. There is little hope that he will ever be able to access the counter-point that state sponsored education and engagement could provide.  Child soldiers and their commanders are simply obeying the strongest, the most effective and the most stable source of law in their immediate environment.  [i] “Comparative Law in a Global Context: The Legal Systems of Asia and Africa”, Werner Menski, Cambridge University Press, 2006  [ii] “State of the World’s Children 2009”, UNICEF, United Nations, 2008  [iii] “Elements of Crimes”, International Criminal Court,   [iv] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p315,   [v] “Child Soldiers: Global Report 2008”, Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2007, p240, rule of law social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage state weakness corruption command responsibility international criminal court accessibility legal systems armed conflict child soldiers internecine conflicts ethnic minorities legal norms community authority state-sponsored education global contexts legal enforcement underdeveloped states conflict zones western law human rights legal principles social compliance legal education legal access state trust poverty judicial systems territorial occupation legal clarity state responsibility law enforcement legal engagement legal vacuums human rights violations international rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention plural societies compliance with law child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption International Criminal Court commanders underdeveloped states conflict command responsibility Western law Africa Asia community law DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal education accessible law fair law just law state-sponsored engagement immediate authority strongest law effective law stable law legal environment rule of law social norms state intervention Sally Falk-Moore compliance plural societies child marriage India enforcement weak states corruption child soldiers ICC commanders jurisdiction legal systems underdeveloped states conflict Africa Asia isolated communities Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities internecine conflicts state-sponsored education legal norms community authority child rights international law legal enforcement stability governance legal accessibility trust in government court systems advocacy armed conflict traditional practices rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance with law plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage restraint act enforcement of law child soldiers weak states corruption ICC jurisdiction command responsibility legal certainty accessibility state stability government trust court systems international law enforcement isolated communities armed conflict DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities community laws child combatants legal norms state-sponsored education legal void strongest authority effective law stable law environment rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak state corruption international law ICC command responsibility legal systems developing nations Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar armed conflict community law state-sponsored education legal enforcement human rights cultural norms legal pluralism international justice legal authority governmental trust court systems legal accessibility underdeveloped states conflict regions African law Asian law Werner Menski UNICEF rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption International Criminal Court commanders jurisdiction legal systems Africa Asia DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities community laws state responsibility international conventions education enforcement conflict zones child rights Rome Statute accessibility stability governance justice human rights legal education ethical norms traditional practices modern law legal pluralism legal awareness legal reform legal enforcement military units child protection armed conflict rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention compliance plural societies child marriage India child soldiers weak states corruption ICC commanders jurisprudence fair laws stable government transparent courts underdeveloped states conflict Africa Asia isolated regions internecine conflicts Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities community law state-sponsored education legal systems global context UNICEF Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers rule of law Sally Falk-Moore state intervention social norms societal identity compliance plural societies child marriage India state weakness corruption non-existent states child soldiers International Criminal Court command responsibility legal certainty accessibility stable government trust poverty court system armed conflict Africa Asia Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities immediate authority community norms legal void state sponsorship education engagement child commanders local law enforcement rule of law social norms state intervention compliance plural societies children's rights child marriage underdeveloped states conflict ICC jurisdiction commanders legal certainty state stability government trust court systems territorial occupation developing nations community laws DRC South Sudan Myanmar child soldiers commanders liability local authority international law education legal enforcement global context legal systems Asia Africa UNICEF state sponsorship global reports Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers rule of law Sally Falk-Moore social norms state intervention legal compliance plural societies children's rights Indian child marriage state weakness child soldiers conflict regions ICC jurisdiction command responsibility legal certainty state corruption court systems occupied territories Western rule-of-law isolated communities internecine conflicts Convention on the Rights of the Child Rome Statute DRC South Sudan Myanmar ethnic minorities legal vacuums community authority child combatants legal norms state education counter-legal norms weakest states legal enforcement legal awareness international law
test-international-epglghbni-con01a	Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification would be damaging for the economies of both parts of Ireland  The Republic of Ireland is currently in a crisis. It is the I in P.I.G.S, the European Union countries whose economies are bust and require a bailout package. It would not be to the benefit of either Northern Ireland joining such a fragile economy, nor would it be good for the Republic of Ireland, having the cut back on public spending whilst trying to integrate Northern Irish transport/police systems etc.  Northern Ireland is a weak economy anyway and a lot of employment comes from the public sector, 30% compared to the UK average of 21%.* The region is £9billion in the red or £5,502 per person, three times the UK average.** These jobs will obviously no longer be an option under re-unification and so there is likely to be mass employment amongst the newly integrated Northern Irish. To counter this, money from Republican taxpayers will have to go to subsidize business/building projects etc in the way the Germans in the West still subsidize the Eastern parts of Germany, over 50 years since the wall came down.  *HM Treasury, 2011, p.9   **Fitzpatrick, 2011, Unification Ireland Republic of Ireland Northern Ireland economic crisis PIGS European Union bailout public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment UK average budget deficit unemployment re-unification German reunification subsidies taxpayer burden economic integration fiscal challenges regional disparities economic policy political economy unemployment subsidies public sector cuts economic dependence financial instability economic sustainability policy analysis economic research European financial crisis economic indicators fiscal policy economic forecasts government spending economic impact economic indicators economic recovery fiscal austerity economic union unification Ireland economies crisis PIGS bailout Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment deficit re-unification taxpayers subsidies German reunification economic crisis P.I.G.S European Union bailout fragile economy Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment UK average fiscal deficit unemployment re-unification taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration costs unification economic damage Republic of Ireland crisis P.I.G.S EU bailout Northern Ireland economic integration public spending cuts transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment UK average budget deficit unemployment re-unification challenges German reunification subsidies economic fragility Unification economic damage Republic of Ireland economic crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland public spending cuts transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment budget deficit taxpayer burden economic integration German reunification subsidy business projects building projects fiscal impact economic viability regional funding economic subsidies unemployment economic interdependence fiscal transfers economic stability financial burden economic challenges economic benefits cost-benefit analysis economic policies fiscal management economic research fiscal sustainability economic forecasts economic modeling economic indicators economic risks economic resilience Unification economic damage Republic of Ireland crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland fragile economy public spending transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment UK average regional deficit unemployment re-unification taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration Ireland unification economic crisis PIGS European Union bailout Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland public spending integration transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment fiscal deficit unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration fiscal challenges economic burden economic crisis PIGS European Union bailout fragile economy public spending cuts transport integration police integration weak economy public sector employment unemployment financial deficit taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic integration economic damage Northern Ireland Republic of Ireland unification economicimpact fiscal burden public sector reduction economic dependency regional disparity financial support economic recovery EU membership economic policy fiscal policy economic stability economic growth economic challenges economic benefits economic risks economic forecasts unemployment rates economic indicators economic data financial statistics economic analysis economic research economic Economic integration fiscal burden public sector dependency unemployment surge bailout requirements economic fragility regional disparities subsidy needs German reunification analogy taxpayer burden economic crisis PIGS economies Northern Ireland economy Republic of Ireland economy re-unification consequences economic stability public spending cuts transport system integration police system integration economic crisis bailout public spending integration transport systems police systems weak economy public sector employment financial deficit unemployment taxpayer subsidy German reunification economic burden fiscal challenges economic integration regional economic disparity
test-culture-mmciahbans-con02a	Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, Prohibition is counterproductive  As tempting as it is to feel that banning is the solution to problems, it doesn’t work. Almost all states prohibits certain drugs, but that does not stop them being used. [1] Despite being banned in Ghana, skin whitening creams are still openly advertised on billboards [2] .  Counterfeit cosmetics of all types exist worldwide [3] , they are illegal for a variety of reasons, not least intellectual property abuse: banning skin lighting creams would simply give more space to the counterfeits. A ban could lead users towards either a homemade substance, or pills and injections which would almost certainly be more damaging as a result of a lack of regulation.  [1] See the Debatabase debate ‘ This House supports the legalisation of drugs’  [2] Al Jazeera English, “The Stream: Fair Beauty”, YouTube, 22 August 2013,  , roughly 18 minutes in  [3] RIA Novosti, “Counterfeit cosmetics: Turning beauties in to beasts”, RT, 08 November 2010, prohibition counterproductive banning drugs skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation debate Al Jazeera RIA Novosti cosmetics safety health risks illegal trade prohibition counterproductive banning drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances unregulated products legalisation of drugs debate Fair Beauty Al Jazeera RIA Novosti RT health risks beauty industry regulation policy making public health consumer safety prohibition counterproductive banning drug prohibition skin whitening creams Ghana counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Debatabase Al Jazeera The Stream RIA Novosti counterfeit cosmetics dangers prohibition counterproductive banning drug prohibition skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections lack of regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera English RIA Novosti The Stream Fair Beauty Turning beauties into beasts Prohibition counterproductive banning drug legalization skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation Debatabase Al Jazeera RIA Novosti RT cosmetics safety drug policy illegal products health risks market regulation consumer safety prohibition counterproductive banning drugs skin whitening creams Ghana counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property abuse homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs The Stream: Fair Beauty Al Jazeera English RIA Novosti Turning beauties in to beasts RT prohibition counterproductive drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections unregulated products legalisation of drugs debate Al Jazeera RIA Novosti Ghana global issues health risks banned products cosmetic regulation legal alternatives prohibition counterproductive drug bans skin whitening creams Ghana counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections unregulated products legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti prohibition counterproductive banning drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation debate cosmetics safety public health illegal trade beauty products legislation policy effectiveness harm reduction prohibition counterproductive banning drug laws skin whitening creams counterfeit cosmetics intellectual property homemade substances pills injections regulation legalisation of drugs Al Jazeera RIA Novosti debate outcomes policy effectiveness drug policy cosmetics regulation consumer safety illegal trade
test-religion-wcprrgrhbmi-con03a	"Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 Parents have the right to use their best judgment, in the light of medical advice, as to what is in the best interest of their child  There is compelling evidence that shortly after birth is the best time to perform this operation and that the rate of complications at this age is generally agreed to be between 0.2 and 0.4 percent. When performed later in life the risk of complications increases ten-fold to between two and four percent. In the light of this it is appropriate to recognize the rights of parents to approve a procedure that would be riskier if elected later in life on behalf of their child [i] .  [i] Michael Benatar. ""How Not to Argue About Circumcision"". The American Journal of Bioethics. 2003 parents' rights medical advice best interest of child neonatal circumcision timing of circumcision complication rates infant health parental consent risk assessment bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate pediatric surgery informed decision-making parental rights medical advice best interest child health neonatal circumcision complication rates risk assessment delayed circumcision bioethics pediatric surgery informed consent cultural practices healthcare decision-making infant welfare medical procedures parental autonomy ethical considerations pediatric ethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate early intervention health outcomes surgical risks medical necessity legal aspects public health infant rights parental responsibilities medical recommendations clinical guidelines surgical complications pediatric care child protection medical ethics health policy surgical timing patient safety medical disputes parental choice child development health benefits parents' rights medical advice best interest newborn circumcision complication rates risk assessment parental consent bioethics pediatric surgery health policy infant welfare legal rights medical ethics surgical timing circumcision controversy health decision-making pediatric health care informed consent early intervention surgical risk factors Parents' rights best judgment medical advice best interest of child early circumcision complication rates age of circumcision risk reduction parental consent bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate infant health medical procedures informed decision-making parents' rights medical advice best interest newborn circumcision complication rates risk assessment informed consent pediatric surgery bioethics parental autonomy neonatal procedures surgical timing health policy infant welfare medical ethics circumcision debate Benatar American Journal of Bioethics 2003 parents' rights medical advice best interest of child circumcision timing newborn circumcision complication rates later life circumcision parental consent medical ethics bioethics infant health surgical procedures risk factors pediatric surgery medical interventions parental authority health policy circumcision benefits circumcision risks early circumcision advantages parental rights medical advice best interest of the child neonatal circumcision complication rates infant health surgical timing risk assessment bioethics medical ethics pediatric surgery informed consent early intervention health policy circumcision controversy pediatric health care medical procedures pediatric surgery risks neonatal health surgery decision-making child welfare medical practice surgical outcomes evidence-based medicine parents' rights medical advice child's best interest neonatal circumcision complication rates infant health delayed circumcision risk assessment parental consent bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision debate pediatric surgery early intervention health policy parents' rights medical advice child's best interest early circumcision complication rates delayed circumcision parental consent infant health bioethics Michael Benatar circumcision controversy risk assessment pediatric surgery ethical considerations circumcision medical advice parental rights infant health surgical timing complication rates bioethics early intervention risk assessment pediatric surgery"
test-culture-mmciahbans-con01a	Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy  Like many other debates, this simply boils down to personal autonomy. Individuals should be free to take actions, even ones harmful to them as long as they do not harm others, at least not without good reason. Thus things that are almost entirely harmful such as smoking are allowed.  It is a matter of personal choice – to suggest otherwise non-white women do not have the capacity to make that choice. Personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice harm principle non-harmful actions smoking self-harm capacity for decision-making non-white women autonomy debates moral choice freedom of action individual rights personal responsibility personal freedom individual rights self-determination choice liberty autonomy non-harm principle personal responsibility self-governance voluntary action decision-making capacity empowerment agency civil liberties human rights moral autonomy freedom of choice consent self-control personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle liberty self-governance autonomy debates women's rights capacity for choice non-white women personal responsibility harmful actions self-harm freedom of action moral autonomy ethical choice self-determination rights individual rights harm principle personal liberties personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-white women capacity to choose harmful actions smoking self-harm freedom of action autonomy in decision making non-harm principle liberty rights individual rights moral autonomy self-governance decision-making capacity autonomy debates personal responsibility freedom of choice personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice harm principle non-white women capacity for decision-making moral agency self-harm autonomy in ethics freedom of action voluntary harm personal responsibility decision-making capacity gender and autonomy personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-harm principle self-harm Smoking non-white women decision-making capacity liberty autonomy debates freedom of action ethical self-governance personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice harm principle non-harmful actions smoking capacity to choose non-white women decision-making ability ethical debates personal responsibility moral autonomy freedom of action self-governance autonomy in decision-making personal rights individual rights choice-making autonomy in ethics personal liberties personal autonomy individual freedom personal choice self-determination non-harm principle smoking self-harm non-white women capacity for choice moral autonomy ethical decision-making freedom of action harm to others voluntary action informed consent personal responsibility feminist ethics gender autonomy racial autonomy civil liberties self-governance moral agency personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice liberty non-harm principle smoking harmful actions self-harm capacity for choice non-white women gender equality civil rights moral agency personal responsibility ethical freedom autonomy debates social ethics individual rights freedom of choice personal autonomy individual freedom self-determination personal choice non-white women capacity for decision-making harm principle voluntary actions societal norms legal restrictions moral autonomy gender equality racial equality personal rights individual responsibility self-harm autonomy ethics feminist theory racial theory legal autonomy moral autonomy
test-digital-freedoms-aihwbasmn-con05a	It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, It is better to monitor riots through the social media rioters are using  It is wrong to suggest that social networks only provide advantages to the rioters in a riot. Many of the networks that can be used are open to the public and even where they are not as with blackberry messenger the police and intelligence services can likely gain access. This means that the police can also benefit from rioters use of social networks. Allowing the rioters to communicate can help the police to track what the rioters are doing and potentially to intercept any plans before they can be put into action. The same logic is used with websites that promote extremist ideologies; it is often better to monitor them for the intelligence they provide. The police already monitor protest groups in this way during demonstrations and even use it to help police impromptu raves so will surely apply it to riots. [1] Yet the social media is useful in other ways, particularly after the rioting it can be used to work out who was involved and to provide evidence against them so making the police much more efficient at catching and charging rioters.  [1] Rawlinson, K., “Activists warned to watch what they say as social media monitoring becomes 'next big thing in law enforcement”, The Independent, 1 October 2012, monitor riots social media rioters advantages police intelligence networks public blackberry messenger access benefit communication track intercept plans websites extremist ideologies protest groups demonstrations impromptu raves evidence charging efficiency activists law enforcement Rawlinson The Independent social media monitoring riot communication police surveillance intelligence gathering public networks private messaging apps extremist websites protest group monitoring social media evidence law enforcement efficiency digital forensics cyber policing online activism tracking social media riot monitoring police intelligence network access public networks rioter communication tracking plans extremist websites protest groups demonstrations impromptu raves post-riot analysis evidence collection charging rioters social media monitoring law enforcement activists warning social media monitoring rioters communication police intelligence public networks blackberry messenger law enforcement extremist ideologies protest groups impromptu raves post-riot identification evidence collection activists warning social media surveillance legal charges monitor riots social media rioters advantages police intelligence networks public blackberry messenger access track plans intercept extremist ideologies websites protest groups demonstrations impromptu raves evidence charging social media monitoring law enforcement social media riot monitoring intelligence gathering police efficiency extremist ideologies protest groups social media monitoring law enforcement public networks private messaging blackberry messenger riot communication interception evidence collection post-riot investigation activist monitoring online protest impromptu events social network benefits police tactics social media riot monitoring police intelligence public networks blackberry messenger extremist websites protest groups demonstration monitoring impromptu raves riot evidence social media monitoring law enforcement activist monitoring social media riot monitoring police intelligence public networks blackberry messenger rioters communication police tracking extremist websites protest group monitoring social media evidence law enforcement activist warnings rioter identification charging efficiency monitoring riots social media rioters advantages police intelligence access tracking interception planning extremist ideologies protests demonstrations evidence charging social media monitoring law enforcement social media riot monitoring police intelligence network access public networks blackberry messenger communication tracking riot planning extremist ideologies protest group monitoring social media evidence law enforcement rioters identification charging rioters efficient policing social media advantages police benefits riot response post-rioting investigation digital surveillance
test-environment-assgbatj-pro04a	Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] Most animals can suffer more than some people  It’s possible to think of people that can’t suffer, like those in a persistent vegetative state, or with significant intellectual disabilities.  We could go for one of three options. Either we could experiment on animals, but not such people, which is morally not consistent. We could allow both, but do we want to do painful medical research on the disabled? Or, we could do neither.[9] animal suffering human suffering moral consistency ethical experimentation medical research disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal testing human testing ethical dilemmas pain morality research ethics vulnerable populations animal rights human rights animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain in medical research moral philosophy bioethics research ethics compassionate treatment vulnerable populations animal suffering human suffering moral consistency ethical research disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities medical experimentation pain research ethical dilemmas animal rights human rights animal suffering human suffering persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency ethical experimentation animal experimentation human experimentation painful medical research disabled individuals ethical alternatives moral dilemmas research ethics compassionate research practices animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal testing human rights compassion ethical dilemmas pain infliction research ethics moral philosophy bioethics animal welfare human dignity moral relativism ethical treatment animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation pain in animals pain in humans moral philosophy bioethics research ethics animal rights human rights ethical dilemmas moral reasoning compassion sentience experimental subjects animals suffer people persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral consistency medical research disabled ethical dilemmas animal experimentation human experimentation animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities ethical experimentation animal rights human rights pain in research moral philosophy bioethics research ethics animal testing human testing ethical dilemmas suffering compassion moral obligations animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals pain in animals pain in humans ethical experimentation vegetative state intellectual disabilities moral options animal rights human rights ethical dilemmas animal suffering human suffering moral consistency medical research ethics disabled individuals persistent vegetative state intellectual disabilities animal experimentation human experimentation ethical dilemmas pain research moral philosophy bioethics research subjects vulnerable populations
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con01a	Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are dangerous and lead to injury.  Ray Fosse and Buster Posey (mentioned above in the Introduction) are just two examples of players who suffered major injuries in crashes at home plate. Texas Rangers star Josh Hamilton, reigning Most Valuable Player of the American League, broke his arm when he collided with a catcher in 2011. In August 2010, Cleveland Indians catcher Carlos Santana suffered a season-ending knee injury when he was hit by Red Sox runner Ryan Kalish. To go back a few more seasons, Braves catcher Greg Olson was having a career year in 1992 until Ken Caminiti broke his leg in a collision. There have been literally dozens of severe injuries suffered in bang-bang plays at the plate.  This high rate of injury should come as no surprise, given the physics involved in this type of play. A simulation with a crash-test dummy wired with sensors showed that a catcher can get hit by a runner travelling 18 miles per hour, resulting in 3,200 pounds of force—much worse than an American football hit, with much less padding. [1]  Teams make heavy investments in their players, paying them millions of dollars a year. Thus, serious injuries are very expensive, both because of the treatment required and because the player is missing many games. This is why the Oakland Athletics instructed their top catcher, Kurt Suzuki, to avoid blocking the plate—because their investment in him is worth more than whatever runs he allows by failing to stop the runner from scoring. [2]  When players are injured in these plays, it’s also bad for fans, who will lose the opportunity to see their favourite athletes on the field. As Bruce Bochy, Busty Posey’s manager with the Giants, told the media after he lost his star catcher to injury: “And here’s a guy that’s very popular in baseball. Fans want to see him play, and now he’s out for a while.” [3]  [1] Joel Siegel, Barbara Pinto, and Tahman Bradley, “Catcher Collision Ignites Baseball Rules Debate,” ABC News, May 28, 2011,  .  [2] Buster Olney, “Billy Beane issues home plate directive,” ESPN The Magazine, June 1, 2011,  .  [3] Tim Kawakami, “Bochy on Posey’s injury: ‘Hopefully the guys are not happy—I’m certainly not happy,’” MercuryNews.com (Talking Points blog), May 26, 2011,  . Collisions injury baseball Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force American football player investment treatment Kurt Suzuki fan impact Bruce Bochy baseball rules catcher collision home plate directive Bang-bang plays injury prevention sports safety player health major injuries catcher runner sports injuries baseball safety medical costs game absence player value team strategy sports management fan experience baseball ethics baseball mechanics collision force protective gear sports medicine athlete wellness collisions injuries home plate ray fosse buster posey josh hamilton carlos santana ryan kalish greg olson ken caminiti physics crash-test dummy force american football player investments kurt suzuki oakland athletics fans bruce bochy san francisco giants catcher collision baseball rules billy beane Talking Points blog tim kawakami Collisions injuries baseball home plate Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force American football player investments Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics fan impact Bruce Bochy Giants baseball rules ABC News ESPN The Magazine MercuryNews.com Talking Points blog collisions dangerous injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey crashes home plate Texas Rangers Josh Hamilton Most Valuable Player American League broken arm Cleveland Indians Carlos Santana season-ending knee injury Red Sox Ryan Kalish Braves Greg Olson Ken Caminiti severe injuries bang-bang plays physics crash-test dummy sensors force American football padding investments players millions serious injuries treatment games Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki blocking the plate runs scoring fans favourite athletes Bruce Bochy Giants collisions dangerous injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics crash-test dummy catcher runner force American football team investments players Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics blocking the plate runs treatment games fans athletes Bruce Bochy Giants baseball rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive Talking Points Collisions dangerous injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey crashes home plate Texas Rangers Josh Hamilton Most Valuable Player American League broke arm Cleveland Indians Carlos Santana season-ending knee injury Red Sox Ryan Kalish Braves Greg Olson Ken Caminiti broken leg severe injuries bang-bang plays physics crash-test dummy sensors 18 miles per hour 3200 pounds force American football padding teams investments players millions dollars treatment missing games Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki blocking plate collisions injuries Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti physics force catcher runner American football padding investments players treatment missed games Kurt Suzuki Oakland Athletics Bruce Bochy fans baseball rules collisions injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti American League Most Valuable Player Texas Rangers Cleveland Indians Braves physics crash-test dummy force American football team investments Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki blocking the plate fan impact Bruce Bochy Giants baseball rules debate Billy Beane home plate directive Talking Points blog MercuryNews.com ESPN The Magazine ABC News Collisions injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti crash-test dummy physics baseball American football team investments player treatment missed games Kurt Suzuki fan experience Bruce Bochy baseball rules catcher collision home plate directive Billy Beane Major League Baseball sports injuries player safety bang-bang plays catcher blocking runner impact force measurement sports management athlete popularity sports economics injury prevention sports physics collision force sports medicine player value fan engagement sports Collisions injury Ray Fosse Buster Posey Josh Hamilton Carlos Santana Ryan Kalish Greg Olson Ken Caminiti American League Most Valuable Player Texas Rangers Cleveland Indians Braves Home plate Bang-bang plays Crash-test dummy Sensors Physics Force Padding Football Team investments Player salaries Treatment costs Game absences Oakland Athletics Kurt Suzuki Blocking the plate Fan experience Baseball rules Bruce Bochy San Francisco Giants ESPN ABC News MercuryNews.com Talking Points blog Buster Olney Billy Beane
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro02a	A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. A graduate tax would make university funding more sustainable  A graduate tax would potentially give universities more than they get from traditional funding, as a contribution would depend directly on a person’s salary rather than just being a flat rate fare for services rendered over a short time. For example a person earning £40,000 would pay about £125 per month. (Shepard, J. 2009) That over 20 years could amount to £30,000, more than enough to cover the costs of a university education in a way which is manageable. Admittedly that sum is based on a person rising like a rocket but it still hints at the possibilities of the tax and how it could bring in more money than simply universities rising their fees. Secondly, it would change as a person’s salary rises or falls over a twenty year period, being more sustainable and increasing the chance of the costs being recovered. Thirdly, rather than giving a person a required fee to pay it would be giving a person a chance to pay over a set time period, reducing the financial impact of the bill. graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term financing income-contingent repayment financial recovery education costs fee structure financial impact payment flexibility graduate contribution higher education finance student fees education policy funding mechanisms economic sustainability revenue generation educational investment taxpayer contribution institutional funding academic financing economic contribution salary-linked payment cost recovery financial sustainability education reform student financing economic model income-linked payment university revenue funding efficiency educational economics financial aid tuition fees economic support higher education costs payment scheme educational graduate tax university funding sustainable finance salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term funding income-contingent repayment financial recovery fee structure economic sustainability higher education finance payment over time reduced financial impact graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare financial impact cost recovery time-based payment higher education finance income-contingent repayment Shepard 2009 education economics tuition fees student debt long-term financial stability graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-linked contributions flat rate fare £40 000 salary £125 monthly payment 20-year period £30 000 total rising fees salary fluctuation financial impact set time period reduced burden graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare financial impact fee recovery long-term contribution salary changes manageable payments education costs funding possibilities reduced financial burden payment over time tax revenue university fees financial sustainability funding model higher education finance graduate tax university funding sustainable financing salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term payment earnings-linked repayment financial sustainability higher education finance flexible payment terms cost recovery income-contingent loans educational funding models university tuition fees economic impact of education student debt management equitable funding solutions graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare financial impact long-term payment salary fluctuation fee recovery equitable funding extended payment period financial burden reduction graduate tax university funding sustainable funding salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term financial impact income-dependent payment reduced financial burden funding recovery salary fluctuation educational cost coverage financial sustainability higher education finance equitable funding model graduate tax university funding sustainable finance salary-based contribution flat rate fare long-term funding financial sustainability manageable payments income-contingent repayment education costs fee recovery reduced financial impact graduate tax university funding sustainable financing income-based repayment salary-linked contributions education funding models higher education finance long-term financial planning equitable payment systems economic impact of education student debt management financial sustainability in education
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro03a	Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: Terrorism can bring attention  Terrorism can raise the profile of a neglected cause. The hi-jackings of the 1970s and 1980s brought publicity to the Palestinian cause, helping to bring it to the attention of the world. [1] States can use their wealth and media to put across their side of the story; their opponents do not have these resources and perhaps need to resort to terrorism to publicise their cause. In this way, limited and focused use of violence can have a dramatic international impact.  [1] Tristam, P. (n.d.). The 1970 Palestinian Hijackings of Three Jets to Jordan. Retrieved August 3, 2011, from About.com: terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world attention states wealth media resources opponents resort terrorism publicize cause limited use focused violence dramatic impact international impact Tristam 1970 Palestinian Hijackings About.com Terrorism publicity Palestinian cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s international attention media influence state resources violence impact terrorism justification neglected issues global awareness political violence media coverage non-state actors violent protests public opinion international relations conflict resolution Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause publicity world attention states wealth media opponents resources resort terrorism publicize limited violence focused violence international impact terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention states wealth media resources opponents resort terrorism publicise limited use violence dramatic impact international 1970 Palestinian Hijackings Jordan Tristam About.com Terrorism attention profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity States wealth media opponents resources violence international impact Tristam 1970 Palestinian Hijackings Jordan jets About.com terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity states wealth media opponents resort violence dramatic international impact Tristam 1970 Palestinian Hijackings Jordan jets terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hijackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world attention states wealth media opponents resources violence dramatic impact international 1970 Palestinian hijackings Jordan Tristam About.com terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity world states wealth media resources opponents resort publicise limited focused violence dramatic international impact terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian cause world attention states wealth media story opponents resources resort terrorism publicise limited use violence dramatic impact international impact Tristam 1970 Palestinian Hijackings Jordan About.com Terrorism attention raise profile neglected cause hi-jackings 1970s 1980s Palestinian publicity states wealth media resources opponents resort violence dramatic international impact Tristam About.com
test-international-appghblsba-pro01a	Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation will allow the free movement of Basotho people, goods and services  For the Basotho in a landlocked country the free movement of their people is a right that is in large part dependent on the South African (SA) government rather their own national one. Its importance is shown by 40% of border crossings into South Africa being from Lesotho. Acknowledging the fact that Lesotho is an enclave state surrounded by SA, the ability of people to move freely depends on whether they are allowed to enter SA or not. There is corruption at border posts and the number of crossings results in long queues and slow service; 63% of border crossers experience problems. [1] This is sometimes made even more difficult by SA government actions as before the World Cup in 2010 when border restrictions were tightened making it almost impossible for Basotho to leave their country. [2] This happened due to the detention of several Lesotho nationals after a spate of criminal activities along the border.  The same situation applies to trade. Lesotho is dependent on the trade with South Africa, even for goods that come from beyond South Africa as Lesotho has no port of its own most goods will have to be transported through South Africa. This dependency is rising. In 1980, Lesotho produced 80% of the cereals it consumed. Now it imports 70%. [3] Annexation would eliminate these borders boosting trade between the countries, helping to make both richer. In the best interest of Basotho is to be able to control and be listened to by the entity that is metaphorically and literally feeding them.  [1] Crush, Jonathan, ‘The border within: The future of the Lesotho-South African international boundary’, Migration Policy Series No.26,   [2] Patel, Khadija, Lesotho and South Africa: ‘Good fences make good neighbours’, 19 April 2013,   [3] Smith, Alex Duval, ‘Lesotho's people plead with South Africa to annex their troubled country’, theguardian.com, 6 June 2010 Annexation free movement Basotho people goods and services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade dependency Lesotho-South Africa cereals imports economic benefits political control international boundary good fences troubled country annexation free movement Basotho people goods and services landlocked country South African government border crossings enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade dependency port cereal imports economic benefit control national rights Lesotho-South African boundary international relations migration policy good governance economic integration regional cooperation trade barriers border management economic development Basotho nationals criminal activities smuggling economic security political stability international relations annexation benefits economic partnership cultural exchange annexation Basotho free movement Lesotho South Africa border crossings corruption trade economic dependency cereals import World Cup 2010 border restrictions Lesotho-South African relations migration policy enclave state port dependency economic integration political control national rights border problems queue service inefficiency criminal activities Lesotho nationals detention international boundary good fences troubled country annexation benefits cross-border trade economic growth political listening metaphorical feeding literal feeding migration border posts national government South African Annexation free movement Basotho people goods and services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade port cereals dependency economic benefits control governance annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade dependency port cereals imports economic benefits control governance annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked country South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service border restrictions World Cup 2010 criminal activities trade dependency port cereals imports economic benefit control governance international boundary good fences troubled country annexation free movement Basotho people Lesotho South Africa border crossings enclave state corruption border posts trade dependency cereals import economic benefits control governance international boundary criminal activities World Cup 2010 Lesotho nationals detention long queues slow service border restrictions trade barriers economic integration port transportation migration policy international relations annexation benefits national rights economic development livelihood Basotho community regional cooperation political stability security economic security food security economic dependency economic partnership annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked Lesotho South African government border crossings corruption long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions criminal activities trade dependency port cereals import economic benefit control governance international boundary Lesotho-South Africa good fences troubled country annexation interest annexation free movement Basotho people goods services landlocked South African government border crossings Lesotho enclave state corruption border posts long queues slow service World Cup 2010 border restrictions trade port cereals imports economic benefits control entity feeding good neighbors international boundary criminal activities detention dependency rising annexation benefits economic integration policy migration international relations trade barriers regional cooperation economic development political stability border management South Africa-Lesotho relations cross-border issues annexation free movement Basotho Lesotho South Africa border crossings corruption trade economic dependency import cereals port immigration policy border restrictions criminal activities World Cup 2010 economic benefits national control enclave state landlocked country
test-sport-otshwbe2uuyt-pro01a	Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Europe must not give approval to this regime.  Viktor Yanukovych fairly came to power in 2010 however since then he has set about attacking the country’s fragile democracy. There are numerous cases showing this democratic decline. For example changes to the constitution that occurred after the Orange revolution have been rolled back to give more power to the presidency. [1] Most visibly opponents of the regime such as Yulia Timoshenko have been jailed in politically motivated trials. At the same time there have been attacks on the freedom of the media and Ukraine has fallen down rankings of press freedom in 2010-11 with its score from freedom house falling from 56 to 59 with its ranking falling to 130th. [2]  Ukraine, like its neighbours Russia and Belarus, has become a ‘virtual mafia state’ where the SBU (Ukraine’s successor to the KGB) is all powerful and the elite are unaccountable. [3] It is becoming more and more corrupt as is shown by its fall down the Corruption Perceptions Index from 118th in 2007 to 152nd in 2011. [4] Ukraine is clearly going in the wrong direction and European leaders need to stand up and show that the will not allow this to continue.  [1] Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, ‘2010 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Report’, U.S. Department of State, 8 April 2011.  [2] Karlekar, Karin Deutsch and Dunham, Jennifer, ‘Press Freedom in 2011: Breakthroughs and Pushback in the Middle East’, Freedom House, 2012, pp.7, 16.  [3] Luzio, Taras, ‘Ukraine, Like Russia, Is Becoming a ‘Virtual Mafia State’’, Atlantic Council, 1 March 2012.  [4] Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 , Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 . Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Ukrainian democracy constitutional changes Orange Revolution press freedom Freedom House SBU corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leadership political trials media attacks virtual mafia state Ukrainian elites accountability human rights Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitution Orange Revolution presidential power political opposition Yulia Timoshenko media freedom press freedom Freedom House SBU KGB virtual mafia state corruption Corruption Perceptions Index human rights Atlantic Council Transparency International Viktor Yanukovych Yulia Timoshenko Orange Revolution constitutional changes presidential power political imprisonment media freedom press freedom rankings Freedom House corruption Corruption Perceptions Index Transparency International SBU KGB virtual mafia state European leaders human rights democracy decline political opposition judicial system accountability elite power political trials Ukraine politics Eastern European politics democracy authoritarianism political repression civil liberties freedom of expression international relations European Union foreign policy geopolitical tensions Russian influence Belarus political reforms governance political stability democratic backsl Viktor Yanukovych Ukraine democracy decline constitution changes Yulia Timoshenko political trials media freedom decline Freedom House ranking SBU power corruption increase Transparency International European leaders response virtual mafia state unaccountable elite human rights report press freedom political corruption democracy rollback European disapproval authoritarian regime Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power 2010 democracy constitution Orange revolution presidency Yulia Timoshenko jailed politically motivated media freedom press freedom Freedom House virtual mafia state SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights Freedom House report Transparency International Atlantic Council accountability elite corruption trends political opposition media attacks democratic decline political prisoners press rankings governance issues international reaction European stance democratic backsliding constitutional changes political repression media censorship corruption Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych power democracy constitution Orange revolution Yulia Timoshenko media freedom press freedom SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights political prisoners judiciary independence civil liberties Europe approval regime Viktor Yanukovych democratic decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko political trials press freedom Freedom House SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index Transparency International virtual mafia state unaccountable elite European leaders human rights media freedom judicial independence political oppression civil liberties Viktor Yanukovych 2010 election democratic decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko politically motivated trials media freedom Freedom House press freedom ranking SBU KGB corruption Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights Atlantic Council Europe Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych democracy constitution Yulia Timoshenko media freedom SBU corruption Transparency International Freedom House press freedom political trials human rights European leaders Mafia state Belarus Russia Corruption Perceptions Index Orange Revolution Viktor Yanukovych 2010 election democratic decline constitutional changes Orange Revolution Yulia Timoshenko political trials media freedom Freedom House press freedom rankings SBU KGB corruption Corruption Perceptions Index European leaders human rights political repression Ukraine Russia Belarus virtual mafia state accountability transparency political opposition press freedom decline democratic backsliding international response European Union democracy support human rights violations political prisoners civil liberties freedom of expression political accountability governance authoritarianism EuroMaidan international
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro02a	Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ Savings can be used in other sections of medical care  The decreased cost of pharmaceuticals allows African states to focus on other aspects of medical schemes. Pharmaceuticals are not the only aspect in treatment, there needs to be sufficient staff, medical equipment and infrastructure [1] . These requirements cost money, which the savings made on pharmaceuticals provide. In Europe, 50% of dispensed medicines are generic yet they cost only 18% of pharmaceutical expenditure, with a similar model predicted for South Africa. This allows the state to focus on other aspects of medical schemes [2] .  [1] Ibid  [2] Health24, ‘South Africans embrace generic meds’ savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes sufficient staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa state focus health care aspects savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24 generic meds savings medical care decreased cost pharmaceuticals African states medical schemes staff medical equipment infrastructure generic medicines pharmaceutical expenditure South Africa Health24
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro03a	"Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey joining the EU would help the international fight against terrorism  Turkey is a key geo-political strategic ally to the West and should be integrated fully in order to ensure its continued cooperation. ""Turkey is a secular Muslim democracy and a crucial ally for the West. The eastern flank of NATO, straddling Europe and Asia, it played a critical role in containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War. In the 1990s, it helped monitor Saddam Hussein and protect Iraqi Kurds by permitting U.S. warplanes to use its bases. After the September 11, 2001, attacks, it became a staging area for coalition forces in Afghanistan, where Turkish forces eventually assumed overall command of the International Stabilization Force. Turkey continues to be a pivotal partner in the fight against al Qaeda and other terrorist groups, despite attacks by radical Islamists at home."" [1]  [1]  ‘Turkey’s Dreams of Accession’ by David Phillips, Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs 2004 Turkey EU international terrorism geopolitical ally West integration cooperation secular Muslim democracy NATO strategic Cold War Soviet Union Iraq Kurds September 11 2001 Afghanistan coalition International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey EU terrorism geo-political ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 Afghanistan coalition forces International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey EU membership international terrorism geopolitical ally Western integration secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Soviet Union containment Saddam Hussein monitoring Iraqi Kurds protection September 11 attacks coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey’s Dreams of Accession Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Cold War Soviet Union 1990s Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 Afghanistan coalition forces International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists Turkey EU membership international terrorism strategic ally Western integration secular democracy NATO geo-political importance Cold War Soviet Union Middle East Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds 9/11 Afghanistan coalition forces International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey EU international fight terrorism geo-political strategic ally West integration cooperation secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Europe Asia Cold War Soviet Union 1990s Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists home David Phillips Foreign Affairs September/October 2004 Turkey’s Dreams of Accession Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West integration cooperation secular Muslim democracy NATO eastern flank Cold War Soviet Union 1990s Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey’s Dreams of Accession Turkey EU international terrorism geo-political strategic ally West secular Muslim democracy NATO Europe Asia Soviet Union Cold War Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds U.S. warplanes September 11 2001 coalition forces Afghanistan International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists accession David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey EU terrorism geo-political ally West NATO Cold War Soviet Union Saddam Hussein Iraqi Kurds September 11 2001 Afghanistan coalition forces International Stabilization Force al Qaeda terrorist groups radical Islamists David Phillips Foreign Affairs Turkey’s Dreams of Accession"
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro01a	Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, Radical action needed for racial equality in South Africa  It is plain for all to see how unrepresentative rugby union in South Africa is. While there is not necessarily a deliberate policy of racism, it is very easy for biases to creep in. Across the division where the quotas will come in only about 6% of players are black, a number that should increase to 33%. [1] Quotas could help concentrate the mind to ensure that the best team is picked.  At grass roots level, there have been some cases of flat-out racial abuse of non-white players, including using racial terms that are particularly offensive in a South African context.  [1] Peacock, James, ‘Peter de Villiers says racial quotas are ‘waste of time’, BBC Sport, 15 August 2013, racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas bias racial abuse grass roots Peter de Villiers racial quotas sport policy diversity inclusion racial terms offensive language discrimination athletic selection team composition social change sports governance racial equality rugby union South Africa player representation racial quotas grassroots rugby racial abuse Peter de Villiers policy of racism biases team selection offensive racial terms racial equality South Africa rugby union representation bias quotas grassroots racial abuse Peter de Villiers BBC Sport sports policy diversity inclusion athletic representation anti-racism sports administration player demographics social justice sports reform racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas racial bias grass roots racial abuse non-white players Peter de Villiers BBC Sport waste of time policy of racism best team player selection offensive terms racial terms South African context unrepresentative teams deliberate policy biases division player demographics increase representation improve diversity sport and race racial quotas concentrate the mind flat-out abuse sport policies racial equality in sports inclusive policies sport representation racial diversity sports and society racial issues in sports racial inequality sports quotas sport and radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union unrepresentative quotas biases black players racial abuse grass roots offensive terms Peter de Villiers waste of time BBC Sport racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas racial bias grass roots racial abuse Peter de Villiers BBC Sport Radical action racial equality South Africa rugby union unrepresentative biases quotas player representation grass roots racial abuse offensive terms Peter de Villiers racial quotas waste of time racial equality South Africa rugby union representation biases quotas player demographics grass roots racial abuse non-white players offensive terms Peter de Villiers BBC Sport racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas bias grassroots racial abuse Peter de Villiers BBC Sport racial equality South Africa rugby union representation quotas biases racial abuse grass roots Peter de Villiers BBC Sport racial terms policy diversity sports governance athlete selection anti-racism inclusion historical context transformation
test-science-eassgbatj-con03a	Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. Testing is needed for really new drugs  The real benefit of animal testing is making totally new drugs, which is about a quarter of them. After non-animal and then animal tests, it will be tested on humans. The reason why the risk is low (but not non-existent) for these brave volunteers, is because of the animal tests.  These new chemicals are the ones most likely to produce improvements to people’s lives, because they are new. You couldn’t do research on these new drugs without either animal testing or putting humans at a much higher risk. animal testing new drugs human volunteers drug development non-animal testing drug research chemical testing pharmaceutical testing medical volunteers pharmaceutical research drug safety risk assessment animal ethics human ethics drug efficacy clinical trials preclinical testing drug innovation medical advancements patient safety animal testing new drugs human trials non-animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research clinical trials drug safety medical advancements risk assessment volunteer safety chemical testing drug innovation regulatory requirements ethical considerations animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal tests drug research pharmaceutical development safety testing clinical trials chemical compounds medical advancements risk assessment drug discovery ethical considerations human health benefits toxicology studies animal testing new drugs human volunteers drug development non-animal tests pharmaceutical research drug safety medical advancements chemical testing human risk animal ethics pharmaceutical innovation new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human trials drug development risk assessment medical advancements chemical compounds research methods patient safety new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human testing drug development risk assessment chemical research pharmaceutical innovation ethical considerations human volunteers drug safety medical advancements research methods testing alternatives drug efficacy new drugs animal testing non-animal tests human volunteers chemical research drug development pharmaceutical testing clinical trials medical advancements risk assessment human safety ethical considerations drug efficacy innovative treatments pharmaceutical research animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal tests drug development chemical compounds medical research risk assessment pharmaceuticals clinical trials drug efficacy patient safety animal alternatives research ethics drug discovery therapeutic advances human health pharmaceutical innovation preclinical testing safety evaluation animal testing human volunteers drug development non-animal testing new chemicals pharmaceutical research clinical trials drug safety medical advancements risk assessment animal testing new drugs human volunteers non-animal tests drug research chemical improvements human risk drug development pharmaceutical testing innovation in medicine
test-politics-oapghwliva-pro01a	The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 The present system of earmarking in Congress is wide open to abuse. The party leaderships in each house can use the offer of pork, or the threat to withhold it to enforce party discipline. “Logrolling” occurs whereby an earmark is obtained in return for support on an unrelated piece of legislation. All this leads to legislators who put party above country and vote for bad legislation in pursuit of their own vested interest. They basically “are federal dollars that members of Congress dole out to favor seekers — often campaign donors. In the process, lawmakers advocate for the companies, helping them bypass the normal system of evaluation and competition.”1Forcing pork out in the open by making Congress vote to defend it after a Presidential line-item veto is the best way to remedy matters. Overall the President is more accountable to the people as a whole than individual representatives, and with their national mandate, more able to stand up to powerful interest groups.  1 David Heath and Hal Bernton, $4.5 million for a boat that nobody wanted, The Seattle Times, 15/10/07 , accessed 5/5/11 earmark pork congressional abuse party discipline logrolling bad legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition presidential line-item veto national mandate interest groups accountability Seattle Times David Heath Hal Bernton earmarking Congress abuse party leadership pork party discipline logrolling legislators country bad legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors lawmakers companies evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmarking abuse party leadership pork logrolling party discipline vested interest campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups national mandate earmark abuse party discipline logrolling pork barrel bad legislation vested interests federal dollars campaign donors bypass evaluation competition presidential line-item veto accountability national mandate interest groups public transparency legislative reform congressional voting executive power budget oversight democratic process earmarking Congress abuse party discipline logrolling pork vested interest campaign donors federal dollars evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups national mandate public scrutiny legislative process federal spending political favors government transparency earmarking Congress abuse party leadership pork party discipline logrolling bad legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups national mandate earmark pork party discipline logrolling vested interest campaign donors line-item veto presidential power accountability interest groups legislative process public scrutiny corruption government spending political influence oversight transparency federal dollars evaluation competition national mandate individual representatives Abuse Transparency Accountability Reform Congressional practices Legislative tactics Political favors Public interest Policy effectiveness Government ethics Fiscal responsibility Executive authority Legislative approval Special interests Citizen oversight Democratic principles Funding allocation Political bargaining Representation Voter trust Institutional integrity earmarking Congressional abuse party leadership pork party discipline logrolling bad legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition Presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmarking Congress abuse party discipline logrolling bad legislation vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition presidential line-item veto accountability interest groups David Heath Hal Bernton Seattle Times earmarking pork party discipline logrolling vested interest federal dollars campaign donors evaluation competition line-item veto presidential power national mandate interest groups accountability public benefit legislative ethics government transparency political accountability budget process legislative reform congressional oversight fiscal responsibility public policy democratic process corruption lobbying legislative strategy political influence government spending public trust legislative integrity
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro05a	Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. Communities should have a say in what is taught in schools, and many communities want to teach creationism.  Society is made up of communities with their own views on politics, religion, education, etc. School boards should be able to set curriculum based on the desires of the public, not just on what the scientific elites command to be taught. Children deserve to hear that their beliefs and those of their community are respected in the classroom. This is why Creationism, a belief held to varying extents in many countries, should be taught in the classroom. This is particularly true in the United States, where in several states the majority of people does not accept evolution, but have instead adopted Creationism, considering the evidence for the latter to be more convincing. [1] In a poll in 2009 a majority (57%) said that creationism should be taught in schools either without evolution or alongside it. [2] The teaching of Creationism should not be taught exclusively, but should share time with other prevailing theories, particularly those of evolution and abiogenesis. Furthermore, evolution taught exclusively threatens religious belief, telling children they are no more than animals and lack the spark of grace given by God. It is important for social stability that schools are allowed to teach what communities believe to be true.  [1] Goodstein, Laurie. 2005. “Teaching of Creationism is Endorsed in New Survey”. New York Times.  [2] HarrisInteractive. 2009. “No Consensus, and Much Confusion, on Evolution and the Origin of Species.” BBC World News America/The Harris Poll, 18th February, 2009. creationism evolution education school boards curriculum community values religious beliefs social stability scientific elites children's beliefs classroom respect abiogenesis poll results United States state beliefs teaching methods religious view animal comparison divine creation public opinion societal views educational policy teaching theories scientific theories community input religious freedom educational reform social dynamics cultural differences academic diversity pedagogical approaches scientific community moral education ethical considerations educational equity democratic values intellectual diversity critical thinking student engagement parental rights civic participation curriculum development educational standards creationism evolution education school boards community values religious beliefs curriculum scientific elites children respect social stability abiogenesis poll United States states religious belief animals spark of grace teaching consensus confusion origin of species New York Times Harris Poll BBC World News America creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs science education social stability school boards public opinion teaching theories abiogenesis religious freedom educational policy scientific elites cultural beliefs United States local control poll data teaching methods minority views majority views alternative theories religious education scientific education belief systems classroom respect educational diversity community input educational debate moral education scientific consensus societal views educational authority teaching practices academic freedom educational reform public desires curriculum development societal norms community representation educational standards religious views scientific views communities say school curriculum creationism education religious beliefs science evolution school boards public opinion children respect classroom social stability United States poll 2009 scientific elites theories abiogenesis religious belief animals spark of grace God teaching community views politics religion creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs scientific elites school boards public opinion social stability educational theories abiogenesis religious education student beliefs community influence teaching methods United States poll data HarrisInteractive New York Times educational policy societal views scientific education religious freedom cultural perspectives educational diversity academic freedom creationism evolution school curriculum community views religious beliefs scientific elites school boards public desires classroom respect social stability abiogenesis poll data HarrisInteractive Goodstein Laurie New York Times religious education teaching methods educational policy United States state beliefs scientific theories creation science educational diversity student beliefs community influence teaching evolution social impact academic freedom educational content religious freedom scientific consensus public opinion education reform ethical considerations curriculum development religious instruction scientific education community standards educational values teaching practices educational philosophy school governance Creation creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs scientific elites public opinion school boards educational policies social stability teaching methods abiogenesis Harris Poll New York Times religious education scientific theories classroom instruction belief systems United States state-level views creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs education policy scientific elites school boards public opinion social stability religious freedom teaching methods abiogenesis United States poll data Harris Interactive New York Times Laurie Goodstein classroom teaching student beliefs creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs education policy school boards public opinion scientific consensus social stability religious education teaching methods student beliefs abiogenesis poll data United States state views classroom instruction scientific elites religious freedom creationism evolution school curriculum community values religious beliefs scientific elites social stability school boards abiogenesis public opinion teaching methods religious education polls United States scientific theories community say education policy religious views political views social views
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro04a	Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 Being vegetarian reduces risks of food poisoning  Almost all dangerous types of food poisoning are passed on through meat or eggs. So Campylobacter bacteria, the most common cause of food poisoning in England, are usually found in raw meat and poultry, unpasteurised milk and untreated water. Salmonella come from raw meat, poultry and dairy products and most cases of escherichia coli (E-Coli) food poisoning occur after eating undercooked beef or drinking unpasteurised milk. [1]  Close contact between humans and animals also leads to zoonosis – diseases such as bird ‘flu which can be passed on from animals to humans. Using animal brains in the processed feed for livestock led to BSE in cattle and to CJD in humans who ate beef from infected cows.  [1] Causes of food poisoning, nhs.co.uk, 23rd June 2009 vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water dairy products undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD livestock processed feed cattle humans vegetarian risks food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter bacteria England raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products escherichia coli E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu animals BSE cattle CJD humans livestock processed feed vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water dairy products zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD livestock processed feed beef humans causes NHS vegetarian diet food safety meat alternatives Campylobacter bacteria raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk Salmonella E-Coli zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD human-animal contact processed feed livestock health vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter bacteria raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD livestock processed feed cattle humans vegetarian reduces food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter bacteria raw poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy escherichia coli E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu animals humans BSE cattle CJD processed feed livestock infected cows vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter bacteria raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD cattle humans processed feed livestock vegetarian reduces food poisoning risks Campylobacter bacteria Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry dairy products unpasteurised milk untreated water zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD livestock processed feed cattle humans undercooked beef vegetarian food poisoning meat eggs Campylobacter raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water Salmonella dairy products E-Coli undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD livestock processed feed cattle humans vegetarian food poisoning Campylobacter Salmonella E-Coli raw meat poultry unpasteurised milk untreated water dairy products undercooked beef zoonosis bird flu BSE CJD processed feed livestock cattle humans beef infected cows nhs.co.uk causes risks health microbes contamination safety diet prevention transmission public health epidemiology vegetarianism animal products meat alternatives plant-based nutrition foodborne illness health benefits environmental impact humane treatment zoonotic diseases meat
test-education-ufsdfkhbwu-con03a	Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 Universities should exchange ideas not impose them  Of all possible institutions, for a university to suggest that it is not open to defending its ideas rather than insisting that they be artificially imported seems counter-intuitive. As Asian and European intellectual traditions increasingly interact as a result of economic interaction there are going to be clashes between and attempts to integrate the Confucian and Socratic approaches [i] . Part of that is the relationship between academia and the state. Western institutions seeking to establish themselves as a presence in Asia should at least be open to the idea that a different approach may have something to offer. After all a willingness to accept new ideas and attitudes is key to the ethic of any university – the assumption that such an exchange would only flow in one direction is astonishingly arrogant.  [i] This is true at every level, including simple things such as the approach taken by students to their studies. Inevitably, universities have responded to these in different ways in the two traditions.  Paton, Michael, ‘Asian Students, Critical Thinking and English as an Academic Lingua Franca’, Analytic teaching and philosophical praxis, Vol.32, No.1, pp.27-39 p.28 universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state critical thinking academic lingua franca cultural interaction educational approaches academic freedom intellectual exchange academic traditions university autonomy higher education international education academic dialogue intellectual arrogance cross-cultural understanding academic integration Asian students Western institutions academic practices educational philosophy academic ethics learning attitudes academic presence international academia intellectual diversity academic openness academic exchange academic interaction cultural clashes educational integration academic innovation academic cooperation academic collaboration educational methods academic environments academic policies university exchange ideas impose intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia critical thinking academic lingua franca students studies Paton Michael analytic teaching philosophical praxis universities idea exchange academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia-state relationship Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic ethic critical thinking educational approaches cultural interaction academic lingua franca student studies tradition integration intellectual clashes educational philosophy university exchange idea sharing academic openness cultural integration Confucian Socratic dialogue academic state relationship intellectual tradition interaction educational approach differences critical thinking adaptation academic lingua franca universities idea exchange intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic lingua franca critical thinking student approaches cultural integration academic ethics intellectual arrogance economic interaction academic traditions Paton Michael university exchange idea imposition academic openness Confucian Socratic integration academia state relationship Western presence in Asia intellectual exchange academic arrogance student study approaches Paton Michael Asian students critical thinking English academic lingua franca universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asia new ideas attitudes academic ethic critical thinking English academic lingua franca student approaches cultural interaction academic traditions educational philosophy universities exchange ideas impose ideas intellectual traditions Confucian Socratic academia state Western institutions Asian presence new ideas academic exchange critical thinking educational approaches cultural integration academic freedom intellectual diversity academic dialogue academic ethics academic lingua franca educational clash intellectual arrogance academic openness student studies academic tradition Paton Michael university exchange idea imposition academic openness intellectual traditions Confucian approach Socratic approach academia-state relationship Western institutions in Asia new ideas acceptance academic lingua franca critical thinking student study approaches cultural integration academic arrogance intellectual exchange academic presence educational interaction academic clash academic integration intellectual arrogance academic openness ethics academic dialogue cross-cultural education academic diversity international education academic freedom intellectual flexibility university exchange idea sharing academic openness cultural integration Confucian Socratic interaction academic state relationship intellectual traditions critical thinking academic lingua franca educational approaches Paton Michael Asian students Western institutions academic arrogance knowledge exchange educational methodologies intercultural education university presence intellectual exchange academic diversification educational philosophy
test-law-lghbacpsba-con01a	It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. It supports the principle that everyone is entitled to a defence  In criminal, civil or commercial matters, it is important that everyone has equal access to the law. This ensures a fair and just system. In order to facilitate this principle, even those in the wrong need to know that what they say to their legal representative will not be used against them at a later date. It is this principle that provides equality in the court room and therefore the principle of client attorney privilege needs to be maintained. principle defence criminal civil commercial matters equal access law fair just system wrong legal representative client attorney privilege equality courtroom confidentiality legal representation justice rights protection legal system advocate solicitor barrister lawyer ethical duty trust communication legal advice judicial integrity rule of law human rights legal ethics professional conduct judicial system advocacy legal principles judicial fairness legal protection procedural fairness legal confidentiality judicial protection legal privilege fair trial legal assistance legal representation rights client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters legal entitlement defense rights confidentiality in legal proceedings client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters legal defense confidentiality principle of equality courtroom equality legal rights legal entitlement legal privilege attorney-client confidentiality client attorney privilege equal access to law fair and just system legal representation criminal matters civil matters commercial matters privilege maintenance confidentiality in legal proceedings legal equality principle defence criminal civil commercial matters equal access law fair just system client attorney privilege confidentiality equity courtroom legal representation rights justice protection communication trust safeguard integrity legal system advocacy protection advocacy due process rule law legal ethics professional responsibility confidentiality professional conduct legal principles judicial system advocate legal assistance protection legal privacy legal standards procedural fairness judicial principles legal norms legal framework client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence entitlement legal confidentiality courtroom equality client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal law civil law commercial law defense rights legal confidentiality privilege maintenance courtroom equality legal principles attorney-client communication legal entitlement procedural fairness client attorney privilege equal access to law legal representation fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defense entitlement legal privilege confidentiality in legal proceedings courtroom equality client attorney privilege equal access to law legal representation fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters principle of defense confidentiality in legal proceedings equality in courtroom legal entitlement legal protection attorney-client communication legal rights judicial fairness legal ethics legal principles legal equality legal defense rights client attorney privilege legal representation equal access to law fair and just system criminal matters civil matters commercial matters defence rights legal confidentiality principle of equality
test-education-pstrgsehwt-pro04a	Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism is as valid a scientific theory as those of evolution and abiogenesis, and should therefore be given equal time in the classroom.  Creationism can be drawn as an entirely reasonable scientific hypothesis, and it forms a coherent theory of the origin and development of life that opposes the naturalist theories of abiogenesis and evolution. Abiogenesis describes the development of life from nonliving materials and evolution seeks to explain the development and diversity of life through a gradual process of mutation and natural selection, yet no one has ever demonstrated either process sufficiently in the laboratory. In the case of abiogenesis, all experiments to create an environment similar to the supposed prebiotic soup whence life first sprang have resulted in no new life forming. In the case of evolution, evolutionists consistently fail to show the development of new kinds of organisms [1] . While there is no doubt that some change occurs within species, such as the breeding of wolves into dogs, it appears to happen only within certain limited bounds. Certainly no experiment or study has shown evolution to be capable of explaining such huge diversity in the world of living things. Creationism, on the other hand, offers the explanation that abiogenesis and evolution cannot. The diversity of life and its origin are rationally explicable as the product of intelligent agency. This is not a statement of religious belief, but of scientific observation. Describing the nature of the designer, however, is another question all together, one that need not be answered in order to accept that there is such a designer.  [1] Wells, Jonathan. 2009. “Why Darwinism is False”. Discovery Institute. Creationism evolution abiogenesis natural selection prebiotic soup mutation scientific theory intelligent design origin of life diversity of life scientific hypothesis classroom instruction naturalist theories Jonathan Wells Darwinism experimental evidence laboratory demonstration species change breeding limits of evolution scientific observation Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life formation development of new organisms species change breeding diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation Jonathan Wells Discovery Institute Darwinism Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories prebiotic soup mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration species diversity intelligent agency scientific observation Jonathan Wells Darwinism origins of life biological development nonliving materials organism development experimental results life formation religious belief designer nature educational content scientific validity theoretical opposition biological change mutation evidence natural selection evidence life origins intelligent design scientific explanation life diversity experimental science creation hypothesis educational equality scientific debate academic discussion scientific method biological theories creation science evolution creationism scientific theory evolution abiogenesis classroom scientific hypothesis origin of life naturalist theories development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup experimental failure species change limited bounds diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom naturalist theories origin of life development of life prebiotic soup mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration new kinds of organisms species change diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation religious belief designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom naturalist theories origin of life development of life mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration prebiotic soup new life formation new kinds of organisms species change diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Discovery Institute Creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theories classroom education naturalist theories origin of life development of life nonliving materials mutation natural selection laboratory experiments prebiotic soup new life formation species change diversity of life intelligent agency scientific observation designer religious belief Jonathan Wells Darwinism creationism evolution abiogenesis natural selection scientific theory classroom education intelligent design origin of life biodiversity mutation prebiotic soup experimental evidence Darwinism scientific observation paranormal pseudoscience empirical evidence life development naturalism supernatural philosophical perspectives educational curriculum scientific method falsifiability peer review scientific consensus hypothesis testing reproducibility academic debate scientific theories biological evolution creation science Intelligent Design Theory laboratory experiments prehistoric life molecular biology fossil record genetic variation ecological niches evolutionary biology scientific revolution critique creationism evolution abiogenesis scientific theory classroom education naturalist theories prebiotic soup mutation natural selection laboratory demonstration species change intelligent design diversity of life scientific observation designer Jonathan Wells Darwinism Creationism Evolution Abiogenesis Scientific theory Classroom education Intelligent design Natural selection Prebiotic soup Mutation Species diversity Experimental evidence Darwinism Jonathan Wells Discovery Institute
test-health-ahiahbgbsp-pro02a	Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, Reduce smoking  A ban on smoking in public places would help reduce the rates of people smoking, by making it appear socially unusual – people will have to leave enclosed public places to smoke, each time they want to smoke. This is particularly important in Africa which is at an early stage of the tobacco epidemic where it can be prevented from ever coming to be seen as being normal.  The ban both through the new obstacle and the change in norms could reduce smoking rates. In England, nine months after such a ban, the fall in smoking rates (such as with much of the Global North) accelerated 1 - it has been claimed by up to 400,000.  1 Daily Mail Reporter, “Smoking ban spurs 400,000 people to quit the habit”, Daily Mail, 4 July 2008, public health tobacco control smoking cessation social norms public policy health promotion tobacco epidemic Africa smoking ban England smoking rates behavior change public places tobacco use health behavior quit smoking smoking habits social acceptance environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke legislative measures preventive health smoking prevalence health impact tobacco legislation societal norms health outcomes population health smoking reduction public health interventions smoking-related diseases tobacco industry youth smoking community health public awareness health education smoke-free environments lung health cardiovascular health cancer prevention respiratory health health surveillance smoking reduction public smoking ban social norms tobacco epidemic smoking rates England smoking ban health policy tobacco control public health intervention smoking cessation reduce smoking smoking ban public places social norms tobacco epidemic Africa England smoking rates quit smoking health policy public health tobacco control social behavior smoking restrictions non-smoking areas global north tobacco prevention behavioral change public health interventions reduce smoking public places smoking ban social norms and smoking tobacco epidemic in Africa smoking rates reduction England smoking ban smoking cessation health policy public health intervention tobacco control reduce smoking public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic Africa smoking rates England smoking ban quit smoking Global North public health tobacco control non-smoking areas health policy behavioral change societal attitudes smoking prevention epidemiology health outcomes legislative measures public smoking ban reduce smoking rates social norms tobacco epidemic africa smoking rates england smoking ban smoking reduction public health policy tobacco control non-smoking areas smoking cessation global north smoking trends tobacco usage decline smoke-free legislation public place smoking restrictions health behavior change policy impact on smoking ban effectiveness smoker behavior preventative health measures smoking reduction public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic Africa prevention smoking obstacles England case study post-ban statistics quit rates public health intervention social behavior change tobacco control policies non-smoking areas secondhand smoke reduction health awareness campaigns reduce smoking public places ban social norms tobacco epidemic prevention Africa smoking rates England smoking ban quit smoking public health tobacco control policy impact behavior change health promotion legislative measures smoking cessation environmental tobacco smoke secondhand smoke public health intervention public health tobacco control smoking cessation social norms tobacco epidemic smoking ban reduction in smoking rates England smoking ban Africa tobacco prevention public places smoking smoker behavior anti-smoking policies health policy global smoking trends Smoking ban public places reduce smoking rates social norms tobacco epidemic Africa England smoking reduction health policy public health intervention smoking cessation behavioral change Global North tobacco control
test-health-dhiacihwph-pro04a	Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ Unfair to apply same patent laws universally  It is unrealistic to expect poorer countries, such as those in Africa, to pay the same price as the developed world’s markets. Current patent laws for many countries dictate that prices for buying patented drugs should be universally the same. This makes it extremely difficult for African countries to purchase pharmaceuticals set at the market price of developed countries. In the US there are nine patented drugs which cost in excess of $200,000 [1] . To expect developing African states to afford this price is unfair and reinforces the exploitative relationship between the developed and developing world. Generic drugs escape this problem due to their universally low prices.  [1] Herper,M. ‘The World’s Most Expensive Drugs’ patent laws universal pricing developing countries Africa pharmaceuticals drug prices developed world market price unfair application generic drugs cost disparity exploitation healthcare inequality patent regulations international trade drug affordability pharmaceutical industry economic disparity global health policy intellectual property rights patent laws pharmaceutical pricing global health equity drug affordability developing countries African healthcare generic drugs market price disparities international patent regulations healthcare economics developed vs developing world pharmaceutical industry unfair pricing practices drug accessibility global pharmaceutical market patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug affordability generic drugs market price developed countries unfair pricing healthcare inequality economic disparity patented drugs high drug costs exploitation global health access to medicine Herper most expensive drugs patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug affordability market price developed world generic drugs price disparity healthcare access economic disparity exploitation Herper expensive drugs $200 000 drugs patent laws global inequality drug pricing pharmaceuticals developed countries developing countries Africa market price generic drugs healthcare costs international law economic disparity access to medicine exploitation biotechnology innovation intellectual property global health policy affordability treatment availability unfair patent laws universal drug pricing developing countries African pharmaceuticals high drug costs patented drugs generic drugs market price discrepancy developed vs developing world pharmaceutical equity healthcare disparity global patent laws drug affordability exploitative pharmaceutical practices low-cost generics international drug pricing pharmaceutical market inequality patent laws universal application developing countries Africa drug prices pharmaceuticals market price developed world patented drugs generic drugs affordability global health economic disparity pharmaceutical industry access to medicine healthcare inequality international patent regulations price regulation drug affordability health economics intellectual property rights global health policy medication cost treatment access public health socioeconomic factors pharmaceutical pricing drug patents global healthcare disparities healthcare costs health equity pharmaceutical innovation drug development costs biotechnology healthcare systems low-income countries middle-income countries healthcare financing pharmaceutical access patent law reform patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price unfair application generic drugs exploitation developed world high-cost medications global health equity patent regulations drug affordability international trade pharmaceutical industry economic disparity healthcare access patent reform patent laws universal pricing pharmaceuticals developing countries Africa drug costs market price generic drugs exploitation developed world healthcare inequality drug affordability innovation incentives international trade public health policy patent laws pharmaceutical pricing developing countries Africa drug affordability generic drugs market price developed world patent regulations pharmaceutical industry global health equity economic disparity drug costs healthcare access international patent systems pharmaceutical patents price discrimination generic drug availability global pharmaceutical market patent law reform drug pricing policies healthcare economics pharmaceutical innovation healthcare disparities access to medicines global health policy patent protection drug development costs pharmaceutical economics healthcare financing low-cost generics international trade global health initiatives biopharmaceutical industry drug pricing strategies health equity patent exclusivity medical
test-religion-msgfhwbamec-pro01a	Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual Freedom  Even if marriages are not made absolutely mandatory, covert family pressure can still propel people into unions where they will be unhappy. This is a form of restricted liberty as the consequences of people rebelling against arranged marriages can include being forced to leave home or suffering stigmatisation and reduced contact with family members. The stigma may also be the other way with the family feeling shame when their children reject their arrangements this in turn can lead to attempts at compulsion and even some cases like that of Shafilea Ahmed murder for the rejection of the marriage. [1] Clearly there is a thin line between arranged and forced marriages. Although things like stigmatisation are harder to police than physical intimidation or violence, it is only right that the state steps in to regulate these harms, giving people the legal mandate to challenge the practice as well as to discourage relatives from attempting it from the outset.  [1] Carter, Helen, ‘Shafilea Ahmed killed by parents for bringing shame on family, court hears’, guardian.co.uk, 21 May 2012, Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatisation rebelling legal mandate state intervention physical violence emotional harm social isolation cultural practices human rights legal protection honor killings violence against women personal autonomy reproductive rights marriage rights family honor shame compulsion murder legal regulation protection laws societal norms cultural sensitivity intergenerational conflict domestic violence coerced unions marital consent human dignity legal reforms prevention strategies community support psychological impact social stigma legal framework forced marriage prevention marriage laws human trafficking gender Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatization legal regulation physical intimidation violence state intervention Shafilea Ahmed honor killings cultural practices human rights liberty restrictions social norms parental control rejection consequences community shame law enforcement individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatization legal intervention state regulation physical violence emotional coercion social consequences cultural practices human rights Shafilea Ahmed honor killings parental control rebellion shame police intervention legal protection advocacy prevention strategies Individual Freedom Covert Family Pressure Unhappy Unions Restricted Liberty Consequences of Rebellion Forced to Leave Home Stigmatisation Reduced Family Contact Family Shame Children Rejecting Arrangements Attempts at Compulsion Murder for Rejection Shafilea Ahmed Thin Line Between Arranged and Forced Marriages State Regulation Legal Mandate to Challenge Discourage Harmful Practices Helen Carter Guardian Shafilea Ahmed Case Individual Freedom Covert Family Pressure Arranged Marriages Forced Marriages Stigmatisation Social Shame Legal Intervention State Regulation Physical Intimidation Violence Human Rights Personal Liberty Family Conflict Cultural Practices Legal Protections Social Consequences Shafilea Ahmed Honor Killings Emotional Coercion Psychological Harm Individual freedom arranged marriages family pressure restricted liberty stigmatisation reduced family contact family shame compulsion forced marriages physical intimidation state intervention legal mandate discouraging practice Shafilea Ahmed murder cultural practices human rights legal protection societal norms moral responsibilities Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure coercion stigmatization legal intervention state regulation physical violence psychological harm social shame honor killing human rights Shafilea Ahmed murder parental control legal protection cultural practices freedom of choice marriage autonomy societal expectations police enforcement judicial support familial relationships emotional abuse 缩略词解释 强制婚姻 家庭压力 个人自由 社会污名 法律干预 荣誉犯罪 人权 婚姻自主 强迫婚姻的危害 individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure marital unhappiness stigmatization social shame family rebellion legal intervention state regulation physical violence emotional coercion murder Shafilea Ahmed honor-based violence cultural practices legal protection human rights personal autonomy familial expectations societal norms domestic abuse psychological harm emotional abuse legal mandate judicial oversight community support international law gender equality women's rights men's rights cultural sensitivity traditional values modern values legal reforms social reforms awareness campaigns victim support perpetrator accountability cross-cultural understanding policy Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure stigmatisation legal regulation physical intimidation violence state intervention cultural practices human rights legal mandate family honor shame social norms coercion matrimonial freedom Shafilea Ahmed Individual freedom arranged marriages forced marriages family pressure coercion stigmatization legal regulation state intervention violence physical intimidation social pressure human rights Shafilea Ahmed honor killing cultural practices liberty autonomy legal protection family honor shame social norms police enforcement legal challenges prevention awareness policy advocacy support systems community involvement education reform international standards human dignity personal choice marital freedom social control traditional values modern law conflict resolution victim protection perpetrator accountability cultural sensitivity global perspectives ethical considerations judicial oversight societal
test-culture-mthbah-pro04a	Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. Advertisements try to make people feel bad about not having the product  Many adverts do more than just advertising products. Some try to make people feel inferior if they don't have the product, or if they have something which the product would change. Perceptions of beauty and fashion in particular have been terribly distorted. Many young people have low self-esteem, and lead unhealthy lifestyles because they feel they should be thinner and more attractive like the models they see in adverts. This leads to serious problems like eating-disorders and self-harm. Research that proved this effect also concluded that 'the media can boost self-esteem (happiness with one's self) where it is providing examples of a variety of body shapes. However, it often tends to portray a limited (small) number of body shapes'1.  1 Skinny models 'send unhealthy message'. The Guardian. advertising body image self-esteem unhealthy lifestyles eating disorders self-harm media influence beauty standards fashion skinny models varied body shapes advertisements inferiority consumerism mental health societal pressure youth distorted perceptions well-being media representation advertisements inferiority self-esteem body-image eating-disorders self-harm media-influence beauty-standards fashion-industry skinny-models unhealthy-message diverse-body-shapes mental-health youth-culture lifestyle-impact advertising self-esteem body image media influence eating disorders self-harm beauty standards fashion industry skinny models unhealthy messages media representation diverse body types youth culture mental health societal pressure consumer products advertising ethics psychological impact advertising strategies body-shaming Advertisements inferiority product beauty fashion distorted self-esteem unhealthy lifestyles eating-disorders self-harm media body shapes variety limited skinny models unhealthy message The Guardian Advertisements inferiority product beauty fashion self-esteem unhealthy lifestyles eating-disorders self-harm research media body shapes skinny models unhealthy message advertisements feel bad not having product make people inferior don't have perceptions beauty fashion distorted young people low self-esteem unhealthy lifestyles thinner attractive models adverts serious problems eating-disorders self-harm research media boost self-esteem variety body shapes limited number body shapes skinny models unhealthy message The Guardian advertising self-esteem body image media influence beauty standards eating disorders self-harm fashion young people unhealthy lifestyles limited body shapes diverse representation skinny models unhealthy messages media portrayal psychological impact consumer behavior societal pressure body shaming positive messaging advertisements self-esteem body image media impact eating disorders self-harm beauty standards fashion industry unhealthy lifestyles skinny models diverse body shapes media representation young people product promotion inferiority complex psychological effects media research consumer behavior societal norms mental health advertisements inferiority self-esteem body-image eating-disorders self-harm media-influence beauty-standards fashion-industry diverse-representation mental-health unhealthy-lifestyles skinny-models limited-body-shapes societal-pressures youth-issues media-effects psychological-impact public-health body-positivity advertising self-esteem body image eating disorders self-harm media influence beauty standards unhealthy lifestyles skinny models diversity in media body positivity consumer psychology marketing impact youth mental health
test-international-appghblsba-pro03a	Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho is in a dire condition and needs help from its closest ally  With about 40% of Basotho people living below the international poverty line [1] , Lesotho needs urgent help both from the economic and social perspective. A third of the population is infected with HIV and in urban areas; about 50% of the women under 40 have the virus. [2] There is a major lack of funding and corruption in the system is halting any progress. The Kingdom of Lesotho is clearly unable to deal with its issues and should be annexed by SA. Annexation is the only way in which the SA government is going to care about this enclave territory. Give Basotho citizenship and the right to vote in elections and they will be taken into consideration. Give SA the power to control and they will assume the responsibility for pulling the Basotho out of poverty, giving them a better social system and a country in which they can thrive. A simple look at the GDP per capita of each state shows the potential benefit to Lesotho and ability of SA to deliver. While Lesotho is stable at $1,700 per capita, SA has a GDP of $10,700 per person. Only by giving them full responsibility of the territory, the SA government is going to step in and make the necessary change.  [1] Human Development Reports, United Nations Development Project,   [2] The World Factbook, ‘Lesotho’, cia.gov, 11 March 2014, Lesotho Basotho poverty HIV economic aid social issues annexation South Africa citizenship GDP per capita corruption economic responsibility social improvements international aid health crisis political integration development assistance poverty alleviation health care economic partnership United Nations international support economic stability social welfare governance reform regional cooperation humanitarian aid political annexation economic growth social development international relations African affairs public health economic policy social policy international cooperation developmental assistance economic indicators social indicators health statistics political stability economic sanctions social Lesotho Basotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa GDP citizenship social system economic aid international poverty line healthcare political responsibility United Nations Development Project The World Factbook CIA GDP per capita economic development social development urban areas women's health political integration governance international aid humanitarian crisis economic disparity regional cooperation political stability voter rights enclave territory economic responsibility social responsibility international support poverty alleviation health crisis regional alliance government intervention development assistance socio-economic improvement political reform Lesoth Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa Basotho citizenship GDP economic aid social reform political integration international assistance health crisis economic disparity governance development UNDP CIA World Factbook Lesotho poverty HIV corruption annexation South Africa citizenship GDP per capita Basotho social system economic aid international poverty line health issues political responsibility development project UNDP CIA World Factbook Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV corruption annexation South Africa GDP citizenship social system economic aid international poverty line UNDP CIA World Factbook healthcare urban areas women's health political responsibility economic development social welfare international intervention governance African politics development aid humanitarian assistance national statistics economic indicators political stability regional cooperation public health socio-economic conditions governance reform international support Basotho people economic disparity social improvement political representation economic opportunity African Union international community economic partnership social justice Lesotho economic aid social development HIV poverty corruption annexation South Africa citizenship GDP per capita Basotho political responsibility international poverty line urban health issues economic progress social support systems enclave territory government intervention human development United Nations Development Project The World Factbook Lesotho economic crisis social issues Basotho people poverty HIV urban areas women's health funding shortage corruption Kingdom of Lesotho annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights enclave territory GDP per capita economic development social reform international intervention UNDP CIA World Factbook Lesotho Basotho poverty HIV economic help social help funding corruption annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita United Nations Development Project CIA World Factbook Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic issues social issues funding corruption annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita United Nations Development Project The World Factbook Lesotho poverty Basotho HIV economic assistance social issues funding corruption annexation South Africa citizenship voting rights GDP per capita United Nations Development Project The World Factbook cia.gov international poverty line urban areas women health care political responsibility economic development social welfare governance enclave territory international aid policy reform regional cooperation economic integration public health economic growth political stability human development social services international support humanitarian aid sustainable development economic disparity social equity political integration demographic statistics health statistics
test-international-amehbuaisji-pro01a	The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. The ICC is a force for good, and the all states should be seen to be standing fully behind it.  The International Criminal Court is a major breakthrough in providing a permanent and durable system that can effectively prosecute and independently try war criminals.  In the past there was no permanent framework for dealing with grave breaches of human rights protection, often allowing states to perform evil acts with impunity. Only for the very worst atrocities were special courts and tribunals set up. It should also act as a deterrent to future violations; it may not reduce conflict but will encourage states to keep a tighter rein on their militaries.  An attempt at a solution to the problem of enforcement of international criminal law is something to be applauded, for the same reason the criminal law on the domestic sphere is – it saves lives, protects human rights and provides civilization to what would otherwise be anarchy. International Criminal Court ICC war criminals human rights protection international law enforcement prosecution deterrence atrocities special courts tribunals conflict militaries civilization anarchy domestic law permanent framework breakthrough states support impunity evil acts grave breaches violation criminal law lives human rights international criminal law solution applause ethics justice global security peace accountability legal system world order judicial process moral authority international community legal reform prosecution mechanisms legal enforcement judicial independence lawful authority global governance human dignity legal ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights permanent framework special courts tribunals atrocities enforcement international criminal law domestic law anarchy conflict reduction military control deterrence civilization protection prosecution independence breaches impunity states support breakthrough evil acts lives applaud solution ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights protection atrocities special courts tribunals deterrent violations enforcement international criminal law domestic law anarchy civilization prosecution independent trials conflict reduction militaries grave breaches permanent framework aperture state support legal breakthrough global justice accountability rule of law humanitarian peace war crimes genocide crimes against humanity legal reform international law moral authority state compliance legal enforcement judicial system global governance legal institutions judicial oversight legal deterrence human dignity legal protections prosecution mechanisms legal ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals independent trials human rights protection special courts tribunals deterrence future violations conflict reduction military control enforcement international criminal law domestic criminal law saves lives human rights civilization anarchy prevention ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights protection atrocities special courts tribunals deterrent violations enforcement international criminal law domestic sphere anarchy civilization prosecution justice state accountability military control conflict reduction legal framework impunity grave breaches peace security global governance human dignity legal deterrent international law judicial independence crimes against humanity war crimes genocide legal norms international community state sovereignty legal reform moral obligation global peacekeeping humanitarian law prosecution mechanisms legal enforcement international justice crime prevention state responsibility judicial integrity ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals human rights protection special courts tribunals deter future violations conflict reduction military restraint enforcement of international law domestic criminal law save lives protect human rights civilization anarchy prevention ICC International Criminal Court human rights war criminals prosecution judiciary independence state support legal framework atrocities deterrence conflict prevention military control international law enforcement criminal justice domestic law anarchy prevention civilization human rights protection legal breakthrough impunity reduction ICC International Criminal Court war criminals human rights protection permanent framework special courts tribunals atrocities state militaries international criminal law domestic criminal law human rights civilization anarchy deterrence enforcement conflict reduction legal prosecution independent trials state support moral authority global justice war crimes crimes against humanity genocide legal accountability international law peace security impunity legal reform humanitarian law world order judicial power crime prevention legal system state responsibility international relations global governance legal enforcement rule of law legal mechanisms justice system ICC International Criminal Court force for good states support permanent system prosecute war criminals human rights protection impunity special courts tribunals deterrent future violations conflict reduction military control enforcement international criminal law domestic criminal law saves lives protects human rights civilization anarchy prevention ICC International Criminal Court states support permanent system prosecute independently try war criminals human rights protection breaches impunity special courts tribunals atrocities deter future violations reduce conflict militaries enforcement international criminal law criminal law domestic sphere saves lives human rights civilization anarchy
test-international-sepiahbaaw-pro04a	Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 Resources are a source of conflict  There is a strong connection between the presence of natural resources and conflict within Africa. Natural resources, especially those with a high commodity price such as diamonds, are a useful means of funding rebellions and governments [1] . The 1991 civil war in Sierra Leone became infamous for the blood diamonds which came from mines with forced slavery. These diamonds were used to fund the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) for eleven years, extending the blood-shed. Continued conflict in the Congo is also attributed to the control of mineral wealth [2] and exemplifies how resources have negatively impacted Africa.  [1] Pandergast, 2008,   [2] Kharlamov,I. ‘Africa’s “Resource Wars” Assume Epidemic Proportions’ Global Research 24 November 2014 natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds blood diamonds rebellions governments civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions funding violence exploitation economic interests political instability governance international intervention peacekeeping humanitarian impact colonial legacy economic development poverty social inequality environmental degradation natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions Kharlamov Global Research natural resources conflict Africa commodity price diamonds blood diamonds funding rebellions governments civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front (RUF) Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions African conflicts natural resources blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front Congo conflict mineral wealth resource wars funding rebellions commodity price forced slavery negative impact epidemic proportions Kharlamov Pandergast natural resources conflict Africa commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front RUF mineral wealth Congo negative impact resource wars epidemic proportions natural resources conflict Africa commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery civil war Sierra Leone Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions forced slavery prolonged conflict negative impact natural resources conflict Africa commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions Kharlamov Global Research Pandergast 2008 African conflicts natural resources commodity prices diamonds blood diamonds Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars funding rebellions government control forced labor slavery economic impacts regional instability pandergast kharlamov global research natural resources conflict Africa high commodity price diamonds funding rebellions governments blood diamonds forced slavery Sierra Leone civil war Revolutionary United Front RUF Congo mineral wealth resource wars epidemic proportions
test-culture-mmciahbans-con03a	Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning these is papering over the issue  It would be all too tempting for governments to consider that a ban on these products would sort out issues of skin tone discrimination as they would be hidden away from public view.  Class and race are both divisive issues, and are often inextricably linked. Those with lighter skin will still have advantages over those with darker skin hues. The banning of whiteners will simply reduce the ability of individuals to change how others perceive them. We can all agree that there needs to be less colourism but that has to be achieved by reducing prejudices. Only broader education on the issue of skin colour discrimination can achieve such a change. Banning skin-whitening products colorism skin-tone discrimination class race prejudice education public perception social issues government intervention cosmetic regulations societal change awareness equity beauty standards cultural attitudes discrimination reduction policy-making health concerns ethical considerations banning skin-whiteners colourism discrimination education class race prejudices public-view advantages lighter-skin darker-skin perception government-intervention social-issues beauty-standards ethnic-diversity cultural-sensitivity awareness-campaigns policy-solutions banning skin-whitening-products papering-over issue government-intervention skin-tone-discrimination class-issues race-issues colorism lighter-skin-advantages prejudices education social-change public-perception product-ban reducing-prejudices awareness-campaigns cultural-shift policy-making cosmetic-products-regulation Banning products skin tone discrimination government responsibility class issues race issues colourism reducing prejudices education on discrimination lighter skin advantages darker skin disadvantages public perception individual choice social change systemic issues cosmetic products ethical consumption racial equity social justice beauty standards banning papering over skin tone discrimination government intervention class race colourism lighter skin darker skin whiteners perception prejudices education social change banning skin-whitening products papering issue government ban skin-tone discrimination public view class race divisive linked lighter skin advantages darker skin-hues reduce perception colourism prejudices education change banning whiteners papering over skin tone discrimination government class race lighter skin darker skin colourism prejudices education skin tone discrimination whiteners colourism class race public view government ban prejudices education perception change social issues diversity equality racial equality cultural sensitivity beauty standards self-perception societal norms human rights ethical cosmetics ban whiteners skin tone discrimination class race colourism education prejudice public view government lighter skin darker skin perception change divisive issues inextricably linked sort out papering over meaningful expansion query optimization banning whiteners skin tone discrimination class race advantages lighter darker perception colourism prejudices education
test-international-bldimehbn-con01a	The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, The job of a journalist is to report the world and events as they see them. Cultural sensibilities do not alter the fact that these events have happened.  It is difficult to see how a matter that is undeniably controversial on the international stage and impacts on the perception of the perpetrating government around the world could not be deemed newsworthy [1] . It should not be the responsibility of journalists to determine whether or not viewers and readers might find something of interest but, rather, to report events that have happened and that may have an impact on the lives of consumers either as individuals or as a nation. By that standard, these matters are clearly news.  News organisations and individual journalists do not report on military, political, financial or terrorist actions because they agree with them but do so because of their impact on the world in which their consumers live. Often the very stories which are the most important to report – and do so impartially – are those very stories that evoke strong feelings on both – or all – sides. Al Jazeera gained its reputation by being willing to go where other Arabic channels had not gone such as showing Israeli guests speaking Hebrew which shocked the Arab world. [2] It should be willing to do the same with gay issues.  [1] CNN. Hala Gorani. The Struggle for Gay Rights in the Middle East. June 02 2006.  [2] Yeginsu, Ceylan, ‘Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook from the Middle East’, Global Media Wars, journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact consumers military political financial terrorist actions impartial important feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international government newsworthy viewers readers impact individuals nation news military political financial terrorist impartial important feelings sides Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Al Jazeera English Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international perception government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers reportage impact consumers military political financial terrorist impartial important feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist responsibility reporting world events cultural sensibilities controversial international matters newsworthy criteria impact on consumers military political financial terrorist actions impartial reporting important stories strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests gay issues Middle East CNN Hala Gorani Ceylan Yeginsu Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage perception perpetrating government newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact lives consumers military actions political actions financial actions terrorist actions important stories impartial reporting strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Global Media Wars Ceylan Yeginsu Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook Middle East journalist report events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers military political financial terrorist impact world consumers impartial important stories strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Middle East gay rights Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist report events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers military political financial terrorist impact world consumers important impartial stories feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani gay rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international stage government perception newsworthy responsibility viewers readers report events impact consumers individuals nation military political financial terrorist actions world consumers important impartial strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic channels Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Al Jazeera English Fresh outlook Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international government newsworthy viewers readers impact consumers military political financial terrorist important impartial feelings sides Al Jazeera reputation Arabic Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani gay rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars journalist report world events cultural sensibilities controversial international newsworthy responsibility viewers readers impact consumers military political financial terrorist actions impartial important strong feelings Al Jazeera reputation Arabic Israeli guests Hebrew Arab world gay issues CNN Hala Gorani Struggle for Gay Rights Middle East Yeginsu Ceylan Global Media Wars
test-culture-tlhrilsfhwr-pro01a	Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism and adapting to conflict  The issues underlying all debates on child soldiers go to the very heart of intercultural justice, politics and governance. International and supranational legislation notwithstanding, the notion that children should be protected from all forms of violence at any cost is expressly western.  The facts stated in the introduction are not sufficient to support the creation of a defence of cultural relativism to charges of recruiting and using child soldiers. “Cultures” are not simply sets of practices defined by history and tradition. They are also methods of living, of survival and of ordering societies that change and develop in response to societies’ environments. Within many communities, children are inducted (or induct themselves) into military organisations as a result of necessity. The traditional providers of physical safety within a society may have been killed or displaced by war. Communities left vulnerable by long running and vaguely defined conflicts may have no other option but to begin arming their children, in order to help them avoid violent exploitation. A great many child soldiers in South Sudan actively sought out units of the rebel army known to accept child recruits [i] . Following the death of parents and the dispersal of extended families, children gravitated towards known sources of safety and strength – organisations capable of providing protection and independence within nations utterly distorted and ruined by conflict.  Western notions of inviolate childhood, free of worry and violence, are merely a cultural construct. This construct cannot be duplicated in societies beset by forms of privation and conflict that have been alien to western liberal democracies for the last seventy years. Attempting to enforce this construct as law- and as a form of law that can trump domestic legislation- endangers vulnerable communities, inhibits the creation of democratic norms and can even criminalise the children it claims to protect.  [i] “Raised by war: Child Soldiers of the Southern Sudanese Second Civil War”, Christine Emily Ryan, PhD Thesis, University of London, 2009 Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives intercultural politics governance international legislation supranational legislation violence protection cultural practices societal adaptation conflict survival military induction community vulnerability long-term conflicts South Sudan rebel army parental loss extended families safety sources societal protection inviolate childhood western constructs societal privation democratic norms legal enforcement domestic legislation child criminalization Cultural relativism conflict adaptation intercultural justice child soldiers western protection norms supranational legislation societal survival methods military induction necessity community vulnerability war displacement rebel army recruitment inviolate childhood construct democratic norm creation legal enforcement challenges child criminalization risks Cultural relativism conflict adaptation child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protectionism violence societal practices cultural evolution survival strategies military induction community safety rebel armies South Sudan parental loss extended families conflict zones Western notions inviolate childhood privation liberal democracies domestic legislation vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalisation protection laws cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protection violence cultural practices survival societal change military induction conflict zones community vulnerability rebel armies South Sudan safety independence privation western liberalism democratic norms legal enforcement children's rights Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation child protection Western values cultural practices societal change survival military organisations conflict zones South Sudan rebel armies parental loss extended families safety strength democratic norms vulnerable communities legal enforcement cultural constructs privation violence childhood Western liberal democracies criminalisation protection Cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western perspectives international legislation supranational legislation cultural practices societal adaptation conflict zones military organisations survival strategies community vulnerability rebel armies South Sudan inviolate childhood western liberal democracies democratic norms legal enforcement cultural constructs cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance western protection violence cultural practices survival societal change military induction safety conflict vulnerability rebellion South Sudan childhood cultural construct privation western democracies law domestic legislation democratic norms criminalisation Cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice politics governance international legislation supranational legislation western protectionism violence cultural practices societal methods survival community dynamics military organisations recruitment conflict environments South Sudan rebel army parental loss extended family dispersal protection independence vulnerable communities democratic norms criminalisation cultural constructs western liberal democracies Raised by War Christine Emily Ryan PhD Thesis University of London cultural relativism child soldiers intercultural justice western perspectives international legislation child protection conflict zones military induction societal adaptation survival community vulnerability armed conflict South Sudan rebel armies protection independence inviolate childhood democratic norms legal enforcement vulnerable communities criminalisation of children cultural relativism intercultural justice child soldiers western legislation supranational legislation intercultural politics governance child protection violence cultural constructs military organisations survival societal change conflict South Sudan rebel army parental loss extended families protection independence democratic norms vulnerable communities criminalisation childhood privation war exploitation societal environments recruitment safety strength law enforcement domestic legislation western liberal democracies historical practices tradition necessity induction physical safety long-term conflicts arming children prosecution cultural practices societal order
test-international-epglghbni-con02a	The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, The majority of the inhabitants of Northern Ireland do not support unification  The Good Friday agreement affirmed “That if, in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination … to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments [UK and Ireland] to introduce and support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish”.* However as yet the Northern Irish do not wish to exercise this right. In a recent survey conducted by The Northern Ireland Life and Times it transpired that, “Overall, 73 per cent believe the long-term policy for the North should be maintaining the union, with 58 per cent supporting devolution and 15 per cent in favour of direct rule. Just 16 per cent want a united Ireland, with 3 per favoring an independent Northern Ireland.” This is not just amongst the Protestant population. The survey also showed that, “just one in three Catholics (33 per cent) wants a united Ireland, while 52 per cent want the North to stay in the UK, with 46 per cent of Catholics happy with the devolved arrangements and 6 per cent favoring a return to direct rule from Westminster.”**  *NIO, 1998,   **Moriarty, 2011, Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination united Ireland UK Ireland Parliaments Northern Irish survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland union devolution direct rule united Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination union devolution direct rule united Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Protestant Catholic Moriarty NIO 1998 2011 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination UK Ireland union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination Union devolution direct rule united Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement right of self-determination UK Government Irish Government union devolution direct rule united Ireland Northern Irish population Protestant Catholic survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination UK Ireland union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic survey Northern Ireland Life and Times Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule united Ireland Protestant Catholic Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestants Catholics Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998 Northern Ireland unification Good Friday Agreement self-determination United Kingdom Ireland survey Northern Ireland Life and Times union devolution direct rule Protestants Catholics Moriarty 2011 NIO 1998
test-sport-tshbmlbscac-con02a	Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . Collisions are an example of violence that has no place in baseball.  Baseball is not a contact sport. It is not a sport that is supposed to rely on violence. This is one commentator’s point: “if you want to watch violent collisions, you can watch [American] football. Or hockey. Or MMA. There’s no reason baseball needs to have similar kinds of plays; it’s an entirely different sport with a different premise and different rules.” [1]  Baseball tries to make the game safe for its players. That’s why beanballs—pitches that endanger hitters—are disallowed. Baseball should not promote violence, and it certainly shouldn’t allow it when players’ careers hang in the balance.  [1] Dave Cameron, “It’s Time to End Home Plate Collisions,” FanGraphs, May 26, 2011,  . baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA safety players beanballs pitches home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs violence collisions baseball contact sport football hockey MMA safety players careers beanballs pitches home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs violence collisions baseball contact sport football hockey MMA safety players beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA safety players careers beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA safety players careers beanballs pitches home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport hockey football MMA safety players beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport American football hockey MMA player safety beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs sports ethics sports violence player health game rules sports commentary baseball collisions violence contact sport American football hockey MMA player safety beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport safety players careers beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs baseball violence collisions contact sport football hockey MMA safety players beanballs home plate collisions Dave Cameron FanGraphs
test-education-pteuhwfphe-pro03a	A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. A graduate tax would make access to higher education fairer and more equitable  A graduate tax would be fairer for everyone in society. Graduates earn considerably more than non-graduates, on average over £100,000 more in a lifetime (Channel 4 News, 2010.), experience lower rates of unemployment and greater job security, they therefore benefit hugely from higher education. They should therefore be expected to pay for the privilege of having an education which has put them in that position rather than having the rest of society fund there degrees, going to university should be an honor and not a privilege. While having a degree is useful it is not necessary for getting on with life, if someone wants to go to university they should have that opportunity regardless of their background but they should be expected to contribute to that education which is why the graduate tax works as students of all social classes can join university, not be loaded with debt and can contribute fiscally when viable. graduate tax fairer education equitable access higher education financing societal contribution graduate earnings unemployment rates job security educational privilege non-graduate outcomes degree necessity university honor social mobility student debt fiscal contribution education opportunity graduate tax fairer access higher education equitable funding societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security benefit from education contribution to education privilege honor opportunity social classes debt-free fiscal contribution educational privilege non-graduate earnings lifetime income Channel 4 News 2010 higher education funding educational opportunity social equity economic advantage graduate contribution fair funding model degree value non-degree career paths educational finance university access socioeconomic diversity financial burden educational investment public funding graduate benefits non-graduate alternatives educational rewards financial responsibility graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal contribution financial benefit unemployment rates job security privilege honor social mobility debt-free education fiscal contribution economic advantage non-graduates social classes opportunity background lifetime earnings graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit earnings gap unemployment rates job security privilege honor social mobility fiscal contribution student debt access to university social classes educational funding graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal contribution lifetime earnings unemployment rates job security educational privilege fiscal contribution debt-free education social mobility economic benefit honors versus privileges non-degree pathways universal access graduate tax fair access higher education equitable funding societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security education privilege fiscal contribution social mobility university opportunity student debt fiscal responsibility educational equity graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit income disparity unemployment rates job security educational privilege fiscal contribution social classes university access debt financial contribution educational opportunity social mobility economic advantage public funding degree necessity life progression honor privilege graduate tax higher education fairness equity societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security higher education privilege funding degrees university access social classes student debt fiscal contribution educational opportunity non-graduate comparison lifetime earnings Channel 4 News 2010 honor privilege life progression degree necessity social mobility equitable funding education finance public contribution personal responsibility economic advantage educational investment graduate tax higher education equity fairness societal benefit graduate earnings unemployment rates job security education privilege fiscal contribution social classes university opportunity student debt fiscal viability equity fairness graduate tax higher education income disparity job security lifetime earnings social mobility unemployment rates university access fiscal contribution debt-free education social classes
test-environment-assgbatj-pro03a	It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] It isn’t necessary  We don’t know how we will be able to develop new drugs without animal testing until we end it. We now know how most chemicals work, and computer simulations of chemicals are very good.[6] Experimenting on tissue can show how drugs work, without the need for actual animals. Even skin left over from surgery can be experiment on, and being human, is more useful.  The fact that animal research was needed in the past isn’t a good excuse any more. We still have all the advancements from animal testing in the past, but it’s no longer needed. [7] animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin testing past advancements ethical alternatives research methods pharmaceutical industry animal testing drug development alternatives computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin testing ethical research animal research history medical advancements non-animal methods animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin testing historical advancements ethical research non-animal alternatives pharmaceutical innovation animal testing alternatives drug development methods chemical simulation technology tissue experimentation human skin testing historical medical advancements ethical research practices animal testing drug development chemical simulation tissue experimentation human skin research past advancements animal research necessity ethical alternatives computer models biomedical innovation animal testing drug development computer simulations tissue experiments human skin ethical research animal alternatives medical advancements non-animal testing scientific progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical behavior tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical research methods alternatives to animal testing scientific progress animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin samples past advancements ethical alternatives non-animal research methods biomedical research innovations animal testing drug development alternatives computer simulations tissue experimentation human skin past advancements ethical research animal-free methods chemical understanding animal testing drug development computer simulations chemical reactions tissue experimentation human skin testing medical advancements animal research ethics alternative testing methods pharmaceutical industry innovations
test-philosophy-pppthbtcb-pro04a	Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. Terrorism is relative  The definition of terrorism depends very much upon your point of view - the proposition does not need to defend every atrocity against innocent civilians to argue that terrorism is sometimes justified. A broad definition would say terrorism was the use of violence for political ends by any group which breaks the Geneva Conventions (which govern actions between armies in wartime) or ignores generally accepted concepts of human rights. Under such a broad definition, states and their armed forces could be accused of terrorism. So could many resistance groups in wartime or freedom fighters struggling against dictatorships, as well as participants in civil wars - all irregular groups outside the scope of the Geneva Conventions.  A narrower definition would say that terrorism was the use of violence against innocent civilians to achieve a political end. Such a definition would allow freedom fighters and resistance groups with a legitimate grievance to use force against dictatorship and occupation, providing they only targeted the troops and other agents of oppression. Yet even this tight definition has grey areas - what if the soldiers being targeted are reluctant conscripts? Are not civilian settlers in occupied territories legitimate targets as agents of oppression? What about their children? Doesn't it make a difference if civilians are armed or unarmed? Don't civil servants such as teachers and doctors count as agents of an occupying or oppressive state?  There will always be grey areas that might be justified, under the broader definition most armed forces in history could be accused of terrorism particularly acts such as the bombing of cities during World War II. While under the narrower definition the various resisitance groups during the same war would count. Perhaps at a half way house would be independence movements including the American Revolution. terrorism relative point of view justification atrocity innocent civilians political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups narrower definition violence legitimate grievance dictatorship occupation troops agents of oppression reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors grey areas history World War II bombing of cities independence movements American Revolution terrorism relative definition point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars civilians innocents legitimate grievance force oppression grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors agents occupying state bombing cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view definition political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups innocent civilians political end grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers children armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state World War II bombing of cities independence movements American Revolution terrorism relative point of view justification Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars innocent civilians political ends grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state bombing cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view definition violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups narrower definition innocent civilians political end freedom fighters dictatorship occupation grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers occupied territories children armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors oppression World War II bombing cities resistance groups independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view justification violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars irregular groups innocent civilians legitimate grievance grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed civilians civil servants teachers doctors occupying state World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view definition political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars civilians political end grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers children armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state bombing cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism relative definition point of view political ends violence Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters civil wars irregular groups narrower definition innocent civilians legitimate grievance dictatorship occupation grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers agents of oppression civil servants teachers doctors occupying state oppressive state bombing of cities World War II independence movements American Revolution terrorism point of view justification broad definition Geneva Conventions human rights state terrorism resistance groups civil wars narrower definition innocent civilians political end freedom fighters dictatorships grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed civilians civil servants historical armed forces World War II bombing of cities independence movements American Revolution terrorism relative definition point of view atrocity innocent civilians justified broad definition violence political ends Geneva Conventions human rights states armed forces resistance groups freedom fighters dictatorships civil wars irregular groups narrower definition grey areas reluctant conscripts civilian settlers armed unarmed civil servants teachers doctors occupying state World War II bombing cities independence movements American Revolution
test-economy-bhahwbsps-con01a	This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, This ban would be difficult to enforce.  Given the popularity of smoking, a ban on smoking in all enclosed public places would be difficult to enforce, requiring constant vigilance by many police officers or security cameras. It has been reported that smoking bans are not being enforced in Yakima, Washington 1, Atlantic City2, Berlin 3and other places. In New York City, the major has said that the New York Police Department (NYPD) are too busy to enforce the ban on smoking in their parks and on their beaches, and that the job will be left to citizens4.  1. Guenthner, Hayley, 'Smoking Ban Difficult to Enforce in Yakima', KIMA TV, 1 April 2011,   2. Sajor, Stephanie, 'Smoking Ban Not Enforced at Atlantic City Casinos', ThirdAge.com, 25 April 2011,   3. AFP, 'Smoking Ban not Enforced in Parts of Germany', Spiegel Online, 2 July 2008,   4. 'NYC Smoking Ban In Parks Will Not Be Enforced By NYPD: Mayor', Huffington Post, 2 November 2011, enforcement challenges smoking ban public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City citizen enforcement non-compliance legal enforcement public health policies smoking regulations smoking ban enforcement public places smoking ban police enforcement smoking ban security cameras smoking ban smoking ban non-compliance smoking ban violations city smoking regulations public health policies citizen enforcement smoking ban NYC smoking ban enforcement Yakima smoking ban Atlantic City smoking ban Berlin smoking ban enforcement smoking ban public places police officers security cameras yakima washington atlantic city berlin new york city nypd citizens vigilance popularity smoking thirdage.com spiegel online huffington post kima tv difficult to enforce popularity of smoking enclosed public places constant vigilance police officers security cameras smoking bans not enforced Yakima Washington Atlantic City Berlin New York City Mayor NYPD parks beaches citizens smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement smoking ban enforcement difficulty public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement popular smoking unenforced smoking bans government policy public health measures smoking ban enforcement difficulties public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City citizen enforcement non-compliance smoked areas public health policies legal enforcement local government decisions media reports smoking regulations urban areas beach parks cigarette smoking enforcement challenges smoking ban public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City citizen enforcement non-compliance regulatory difficulties smoking regulations public health policies enforcement resources legal compliance municipal codes smoking cessation public opinion policy implementation enforcement challenges smoking ban public places police resources security cameras vigilance non-compliance Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement parks beaches casinos government policy health regulations public health legal enforcement compliance issues urban areas smoke-free laws administrative difficulties law enforcement priorities community involvement regulatory compliance public support policy implementation enforcement mechanisms environmental health tobacco control legislative effectiveness global smoking bans regional differences local governance public opinion legal enforcement strategies health advocacy urban management public space regulations civic engagement smoking ban enforcement challenges public places police officers security cameras Yakima Atlantic City Berlin New York City NYPD citizen enforcement compliance issues government policy tobacco control
test-law-lgplhbssbco-con03a	We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? We are all dying  Death is an inevitable fact of life. We will all die. Suicide is therefore not a matter of choosing between life and death per se, but of choosing the time and manner of death one wishes. We would all prefer a painless death over a slow and agonising one, and it is better to be able to prepare oneself and if possible anyone else who will be affected, so why should the difference between the two be a matter of luck and not one of choice? death mortality end-of-life euthanasia assisted-suicide painless-death suffering terminal-illness quality-of-death choice-in-dying ethical-dilemmas suicide-debate humane-death death-preparation affecting-others death-with-dignity natural-death medical-assistance-in-dying death-choices compassionate-death dying death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless slow agonising preparation affected luck autonomy death mortality inevitable suicide choice time manner painless agonising preparation affected luck euthanasia palliative care end-of-life dignity humane suffering voluntary Death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless slow agonising prepare affected luck euthanasia assisted dying terminal illness suffering quality end-of-life decisions moral ethical debate compassionate care dignity right-to-die legislation palliative treatment mental health support coping strategies grief counseling death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless slow agonising prepare affected luck death inevitable life suicide choice time manner painless preparation affected luck death inevitability life suicide choice time manner painless agonising preparation affected luck control death inevitability suicide choice painless death preparation affected others luck autonomy death inevitable suicide choice painless preparation impact morality euthanasia dignity death inevitable suicide choice painless preparation impact alternatives morality legality euthanasia palliative care suffering dignity autonomy control
test-science-eassgbatj-con02a	People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying People will die if we don’t do animal testing  Every year, 23 new drugs are introduced in the UK alone.[13] Almost all will be tested on animals. A new drug will be used for a long time. Think of all the people saved by the use of penicillin. If drugs cost more to test, that means drug companies will develop less. This means more people suffering and dying animal testing drug development drug testing medical research pharmaceutical industry cost of drug testing drug efficacy human health medical innovation drug approval process animal ethics alternative testing methods drug safety public health benefits penicillin impact of drug prices drug accessibility healthcare advancements suffering reduction mortality reduction animal testing drug development drug testing pharmaceutical industry medical research human health drug costs drug availability penicillin medical ethics animal welfare patient outcomes healthcare innovation regulatory requirements clinical trials alternative testing methods animal testing drug development human lives UK drugs penicillin drug costs medical research animal ethics pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy public health animal welfare clinical trials alternative testing methods animal testing drug development pharmaceutical industry medical research drug costs public health penicillin drug efficacy patient safety animal welfare medication availability health economics healthcare innovation medical breakthroughs treatment access drug approval process clinical trials animal替代品 人类试验 药物安全性 生命伦理学 医学进步 疾病治疗 药物监管 animal testing drug development human lives pharmaceutical costs medical advancements penicillin new drugs UK drug testing ethical concerns health benefits research ethics drug efficacy public health animal ethics pharmaceutical industry drug safety clinical trials medical research animal rights animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research medical advancements cost of drug testing impact of animal testing human health benefits drug approval process alternative testing methods ethical considerations in medicine public health policy pharmaceutical industry economics animal testing drug development new drugs UK penicillin drug cost drug companies patient safety medical research human health animal welfare pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy clinical trials ethical considerations animal testing drug development UK drug introduction penicillin drug cost drug availability medical research human health animal welfare pharmaceutical industry drug safety clinical trials ethical considerations medical advancements patient outcomes treatment options healthcare costs research ethics drug efficacy public health animal testing drug development UK new drugs annual introduction drug testing cost of testing drug company profits reduced drug development public health penicillin historical impact medical research ethical considerations animal ethics human benefit alternative testing methods regulatory requirements pharmaceutical industry patient safety drug efficacy side effects long-term drug use healthcare costs medical innovation disease treatment mortality rates suffering reduction drug availability economic impact research funding clinical trials animal welfare scientific advancement healthcare policy public opinion moral implications drug pricing health economics regulatory compliance medical ethics animal testing drug development pharmaceutical research medical advancement human benefits cost of drug testing drug availability patient outcomes penicillin ethical considerations animal welfare medical ethics research ethics drug regulation clinical trials alternative testing methods public health pharmaceutical industry drug efficacy safety testing
test-international-aegmeppghw-pro04a	Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Any country that fulfils the accession criteria should be allowed to join  Turkey was promised a chance to join the EU by a unanimous vote at the Helsinki summit in 1999, when its candidacy was unanimously accepted after three decades of consistent Turkish requests. As a candidate country Turkey should be allowed in once it meets the membership criteria which were first set out in the Copenhagen European Council of 1993. These were stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union and the ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of political, economic & monetary union. [1] Clearly economic and political reforms are necessary, but that is true of all states attempting to join the EU and should not be used as an excuse to backtrack now. It would be hypocritical to apply one set of criteria to Central and Eastern European states and another to Turkey. Such blatant hypocrisy would have consequences, if the EU is seen to break its promise to Turkey it may turn a potential friend and partner into a suspicious and hostile neighbour.  [1]  European Commission Enlargement, Accession criteria, 30th October 2010 Turkey EU accession criteria Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country membership criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy economic reforms political reforms Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy promise consequences neighbor European Commission enlargement political union economic union monetary union institutions stability minorities competitive pressure obligations partnership suspicion hostility EU accession Turkey Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country membership criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms Central and Eastern European states EU enlargement European Commission hypocrisy political union economic union monetary union suspicious neighbor hostile neighbor international relations EU-Turkey relations Turkey EU accession Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit EU membership political reforms economic reforms Central and Eastern European states EU promise hypocrisy potential ally hostile neighbour EU enlargement accession criteria rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure obligations of membership political union economic union monetary union EU accession criteria Turkey EU candidacy Helsinki summit 1999 Copenhagen criteria 1993 democracy rule of law human rights market economy EU membership obligations political union economic union monetary union EU reforms EU hypocrisy Central and Eastern European states EU promises EU-Turkey relations EU neighbor relations European Commission Enlargement accession criteria Turkey EU membership Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country stability democracy rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure political reforms economic reforms Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy potential friend suspicious neighbor European Commission Enlargement EU accession Turkey Helsinki summit Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms EU membership European Council candidate country Central and Eastern European states EU promises EU-Turkey relations political union monetary union economic union EU hypocrisy potential ally suspicious neighbor hostile neighbor Turkey EU accession criteria Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit candidate country democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy potential friend suspicious neighbour European Commission Enlargement accession criteria Turkey EU membership Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit 1999 candidate country economic reforms political reforms Central and Eastern European states promise hypocrisy suspicion hostility partnership institutions democracy rule of law human rights minorities market economy competitive pressure Union obligations political union economic union monetary union EU accession Turkey Helsinki summit Copenhagen criteria democracy rule of law human rights market economy political reforms economic reforms EU enlargement candidacy membership criteria Central and Eastern European states hypocrisy consequences neighbour relations EU accession Turkey Copenhagen criteria Helsinki summit EU membership political reforms economic reforms candidate country EU enlargement institutional stability democracy rule of law human rights market economy competitive pressure monetary union EU obligations political union economic union Central and Eastern European states EU promises potential ally suspicious neighbour hostile neighbour EU credibility international relations European integration regional stability minority protection
test-sport-aastshsrqsar-pro02a	Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation  The talent pool in South African rugby is not as racially diverse as one would expect from the “Rainbow Nation” – some commentators have argued that England and France produce more top level black players than South Africa [1] . This is because top level players are a result of development from the grassroots up.  Targets or quotas could not only improve the talent pool of today, but could broaden it for the future. A new generation of youth across all races in South Africa would be able to see that rugby union is a sport that accepts people from their backgrounds, making them more likely to participate in rugby union, either as players, coaches, referees or as a general part of the rugby fraternity.  [1] Blackwell, James, ‘South African Rugby Quotas – Right or Wrong?’, Sporting Mad, 16 September 2013, Broadening participation rugby South Africa racial diversity talent pool grassroots development quotas targets youth engagement rugby fraternity inclusive sports player development black players sport participation coaching refereeing rugby union South African rugby sports quotas racial quotas sports policy sports equality broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth participation rugby union racial acceptance rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top-level black players development grassroots targets quotas talent improvement future generation youth participation rugby union inclusivity racial representation sport acceptance rugby fraternity coaching refereeing James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas Broadening participation racial diversity South African rugby talent pool Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement racial inclusion rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas Broadening participation talent pool racial diversity South African rugby Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth engagement racial inclusion rugby union player demographics coaching refereeing rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation South African rugby racial diversity talent pool grassroots development top level players quotas targets youth participation rugby fraternity Blackwell racial quotas sports development rugby union racial diversity talent pool South African rugby Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas participation improvement future talent youth engagement racial representation rugby fraternity player coach referee James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas Broadening participation racial diversity South African rugby Rainbow Nation top-level black players England France grassroots development targets quotas talent pool future generations youth participation rugby fraternity James Blackwell South African Rugby Quotas broadening participation talent pool South African rugby racial diversity Rainbow Nation England France top level black players grassroots development targets quotas youth participation rugby union coaches referees rugby fraternity racial diversity South African rugby talent pool grassroots development quotas participation youth engagement rugby fraternity England France Blackwell Sporting Mad
test-environment-aeghhgwpe-pro03a	Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism is healthier  There are significant health benefits to 'going veggie'; a vegetarian diet contains high quantities of fibre, vitamins, and minerals, and is low in fat. (A vegan diet is even better since eggs and dairy products are high in cholesterol.) The risk of contracting many forms of cancer is increased by eating meat: in 1996 the American Cancer Society recommended that red meat should be excluded from the diet entirely. Eating meat also increases the risk of heart disease - vegetables contain no cholesterol, which can build up to cause blocked arteries in meat-eaters. An American study found out that: “that men in the highest quintile of red-meat consumption — those who ate about 5 oz. of red meat a day, roughly the equivalent of a small steak had a 31% higher risk of death over a 10-year period than men in the lowest-consumption quintile, who ate less than 1 oz. of red meat per day, or approximately three slices of corned beef.” [1] A vegetarian diet reduces the risk for chronic degenerative diseases such as obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes and types of cancer including colon, breast, stomach, and lung cancer because of it's low fat/cholesterol content. There are plenty of vegetarian sources of protein, such as beans and bean curd; and spinach is one of the best sources of iron.  [1] Tiffany Sharples, ‘The Growing Case Against Red Meat’, Time, 23rd March 2009 Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol meat-free diet cancer risk heart disease vegetables cholesterol-free red meat diet-related diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes cancer prevention protein sources vegetarian protein iron sources spinach health studies dietary recommendations American Cancer Society vegetarian lifestyle meat consumption health risks nutritional benefits plant-based diet vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron vegetables fibre vitamins minerals low fat blocked arteries diet recommendations American Cancer Society study findings men's health degenerative diseases spinach bean curd red meat consumption health risks nutritional benefits Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet fiber vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol cancer risk heart disease red meat obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron vegetarianism health benefits going veggie vegetarian diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan diet cholesterol meat cancer American Cancer Society red meat heart disease vegetables cholesterol-free blocked arteries chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron source vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol cancer risk heart disease red meat consumption chronic diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources iron nutritional value diet exclusions American Cancer Society cardiovascular health lifestyle choices nutritional epidemiology health recommendations vegetarianism health benefits going veggie vegan diet fibre vitamins minerals low fat cholesterol meat cancer American Cancer Society heart disease cholesterol build-up red meat consumption risk of death chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer vegetarian protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol cancer heart disease red meat vegetables fiber vitamins minerals obesity high blood pressure diabetes protein sources spinach iron chronic degenerative diseases American Cancer Society Tiffany Sharples Time Magazine Vegetarianism health benefits going veggie fibre vitamins minerals low fat vegan diet cholesterol meat cancer American Cancer Society red meat heart disease cholesterol build-up blocked arteries death risk chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron source Vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol red meat cancer risk heart disease cholesterol-free vegetables dietary fiber vitamins minerals low fat American Cancer Society chronic degenerative diseases obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer protein sources beans bean curd spinach iron source Tiffany Sharples Time magazine red meat consumption health risks vegetarian diet study findings vegetarianism health benefits vegan diet cholesterol cancer risk heart disease red meat vegetables chronic diseases protein sources iron fiber vitamins minerals fat obesity high blood pressure diabetes colon cancer breast cancer stomach cancer lung cancer study American Cancer Society red meat consumption mortality rate corned beef